OBSERVATIONS UPON CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES.  
By CLEMENT edmund's, Remembrancer of the city of LONDON    

THE COMMENTARIES OF C. JULIUS CAESAR, Of his Wars in GALLIA, and the civil Wars betwixt him and POMPEY, Translated into English: With Many excellent and judicious OBSERVATIONS Thereupon: As also The Art of our Modern Training, or, Tactick Practice; By CLEMENT edmond's Esquire, Remembrancer of the City of LONDON.  
Whereunto is adjoined The EIGHTH COMMENTARY of the Wars in GALLIA; With some short Observations upon it.  
Together with The LIFE of CAESAR, and an Account of his MEDALS. Revised, Corrected, and Enlarged.  
LONDON, Printed by R. DANIEL, and are to be sold by Henry Twyford in Vine-Court Middle Temple, Nathaniel Ekins at the Gun in St. Paul's Churchyard, and john Place at Furnivalls Inn Gate in Holburn. 1655.   

TO THE PRINCE.  
SIR:  
HAving ended this task of Observations, and according to your gracious pleasure and command, supplied such parts as were wanting to make up the Totall of these Commentaries: it doth return again, by the lowest steps of humbleness, to implore the high patronage of your Princely favour; emboldened specially because it carrieth Caesar and his Fortunes, as they come related from the same Author: 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  which, in the deep Judgement of his most excellent Majesty, is preferred above all other profane histories; and so commended, by his sacred Authority, to your reading, as a chief pattern and Masterpiece of the Art of war. And herein your admired wisdom may happily the rather deem it capable of freer passage, in that it is not altogether unproper for these happy days; as knowing, that War is never so well handled, as when it is made an Argument of discourse in times of sweet and plenteous peace. The blessings whereof may ever crown your years; as the sovereign good of this temporary life, and the chiefest Ornaments of Princely condition.  
The humblest of your Highness' servants, CLEMENT edmond's.   

In CLEMENTIS EDMONDI De re militari ad JUL. CAESARIS Commentarios Observationes.  
CUr creperos motus, & aperto praelia Marte  
Edmondus nobis pace vigente refert?  
Cur sensus mentesque Ducum rimatur, & effert▪  
Diserteque Anglos bellica multa docet?  
Scilicet, ut media meditetur praelia pace  
Anglia belli potens, nec moriatur honos.  
Providus haec certe patriae depromit in usus;  
Ut patriae pacem qui cupit, arma parat.  
Guil. Camdenus, Cl.   

To my friend, Master CLEMENT edmond's.  
WHo thus extracts, with more than Chemic Art,  
The spirit of Books, shows the true way to find  
Th' Elixir that our leaden Parts convert  
Into the golden Metal of the Mind.  
Who thus observes in such material kind  
The certain Motions of his Practices,  
Knows on what Centre th' Actions of Mankind  
Turn in their course, and sees their fatalness.  
And he that can make these observances,  
Must be above his Book, more than his Pen.  
For, we may be assured, he men can guess,  
That thus doth CAESAR know, the Man of men.  
Whose Work, improved here to our greater gain,  
Makes CAESAR more than CAESAR to contain.  
Sam. Daniel.   

To his worthy friend, Master CLEMENT edmond's.  
OBserving well what Thou hast well Observed  
In CAESAR'S Works, his Wars, and Discipline;  
Whether His Pen hath earned more Praise, or Thine,  
My shallow Censure doubtfully hath swerved.  
If strange it were, if wonder it deserved,  
That what He wrought so fair, He wrote so fine;  
Me thinks, it's stranger, that Thy learned Line  
Should our best Leaders lead, not having served.  
But hereby (Clement) hast Thou made thee known  
Able to counsel, aptest to record  
The Conquests of a CAESAR of our own;  
HENRY, thy Patron, and my Princely Lord.  
Whom (O!) Heaven prosper, and protect from harms,  
In glorious Peace, and in victorious Arms.  
JOSUAH SILVESTER.   

TO MY FRIEND, MASTER CLEMENT edmond's. Epigram.  
NOt Caesar's deeds, nor all his honours won  
In these West-parts; nor, when that war was done,  
The name of Pompey for an Enemy;  
Cato to boot; Rome, and her liberty;  
All yielding to his fortune: nor, the while,  
To have engraved these Acts with his own stile;  
And that so strong, and deep, as might be thought  
He wrote with the same spirit that he fought;  
Nor that his Work lived, in the hands of foes,  
Un-argued then; and (yet) hath fame from those:  
Not all these, edmond's, or what else put to,  
Can so speak Caesar, as thy Labours do.  
For, where his person lived scarce one just age,  
And that 'midst envy ' and Parts; then, fell by rage;  
His deeds too dying, save in books: (whose good  
How few have read! how fewer understood!)  
Thy learned hand, and true Promethean Art,  
As by a new creation, part by part,  
In every counsel, stratagem, design,  
Action, or Engine, worth a note of thine,  
T' all future time not only doth restore  
His Life, but makes that he can die no more.  
Ben. Johnson.   

Another, of the same.  
WHo, edmond's, reads thy book, and doth not see  
What th' antique Soldiers were, the modern be?  
Wherein thou show'st, how much the later are  
Beholden to this Master of the War:  
And that in Action there is nothing new,  
More than to vary what our Elders knew.  
Which all but ignorant Captains will confess:  
Not to give Caesar this, makes ours the lesse.  
Yet thou, perhaps, shalt meet some tongues will grudge  
That to the world thou shouldst reveal so much;  
And thence deprave thee, and thy Work. To those  
Caesar stands up, as from his urn late rose  
By thy great Art; and doth proclaim by me,  
They murder him again, that envy thee.  
Ben. Johnson.   


CAIUS JULIUS CAESAR DICTATOR PERPETUUS AETATIS SUAE LVI.    

CAESARIS ELOGIUM. C. JULIUS CAESAR.  
Lucii Caesaris F. Lux Caesarum & Pater,  
Romanus Alexander, Terrae Mars:  
Omnibus tam metuendus, quam mitis;  
Pretium fecit servituti.  
Victo orbe Vrbem victricem orbis vicit.  
Defuêre illi hostes, hostem habuit Patriam,  
Ne deesset unquam quod vinceret.  
Ingratam Patriam patriis armis puniit.  
Eam vicit invitus, quâ vixit invitâ.  
Qui Romae propugnator non regnavit, regnavit expugnator:  
Pro Roma triumphârat, de Roma triumphavit:  
Amavit tamen inimicam, nolenti profuit.  
Saepe à fulmine lauro servatus regiâ,  
Quem inermem timuerunt arma, armata necavit toga.  
Cessit Civibus Caesar Caesus:  
Sero cognitum luxit Patria;  
Viventem hostem, mortuum vocavit Patrem,  
Parricidium confessa cum patrem dixit.  
Disce lector:  
Melius saepe quae non habes vides, quam quae habes.   

THE LIFE OF C. JULIUS CAESAR; with certain Historical Observations upon his Medals.  
THe excessive Lustre of a million of gallant achievements successfully performed by Caesar (the most illustrious and celebrated Favourite of Fortune) hath through all ages so dazzled the greatest part of Mankind, especially those, both ancient and modern, who made it their business to describe the great transactions either of their own, or former ages; that they have not only paralleled him with the greatest Heroes of the first ages, but have balanced him with Alexander, the most generous and the most grlorious of all Monarches. Nay in their account Caesar far outweighs him, since that all that may be called great or illustrious, either as to Virtue, Valour, true Magnanimity, or Clemency, is more conspicuous in him then in all the Roman Emperors, who after him sat at the helm of that Monarchy. Those who made difficulty to assign him the first place among the Roman Emperors, considered not certainly that the designation of a building is the Masterpiece of the Architect, and that superstruction may require no eminency of perfection. For having consummated those innumerable Trophies he had erected among the Galls by those about Pharsalia, he laid the foundation of that eternal fame the world hath deservedly honoured him with since: nay, to that height of adoration had he raised the minds of Posterity, that his very Successors thought it their greatest glory to wear the livery of his Name, and after him to be called Caesar's.  
To offer at a perfect anatomy of this great man's actions, were to quote most Authors and writers that have been, and consequently a work of too long a breath. It shall therefore suffice to trace him out in those great designs whereby he laid the foundations of the Roman greatness.  
The first thing worthy, not only notice, but admiration, is the strange judgement of Sylla of him: who reflecting on the great perfections of Caesar when yet a youth, and the strange vivacity and conduct of his first actions, made that inhuman proposition that he might be killed, as he had caused divers of the Kindred and party of Marius, who had married julia an Aunt of Caesar's by the mother side. Nor doth Envy want pretences, since as he conjectured, one Caesar contained many Marius', and should, if suffered to live; prove the Viper of the Commonwealth. But this may be easily passed by, since that they are indeed the greatest actions that must expect Censure. But it must in the mean time denote a strange transcendency of courage and confidence, to think to conquer that people who had conquered the Universe, it must be the effect of an ambition more than humane, for this is commonly fettered to probabilities. The Emperor julian, though he hath made it his business to satyrize against his predecessors, yet having to do with Caesar, he by a strange fiction discovers the greatness of his designations. Caesar, says he, a person of a gallant and graceful presence, being entered the place, where Romulus was to entertain the Gods, and Roman Emperors at the Saturnalian feasts, came in with such an insolent deportment, that the Gods were of opinion, he was not come thither unless it were to manage some ambitious plots against the Majesty of Heaven, whereof jupiter being very jealous, he was thrust by, till at last Mars and Venus made him place. The ingenuity of this Satirist amounts only to thus much, to paint ever that great Virtue, that great indulgence of Nature, and Fortune in the colours of an insatiable ambition, which had not this Censor been excessively guilty of, might have proved somewhat.  
But the endowments of Nature, the constant presence of Fortune, and the surprising Glory consequential to his Actions, were the Genius's that raised him to such high adventures, as the sudden change of the democratical State of Rome into a Monarchical, to pretend a title to the great acquests of a valorous people for 700. years, and to assume to himself an Empire far greater than the Assyrian, Persian, or Macedonian, both in extent of time greatness and power. For not to descend to the acquisitions of the later Emperors, we shall only take a view of the Roman Empire as it stood, before Caesar seized the reins of Government. In Europe they were Masters of all Italy and Gallia Cisalphina, or Lombardy, Austria, and Illiricum now called Slavonia, reaching as far as Danubius; They had reduced all Greece, the States of Athens, Lacedemonia, Thebes, Corinth, and all Peloponesus now called Morea; Macedon, and Epire now called Albania, and Thrace. They had the Islands of Sicily, Sardynia, Creeta, Candia, Cypress, Rhodes, and Negrepont, and divers others in the Mediterranean Sea. They had taken in all Spain, and (which was Caesar's own work) all France that part of Germany lying on the Rhine, called Gallia Belgica, and great Britain. They were Masters of all Africa, (the third part of the world then) even to pull down the pride of Carthage. The best Provinces of Asia were Tributaries, as Syria, Phoenicia, Palestina, judaea, Phrygia, Caria Cilicia and Bythinia. Egypt and Cappadocia were confederates. In Armenia and Colchos they had forces. Albania Iberia and some other Countries paid Contributions and did homage. In fine they were so great that they were unconquerable unless by their own strength, that so they might have this satisfaction and glory in their conquest, that they triumphed over themselves.  
It is easy to attribute to ambition and discord what is the design of Fate. Greatness must expect a period, and to be successful presumes a happy conjuncture of men and affairs. Some differences there were between Caesar and Pompey (the most eminent and the most powerful in Rome) raked up in the embers of the civil war between Sylla and Marius, wherein the later being slain, the other made himself Dictator, and seized Rome, but quitted both before his death. Pompey had sided with Sylla, Caesar with Marius, as being his Kinsman. But to ascend a little higher in these Broils, we are to note that Sylla having dispowered himself, Pompey and Crassus came into repute. The later was the more recommended by his wisdom, eloquence, Nobility and excessive riches; the other had gained the popular esteem by his Victories and great actions in war, even in Sylla's time. While the differences of these two increased with their greatness, Caesar returns to Rome from his Praetorship in Spain, bringing that reputation with him, that swelled the greatness and ambition of his thoughts. He had gone through most charges civil and Military; he had been Quaestor, Tribune of the Soldiers, Aedile, Highpriest and Praetor. All which, with other accomplishments he was furnished with, which we shall mention elsewhere, though they brought him into much esteem, yet was he not yet arrived to near the Authority and reputation of either Crassus or Pompey.  
Caesar, though he were come to Rome, yet stifled all thoughts of aspiring for a while: so that both Crassus and Pompey applied themselves to him, hoping by his accession to ruin one the other. But Caesar declined both, and carried himself with circumspection, that he endeavoured to reconcile them, so hoping by his new trality to undermine them both, which was, as Plutarch says, observed only by Cato. At length he so ordered things, that he made an agreement between them, and so obliged both; which caused that, retaining some jealousies of each other, they equally courted Caesar's friendship, by which means he became equal to either: so that the power which before was between two, became now tripartite. Things being thus appeased, Caesar demands the Consulship: which obtained, he carried himself in it with that reputation, that his Co-Consul Bibulus left all to his managery. To maintain the authority he had got, he himself took to wife Calpurnia the daughter of Lucius Piso, who was to succeed him in the Consulate, and bestows his own Daughter julia on Pompey; and so taking in Crassus, they make a League, and being equally ambitious conspire to invade the Commonwealth. Caesar chooses for his Province the Galls, or France; Crassus, Asia; Pompey, Spain; whither they went with three puissant Armies, as if the world had been to be trichotomized among these three. What Caesar did in his Province, what Battles he fought, what people he subdued, what valour, policy, success followed him every where, may be seen in his own Commentaries of that war, approved by his very enemies as modest and impartial, and attested by Cicero, Plutarch, Suetonius, Appianus Alexandrinus, Lucan, Paulus Orosius, Florus, Eutropius; too great a testimony against one censorious Asinius Pollio. By this war Caesar got the reputation of the greatest Captain that ever was, subduing all France from the Pyrenean hills to the Alps, and so to the Rhine. But to forbear particular instances, as that he conquered the Suissers and Tigurins (who were according to Plutarch 300000. men, whereof 19000. were well disciplined) this is most worth our remark, that during these so great wars, he omitted not, both by intelligence and presents, to endear his friends both at Rome and elsewhere, doing many things without the Senate's leave, upon the score of the League with Pompey and Crassus. Nay, his courting of all sorts of people, both Soldier and Citizen, was none of his least masterpieces, by which means he had supplanted Pompey in matter of esteem, before he perceived it. To this purpose hath Pliny observed, Lib. 33. cap. 3. that in the time of his Aedility, that is to say his Shrievedome, he was so prodigal, that all the Utensils and arms that he made use of at public sports and combats, were all of silver, which yet afterwards were bestowed among the people; and that he was the first that ever brought forth the beasts in chariots and cages of silver. This it was made some suspect him guilty of rapine, and that he plundered Temples and Cities saepius ob praedam quam ob delictum.  
But this reputation of Caesar begat jealousy in Pompey, which (the tye of their correspondence being loosed by the death of julia) was easily seen to break forth into a flame, especially now that Crassus, the third man, was together with divers stout Roman Legions buried with infamy in Parthia. Thus the foundations of Friendship and Alliance in great ones being once taken away, the superstructures fall down immediately. Nothing could decide the emulation of two so great persons, as Pompey and Caesar, (the one defying superiority, the other equality) but as great a war. It could not but be universal, when Senate, Armies, Kingdoms, Cities, Allies, all were some way or other embarked in the quarrel. There was on one side 11. Legions, on the other 18. The seat of the war was Italy, France, Epirus, Thessaly, Egypt, Asia and afric; through all which after it had ravaged 5. years, the controversy was decided in Spain. That Ambition (the imperfection only of the greatest minds) might have been the occasion of so inveterate a war, hath been the opinion of divers others, who charge not Pompey with so great discoveries of it as Caesar, to whom they assign a greater than the Empire; as if their mutual distrust and jealousy of one another, should be able to cause so many tragedies through so many Countries. Besides Caesar had his Enemies at Rome, and among others Cato, who threatened to impeach him when he was once out of command. What bandying there was against him, we find somewhat in the later end of the eighth Commentary, to this purpose. Lentulus and Marcellus, both of Pompey's Faction, being Consuls, it is moved in the Senate, that Caesar might be called home, and another sent to supply his command of the Army then in Gallia; since that he, having written for the Consulship, should according to Law have been personally in Rome. Caesar demands to be continued in Commission and Government, and that he might demand the Consulship absent. This Pompey opposes, though he himself as much contrary to Law, had had the Consulship and other dignities before he was at full Age.  
This denied, Caesar proposes, that he would come to Rome as a private man, and give over his command, so that Pompey quitted his employment in Spain. About this the Senate was much divided. Cicero proposes a mediation: but Pompey's party prevailing, it was decreed that Caesar should by a certain time quit his command, and should not pass his Army over the River Rubicon, which bounded his Province; declaring him an enemy to the Roman State in case of refusal. C. Curio and M. Antonius the Tribunes of the people, out of their affection to Caesar, endeavouring to oppose this decree, were thrust disgracefully out of the Senate, which occasioned them to repair to Caesar; whereby they endeared the affections of the Soldiery to him, the office of the Tribunes being ever held sacred and unviolable.  
Caesar understanding how things stood at Rome, marches with 5000. foot and 300. Horse to Ravenna, having commanded the Legions to follow. Coming to the fatal passage of Rubicon, he entered into a deep deliberation, considering the importance, and miseries that might ensue that passage. At last in the midst of his anxiety, he was animated to a prosecution of his designs, by the apparition of a man of an extraordinary stature and shape, sitting near unto his army, piping upon a reed. The Soldiers went down to the River side to hear him, and approached so near, that he caught one of their trumpets, and leaping into the River, began with a mighty blast to sound, and so went to the bank of the other side. This resolves Caesar, who cried out, Let us go whither the Gods, and the injurious dealings of our enemies call us. With which he set spurs to his horse, and past the River, the army following. Who would be more particularly informed, may be satisfied out of Appianus Alexandrinus, Suetonius, Plutarch, in the lives of Caesar, Cato, and Cicero, St. Augustine l. 3. de c. d. Caesar himself in his Commentaries, Florus, Livy, Paulus Orosius, Eutropius, Lucan, Pliny de viris illustribus, Valerius Maximus, etc.  
Having passed the River, and drawn the Army together, the Tribunes came to him in those dishonourable garments wherein they had fled from Rome. Whereupon he made an excellent oration to the Soldiery, opening to them his cause: which was answered with general acclamations, and promises of duty and obedience to all commands.  
This done he seizes Ariminum, and divers other Towns and Castles as he passed, till he came to Corfinium: where Domitius, who was to succeed him in his command, was garrisoned with 30. Cohorts.  
Caesar's advance and intentions astonished Rome, Senate and people; nay, so surprised Pompey, that he could not believe Caesar would thrust himself into so much danger, or that his forces were so considerable. But though Pompey was impower'd by the Senate to levy forces, recall the Legions, and provide for the defence of Italy, yet all could make nothing against Caesar. The rumour of his advance spreading, Pompey and the Senate leave Rome, and repair to Capua, from thence to Brundisium; from whence the Consuls were dispatched to Dyrrachium, to unite what forces they could, since they despaired of resisting Caesar in Italy: who hearing the Consuls and Pompey were at Brundisium, marched thither, and having invested the Town, Pompey in the night time embarks for Dyrrhachium, where the Consul expected him: so that Caesar became absolute Master of Italy. Having not shipping to pursue him, he resolved for Spain, which held for Pompey, where his best Legions were, and two Captains, Petreius and Afranius.  
Returning from Brundisium, he in 60. days mastered all Italy without any bloodshed, and coming to Rome, the memory of the devastations of Sylla's days frighted the people extremely. But Caesar's clemency, and his attributing the cause of all the distractions to Pompey, quieted all things. He so far justified his own Cause, that he moved that Ambassadors might be sent to Pompey for peace, and causing himself to be chosen Consul, he opened the Roman Treasury, and made a divided of it among the Soldiery. This done, he provides for Spain, having taken care for the civil as well as military government. Brundisium, Otranto, and other maritime places he fortifies against Pompey's entering into Italy, in case he should attempt it. Hortensius and Dolabella were to provide shipping for him at Brundisium against his return. Quintus Valerius he sends with a Legion into Sardinia against Marcus Cotta, who held it for Pompey. To Sicily he sends Curius against Marcus Cato: which when he had taken in, he was to march into afric. He leaves Lepidus to govern at Rome, and Antonius for all Italy. Thus intending to leave Licinius Crassus in France he with his wont celerity went on his journey, meeting with no resistance, but at Marseilles; which leaving D. Brutus, and C. Trebonius with sufficient forces to besiege, he went forward towards Spain, where he was expected by Petreius and Afranius: with whom, though he met with the inconveniences of the Winter and high Rivers, he had divers skirmishes; yet at length he carried his business so, that the enemies were forced by hunger to a composition, the Legions and Captains, such as would not remain with Caesar, having leave to depart whither they pleased.  
The spring now coming on, (to leave nothing unsubdued) he marches into Baetica, now called Andaluzia, where quartered Marcus Varro, with one Legion of Soldiers, as Pompey's Lieutenant; who, conceiving himself unable to make opposition, resigned both the Country and Legion to Caesar, whereby all was quieted.  
Thence he marched to Cordova, where assembling the estates of the Provinces, he acknowledged their affection and devoirs, and so went to Cales; where he took such ships and Galleys as Marcus Varro had there, with what others he could get, and embarked. Having left Q. Cassius which four Legions in that Province he marches to Narbona and so to Marseilles, which having suffered great miseries during the siege, at length, surrendered, yet he protected it from any violence, preferring the consideration of the antiquity of the place, before the affronts he had received from it, and so having sufficiently garrisoned it, he marches into Italy and so to Rome, all things succeeding Prosperously to him, though not so to his Captains. For Antonius (who was joint General at sea with Dolabella) was over thrown and taken Prisoner by Octavius, Pompey's Lieutenant, in the gulf Venice and that by a strange stratagem. Antonius being forced for want of ships to put his men into long boats, the Pompeians tied ropes under the water, by which means one of them which carried a thousand Opitergins, stout young men, was surprised and assaulted by the whole Army, yet making resistance from morning till night, they at last seeing all their forts ineffectual did by the instigation of their Commander Vulteius, kill one another. Dolabella was also overcome, as also Curius, who was ordered to go into Africa, was overthrown by Pompey's friend juba, King of Mauritania.  
While Caesar was at Rome busy in causing himself to be made Dictator, and then putting off that Consul, that so he might send Praetors into the Provinces, as Marcus Lepidus into Spain, A. Albinus into Sicily, Sextus Peduceius into Sardinia, and Decius Brutus into France, and taking such further order as he thought fit; Pompey was as busy in Macedonia, raising of men and money and providing ships in order to his return into Italy. What his forces might amount unto, may be judged from the almost infinite assistances came in to him from divers Kingdoms and Provinces of Asia and Greece, from Syria, Pontus, Bythinia, Cilicia, Phoenicia, Cappadocia, Pamphilia, Armenia the less, Egypt, Greece, Thessaly, Boeotia, Achaia, Epire, Athens, Lacedaemonia, the Isles of Creta and Rhodes and divers other places, there coming to his assistance in person the Kings Deiotarus and Ariobarzanes. These certainly, with those he had brought with him out of Italy, must needs make up a vast Army by land, nor could the number of ships and Galleys but be proportionable. However Caesar knowing all this, leaves Rome in December, and so marches to Brundisium, whence he was to embark for Macedonia, out of this consideration, that his Victory consisted in expedition, though Pompey in the mean time upon intelligence of Caesar's being at Rome, had scattered his people into Macedonia and Thessaly, conceiving the inconveniences of the winter would have deferred him from crossing the Seas. But Caesar being come to Brundisium, (now called Brindez,) he embarks seven Legions of his choicest men in the beginning of january, leaving order to those that were coming to make haste and join with those which remained behind, all whom he would speedily send for.  
Three days after he arrives upon the coast of Macedonia, before Pompey had so much as heard of his embarquing, and lands in Spite of Pompey's Captains, and presently commands the ships to return for the remainder of his Army, which done he takes it by storm Apollonia, (now called Bellona) and Oricum, two Cities kept by L. Torquatus and L. Straberius, for Pompey; who alarmed by this, sends for such troops as were nearest, and marches to Dyrrachium, where all his Ammunition and Provision lay, to secure it from being surprised by Caesar: which indeed he had attempted, but, by reason of the natural strength of the place, to no purpose.  
Pompey being come, both Armies lodged not many furlongs from one another, only they were divided by a River. Which post as it gave occasion of divers skirmishes, so it begat many overtures of Peace from Caesar; which Pompey, presuming upon his strength, would not hear of. This proposition of Caesar's, though it proceeded from his meekness, which was not the least of his virtues; yet argued some conscience of his own weakness at this time. For he was extremely perplexed, that the other part of his Army was not come, in so much that he embarked in a Brigandine disguized to fetch them. Having passed down the River, the sea was so tempestuous, that the master of the vessel would not adventure out: whereupon, as it is said, Caesar discovered himself, and said to him, Friend, thou carriest Caesar and his fortune. Whereat the master being encouraged, ventured out into the sea, but the Tempest was so violent, that it brought Caesar back again. This action of his was like to have raised a mutiny in his Army, as a thing which though it spoke courage, yet was a stranger to discretion: which it may be is the reason that Caesar hath made no mention of it in his Commentaries.  
But some few days after Antonius arrives with four Legions of the remaining part of the Army, and sends back the ships for the rest. These joining with Caesar, there past divers skirmishes and pickeering (being so nearly lodged) between both Armies: but that which was most remarkable was near the City of Dyrrachium, wherein Caesar's Troops were so routed, that no threats or entreaties could stay them from running to their Camp; which though fortified, yet was abandoned by some. Pompey in the mean time, either out of fear that the slight might be feigned, and in order to some ambush, or that he thought Caesar sufficiently conquered, doth not prosecute the victory. Which weakness in him Caesar dissembled not, when afterwards he said to his men, that that day had ended the war, if the enemy had had a Captain that knew how to overcome. But Caesar, as no Prosperity disordered him, so in Adversity he had a courage and such a confidence of Fortune that he was nothing cast down. He lost in that engagement, besides the Common-Souldiery, 400 Roman Knights, 10 Tribunes, and 32 Centurions, with as many Colours. This success obtained, Pompey sends the news of it into all parts of the world, so advantageously to himself, as if Caesar were utterly routed; who though he did not decline fight, yet thought it not policy to engage his men lately worsted (though indeed exasperated with shame and indignation at their loss) with those that were animated and fleshed with a victory. He therefore disposes his maimed men into Apollonia, and in the night takes his way towards Thessaly: both to hearten and refresh his Army, as also to draw the enemy further from the Sea-coast, where his main force and all his provisions lay; or at least to meet with Scipio, who, he had intelligence, was to join with Pompey.  
This unexpected departure of Caesar's brought Pompey almost to a Resolution to return into Italy, to recover that, with France and Spain, and afterwards to meet with Caesar. But the Roman Lords that were about him (a sort of proud, insolent, indisciplinable people, who indeed proved his ruin) dissuaded him, and caused him to alter his design: and so he fell upon the hot pursuit of Caesar, who, making a stay in the fields of Pharsalia till that his men had reassumed their courage and resolution, was now willing and eager to fight. But Pompey perceiving this readiness of Caesar to proceed from want of Provision, and a fear his Army should diminish, purposely avoided fight, and would have prolonged the war, and so have defeated his enemy without hazarding his own Army. But the murmurings, mutinies, and importunity of those that were about him had such a prevailing influence over him (as Plutarch, Lucan, and Caesar himself acknowledgeth) that they forced him contrary to his intentions and policy, to give Battle; which was such, that all the flower and force of Rome was engaged in it. Caesar's Army (according to the computation of most writers) amounted to half Pompey's: but in compensation, his men were more active, and versed in war, and knew their advantages; whereas the other's was a tumultuary sort of people raked together, (besides what Romans he had.) The exact number of both these Armies is not agreed on by Authors: some raise them to 300000. of which opinion was Florus; others bring them down to 70000. But if we agree with Appianus, we must conceive, that so many countries and nations having sent in their assistances on either side, there must needs be vast Armies on both sides: and therefore those who pitched upon the lesser number, meant only the number of Romans, who were the main force and hope of both Generals. But here we may make a strange remark upon the uncertain events of war. We have two of the greatest Captains that ever were, the stoutest Armies that ever met, such as experience, force, and valour was equally divided between, and, to be short, the most exasperated parties that could be, and yet it proved but a very short sight: so weak is the confidence and assurance that is only placed in number. We may further note the strange influence of Religion upon Mankind in general, in that it enforces man in the greatest exigencies to consultation: for Pompey met with divers things that might somewhat have informed him of the success of that famous Battle; The running away of the beasts destined for Sacrifice, the swarming of bees, the sky darkened, and his own fatal dream of being in mourning in the Theatre, seconded by his appearance in the head of his main Battle the next day in a black robe, which might signify he mourned for the liberty of Rome beforehand.  
Being both resolved to give Battle, they put their Armies in such order as they thought fit, and harangued their Soldiers according to their several pretences. In the beginning, Pompey's horse, consisting most of the Roman Gentry and Nobility, prevailed over Caesar's, and made them give ground: which he perceiving, causes a Battalion, set apart for that purpose, to charge them; with order to aim altogether at the face: which Pompey's horse not able, or not willing to endure, began to retreat, and so made way for the total overthrow; by which means the foot being discouraged, and seeing Caesar's horse falling on, the Victory was soon decided on Caesar's side, Pompey flying to his camp, and leaving the field to his adversary. Here was the greatest misfortune of Pompey, to outlive the Liberty of his Country (which he pretended so much to fight for) and his own glory in this Battle, being forced to a dishonourable flight, and to deliberate whither he should retire, whether into Parthia, afric, or Egypt.  
Caesar being thus Master of the field, and meeting with no opposition, falls upon Pompey's camp, which, without any great difficulty, he entered. Whereupon Pompey disguizing himself, takes up the first horse he met, and with four more (his own Son Sextus Pompeius, the two Lentuli, and Favonius) makes his escape, and stays not till he came to Larissa: where meeting with some of his own horse, who were in the same condition of running away, he continued his flight till he came to the shore of the Aegaean Sea; where meeting accidentally with a certain Merchant's ship of Rome, he embarks himself in her, and sails to Mitylene, where his wife and family were. Having taken them with him, and got together what men and ships a shattered fortune could furnish him with, he departed thence in very great doubt and perplexity, not able to resolve whither to dispose of himself. He was advised by some to march into Africa, and shelter himself with juba, whose friendship and affection towards him he had received testimony of but very lately; others were of opinion, his best course was to retire among the Parthians: but at last, by his own wilfulness, it was voted he should go into Egypt; which he was the more inclined to, out of a consideration of the friendship and correspondence which he had had with King Ptolemey, father to him who then reigned: and so touching at Cyprus, he sails towards Egypt, and arrives at Alexandria.  
Thus was the controversy for no less than the known world decided in one day, Caesar being Master of the field and Victory. Of Pompey's side there were slain fifteen thousand, if you will take it upon Caesar's credit, and of his own not two thousand. Caesar having intelligence of Pompey's flight, pursues him without any stay with the swiftest and lightest of his Army, so to give him as little breath as he could afford, that he might not meet with any means or opportunity to recover or repair himself. Reducing all Cities as he passed, he comes to the Sea side, and taking up all the ships and galleys he could meet with, and such as Cassius (who was received into his favour) could furnish him with, he embarks such troops as he could, and passed into Asia the less: where understanding that Pompey had been at Cyprus, he easily presumed that he was gone for Egypt. He thereupon resolves to take the same course, and taking with him only two Legions of his old Soldiers, he safely arrives at Alexandria: where he soon understood that Pompey was arrived, upon a confidence (as was said before) there might have remained some sense and memory in young Ptolemey, of the entertainment and favours he had done his Father. But he was as much mistaken in this, as he had been eluded by Fotune in the war: for he finds that the friendship of great men and Princes seldom outlives their prosperity, and that adversity makes them the greatest strangers that may be. Being by this King Ptolemey invited into Protection, and upon that confidence coming towards the shore in a small Boat, he was, ere he could reach the land, murdered, by the same King's commandment, by Septimius and Achillas, who thought by that means to purchase Caesar's favour. This was done by the contrivance of Photinus an Eunuch, whose authority both with King and Court was very great. Caesar receives also news, that Cornelia, Pompey's wife, and his Son Sextus Pompeius, were fled from that port in the same vessel wherein they came. Being landed and received into the City, he was soon presented with the head of the great Pompey; which out of a consideration of the horridness of the fact, he would not by any means see. His Ring also and his Seal, with his Coat of Arms upon it, were presented to him: which causing him to reflect on the great successes, adventures and prosperities of that great and glorious man (besides that he was to look on him as his Son in Law) it drew tears from him, to compare them with his unfortunate end. Thus is he who had three times triumphed, been so many times Consul, been the most eminent and the most concerned person that Rome had for so many years together, one who had been acquainted with all the dignities so great a Commonwealth could confer upon a deserving Citizen, most inhumanely and perfidiously assassinated, to the greatest regret of him who was looked on as most desirous of it. This in the mean time concludes that opinion erroneous, that Caesar was so extremely overjoyed at the news of Pompey's death, that he caused upon that very place where he had ordered his head to be interred, a Temple to be built to the Goddess Nemesis; which some interpret a most unnatural revengefulness, a horrid insultation over a clamitous virtue, and a profanation of divine worship, to abuse the name of a Goddess for to immortalize the memory of his vengeance, and to authorise the injustice of it. But it is as easy to give the title of barbarism and cruelty to magnanimity and height of courage, as to say the contrary: and therefore Caesar certainly could not be guilty of so great an Hypocrisy, as to shed tears over his enemy's head, when he was inwardly surprised with joy.  
Caesar upon his arrival into Egypt finds it embroiled in civil wars, arising from some differences between young Ptolemey and his sister Cleopatra, about the division and inheritance of the Kingdom, wherein Caesar (as Consul of Rome) thought sit to be a mediator. Photinus and Achillas, the plotters and practisers of Pompey's death, fearing from Caesar a reward of vengeance proportioned to so horrid a crime, and perceiving his inclination to favour Cleopatra, take such order, by their great influence over King and Court, that they brought what Army the King had near the City, which consisted of about 20000. able men: and this they did out of a design to entrap Caesar, and act the same perfidious butchery upon him, as they had done upon Pompey. By this means there began between what forces Caesar had brought with him, and those of the Egyptians within and about the City, as also between the ships and galleys in harbour, the hottest disputes and sharpest encounters he ever met with: which we shall not particularise here, because it is the proper work of a complete history. One thing our observation cannot balk in these hot and occasional engagements, that Caesar himself was personally engaged in most disputes, both within the City, and among the ships, and that to the great hazard of his person; as may appear by that one adventure, when he was forced to leap out of the Boat wherein he was, into the Sea, and by swimming to recover one of his galleys: and being in this great extremity (if you will believe Suetonius,) he carried his Commentaries in one hand above the water, and his robe in his teeth, that it might not fall into the enemy's hands. In these conflicts were there nine months spent: at which time Caesar receiving his forces out of Asia, made an end of the controversy, with the same attendance of Fortune and Victory which had waited on him every where else. Had Caesar been acquainted with no war but this, he might justly challenge the title of the greatest Captain in the world, so much personal valour, wisdom, conduct, circumspection and policy did he express in all passages thereof, though encompassed with all the inconveniences and disadvantages imaginable.  
Egypt being thus quieted, the murderers of Pompey punished, and Cleopatra (by whom Caesar had a Son called Caesario) established Queen, Caesar takes his march towards Asia through Syria, having received intelligence, that, while he was engaged in the wars of Egypt, King Pharnaces, the Son of the mighty Mithridates, taking his advantage of the dissensions among the Romans, entertained some hopes of recovering what his Father had lost; having in order thereto overthrown Domitius, whom Caesar had left Governor in those parts, and taken in by force the Provinces of Bythinia and Cappadocia, expelling thence Ariobarzanes, a friend and subject to Rome. The like he intended to have done with Armenia the less, which King Dejotarus had made subject to the Romans. But Caesar coming upon Pharnaces before he expected him, they in a few days came to a Battle, which in a few hours was dispatched, to the overthrow of the King, and the infinite slaughter of his people, which he himself escaped by flight. This Victory gave Caesar more satisfaction than any of his former, because of the great desire he had to return to Rome, where, he was informed, many scandals were spread, and insolences committed by the encouragement of his absence. He had also understood that Pompey's eldest Son had seized a great part of Spain, and, out of those that M. Varro had left there, and some glean of his Father's troops, had gotten together some considerable force. He also knew that most of the principal Romans who had escaped the Battle at Pharsalia, were gathered together in afric, and headed by M. Cato, (surnamed Vticensis, for having killed himself at Utica) and Scipio Pompey's Father-in-Law; that they had a great part of Pompey's navy; that with the assistance of juba King of Mauritania, they had subdued all that Country, and had a great Army in readiness against Caesar, having chosen Scipio for their General, because that name had been fortunate in afric. Caesar, upon intelligence of all these transactions, with his wont celerity and diligence recovers all that Pharnaces had usurped, & chase him from Pontus regained all those Countries, which he recommended to the government of Caelius Minucius, with two Legions; where having reconciled differences, decided all controversies, and settled all things, by rewarding and gratifying those Kings and Tetrarches who had continued firm to the Commonwealth and interest of Rome, he made no longer abode in Asia, but passing with all expedition into Italy, he came to Rome within a little more than a year after he had departed thence: wherewith if we compare his great expeditions and adventures, it would prove matter of faith and astonishment, to consider how such vast Armies should pass through so many countries in so short a time.  
Some few days after his coming to Rome he is created the third time Consul, and, as far as time and the exigencies of his affairs permitted, studied the reformation of what disorders there then were. For that his Enemy's beforementioned should be Masters of afric, was a thing he could not easily digest. Therefore with his ordinary expedition he marches thitherward, and commands his forces to follow. He took shipping in Sicily, and so passed into afric, having no great force with him: however, such was his confidence of his Fortune, that he stayed not the arrival of either his Army or navy. Being landed with his small forces near unto the City of Adrumetum, he marches unto another called Leptis; where he was received, and where he took occasion by some conflicts, to keep the enemy in action, so to divert them from augmenting their forces. In fine, his Legions being arrived, he very earnestly set himself to the prosecution of the war: in which, though it lasted but four Months, (from the beginning of january to the end of April) there happened many encounters and Battles. For having dispatched what work Petreius and Labienus found him, he came to deal with Scipio and King juba, who had brought an assistance of 8000. men, whereof one half were Cavalry, Africa at that time being very abundant in horse, as may appear partly in that Caesar's enemies had, among them, raised in that Country, besides eight Legions of foot, 20000. horse. Hirtius, Plutarch, Lucan, and Florus have written at large of this war, and tell you that Caesar was many times in very great danger as to his own person, yet at last, by the assistance of his forces and the compliance of his great Fortune, he put a period to that war by one signal Battle, wherein there being slain of the Enemy's side 10000 they were utterly defeated; Caesar remained Master of the field, and shortly after of all the Country. The principal Captains of the adverse party, though they escaped death at the fight, died most of them miserably and unfortunately. King juba himself being for want of refuge brought to that despair, that fight with Afranius, and killing him, he commanded one of his own slaves to dispatch himself. Marcus Cato, being in Utica, hearing of Caesar's approach, though confident not only of his pardon, but his particular favour, yet either out of an indignation to be obliged by his enemy, or an extravagant zeal to Liberty, laid violent hands on himself. Cicero wrote a book in commendation of Cato, to justify that action, which Caesar answered with another, which he called Anti-Cato, both which are lost. The Ceremony of his death was very remarkable; for upon hearing of the miscarriage of most of his partners, he embraces his Son and Friends, and bids them good night, pretending to go to bed. Resting upon his bed, he took into his hand Plato's book of the immortality of the Soul: wherein having satisfied himself, he, about the relieving of the watch, with a Roman resolution drew his sword, and ran himself into the Body. Being not quite dispatched, Physicians came in and applied something to the wound, which he suffered while they stayed with him, but assoon as they were departed, he pulled all off, and thrust his dying hand into the wound. Scipio, the General in this war, having escaped, and shipped himself in certain Galleys, was met by Caesar's navy; but to avoid being taken by them, he gave himself some wounds, and leapt overboard, and so was drowned.  
Caesar being by this means absolute Victor, spends some time in ordering the Provinces of afric: which done, and reducing Iuba's Kingdom into a Province, he comes to Utica, whence he embarked the third of june for Sardinia; where having stayed some few days, he arrives at Rome july 25. whither as soon as he was come, there were granted unto him four Triumphs. The first was for his conquest and Victories in France, wherein were set forth the Rivers of Rhodanus and the Rhine wrought in gold. In the second, which was for Egypt and King Ptolemey, were represented the River Nile, and the Pharos of Alexandria burning. The third was for his Victory over King Pharnaces, wherein a certain writing represented the celerity he used in the prosecution of that Victory, which only contained three words, Veni, Vidi, Vici; I came, I saw, I overcame. The fourth was for his reduction of afric; wherein was placed Iuba's Son as a captive. As for the Battle against Pompey, Caesar would not triumph for it, because it was against Roman Citizens.  
These triumphs ended, and great rewards scattered among the Soldiery, who had been assistant in so great Transactions, the People being also entertained with feasts, sports, and presents, Caesar is chosen the fourth time Consul. But there yet remained some sword-work to do, for Cneius Pompeius, Great Pompey's Son, had got together most of the remainder of the African Army, and was gone into Spain to join with his Brother Sextus, who (as was hinted before) was there, and had possessed himself of a great part of Spain, with the Cities of Sevill and Cordova, the Spaniards being ready enough to come in to their assistance. Caesar takes with him his most experienced veterane Soldiers, and with extraordinary speed arrives in Spain within a few days, being accompanied with his Nephew Octavius, who was about sixteen years of Age.  
Being come into Baetica (now Andaluzia) where the two Pompey's were with such Legions as they had got together, he soon began a hot and bloody war; whereof to be short the issue was this. Caesar and Cneius (Sextus being in Cordova) near Munda, join battle, which proves the sharpest and most obstinate that ever was. It lasted almost a whole day, and that with such indifference as to point of Victory, that it was adjudged sometimes to one side sometimes to another. Suetonius and Eutropius tell us that Caesar one time, upon his men's giving ground, was in such a plunge, that he was almost resolved to have killed himself, so to have avoided the shame and dishonour of being conquered; and that in that heat of indignation and despair he snatched a Target from one of his Soldiers, saying with a loud voice (as Plutarch relates) If you are not ashamed, leave me, or deliver me into the hands of these Boys, for this shall be the last day of my life, and your honour. With which words the Soldiers being animated and heightened by his example, regain their lost ground, turn, by degrees, the scales of the Battle; and, towards the evening, the enemy fainting and flying, become apparent Victors. The Enemy lost in this field 30000. men: Caesar, beside the common Soldiery, 1000 all persons of quality. This did Caesar account the most glorious of all his Victories, (the commemoration of hazards and suffering being to some the greatest satisfaction conceivable,) for he would often say afterwards, that at other times he fought for Fame and Victory, but that that day he fought for his Life, which he had never fought for before. Pompey, who had performed all that a wise and stout captain could, persecuted by a malicious fortune, and seeing there was no other remedy, escaped by flight: but being hopeless and refugelesse, he was at last surprised by some of Caesar's friends, killed, and his head brought to him; which was also the fate of Labienus. Sextus upon this quits Cordova, and shortly after Spain, leaving all to Caesar, who in a short time reduced and settled the whole Country. Which done, he returns to Rome, and triumphs for the wars of Spain; which was his fifth and last triumph.  
Having thus conquered the greatest part of the world, and by consequence gained the reputation of the most famous and most powerful man in it, it was at least a pardonable ambition, if he thought no title, name, or dignity too great for him. It requires some faith to believe that such vast bodies as Roman Armies, consisting of many Legions, could at an ordinary rate, march through so many Countries, and cross so many Seas, had they had no enemy to engage: but to conquer them transcends it, and must be attributed to Miracle; for within less than five years, through infinite conquests and Victories, he consummated the Roman Monarchy, making himself perpetual Dictator, Sovereign Lord or Emperor. Which later title though it had not that height of signification which his Successors have raised it to, yet was it the greatest attribution of honour which that, or after-Ages have acknowledged.  
But if his thoughts were so high, and his ambition so exorbitant as to deserve a severe Censure, certainly it may prove so much the more excusable, by how much it was inflamed by the general acclamations and acknowledgements. For both the Senate and peole of Rome, some out of fear, some out of affection, some out of dissimulation, were forward enough to invent those appellations of honour and preeminence, and afterwards to elevate them to the height of his ambitious mind. Hence was he called Emperor, Father, Restorer, and Preserver of his Country; hence created perpetual Dictator, and Consul for ten years, and perpetual Censor of their Customs; his Statue erected among the Kings of Rome: hence he had his thrones and chairs of state in the Theatre and Temples, which, as also all public places, were filled with his pictures and images. Nay, their adoration ascended to that point, that from these humane honours they attributed to him divine; finding marble little enough for Temples and Statues for him, (which were dedicated to him with the same veneration as to their Gods) and metal little enough to represent his high and almost incredible adventures.  
But all the power and command of so many nations as he had conquered, was inconsiderable as to the extent of his mind: whereby we may see what small acquaintance there is between Ambition and Acquiescence. It was not sufficient to have been personally engaged in fifty signal Battles, and to have laid with their Bellies to the Sun a million ninety and odd thousand men, (abating all those that fell in the civil wars) but there yet remains something to do greater than all this. The fierce Parthians break his sleep, they are yet unconquered, which once done, 'twere easy, like lightning, to pass through Hyrcania and other Countries to the Caspian Sea, and so scour the Provinces of Scythia Asiatica, and so passing over the River Tanais, to come into Europe, and bring in Germany and the bordering Provinces under the wings of the Roman Eagle. In order to this expedition had he in sundry places raised 10000 horse and 16. Legions of choice foot: but another greater power thought fit he should leave some work for his successors.  
Nay some things he aimed at beyond Man's attempt, correcting even nature itself. As that design of making Peloponnesus an Island, by cutting of that neck of Land which is between the Aegeaan and Ionian Seas. He thought to have altered the courses of the Rivers Tiber and A●ien, and made them navigable for ships of the greatest burden. He had begun to level divers hills and mountains in Italy, and to dry up Lakes and Fens. He re-edified and re-peopled the once famous Carthage and Corinth. These and many other things he had done without doubt, had not an unexpected and barbarous death surprised him in the midst of his designations. Which because it is the tragical part of this Relation, we shall refer to the last place, while in the mean time we shall divert our thoughts, with a short entertainment of his personal excellencyes and endowments, his extraction, birth, Deification, and names; as we have already satisfied ourselves with the consideration of his Actions: and so pass to that part of our undertaking, wherein we presume to promise the curious and critical reader no less content than he hath found in what he hath already reflected on, that is to say, the description and dilucidation of what MEDALS have been snatched out of the jaws of hungry Time, that have had any relation to the great name of CAESAR.  
CAesar was of a full & handsome composure of body, of a graceful carriage and deportment, of a whitish complexion, his eyes were somewhat big, black, quick and piercing, his nose strait and large enough, but his mouth was more than ordinary wide, his cheeks lean. In his later days he became bald towards the forepart of his head, and, through his continual hazards and hardships, much wrinkled in the forehead. These last imperfections are easily discernible in his Medals, as also in some graven stones and Marbles: and this made him seem somewhat older than he was, his baldness, wrinkles, and wide mouth taking away much of the gracefulness of his countenance, and causing him to have a rustic Physiognomy. This gave occasion to Silenus the oldest among the Satyrs, very pleasantly (in the CAESARS of the Emperor julian) to boast that, besides other similitudes between them, he had a head like Iulius Caesar's. But as to the baldness, it is no more to be objected to him as indecent, then to divers other great personages of Antiquity, as may be frequently seen in Medals and Marbles, Hercules himself being one of the Tribe. They are the highest and sublimest things, nay the more divine, as approaching the sky, that are freed from all superfluities. The highest mountains are bald on their tops, though in other parts they are perruqued with woods, and have fertile descents. Caesar was much troubled at the loss of his hair, insomuch as, having effected his designs, he always wore a Crown of Laurel, the better to cover the nakedness, thrusting up the hair he had towards the hinder part of his head as much as he could, as may be remarked out of his effigies in the Medals. He had a strong and vigorous body, able to endure any thing of labour or hardship; an active and lively mind, capable of any undertaking; his judgement and common sense most exquisite. He was furnished with a strange foresight and vigilance, a dexterity and presence of mind above ordinary, and an incredible resolution and courage in all exigences and emergencies. In the wars of Asia, under the Praetor Marcus Termo he obtained a Civicall Crown. He was admirable for his Eloquence and incomparable Memory. He was well versed in Astrology, and by the assistance thereof foreknew many things. It was by that that he was jealous of the Ides of the months, as being fatal to him. Nay, he writ books of the motion of the stars, regulated the year, and reduced it to the course of the Sun; which science he learned from the Egyptians. From his skill in that science he raised himself to attempt that great change and alteration which he brought about, from the strange prodigies which had happened not long before, as you have them elegantly described by Petronius and Lucan; the heavens, earth, sea, nay the very mountains and rivers intimating that great vicissitude.  
But in the whole constellation of his virtues and perfections, none shines brighter than his Clemency and Generosity. His propensity to pardon his enemies, when conquered, whether Barbarians or Citizens, was exemplary: and it is much to be questioned whether his Lenity raised him more friends or enemies. When he had passed the Rubicon, he takes the City Corfinium, and in it Domitius, whom the Senate had designed to succeed him in his Command in France: yet though all were at his mercy, he dismissed Domitius, with what part of the Legions would go with him, to repair to Pompey. Nor was his Clemency and Liberality less remarkable at the Battle of Pharsalia, where he not only pardoned his enemies, but received some of the most inveterate into favour and familiarity, and engaged them into the government of Provinces and Countries: not to mention the confidence in him of Cato Vticensis, and his severe punishing of the Murderers of Pompey. Much more might be said of him, but since it is not our business to write any Panegyrics on him, we come to his extraction.  
As for his extraction, we find that those of the julian family boasted that they were originally descended from julus, the Son of Aeneas, the Son of Anchises and Venus, which was a common and yet no criminal ambition in those times. The Poets, above all other, those that lived in the times of Caesar and Augustus, strove who should most celebrate this Genealogy, and that by very remarkable casts of their inherent flattery. To omit what may be gathered out of Lucan, Petronius, and others, we shall content ourselves with what we have from Manilius, Astron. lib. 1. 
— Venerisque ab origine proles  
julia descendit coelo, coelumque replevit.  and Propertius, lib. 4. Eleg. 1. 
Tunc animi venere Decii, Brutique secures,  
Vexit & ipsa sui Caesaris arma Venus,  
Arma resurgentis portans victricia Trojae:  
Felix terra tuos cepit, jule, deos.  But that which Caesar suffers in this business, is, that it was objected to him as a great vanity, to derive himself from this Goddess, as being so far guilty of it, that he recommended to her the success and conduct of his most signal enterprises, trusting her with all his good fortune. We mention not his dalliances with Cleopatra, because the temptation on her side was more than ordinary; not only that of her beauty, but her strange prostitution of herself, even to that point, that before she had seen Caesar, she caused herself to be put up into a Basket, and, as if it had been some present, to be brought to him, fearing, if she had come without this surprise, she might not have access. But if it be a vanity, 'tis easily discovered in his Coins, being furnished with several shapes of this Venus Genitrix, this Goddess of Generation, sometimes sitting on the prow of a ship, sometimes standing, bearing a Victory in her right hand, to represent a Venus Victrix, such as whereof Hypermnestra dedicated a figure in the City of Argos, calling it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bearing a Victory, which was the word Caesar gave at the Battle of Pharsalia, wherein he was afterwards imitated by Augustus at the fight of Actium. The same reason may be given for his placing a Venus Victrix upon the other side of his own effigies in his Medals, with a globe, as conceiving she ought him the conquest of the Universe. Besides at the battle of Pharsalia, he made a vow to build her a Temple (as Appianus records l. 2.) and afterwards caused his statue to be placed next to that of this Goddess of Generation. To which Monuments seem to relate those antique Inscriptions which Gruterus mentions, forasmuch as concerns the worship of this Venus, observed by the Romans out of their Veneration of her and the julian family. DIVO JULIO LIB. JULIA EBORA OB ILLIUS IMMUN. ET MUN. LIBERALITATEM QUOIUS DEDICATIONE VENERI GENETRICI CESTUM MATRONAE DOMUM TULERUNT. VENERI GENETRICI D ..... JULI IN MEMORIAM GENT. JULIAE STATUAM CUM ... JUNIUS VIRBIUS ATTICUS FLAM. DIVI JULI D. S. P. D. But we shall have more to say of this Goddess when we come to the Medals, we therefore proceed to his Nativity.  
Caesar was born under Sagittary, that is to say, upon the twelfth day of july, which denoted to him great Victories, and many famous triumphs in his own Country, according to Manilius, lib. 4. in these verses. 
Nec non arcitenens prima cum veste resurgit,  
Pectora clara dabit bello, magnisque triumphis  
Conspicuum patrias Victorem ducet in arces;  
Sed nimium indulgens rebus Fortuna secundis  
Invidet in fancy, saevitque asperrima fronti, etc.  but the end should be dismal and unfortunate: as indeed it happened. But Apollinaris Sidonius in his Panegyric of Anthemius, vers. 120. makes another observation, wherein of all Authors he is singular, saying that Caesar was born at the same time when a crown of Laurel was burning. Julius in lucem venit dum Laurea flagrat. What presage could arise hence to signify his innumerable Victories, we have only this Author to inform us. But indeed there is one other discovers this mystery, but another way: for when they would presage the fertility or sterility of the ensuing year, they were wont to cast a crown of Laurel into the fire, and according to the crackling of the leaves they gave their judgement. This is Tibullus. l. 2. Eleg. 5. 
Vt succensa sacris crepitet bene laurea flammis,  
Omine quo felix & sacer annus eat.  
At Laurus bona signa dedit, gaudete coloni,  
Distendet spicis aurea plena Ceres.  Therefore at Caesar's birth it may be thought some one out of superstition bethought him of this ceremony, or it happened by chance. But in fine, those that were assistant at the birth, were by that accident raised to a certain confidence that the child then born should prove a most fortunate man, and should arrive to great fame and wealth.  
As concerning his Deification, there is not much to be said. In the first place, we suppose it a thing not so miraculous, that the Romans should believe that one who had done such great and transcendent actions, as Caesar did, might be thought somewhat more than a man, and had in him something divine; besides that he was one acknowledged to have descended from Venus Genetrix, the mother of the Universe. Other nations had that custom of adoring and invoking their Kings, as Gods, after their death; as the Egyptians, Persians, and the Moors, who in Caesar's time put juba into the number of the Gods. In the second place, we meet with two censorious remarks upon this Deification. First, how that Genius of Virtue and generosity which was wont to animate the Roman people, was so metamorphosed into that of flattery and vanity, as to deify one who, by the greatest, if not the most, was looked on as the greatest oppressor of the Roman Liberty, and only the most fortunate Malefactor that ever was, when they had not vouchsafed that honour to Numa Pompilius, who had been the Moses, the Lawgiver, the most just and the most pious among the Roman Princes. Secondly, whether, if he had miscarried at the battle of Pharsalia, he had not been the most infamous person among the Romans that ever was, and more abominable than Catiline; and on the contrary, whether rocks, mountains, seas, and the cabinets of conquered Kings and Citizens had furnished marble, porphyry, jasper and precious stones enough to erect pillars, statues, and Temples to celebrate the glory of the great Pompey, who was so zealous for the Liberty of Rome. But Divine Providence was pleased to use Caesar as an Instrument to change that Commonwealth into a Monarchy, that the Prince of Peace and Saviour of the world should be born under the peaceable reign of one sole Monarch.  
As for the name of julius; since, as is before noted, the julian Gens derived itself from julus' the Son of Aeneas, the Son of Anchises, by a prodigious coition with Venus, it must be granted julus was the Author of this Family. Julius à magno deductum nomen julo. as Virgil says. This julius was also called Ilus, and more frequently Ascanius, from a place in Phrygia called Ascanium, or from a River named Ascanius. That of Ilus was in memory of Ilus the most renowned King of the Trojans, from whom Troy was called Ilium. But to be yet more critical, the name julius or julus was given him, because of his hairiness about the cheeks sooner than his age required, according to the same Virgil, 
At puer Ascanius, cui nunc cognomen julo  
Additur, Ilus erat dum res stetit Ilia regno.  Upon which place Servius tells us, that that name was given after the battle that Ascanius gained against Mezentius, ob barbae lanuginem (quam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Graeci dicunt) quae ei tempore victoriae nascebatur. So that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the soft hair which first appears upon the cheeks.  
The name Caesar seems to have some relation to the other, for that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in Hesychius, signifies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is to say, a certain thick and clotted hairiness, such as woman's, when they plait and twist their hair about their heads; and he that either naturally or artificially had such a one, had first the honour of that name, which likely was some one of the posterity of julus, the Son of Aeneas; unless we would rather trust Spartianus, who would have the first of this family to be so called, Quod cum magnis crinibus sit utero parentis effusus, because he was born with abundance of hair. In fine, however it came, it was so venerable during the long reign of Augustus, that of Tiberius, and three more of the family, that it alone designed the Emperor, and became a name of invocation upon any accident of haste, surprise, or admiration.  
We might here bring in what Suetonius delivers in the life of Augustus, that the first Letter of the name Caesar, which is C. being dashed out by a thunderbolt, it was predicted that he should die within a hundred days, because that Letter stands for that number: and that after his decease he should be received into the number of the Gods, because AESAR signified in the Hetruscan tongue GOD. This gave occasion to all that have commented on that Author, to criticise and puzzle themselves about the signification of the word CAESAR: but all being trivial, and imaginary, we forbear further disquisition, and pass to our observations upon his MEDALS.   

Observations upon CAESAR'S MEDALS.  

Upon the first Medal.  
THe effigies of Venus Genitrix with a globe or world before her, without any inscription; though Occo and Vrsinus mention one inscribed with L. BUCA, the other side hath Venus giving Anchises a meeting near Mount Ida: this it should seem Caesar caused to be done out of flattery to himself, in that it served, both to make his original more illustrious, and as a monument of that happiness and good fortune which this Goddess had procured him in all his enterprises. For it was his ambition, to have descended in a right line from Anchises and Venus, by whose indulgence he had conquered the Universe, as being his directrix in all his designs, as is represented by the globe, or world; whereof this Goddess was thought to be in some sort the Protectress, as being esteemed the Sovereign Genius of Generation according to Solinus, 
— Tu foetibus auges  
Cuncta suis, totus pariter tibi parturit orbis.  And her worship was questionless very ancient: For it was the head of Venus Genitrix that the Saracens and Ishmaelites worshipped, alleging that Abraham had by the means of it enjoyed Hagar, from whom proceeded a great generation, as Enthymius Zigabenus, in his table of the opinions of that Nation, and the anonymous Greek Author of the Saracen History, have observed. So have we here the same Goddess accosting that great Heros to have issue by him. The Genius destined to further the establishment of the Roman greatness, hath a Sceptre in his hand, to signify the future Majesty of that Monarchy.   

The second Medal.  
L. SEPULIUS MACER. Venus' standing with a Victory in her right hand, and a pike in the other, being the otherside of that which bore the effigies of Caesar and the star of this Goddess. Servius quoting an observation of Varro, says upon the first of the Aeneids, that when this Heros lest Troy, looking up into the sky he presently perceives Venus in the daytime, she shining then purposely to direct him to Laurentum, the place for which the Destinies had designed him. The Egyptians represented this star by the figure of a most beautiful woman, it being thought the brightest in the firmament, whence it was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pulcherrima, being named in the morning Phosphorus or Lucifer, in the evening Vesper. This star therefore, that was Aeneas' conductress, was no other than that midwife of the Light Venus, being the same which the Saracens call Cuba or Kabar, which word signifies, great; being also otherwise called Astarte, Urania or Coelestis: by all which names is meant no other but this Genetrix, under which epithet the Lacedæmonians adored and invoked her as an advancer of Generation. The Romans in the Circensian games brought forth the statue of Caesar in pomp, having the Planet Venus on his head. Now this Urania (because of her procreative influence) was held in particular devotion by the women, as divers Medals of the Empresses discover, being commonly inscribed Veneri coelesti, and having that Star. Gualterus furnishes us with an inscription of a certain priestesse of hers, out of the ancient monuments of Sicily. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Diodotus Titieli filius Appeiraeus sororem suam Minyram Artemonis filiam Sacerdotem Veneris Coelestis. She was also inscribed Venus Coelestis Augusta, (possibly in favour of some Empress) as also, Invicta Coelestis.   

The third Medal.  
CAESAR DICT. PERP. Caesar perpetual Dictator. A Venus Victrix naked, holding an Helmet and a Buckler. There is before her a Pillar, upon which is placed an Eagle, and behind a military Ensign. The meaning is this. We have Venus here naked with a Helmet in her hand, to signify her victorious over Mars by her charming attractions, as if that God had quite lost all courage, delivering up his Arms, and rendering himself her Prisoner. Thus Menelaus casts away his pike, sword and buckler, having had but a glimpse of the delicate breast of the fair Hellen. But in this Medal Venus denotes, that she had so fortunately assisted Caesar (the minion of all her progeny) in all his warlike enterprises, that he had obtained absolute Victory over all his enemies; whereof the Helmet, Buckler and military Ensign being the marks, Caesar had consecrated them to her in acknowledgement of her favours. The Eagle pitched upon a pillar, signifies, that his Victories have assured him the Roman Empire, which should be his eternally. The Eagle denotes Empire and Royalty, and presages and signifies absolute Victory. It signifies also that the Empire shall be assured to him, maugre all the force and opposition of the Galls and Germans, or any other whatsoever, whom he should despise, as this bird doth thunder; for that of all creatures it can ascend above the clouds, where it can suffer no injury.   

The fourth Medal.  
GERMAN. INDUTI. III. A River lying by a mountain side pours out his water, having a boat or bark near him. This Medal seems to have been stamped purposely to exercise our divinations. We conceive it should be read GERMANA INDUTIA, and that the number three stands for nothing else but the year, taking the word INDUTIA to signify a Colony of Germans disposed into that place by Caesar's order. This name indeed is not found among the Geographers, only Pliny mentions a Town called INDUSTRIA, situated along the Apennine, upon the famous River of Po. Now there is a great conformity between the situation of this Town and this Medal, and possibly it may be an erratum in Pliny, and that it should be read INDUTIA instead of INDUSTRIA, which is not so likely to be the name of a City. For the three points III. they may signify the year of the establishment of that Colony, or of the foundation of the City. There is another Medal hath four FOUR denoting the fourth year; but it hath withal the devise of an Ox with his head stooping, and his knee bend, which posture implies the establishment and foundation of a City. In this posture doth Nonnus describe the Ox of Cadmus. Upon both these Medals there is a Venus Victrix on one side, and what is before recited on the other: whence it is inferred, that the planting of this Colony happened after Caesar's most remarkable Victories against the Germans.   

The fifth and sixth Medals.  
WE have these two Medals from Goltzius: whereof one in Greek, hath a Tripod and two stars, the inscription of the head & the other side is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Caesar Imperator, Pontifex maximus, Augur. This Tripod of Apollo hath something in it more particular. Apollo, Augur, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, who is here designed by one of the stars which accompanies that of Venus Genetrix or Coelestis, shows that Caesar was assisted in his charge of Augur, and his study of Astrology, and presaging (whereof the Lituus and the Tripod were the marks) by these two divinities. For Phoebus or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hath two significations, which relate much to his star and Tripod, that is to say, splendid and luminous, so that he is both foreteller and Augur. But to return to the star of Venus, or Phosphorus, or (as Philo judaeus calls it) Eosphorus, and to this Sun or star of Phoebus Apollo. It may be conjectured they are placed above this Tripod, to give us to understand, that these Gods should promise the Roman Augur Caesar, by a continual success in all his enterprises, the absolute conquest of both East and West.   

The seventh Medal.  
CAESAR. An Elephant with a Serpent betwixt his legs. On the other side, the utensils and instruments that belonged to sacrificing, with the head-ornament of the Highpriest. Divers Antiquaries have so commented upon this Medal, as to make the word Caesar signify an Elephant. But in my opinion, this devise signifies altogether as much as if it had this inscription about it, IMP. CAESAR, or CAESAR DICTATOR PERP. on one side, and PONTIF. MAX. on the other. For as the one shows forth the Royal quality, the other supposes the Pontifical to have been in those times joined with it in the person of Caesar. An Elephant in Italy (according to Artemidorus) signifies a Royal, imperial or supreme Power. But Achmet in his Oneirocriticks ch. 271. tells us that this creature had the same signification in the Indies and Egypt; therefore Artemidorus hath not done well to restrain it to Italy. But it may be the Moors, imitating other nations herein, took an Elephant to signify a Monarch; and, because Caesar was the most famous man that ever was, one that commanded Kings and Monarches, would make his name stand for an Elephant, for this word is little less than African. The same Artemidorus says, that a Dragon seen in a dream signifies a King and a supreme Magistrate; which agreeing with what he says of the Elephant, and both these creatures being on the other side, I conceive my interpretation the more receiveable.   

The eighth Medal.  
CAESAR DICTATOR. Caesar with the augural stick. In the reverse there is L. LIVINEIUS REGULUS. a Bull furiously running with his head stooping. It is conceived this was stamped by Regulus, in Caesar's favour, when Caesar was created Dictator, or shortly after. This Bull is brought in as an emblem of Principality, as Dion chrysostom says, who hath made an excellent parallel between this creature, and a King and his Kingdom. But before him St. Denys in the 15. ch. of his Hierarchy, said that the strength of a Bull represents the force necessary for a Prince, and that his horns signify Servatricem atque invictam vim. Stephanus observes upon the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that the Ancients called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 all things that were excessive for greatness or strength. The intention therefore of Regulus was to let Caesar understand, that, having overthrown Pompey, and become perpetual Dictator, he was in effect the most powerful and most redoubted Monarch that ever was, and was in a condition to pursue and accomplish the utter ruin of his enemies, and protect his friends.  
There is a reverse among the Medals of Augustus, where there is also a Bull in a different figure and posture from this, bending his knee, to represent (as is conceived) the Taurus Coelestis, which is under the dominion of Venus, which signified the invincibility of Augustus. It may be also considered, that this Bull may signify Italy subdued and subject to the Laws of Augustus, as being, now the civil wars were over, ready to receive the yoke. For that Province took its name from a Bull, which the Tyrrhenians called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; so that Italy submitted its neck to receive the yoke of the new government, as the Bull— Summittit aratris Colla, jugumque suis poscit cervicibus ipse.   

The ninth Medal.  
DIVO JULIO. the effigies of Caesar deified, the Star of Venus before him, or if you will, Caesar's own. On the other side Mars upon an Altar, or rather Caesar representing Mars, before whom sits a figure, which hath a Cornucopia, or horn of abundance under the left arm, in the right, holds a Victory, which presents a Crown to him. This Medal seems to have been made shortly after Caesar's death, to keep his memory in veneration, and nourish that belief of the people, that he was, while living, a God transformed into a man. It was indeed an excellent artifice of Augustus and his party, to make the superstitious vulgar believe, that julius Caesar was become a fellow-Commoner among the Gods, to make his succession the more plausible. For being already persuaded that no other than a demy-God, could have arrived to that glory which Caesar had, having baffled the Universe; it was not very hard to persuade them that the Comet which appeared in the North after his death, was his deified soul. But the cheat was, that this soul must appear there to render Augustus more illustrious; who to retribute the glory, and make the business more authentic, must erect Caesar's statue in the Capitol, representing upon the head of it that Star in Gold, and giving it this bold inscription; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to Caesar the Demigod. To make any long discourse upon Comets from hence, were superfluous, since all that can be said is, that they signify changes and revolutions of States and Empires, and sometimes favourably. This signified, in all likelihood, the war then kindling against Augustus: after which, a general peace ensueing, the Prince of Peace should be born; the Comet at whose birth denoted the universal change of Religion that afterward happened. To be short, all that the Poets, those fine Cooks of fictions and inventions, could dress that would be any way digestible with the credulous vulgar, was served up at this time to raise the memory of julius Caesar to the greatest reputation that might be: but it will be to no purpose to repeat their adulations in this place.  
On the reverse of this Medal, we find Mars, who receives the Crown which Victory presents him with, represented with a dart. The Victory is Venus Victrix, or the Victorious City of Rome, and the Mars, julius Caesar himself, in the posture of that God. The statue is conceived to be the same with that of Mars erected by the Romans in the Temple of Quirinus, with this magnificent title, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Deo invicto. This supposition is confirmed by the dart, for Mars was ordinarily represented with a spear, as divers Medals discover. But in this statue he hath a dart, which is that piece of Arms which is capable of furthest casting, and that indeed which the Romans most used, and at the sight of Pharsalia was one main cause of the Victory, Caesar having given his men order that they should aim at the faces of the raw Roman Nobility they had to deal with, as divers Historians have delivered. Yet this argues not but that Caesar sometimes made use of a javelin or Pike as well as Mars; but it is to be conceived this was more for the convenience of his travelling, which was afoot, (and that many times in the winter haply over the Alps) according to the custom of most of the great Captains and Generals of Rome, as Livy and Plutarch abundantly attest.   

The tenth Medal.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Caiazzo julii Caesaris Imperatoris Dictatoris. The effigies of Caesar crowned with a thick crown of Laurel, which closed before, the better to cover his baldness, the hair being thrust forward to help it. The reverse hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Iliensium bis Neocororum; Aeneas carrying his Father and the Palladium at their quitting of Troy, the little julus' going before with his hat in his hand. That which in this falls under question, is, First, to know the situation of this Ilium; wherein Strabo hath spent more sweat than all the Geographers; affirming it was not the Ilium of his time, a town well known, nor any thing built upon the ruins of the old one so ill-entreated by the Greeks, as being distant from this thirty stadia; that in that place there was only a small village bearing up the name; that it was built up by Alexander, from a small town that it was before, having a little Temple of Minerva much ruined, and received from him divers privileges and immunities, with a promise after his Victory over Darius, of a magnificent Temple, and the toleration and setting up of Games and exercises. This was partly executed after his death by Lysimachus, who enlarged the City by a wall of forty stadia, disposing thither many out of the neighbouring Cities that were ruined. After which it was ruined and restored divers times; but lastly it received great favours from Sylla, which is conceived to be the reason that it declared against Caesar in the civil wars: whence it may be inferred, that those of that City knew not at that time that Caesar pretended to be of the race of Venus and Anchises, which was only found out after his Victory. But at length Caesar receives them into favour, restores and confirms their ancient privileges and immunities, and imitating Alexander, did them many courtesies.  
In the second place, the understanding of these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Iliensium Neocororum. The word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is translated commonly Aedituorum; which we cannot render properly in English, but by Overseers, Supervisors, and those that are entrusted with the charge of the Temples, and dispose of all things sacred, or in some sort, they were such as we call Churchwardens in our Churches. But they are not those Neocori of the Temples that this Medal and divers others represent unto us, but the word was analogically applied to whole Nations, as also to Cities and Bodies corporate, to whom the Kings, and afterwards the Emperors gave Commissions, to make Panegyrics and Encomiastic Orations upon their Statues, Pomps, religious worships, public recreations and exercises, to the honour of their Gods and Princes; which was done out of the public stock, or by the contribution of the Corporations. As therefore the Neocori that belonged to the Temples, were disposers and guardians of the things sacred, that were in their Sanctuaries, nay haply entertained the people or strangers, with the rarities and antiquities of their worships and mysteries; so these national Neocori had the superintendency over the Pomps and Solemnities, panegyrical celebrations, exercises, sacrifices, and ceremonies which were to be observed upon the more festival days, whereof they had the absolute disposal. This I build upon the conjecture of the Great and Learned SELDEN, who was the first cut this Gordian knot, upon a passage of the Acts of the Apostles chap. 19 There we have Demetrius and those of his profession raising a Tumult, and accusing St. Paul and others for preaching that the Statues made with the hands of men were not Gods. The Town-Clark, or the Churchwarden having appeased the Tumult, tells them that it was wellknown that the City of Ephesus was then Neocore (in the English Translation worshipper) of the great Goddess Diana, and of the Image fallen from jupiter, and that therefore there being no contradiction in that, they ought not to do any thing rashly. For these men, faith he, are neither sacrilegious, nor blasphemous persons, and therefore have done nothing against the Majesty of Diana. But if they had any matter against any man, the Law was open: but in case it were something else relating to their Goddess, whether by Blasphemy, impiety, or sacrilege, (the cognizance whereof did of right belong to the Ephesians in body, as being then Neocori) they should have satisfaction in a full assembly convocated for things of that nature. Now those silver shrines which Demetrius is said to make, are conceived to have been Models of that magnificent Temple, which the Ephesians being Neocori, caused out of magnifice to be made of that rich Metal. Had this controversy between the Apostles and the Goldsmiths come to a decision, they had proceeded thus; They would have had some to make public panegyrics of their Goddess in the first place; then, if Paul and his companions should not rest satisfied, this Neocorean people would have punished them according to their manner. Now that the Neocori of the Temples were used to commend to all comers (especially Travellers) the greatness and power of their Gods, and that the Neocori of Cities imitated them, but did it with great Pomp, employing persons eminent for Learning and Eloquence, as Poets and Orators, for the honour of their Gods, as also their Kings, Monarches, Emperors, Founders, and that upon days in stituted and ordained for that purpose, may be learned from Horace, who lib. 2. Ep. 1. writing to Augustus, calls those Poets Aidituos, who should immortalize the Virtue of that Emperor, or rather those who were charged to choose such as should do it, in these verses: 
Sed tamen est operae pretium cognoscere quale is  
Aedituos habeat, belli spectata domique  
Virtus, indigno non committenda Poetae.  But besides Selden hath well observed, that there were none of these Medals in the time of the Commonwealth, for that the Cities of Greece were not yet arrived to that esteem of the Roman greatness by the fabric of their moneys and other signs of veneration, which they have come to since it became a Monarchy. This is the opinion of that great judicious man, which yet is not absolutely true; for there were found the marks of this magnificence, under the title of Neocori, abundantly among the Medals of Alexander the Great, whereof Goltzius reckons above 20. with this inscription● KOINON MAKE- 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Whence may be observed, that the people of Mac●donia being generally Neocori, had caused these Coins to be stamped in the honour of Alexander, having upon the reverse, the figures of statues, chariots, temples, columns, etc. Nay, the Maroneans in Philip's time, though but the people of a particular City, were honoured with the charge of Neocori, there being a Medal, which hath on the one side, the effigies of Bacchus, crowned with Vine-branches, inscribed, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; on the reverse, that of Philip, thus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. In fine, the inhabitants of Ilium obtained leave of Caesar, to make some magnificence, under the title of Neocori, to honour him and the julian Family, having erected, in memory of his extraction from Anchises, Aeneas and julus, some Colossus representing the posture of Aeneas when he left Troy, doing a signal act of Piety both toward the Gods and men, having the Palladium in his hand, and carrying the old man his Father in his right arm, as women carry children, the little julus' marching before, having his hat in one hand, and ask his father the way with the other. The word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, signifies that this was the second time they had been honoured with the quality and commission of being Neocori, and that they had celebrated the solemn days with Panegyrics, Pomps, exercises, and other magnificences befitting the grandeur of Caesar.   

The Wives of Caesar.  
HIs first wife was COSSUTIA, whom he married in his youth, but divorced her at the seventeenth year of his Age, before he had lived with her, though she was rich, and descended of a family of the Roman Knights.  
The second was CORNELIA, the daughter of Cornelius Cinna, one who had been four times Consul; by whom he had only one daughter, named julia, afterwards first wife to Pompey. He took her death very heavily, and publicly commended her, in a most elegant funeral Oration.  
The third was POMPEIA, the daughter of Q. Pompeius, who had gotten that evil report, as if Publius Claudius had been somewhat too familiar with her, which was the reason that Caesar divorced her.  
The fourth and last was CALPHURNIA, who outlived him, and was the daughter of Lucius Piso: a woman of a generous spirit and well spoken, and had that honour and affection for Caesar, that after his death she herself made a most elegant funeral Oration to his honour, and afterward retired to Mark Antony.   

The Medal of the TRIUMVIRS.  
THis Medal is of Copper, small, of the Greek fashion; It represents the three effigies of Caesar, Antonius, and Lepidus, done sidewayes, one upon another on the same side, without Inscription. On the reverse it represents an Hermathena; before which image there is an altar, out of which issues a serpent that lifts itself above it; behind there is a Legionary eagle: time hath worn out the inscription to this half word APXIEP. This figure represents Mercury and Minerva joined in one statue; that is to say, the upper part is of that Goddess, armed with a Helmet, Buckler and javeline; the Lower part is a Terminus or Hermes. For the interpretation of this devise; This Hermathena, comprehending in it the God Terminus, with Minerva and Mercury, denotes an excellent union, as to affection, interest and good understanding, among the Triumvirs, aswell for the management and conduct of civil affairs, as military. Which being so, the invention must needs be ingenious, denoting that, though their employments were several, yet there was such a concurrence between their Counsels and intentions, as that they jumped into the same resolution for to carry on the interest of the Commonwealth. As for the Altar and Serpent, they signify certain sacrifices performed by that people, for the welfare, union and concord of those three powers; as also either to obtain some Victory, or to give thanks to the Gods for one received. For a Serpent issuing from under a table was taken by Sylla to presage Victory, as the Historian Sisenna observes upon Cicero, lib. 1. de Divinatione. See also. Val. Maximus, lib. 1. ch. 6. and Plutarch in his Life. 'Tis therefore the Symbol of Health, Victory and Felicity. Of which opinion is also Theophrastus, who giving the marks of a Superstitious man, says, that if he surprise a Serpent in any place, he presently raises a chapel or an altar in that place, as it were to thank the Gods for so good an adventure. There may this further reason be given of this juncture in the Hermathena, that as Minerva hath a dominion over wrestling, as well as Mercury, so were they also both equally patrons of Traffic and Merchandise.  
We shall divert a little to speak of another kind of statues, called Hermheracles, consisting, the lower part of Hermes, the upper of Hercules. Both these and the Hermathenas, were placed in the places of public exercises, Mercury and Hercules, implying strength and sleight. The reason why Mercury was so often joined with the other Gods, was, that he could conform to any, and was one with all; as jamblichus affirms, Isque (says he) de Diis verae scientiae praesidium ac tutelam tenens, unus extat idem in universis: for which reason, the Ancients dedicated all their works under his only name. Hercules was held in such veneration for the God and Genius of all Gymnick engagements, that they came to be called (angustiori vocabulo) Herculea certamina. He was the institutor of the Olympic Games, wherein having had the honour to wrestle with jupiter, he was thought fit to be the patron of them: whence Lycophron calls him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Wrestler.   

The second Medal.  
M. ANTONIUS IMP. AUG. JIIVIR. R. P. C. Marcus Antonius Imperator Augur Triumvir Reipublicae constituendae. A sacrificing vessel called praefericulum, and the augural stick called Lituus. On the reverse there is L. PLANCUS IMP. COS. An urn between a thunderbolt and a Caduceus. It is to be noted first, that there is a vessel on either side of this Medal, and therefore it is not enough to say, that that on one side with the Lituus, is the mark of an augural dignity, which Antonius obtained from his favourite L. Plancus being Consul; but something must be said of this urn, so honourably placed between a thunderbolt and a Caduceus, on the other. Appianus Alexandrinus in his book of the wars against the Parthians, speaking of the design which Mark Antony had, being at Athens, to undertake the war against them, and to partake of the glory might follow the ruining of so great and powerful a nation, says, that, to satisfy the admonition of a certain Oracle, he carried with him a vessel full of water, taken out of the sacred fountain which was in that City, called Clepsydra. Et ut oraculo cuidam satisfaceret, etiam è Clepsydra fonte vas repletum aqua secum asportavit. This fountain Hesychius says was within the Citadel of Athens. Now this is the representation of that vessel, and a monument of the transportation of that water by Mark Antony, which must needs be of great concernment to him, since he was advised to do it by the Oracle, and specified the fountain. As for the thunderbolt and Caduceus, they signify that Mark Antony should in that expedition make a thundering and dismal war against the Parthians, with a great number of old experienced Legions, who should tread underfoot the Parthian greatness, elevated against the Romans by the miscarriage of C●assus and his flourishing Legions; or those Barbarians should buy their peace very dear, which the Heralds of Mark Antony should offer them with the Caduceus in their hands, that being the emblem of an assured reconciliation.   

ATILIUS CIMBER.  
WE should have no more to say of this Cimber, than we have of Brutus, Cassius, and the other Massacrers of Caesar, were it not that his Medal serves to correct divers passages in History (which it hath been the main design of these our observations to clear up) wherein his name is corrupted.  
All who have mentioned this man, have been mistaken in his name, except Appianus Alexandrinus, and that in one place only, for in some others he calls him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Others call him tilius, others Tullius, or Annius. Seneca Epist. s 3. Caiazzo Caesaris caede (illius dico qui, superato Pompeio, Rempublicam tenuit) tam creditum est Tillio Cimbro quam Cassio: Cassius tota vita aquam bibit, T●llius Cimber & nimius erat in vino & scordalus. In hanc rem jocatus est ipse; Ego, inquit, quenquam feram, qui vinum ferre non possum? Upon which passage (which gives a strange intimation of the vicious qualities of this man) Pintianus says, it ought to be read Tullius Cimber, as the same Seneca elsewhere calls him, and as he is called in Plutarch and Suetonius. But it is doubtless he should be called Atilius Cimber, and that Suetonius, Quintilian, and the other later Authors should be corrected, as having trusted the corrupt Manuscripts, and not seen this Medal.  
But to come to the Devise on the reverse first. The Cap signifies (as is obvious to any one) the Liberty obtained by the means of the poniard wherewith Caesar, who oppressed the Commonwealth, was dispatched. The wings, or Talaries of Mercury, with the serpents, and the rod, which was ceremonious at the manumission of slaves, or rather the wand which Mercury made use of to conduct the souls delivered out of the miseries of this life to their expected rest, signify that the diligence, dexterity, and prudence which Atilius Cimber had used in this execution, had restored the Universe to its Liberty, the Romans from the Tyranny of Caesar, and had established peace and tranquillity in all families. The conduct and assistance of Mercury to the departed souls with this wand, is expressed by Statius in these Verses. 
Summa pedum propere plantaribus illigat alis,  
Obnubitque comas, & temperate astra galero;  
Tum dextrae virgam inseruit qua pellere dulces,  
Aut suadere iterum somnos, qua nigra subire  
Tartara, & exsangues animare adsueverat umbras.   
There is yet another thing whence it may be inferred that Mercury was a God very anciently esteemed well-affected to Liberty; which is, that in the Isle of Crect, (now Candia) they celebrated an anniversary, with they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to the honour of this God, wherein, after the manner of the Saturnals at Rome, Slaves and servants had all manner of Liberty, and were magnificently waited on at table by their Masters, as Athenaeus affirms l. 14.  
On the other side we have this inscription, ATILIUS CIMBER, a man beyond middle-aged, with a great beard, and a rustic countenance, with a long poniard before him. That which may be more particularly deduced hence is, that he was more than ordinarily desirous that the conspiracy should prosper, though before he had been a great creature of Caesar's (as Seneca affirms in his Book de Ira.) Nay, under pretence of presenting a Petition to him, he was so importunate with him, and held him in discourse with such eagerness till he came into the Senate, that he had not the time to read a note which was presented to him, wherein the whole conspiracy was discovered. This poniard therefore stands to signify the great Zeal he had to this execution, wherein he thought the Liberty of his Country was concerned; to vindicate which, as it was his ambition to appear the most eager and the most resolute of all the gang, so he thought it his glory to give Caesar the first wound. Which consideration leads us by the hand to what we had designed for the last part of this discourse, namely the tragical Catastrophe of this miraculous person.  
For motives to the conspiracy, we may lay down partly the irreconcilable hatred that some bare, in others, the aversion they had from Tyranny, in others, a kind of zeal to public Liberty: the encouragements, Caesar's own carelesseness of himself, according to that Apophthegm of his, when advised to take a guard about his person, That it was better to die once then live in continual fear; his not humouring that people who, if courted with Majesty (as they had been wont in the time of the Commonwealth) had suffered any thing; his derisory expressions of the Commonwealth, saying that it was a shadow, and an imaginary notion; Antonius his proffering him a Crown, which though (seeing the acclamations of the people backward) he accepted not, yet was his design easily discovered; the report that he was to be declared King, and would translate the Seat of the Empire to Troy, whence he pretended to descend, or to Alexandria, to spend his days with Cleopatra; the Tribunes showing a certain law to a friend of his, in writing, whereby it was lawful to take as many wives as one would, the better to people the Commonwealth. These and such like passages gave occasion to Libels and placards, which were set up at every Corner, whereof divers particularly addressed to Brutus, who by his influence over the chiefest Citizens got together above 60. who under the conduct of Brutus (whose very name they thought to be fatal to Tyrants) would prefer the Liberty of their Country before Lives, Fortunes, or Relations. Some time before his death, so many signs and prodigies happened, that it was become the general belief that Caesar's death was near at hand. Among other things, his soothsayer Spurina bid him beware of the Ides of March. All which put together, somewhat startled him, insomuch that he was once resolved to defer the Senate for that day, had not Brutus advised him in no case to betray so much fear; whereupon he went.  
Going therefore in his litter towards the Senate the fifteenth day of March, it could not be but divers would be presenting petitions, and discoursing with him; but the Conspirators kept some of them so close to him, that he had not the leisure to peruse any thing he had taken, which if he had, he had in an epistle given him by Artemidorus, or some other, discovered the whole plot. Meeting by the way with Spurina, he told him the Ides of March were come: to which he answered, 'tis true, but they are not past. Being come to the Temple, where the Senate was to sit that day, and sacrifice done according to the custom, he took his chair in the Senate. The first came up to him was one Celer, who while he was entreating him to release a Brother of his that was in captivity, the rest came up to him: whereat he suspecting some violence, cried out, what force is this? To which the abovementioned Atilius Cimber answered him with a wound in the throat, which the rest of the Conspirators seconded with others. But that which amazed him above all, was to see Brutus among them, one whose authority was great, and one whom he had obliged beyond all expression of gratitude, when a conquered enemy; upon which he could not but break forth into these words, And thou, son Brutus, art thou one? Whereupon seeing there was no possibility of escaping, he remembered to keep the honour of his person, covering his head with part of his robe, and with his left hand settling his clothes about him; and so having received 23. wounds, he fell to the ground a sacrifice to the public Liberty, near the base of Pompey's statue, which was noted as a judgement of the Gods.  
Caesar having neither Son nor Daughter legitimate, at his death, had by his will before, adopted his Nephew Octavius Caesar, who was afterwards called Octavianus Augustus, who studied in Apollonia at the time of this murder of Caesar, and expected to go with him to the war against the Parthians, being then about 17. years of age.  
This death (as all extraordinary accidents) must needs beget tumult and confusion in the City; All Offices ceased, the Temples, and Courts of Justice were shut up; Caesar's friends were afraid of the Conspirators, & they reciprocally of them. This Tumult somewhat startled the Conspirators, who seeing the design took not with the people as they expected, to secure themselves, seized the Capitol, crying as they went, Liberty, Liberty, Liberty. Whereupon, Antonius and Lepidus being all this while in Arms, divers treaties of accommodation passed between them, whereby it was at last agreed the Senate should sit, whither Brutus and Cassius came, Antonius' Sons being hostages for their return. The Senate approves the fact, the people dissemble their satisfaction: for, as the Authority of Brutus and Cassius, with the name of Liberty, was very charming on one side; so the horror of the fact, and the love some bare Caesar, exasperated them against the Murderers. But Mark Antony, endeavouring to trouble the waters as much as he could, among other things got Caesar's testament to be opened, wherein he had bequeathed to the people of Rome certain gardens and heritage's near the River Tiber, and to every Citizen of Rome a certain sum of money: which being known, it re-enflamed their old affection to Caesar, and raised a compassion and a regret for his death. The day appointed for his funeral (the ceremony whereof was to burn his body in the field of Mars) Antonius being to make the Oration, brought with him the robe wherein Caesar was assassinated, which being all bloody he showed to the people, using some expressions which raised in them both indignation and pity; insomuch as before the solemnity of the funeral was ended, they all departed in great fury with the brands of the same fire, to set afire the houses of Brutus and Cassius, and the rest of the Conspirators, whom they sought running up & down the streets. In which fury they killed Aelius Cinna, mistaking him for Cornelius Cinna, who indeed was one of them. This Tumult forced Brutus, Cassius, and all who conceived themselves guilty of Caesar's death, to depart from Rome: whereupon Antonius took occasion to dispense with the decree of the Senate, and assuming Caesar's power and authority persecuted them all he could. Brutus and Cassius went into Greece, to govern those Provinces which Caesar (whom they had murdered) had conferred on them, which were Macedonia and Syria; and in like manner were all the rest dispersed, and that so unfortunately, that within the space of three years they all came to violent deaths.  
He was slain in the 56. year of his age, somewhat above four years after the death of Pompey, 700. years after the foundation of Rome, 3010. years after the Creation, but according to the 70. Interp. 5157. in the 184. Olympiad, and 42. years before the birth of Christ. Having made himself perpetual Dictator, he enjoyed it 3. years, 4. months, and 6. days.  
Thus have we traced this transcendent Personage through all his great and incomparable actions and achievements, we have viewed him in his distresses and extremities, and we have also seen him in his victories & triumphs, expressing the same greatness, that is, the same equality of mind in both; we have surveyed him in all his excellencies and abilities both of mind and body; we have considered the invincibility of his spirit, his incomparable courage, his clemency & magnanimity, his policy, vigilance, prudence, conduct; we have, as near as we can, enumerated the many battles he fought, the many victories obtained, the many people and provinces reduced, the many Kings and Countries subdued, so to figure a person imitable in all things, that may be called great or virtuous, not exceedable in any; we have described and dilucidated his Medals, wherein if we have committed any offence, it hath been in studying brevity, purposely omitting many things that might have been said, and forbearing the multitude and particularity of citations, lest it might be thought a vanity: lastly, we have accompanied him to his funeral pile, the fire whereof consumed his murderers and enemies, while he himself is carried up by the same element, to shine eternally a star of the first magnitude, in the firmament of famous and heroic spirits. And there we leave him, recommending the Reader to see and find him haply far greater than our commendations, in his own everlasting COMMENTARIES.  
FINIS.    

THe second and seventh pages of this Life of Caesar being rashly put to working at the Press, before they were corrected, the Reader is desired to take notice of these ensuing faults with their emendations, and to think never the worse of the rest of the book.  
In pag. 2. lin. 1. after, be killed, read (as if even virtue may be excessive and a crime) as he, etc. l. 20. for, paint ever, paint over. l. 33. for, Cisalphina, Cisalpina. l. 35. for, Lacedemonia, Lacedaemon. l. 37, 38. for, Sardynia, Creeta, Candia, Cypress, Rhodes and Negrepont; Sardinia, Crect, Cyprus, Rhodes and Negropont.  
In pag. 7. l. 1. for, which four, with four. l. 9 for, gulf Venice, gulf of Venice. l. 14. for their forts, their efforts. l. 15. for, Curius, Curio. l. 19 for, that Consul, that, Consul. l. 28. for, Boetia, Lacedaemonia, Creeta, (in some copies) Boeotia Lacedaemon, Crect. l. 38. for, deferred him, deterred him. l. 46. for, takes it, taketh in.  
With some literal faults, and ill pointing.  
JULIUS CAESAR   

Reading and Discourse are requisite to make a soldier perfect in the Art military, how great soever his knowledge may be, which long experience and much practice of Arms hath gained.  
WHen I consider the weakness of man's judgement in censuring things best known unto itself, and the disability of his discourse in discovering the nature of unacquainted objects; choosing rather to hold any sensible impression, which custom hath by long practice enured, then to hearken to some other more reasonable persuasion: I do not marvel that such soldiers, whose knowledge groweth only from experience, & consisteth in the rules of their own practice, are hardly persuaded that history and speculative learning are of any use in perfecting of their Art, being so different in nature from the principles of their cunning, and of so small affinity with the life of action; wherein the use of Arms and achievements of war seem to have their chiefest being. But those purer spirits embellished with learning, and enriched with the knowledge of other men's fortunes, wherein variety of accidents affordeth variety of instructions, & the mutual conference of things happened, begetteth both similitudes and differences, contrary natures, but yet jointly concurring to season our judgement with discretion, and to install wisdom in the government of the mind: These men I say, mounting aloft with the wings of contemplation, do easily discover the ignorance of such Martialists, as are only trained up in the school of practice, and taught their rudiments under a few years' experience, which serveth to interpret no other author but itself, nor can approve his maxims, but by his own authority; and are rather moved to pity their hard fortune, having learned only to be ignorant, then to envy their skill in matter of war, when they oppose themselves against so manifest a truth as this, that a mere practical knowledge cannot make a perfect soldier. Which proposition that I may the better confirm, give me leave to reason a little of the grounds of learning, and dispute from the habitude of Arts and sciences; which are then said to be perfectly attained, when their particular parts are in such sort apprehended, that from the variety of that individuality, the intellectual power frameth general notions and maxims of rule, uniting terms of the same nature in one head, and distinguishing diversities by differences of properties, aptly dividing the whole body into his greatest and smallest branches, and fitting each part with his descriptions, duties, cautions and exceptions. For unless the understanding be in this sort qualified, and able by logistical discourse, to ascend by way of composition, from singularity to catholic conceptions, and return again the same way to the lowest order of his partitions, the mind cannot be said to have the perfection of that Art, nor instructed in the true use of that knowledge: but guiding herself by some broken precepts, feeleth more want by that she hath not, than benefit by that she hath. Whereby it followeth that a science divided into many branches, and consisting in the multiplicity of divers members, being all so interessed in the Bulk, that a maim of the smallest part causeth either debility or deformity in the body, cannot be said to be throughly attained, nor conceived with such a profiting apprehension as steeleth the mind with true judgement, and maketh the scholar master in his Art, unless the nature of these particularities be first had and obtained.  
And for as much as no one science or faculty whatsoever, in multitude and plurality of parts, may any way be comparable to the Art military, wherein every small and unrespected circumstance quite altereth the nature of the Action, and breedeth such disparity and difference, that the resemblance of their equal participating properties is blemished with the dissimilitude of their disagreeing parts; it cannot be denied, but he that is acquainted with most of these particular occurrences, and best knoweth the variety of chances in the course of war, must needs be thought a more perfect soldier, and deserveth a title of greater dignity in the profession of Arms, than such as content themselves with a few common precepts and overworn rules: without which as they cannot be said at all to be soldiers; so with them and no more, they no way deserve the name of skilful and perfect men of war. Now whether mere experience, or experience joined with reading and discourse, do feast the mind with more variety and choice of matter, or entertain knowledge with greater plenty of novelties, incident to expeditions and use of Arms, I will use no other reason to determine of this question, then that which Franciscus Patricius allegeth in his parallels, where he handleth this Argument which I entreat of.  
He that followeth a war (saith he) doth see either the course of the whole, or but a part only. If his knowledge extend no farther than a part, he hath learned less than he that saw the whole: but admit he hath seen and learned the instructions of one whole war, he hath notwithstanding learned less than he that hath seen the proceeding of two such wars: and he again hath not seen so much as another that hath served in three several wars: and so by degrees, a soldier that hath served ten years, must needs know more than one that hath not served so long. And to conclude, he that hath received 22 years' stipend (which was the just time of service amongst the Romans before a soldier could be dismissed) hath greater means of experience then another, that hath not so long a time followed the camp, and cannot challenge a discharge by order and custom. And hence it consequently followeth, that if in one or more or all these wars, there have happened few or no actions of service, which might teach a soldier the practice of Arms; that then his learning doth not countervail his labour. And if the war through the negligence, or ignorance of the chief commanders have been ill carried, he can boast of no knowledge, but that which acquainted him with the corruptions of military discipline; if the part which he followed were defeated and overthrown, he knoweth by experience how to lose, but not how to gain. And therefore it is not only experience and practice which maketh a soldier worthy of his name, but the knowledge of the manifold accidents which rise from the variety of humane actions; wherein reason & error, like merchants in traffic, interchange contrary events of fortune, giving sometime copper for silver, and balm for poison, and repaying again the like commodity as time and circumstances do answer their directions. And this knowledge is only to be learned in the registers of antiquity and in histories, recording the motions of former ages.  
Caius Julius Caesar (whose actions are the subject of these discourses) after his famous victories in France, and that he had gotten the provinces of Spain, broken the strength of the Roman Empire at Pharsalia, was held a soldier surmounting envy and all her exceptions; and yet notwithstanding all this, the battle he had with Pharnaces king of Pontus, was like to have buried the glory of his former conquests, in the dishonourable memory of a wilful overthrow. For having possessed himself of a hill of great advantage, he began to encamp himself in the top thereof: which Pharnaces perceiving, (being lodged likewise with his camp upon a mountain confronting the Romans) imbattelled his men, marched down from his camp into the valley, and mounted his forces up the hill, where the Romans were busied about their intrenchments, to give them battle. All which Caesar took but for a bravado: and measuring the enemy by himself, could not be persuaded that any such foolhardiness could carry men headlong into so dangerous an adventure, until they were come so near, that he had scarce any time to call the legions from their work, and to give order for the battle: which so amazed the Romans, that unless, as Caesar himself saith, the advantage of the place and the benignity of the gods had greatly favoured them; Pharnaces had at that time revenged the overthrow of Pompey and the Senate, and restored the Roman Empire to liberty. Which may learn us how necessary it is (besides experience, which in Caesar was infinite) to perfect our knowledge with variety of chances: and to meditate upon the effects of other men's adventures, that their harms may be our warnings, and their happy proceedings our fortunate directions.  
And albeit amongst so many decades of History, which pregnant wits have presented to these later ages, we seldom or never meet with any one accident which jumpeth in all points with another of the like nature, that shall happen to fall out in managing a war, or setting forth of an army; and so do seem to reap little benefit by that we read, and make small use of our great travel: yet we must understand that in the Audit of Reason, there are many offices, which through the sovereign power of the discursive faculty, receive great commodities by whatsoever falleth under their jurisdiction, and suffer no action to pass without due trial of his nature, and examination of his state; that so the judgement may not be defrauded of her revenues, nor the mind of her learning: For notwithstanding disagreeing circumstances, and differences of forms, which seem to cut off the privilege of imitation, and frustrate the knowledge we have obtained by reading; the intellectual faculty hath authority to examine the use, and look into the inconveniences of these wants and diversities, and by the help of reason to turn it to her advantage; or so to counterpoise the defect, that in trial and execution it shall not appear any disadvantage. For as in all other sciences, and namely in Geometry, of certain ba●e elements, and common sentences, which sense admitteth to the apprehension, the powers of the soul frame admirable Theorems and Problems of infinite use, proceeding with certainty of demonstration, from proposition to proposition, and from conclusion to conclusion, and still make new wonders as they go, besides the strangeness of their Architecture, that upon such plain and easy foundations, they should erect such curious and beautiful buildings: so in the Art Military, these examples which are taken from histories, are but plain kind of principles, on which the mind worketh to her best advantage, and useth reason with such dexterity, that of inequalities she concludeth an equality, and of dissimilitudes most sweet resemblances; and so she worketh out her own perfection by discourse, and in time groweth so absolute in knowledge, that her sufficiency needeth no further directions. 
Lib. 3.  But as Lomazzo the Milanese, in that excellent work which he writ of picturing, saith of a skilful painter, that being to draw a portraiture of graceful lineaments, he will never stand to take the symmetry by scale, nor mark it out according to rule; but having his judgement habituated by knowledge, and perfected with the variety of shapes and proportions, his knowledge guideth his eye, and his eye directeth his hand, and his hand followeth both with such facility of cunning, that each of them serves for a rule whereby the true measures of nature are exactly expressed: The like may I say of a skilful Soldier, or any Artisan in his faculty, when knowledge hath once purified his judgement, and turned it to the key of true apprehension.  
And although there are many that will easily admit a reconciliation of this disagreement, in the resemblance of accidents being referred to the arbitrement of a well-tempered spirit; yet they will by no means acknowledge, that those monstrous and inimitable examples of valour and magnanimity (whereof antiquity is prodigal, and spendeth as though time should never want such treasure) can any way avail the manners of these days, which if they were as they ought to be, would appear but counterfeit to the lustre of a golden age, nor yet comparable to silver or brass, or the strength of iron, but deserve no better title than earth or clay, whereof the frame of this age consisteth. For what resemblance (say they) is between the customs of our times, and the actions of those ancient Heroes? They observed equity as well in war as in peace; for virtue rather flourished by the natural disposition of men, then by law and authority; the greatest treasure which they esteemed, were the deeds of arms which they had achieved for their country, adorning the temples of their gods with piety, and their private houses with glory, pardoning rather then persecuting a wrong, and taking nothing from the vanquished but ability of doing injury: But the course of our times hath another bias, for covetousness hath subverted both faith and equity, and our valour affecteth nothing but ambition, pride and cruelty tyrannize in our thoughts, and subtlety teacheth us to carry rather a fair countenance, than a good nature; our means of getting are by fraud and extortion, and our manner of spending is by waist and prodigality, not esteeming what we have of our own, but coveting that which is not ours; men effeminated and women impudent, using riches as servants to wickedness, and preventing nature's appetite with wanton luxury; supplanting virtue with treachery, and using victory with such impiety, as though injuriam facere, were imperio uti: and therefore the exemplary patterns of former times wherein true honour is expressed, may serve to be gazed upon, but no way to be imitated by this age, being too subtle to deal with honesty, and wanting courage to encounter valour. I must needs confess, that he that compareth the history of Livy with that of Guichardine, shall find great difference in the subjects which they handle; for Livy triumpheth in the conquests of virtue, and in every page erecteth trophies unto valour, making his discourse like Cleanthes table, wherein virtue is described in her entire majesty; and so sweetened with the presence and service of the graces, that all they which behold her are rapt with admiration of her excellency, and charmed with the love of her perfection: but Guichardine hath more than Theseus' task to perform, being to wind through the labyrinths of subtlety, and discover the acquaint practices of politicians, wherein public and open designs are oftentimes but shadows of more secret projects, and these again serve as foils to more eminent intentions; being also discoloured with dissimulation, and so ensnared in the sleights of subtlety, that when you look for war, you shall find peace; and expecting peace, you shall fall into troubles, dissensions and wars: So crabbed and crooked is his argument in respect of Livies fortune, and such art is required to unfold the truth of those mysteries.  
But to answer this objection in a word, and so to proceed to that which followeth; I say those immortal memories of virtue which former time recordeth, are more necessary to be known, than any stratagems of subtler ages: for equity and valour being truly apprehended so season the motions of the soul, that albeit in so corrupt a course, they cannot peradventure stir up imitation; yet they oftentimes hinder many malicious practices, and devilish devises, when evil is reproved by the knowledge of good, and condemned by the authority of better ages. And if we will needs follow those steps which the present course of the world hath traced, and play the Cretian with the Cretian; this objection hindereth nothing, but that history, especially these of later times, affordeth sufficient instructions to make a soldier perfect in that point.  
Let not therefore any man despise the sound instructions which learning affordeth, nor refuse the helps that history doth offer to perfect the weakness of a short experience, especially when no worth can countervail the weight of so great a business: for I take the office of a chief commander, to be a subject capable of the greatest wisdom that may be apprehended by natural means, being to manage a multitude of disagreeing minds, as a fit instrument to execute a design of much consequence and great expectation, and to qualify both their affections and apprehensions according to the accidents which rise in the course of his directions; besides the true judgement which he ought to have of such circumstances as are most important to a fortunate end, wherein our providence cannot have enough either from learning or experience, to prevent disadvantages, or to take hold of opportunities. Neither can it be denied, but as this knowledge addeth perfection to our judgement, so it serveth also as a spur to glory, and increaseth the desire of honour in such as behold the achievements of virtue, commended to a perpetual posterity, having themselves the like means to consecrate their memory to succeeding a●es, wherein they may serve for examples of valour, and reap the reward of true honour. Or to conclude, if we thirst after the knowledge of our own fortune, and long to foresee the end of that race which we have taken, which is the chiefest matter of consequence in the use of Arms; what better conjecture can be made, then to look into the course of former times, which have proceeded from like beginnings, and were continued with like means, and therefore not unlikely to sort unto like ends?  
And now if it be demanded whether reading or practice have the first place in this Art, & serveth as a foundation to the rest of the buildings; let Marius answer this question, who envying at the nobility of Rome, saith thus, Qui postquam consules facti sunt, 
Salu●●. de bello Jogur.  acta Majorum & Graecorum militaria praecepta legere ceperint: homines praeposteri, nam legere quam fieri, tempore posterius, re & usupriusest; Whereas (saith he) reading aught to go before practice (although it follow it in course of time, for there is no reading, but of something practised before) these preposterous men, after they are made Consuls and placed at the helm of government, begin to read, when they should practise that which they had read; and so bewray their insufficiency of knowledge by using out of time that, which in time is most necessary. This testimony gave Marius of reading and book-learning, being him 〈◊〉 an enemy to the same, for as much as all his knowledge came by mere experience. But howsoever his judgement was good in this point: for since that all motion and action proceedeth from the soul, and cannot well be produced, until the Idea thereof be first imprinted in the mind, according to which pattern the outward being and sensible resemblance is duly fashioned; how is it possible that any action can be well expressed, when the mind is not directed by knowledge to dispose it in that sort, as shall best agree with the occurrents of such natures, as are necessarily interessed both in the means and in the end thereof? And therefore speculative knowledge as the Tramontane, to direct the course of all practice is first to be respected.  
But that I may not seem partial in this controversy, but carry an equal hand between two so necessary yoak-fellowes, give me leave to conclude in a word the benefit of practice, and define the good which cometh from experience; that so nothing that hath been spoken may seem to come from affection, or proceed from the forge of unjust partiality. And first it cannot be denied, but that practice giveth boldness and assurance in action, and maketh men expert in such things as they take in hand: for no man can rest upon such certainty, through the theoric of knowledge, as he that hath seen his learning verified by practice, and acknowledged by the testimony of assured proof. Besides, there are many other accomplements gotten only by practice, which grace the presence of knowledge, and give credit to that which we have read: as first to learn the use and advantage of the arms which we bear: secondly, by frequent aspect and familiarity of dangers, and accidents of terror, to learn to fear nothing but dishonour, to make no difference between heat and cold, summer and winter, to sleep in all places as on a bed, and at the same time to take pains and suffer penury, with many other difficulties which custom maketh easy, and cannot be gotten but by use and practice.  
And thus at length, I have brought a shallow discourse to an abrupt end, wishing with greater zeal of affection than I am able with manifest proof of reason, to demonstrate the necessity, that both these parts were by our soldiers so regarded, that neither practice might march in obstinate blindness without learned knowledge; nor this again be entertained with an idle apprehension without practice: but that both of them may be respected, as necessary parts to make a complete nature; wherein knowledge as the intellectual part giveth life and spirit to the action, and practice as the material substance maketh it of a sensible being, and like a skilful workman expresseth the excellency, which knowledge hath fore-conceived: wishing no man to despair of effecting that by practice which the Theoric of knowledge commendeth. For Cur desp●res nunc posse fieri, quod jam totie● factum est?   

The sum of the first book of Caesar's commentaries; with observations upon the same, discovering the excellency of Caesar's Militia.  
The Argument.  
IN this first book are contained the specialties of two great wars, begun and ended both in a summer: the first, between Caesar and the Helvetii: 
Suitzers.  the second, between him and Ar●ovistus, king of the Germans. The history of the Helvetians may be reduced to three principal heads: under the first, are the reasons that moved the Helvetians to entertain so desperate an expedition, and the preparation which they made for the same. The second containeth their defeat by Caesar: and the third their return into their Country. That of Ariovistus divideth itself into two parts: the first giveth the causes that induced Caesar to undertake that war: the second intreateth of the war itself, and particularly describeth Ariovistus overthrow.  

CHAP. I.  
Gallia described: the Helvetians dislike their native seat, and propound to themselves larger territories in the Continent of Gallia. Orgetorix seedeth this humour, for his own advantage.  
GAllia is all divided into three parts; whereof the Belges do inhabit one, the Aquitanes another, and those which they call Celtes, and we Galls, a third: all these do differ each from others in manners, language, and in laws. ●he river Garun doth separate the Galls from the Aquitans, and Marne and Seine do bound them from the Belges. 
M●tron●.  Of these the Belges are most warlike; 
S●quara.  as furthest off the civility and politure of the Province, and less frequented with Merchants, or acquainted with such things as are by them imported to effeminate men's minds; as likewise being sited next to the Germans beyond the Rhine, with whom they have continual wars. For which cause also the Helvetians do excel the rest of the Galls in deeds of Arms, being in daily conflicts with the Germans, for defence of their own territories, or by invading theirs. The part inhabited by the Galls, beginneth at the river Rhone, and is bounded with Garun, the Ocean, and the confines of the Belges; and reaching also to the Rhine, as a Limit from the Sequans and Helvetians, it stretched northward. The Belges take their beginning at the extreme confines of Gallia, and inhabit the Country which lieth along the lower part of the Rhine, trindling to the North, and to the East. Aquitania spreadeth itself between the river Garun and the Pyrenean hills, and butteth upon the Spanish Ocean, between the West and the North.  
Amongst the Helvetians, Orgetorix did far exceed all others, both for noble descent and store of treasure: and when M. Messala and M. Piso were Consuls, being stirred up with the desire of a kingdom, he moved the Nobility to a commotion; persuading the State to go out of their confines with their whole power: as an easy matter for them, that excelled all other in valour and prowess, to seize upon the Empire of all Gallia. To which he did the rather persuade them, for that the Helvetians were on every side shut up, by the strength and nature of the place wherein they dwelled; on the one side, with the depth and breadth of the river Rhine, which divideth their Country from the Germans; on the other side, with the high ridge of the hill Jura, which runneth between them and the Sequans; & on the third part they were flanked with the lake ● Lemanus, and the river Rhone, parting their territories from our Province.  
Hence it happened, that being thus straightened, they could not easily enlarge themselves, or make war upon the bordering Countries: and thereupon, being men wholly bend to Arms and war, were much grieved, as having too little elbow-room for their multitude of people, and the renown they had got of their Valour; their whole country containing but 240 miles in length, and 180 in breadth. Spurred on with these inducements, and moved specially with the authority of Orgetorix, they resolved to make provision of such things as were requisite for their expedition, bought great numbers of Cars, & horses, for carriages; sowed much tillage, that they might have plenty of Corn in their journey; made peace and amity with the confining Countries. 
Curardum vi●in●s populis 〈…〉 in●●r 〈◊〉 ●opulos col. 〈◊〉.  For the perfecting and supply of which things, they took two years to be sufficient; and in the third, enacted their setting forward by a solemn Law, assigning Orgetorix to give order for that which remained.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
HE that will examine this expedition of the Helvetians, by the transmigrations and flittings of other Nations, shall find some unexampled particularities in the course of their proceeding: for, first it hath never been heard, that any people utterly abandoned that Country which Nature or providence had allotted them, unless they were driven thereunto by a general calamity, as the infection of the air, the cruelty and oppression of a neighbour nation, as were the Suevians, who thought it great honour to suffer no man to border upon their confines; or some other universal, which made the place inhabitable, and the people willing to undertake a voluntary exile. But oftentimes we read, that when the inhabitants of a Country were so multiplied, that the place was overcharged with multitudes of offspring, and like a poor father, had more children than it was able to sustain, the abounding surplus was sent out to seek new fortunes in foreign Countries, and to possess themselves of a resting seat; which might recompense the wants of their native Country, with a plenteous revenue of necessary supplements. And in this sort we read that Rome sent out many Colonies into divers parts of her Empire. And in this manner the ancient▪ Galls disourdened themselves of their superfluity, and sent them into Asia. The Goths came from the Islands of the Baltic sea, and in Silvius his time swarmed over Germany: besides many other Nations, whose transmigrations are particularly described by Lazius. But amongst all these, we find none that so forsook their Country, but there remained some behind to inhabit the same; from whence, as from a fountain, succeeding ages might derive the stream of that overflowing multitude, and by them take notice of the causes, which moved them unto it. For their manner was in all such expeditions, and sending out of Colonies, to divide themselves into two or three parts, equal both in equality and number: for after they had parted their common people into even companies, they divided their Nobility with as great equality as they could, among the former partitions: and then casting lots, that part which went out to seek new adventures, left their lands and possessions to the rest that remained at home; and so by industry they supplied that defect which continuance of time had drawn upon them. And this was the means, which the first inhabitants of the earth found out after the flood, to people the uninhabited places, and to keep oft the inconveniences of scarcity and famine.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
HE that would prognosticate by the course of these several proceedings, whether of the two betokened better success, hath greater reason to foretell happiness to these which I last spoke of, then to the Helvetians; unless their valour were the greater, and quitted all difficulties which hatred and envy would cast upon them: for an action which savoureth of necessity (which was always understood in sending out a Colony) hath a more plausible passport amongst men, then that which proceedeth from a proud voluntary motion. For, as men can be content to tolerate the one, if it concern not their particular; so on the other side, they count it gain to punish pride with shame, and to oppose themselves against the other.   

THE THIRD OBSERVATION.  
ORgetorix, thirsting after princely dignity, discovereth the humour of vain glory. For, not contented with the substance of honour, being already of greatest power amongst the Helvetians, and ordering the affairs of the State by his own direction, thought it nothing without the marks and title of dignity, unto which the inconveniences of Majesty are annexed: not considering that the best honour sitteth not always in imperial thr●●●s, nor weareth the Diadems of Princes; but oftentimes resteth itself in meaner places, and shineth better with obscurer titles.  
For proof whereof, to omit antiquity, take the family of the Medic●s in Florence, and particularly Cos●mo and Lorenzo, whose virtue raised them to that ●eight of honour, that they were nothing inferi●●● to the greatest Potentate's of their time, being themselves ●ut private Gentlemen in that State, and bearing their proper names as their greatest titles. But howsoever, the opportunity of changing their soil was well observed by Orgetorix, as the fi●●st means to attempt an innovation: ●ut the success depended much upon the fortunate proceeding of their expedition.  
For, as a multitude of that nature can ●e content to attribute a great part of their happiness, wherein every man thinketh himself particularly interessed, to an eminent Leader; and in that universal ecstasy of joy, will easily admit an alteration of their State: so, if the issue be in any respect unfortunate, no man will acknowledge himself faulty ●ut, every one desiring to discharge his passion upon some object, a chief director is likeliest to be the mark, at which the darts of their discontent will be thrown; and then he will find it hard to effect what he intendeth.    

Chap. II.  
Orgetorix practices are discovered: his death. The Helvetians continue the resolution of their expedition, and prepare themselves accordingly.  
ORgetorix thereupon undertook employment to the ad●oyning States; 
Caesar.  and first persuaded Casticus, the son of Catamantalides a Sequan (whose father had for many years reigned in that place, and was by the Senate and people of Rome styled with the title of a Friend) to possess himself of the Signiory of that State which his Father formerly enjoyed; and in like manner dealt with Dumnorix the Heduan, Divitiacus brother (who at that time was the only man of that Province, and very well beloved of the Commons) to endeavour the like there; and withal, gave him his daughter in marriage▪ showing them by lively reasons, that it was an easy matter to effect their designs; for that he being sure of the sovereignty of his State, there was no doubt but the Helvetians would do much throughout all Gallia, and so made no question to settle them in those kingdoms, with his power and forces. Drawn on with these inducements▪ they gave faith and oath each to other, hoping with the support of the sovereignty of three mighty Nations, to possess themselves of all Gallia.  
This thing being discovered, the Helvetians (according to their customs) caused Orgetorix to answer the matter in durance: whose punishment upon the Attaint, was to be burned alive. Against the day of trial, Orgetorix had got together all his Family, to the number of ten thousand men, besides divers followers, and others far indebited, which were many; by whose means he escaped a judicial hearing. The people thereupon being much incensed, agreed the Magistrate should execute their laws with force of Arms, and to that end should raise the country: but in the mean time Orgetorix was found dead, not without suspicion (as was conceived) that he himself was guilty thereof.  
Notwithstanding his death, the Helvetians did pursue their former design of leaving their Country: and when they thought themselves ready prepared, they set fire on all their Towns (which were in number twelve) together with ●our hundred Villages, besides private houses, and burnt likewise all the Corn, save that they carried with them; that all hope of return being taken away, they might be the readier to undergo all hazards: And commanded that every man should carry so much Meal with him, as would serve for three Months.  
Moreover also they persuaded the Rauraci, the Tulingi, and Latobrigi, their neighbour borderers, that putting on the same resolution, they would set fire on all their habitations, and go along with them. And likewise took unto them the Boii, which had dwelled beyond the Rhine, but were now seated in the Territories of the Norici, and had taken the Capital town of that Country. There were only two ways which gave them passage out of their Country: the one through the Sequans, very narrow and difficult, between the hill Jura, and the River Rhone, by which a single Cart could scarce pass; & had a high hill hanging over, that a small force might easily hinder them. The other was through our Province▪ far easier and readier; forasmuch as the river Rhone, running between the Helvetians and the 
* S●voyards  Allobroges (who were lately brought in obedience to the people of Rome) did give passage in divers places by Fords.  
The utmost town belonging to the Allobroges,; that bordereth upon the Helvetians is Geneva whereunto adjoineth a bridge leading to the Helvetians; who doubted not but to persuade the Allobroges (that seemed as yet to carry no great affection to the people of Rome) or at least to force them to give them passage. Things being now ready for their journey, they assigned a day when all should meet together upon the banks of Rhone: which day was the first of the Calends of April, in the Consulship of Lu. Piso, and A. Gabinius.  

OBSERVATION.  
AS these provisoes were all requisite; so one ●hing was omitted, 
The omission in the Helvetian expedition.  which might have furthered their good fortune more than any thing thought of: which was, to have concealed by all means the time of their departure. For all the beasts of the wood must needs stand at gaze, when such Lions roused themselves out of their dens; and be then very watchful of their safety, when they knew the instant of time, when some of their spoils must needs be offered to appease their fury. Or at the least it behoved them so to have dealt by hostages and treaty, that such as were likeliest and best able to cross their designments might have been no hindrance of their proceedings: considering there were but two ways out of their Country by which they might go; the one narrow and difficult, between the hill Jura and the river Rhone, by the Country of the Sequani; the other through Provence, far easier and shorter, but not to be taken but by the permission of the Romans. But howsoever, their error was, that after two years' provision to go, and having made an exterminating decree which enjoined them to go, when they came to the point, they knew not what way to go.    

Chap. III.  
C●●s●r denieth the Helvetians passage through the Roman Province: he fortifieth the passage between the hill Jura, and the lake of Geneva.  
AS soon as Caesar was advertised that their purpose was to pass through our Province, 
Caesar.  he hasted to leave the 
* Rome.  City, and posting by great journeys into the further Gallia, he came to Geneva. And inrolling great forces throughout all the Province, for that there was but one legion in those parts, he broke down the bridge at Geneva.  
The Helvetians having intelligence of Caesar's arrival, sent divers of the best of their Nobility Ambassadors unto him, whereof Numeius and Veredoctius were the chief, to give him notice, that they had a purpose to pass peaceably through the Province, having no other way to go: and therein to pray his sufferance and permission.  
Caesar, well remembering how Lu. Cassius the Consul was slain, his Army beaten, & the soldiers put under the yoke, did not hold it convenient to grant their request. Neither did he think that men so ill-affected could forbear to offer wrongs and insolences, if leave were given them as was required. Howbeit, for the better gaining of time, and getting such forces together as were caused to be enrolled, he answered the Commissioners that he would take a time of deliberation; and to that end willed them to return again by the Ides of April. And in the mean time with that legion he had ready, and the soldiers that came out of the Province, he made a ditch, and a wall of sixteen foot in height, from the lake Lemanus, which runneth into the Rhone, to the hill Jura, that divideth the Sequans from the Helvetians, being in length nineteen miles; and disposed garrisons and fortresses along the work, the better to impeach them, if happily they went about to break out by force.  
At the day appointed, when the Ambassadors returned for a resolution, he utterly denied to give any leave to pass through the Province; having neither custom nor precedent from the people of Rome to warrant him in that kind. And if they should endeavour it by force of Arms, he would oppugn them.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
THis manner of prolonging of time to reinforce the troops or get some other advantage, as it was then of great use to Caesar, and hath oftentimes been practised to good purpose; so doth it discover to a circumspect enemy, by the directions in the mean time (which cannot easily be shadowed) the drift of that delay; and so inviteth him with greater courage to take the opportunity of that present advantage; especially if tract of time may strengthen the one, and not further the other: which is easily discerned by the circumstances of the Action.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
THe request of the Helvetians seemed to deserve a facile answer; being in effect no more than Nature had given to the river Rhone: which was to pass through the Province, with as much speed and as little hurt as they could. But Caesar looking further into the matter, and comparing things already past with occurrences that were to follow after, found the majesty of the Roman Empire to be interessed in the answer; being either to maintain her greatness by resisting her enemies, or to degenerate from ancient virtue by gratifying such as sought her ruin: which in matter of State are things of great consequence. And further, he knew it to be an unsafe course to suffer an enemy to have means of doing hurt; considering that the nature of man is always prone to load him with further wrongs whom he hath once injuried: not but that he could peradventure be content to end the quarrel upon that advantage; but fearing the other whom he wronged, to expect but an opportunity of revenge, he gets what advantage he can beforehand, and so ceaseth not until he have added a bloody end to an injurious beginning.   

THE THIRD OBSERVATION.  
COncerning this marvellous fortification between the hill and the lake, how serviceable such works were unto him in all his wars, in what sort, and in how small a time they were made; I will defer the treatise of them until I come to the height of Alesia, where he gave some ground of that hyperbolical speech, An medeleto, non animadverteb. it is decem habere lectas quidem legiones populum Romanum, quae non ●olum vobis obsistere, sed etiam coelum diruere possent?    

Chap. FOUR  
The Helvetians failing to pass the Rhone, take the way through the Country of the Sequani, Caesar hasteth into Italy, and there inrolleth more legions: and returning, overthroweth part of them at the river Arar.  
THe Helvetians frustrated of their former hope, 
Caesar.  went about, some with boats coupled together, others with Flats (whereof they made great store) the rest by fords and places where the River was shallow, sometimes in the day, and oftentimes in the night to break out: but being beaten back by the help of the fortification, and the concourse of soldiers, and multitude of weapons, they desisted from that attempt.  
There was only another way left through the Sequans, which they could not take by reason of the narrowness thereof, but by the favour of the Country. And forasmuch as of themselves they were able to prevail little therein, they sent Messengers to Dumnorix the Heduan, that by his mediation they might obtain so much of the Sequans. Dumnorix, what through favour and bounteous carriage, was of great power in his Country, much affecting the Helvetians, by reason of his marriage with Orgetorix daughter; and drawn on with a desire of a kingdom, gave his mind to new projects; labouring to gratify many States, to tie them the rather to favour his courses. And thereupon undertaking the business, got the Sequans to give the Helvetians leave to pass through their Confines; giving each other Pledges, that the Sequans should not interrupt the Helvetians in their journey, nor they offer any injury to the Country.  
It was told Caesar that the Helvetians were determined to pass through the Territories of the Sequans and Heduans, on the confines of the Santons, who are not far from the borders of the Tholosans, a people of the Province: which if they did, he foresaw how dangerous it would be to have a warlike Nation, and such as were enemies to the people of Rome to come so near them, and to have the advantage of an open and plenteous Country.  
For which causes he left T. Labienus a Legate to command those works, and he himself made great journeys to get into Italy; where he enrolled two legions, and took three more out of their wintering Camps near about Aquileia: and with these five legions went the next way over the Alps into the further Gallia. Where by the way the Centrons, Garoceli, and Caturiges taking advantage of the open ground, did seek to keep the Army from passage: but being beaten and put off by many skirmishes, they came in seven days from Ocellum, a town in the furthest parts of the nearer Province, into the confines of the Vocontii, a people of the further Province: from whence he led them into the territories of the Allobroges, and so unto the Sabusians, that are the first beyond the Rhone, bordering upon the Province.  
By that time the Helvetians had carried their forces through the straits and frontiers of the Sequans, into the Dominions of the Heduans, and began to forage and pillage their Country. Who finding themselves unable to make resistance, sent Messengers to Caesar to require aid; showing their deserts to be such from time to time of the people of Rome, that might challenge a greater respect then to have their Country spoiled, their children led into captivity, their towns assaulted and taken, as it were in the sight of the Roman Army. At the same instant likewise the Ambarri, that had dependency and alliance with the Heduans, advised Caesar that their Country was utterly wasted, and they s●arce able to keep the Enemy from entering their towns. In like manner also the Allobroges that had farms and possessions beyond the Rhone, fled directly to Caesar, complaining that there was nothing left them but the soil of their Country.  
With which advertisements Caesar was so moved, that he thought it not convenient to linger further, or expect until the fortunes of their Allies were all wasted, and that the Helvetians were come unto the Santon●s. The river 
* So ne.  Arar, that runneth through the confines of the Heduans and Sequans into the Rhone, passeth away with such a stillness, that by view of the eye it can hardly be discerned which way the water taketh. This river did the Helvetians pass over by Floats and bridges of boats. When Caesar was advertised by his Discoverers that three parts of their forces were already past the water, and that the fourth was left behind on this side the river; about the third watch of the night he went out of the Camp with three legions, and surprising that part which was not as yet got over the river, slew a great part of them: the rest fled into the next woods.  
This part was the Tigurine Canton: 
〈◊〉.  and the Helvetians being all parted into four divisions, this Canton alone in the memory of our fathers slew L. Cassius the Consul, and put his Army under the Yoke. So whether it were by chance, or the providence of the Gods, that part of the Helvetian State which gave so great a blow to the Roman people, was the first that did penance for the same. Wherein Caesar took revenge not only of the public, but of his particular loss too; forasmuch as the Tigurines had in that battle with Cassius slain L. Piso, the Grandfather of L. Piso, his father in law.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
THis defeat being chiefly a service of execution upon such as were taken at a dangerous disadvantage, which men call unaware, containeth these two advisoes. First, not to neglect that advantage which Sertorius by the hairs of his horse tail hath proved to be very important; that beginning with a part, it is a matter of no difficulty to overcome the whole. Secondly, it may serve for a caveat, so to transport an Army over a water, where the enemy is within a reasonable march, that no part may be so severed from the body of the Army, that advantage may thereby be taken to cut them off altogether, and separate them from themselves. The safest and most honourable way to transport an Army over a river, is by a bridge, placing at each end sufficient troops of horse and foot, to defend the Army from sudden assaults as they pass over the water. And thus went Caesar over the Rhine into Germany two several times.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
COncerning the circumstance of time, 
The manner of their watch.  when Caesar went out of his Camp, which is noted to be in the third watch, we must understand that the Romans divided the whole night into four watches, every watch containing three hours: and these watches were distinguished by several notes and sounds of Cornets or Trumpets; that by the distinction and diversity thereof it might easily be known what watch was founded. The charge and office of sounding the watches belonged to the chiefest Centurion of a legion, whom they called Primipilus, or Primus Centurio; at whose pavilion the Trumpeters attended, to be directed by his hourglass.  
The first watch began always at sunne-setting, and continued three hours (I understand such hours as the night contained, being divided into twelve: for the Romans divided their night as well as their day into twelve equal spaces, which they called hours:) the second watch continued until midnight; and then the third watch began, and contained likewise three hours: the fourth was equal to the rest, and continued until sunrising. So that by this phrase de tertia vigilia, we understand that Caesar went out of his Camp in the third watch, which was after midnight: and so we must conceive of the rest of the watches, as often as we shall find them mentioned in history.    

Chap. V.  
Caesar passeth over the river Arar: his horsemen encounter with the Helvetians, and are put to the worse.  
AFter this overthrow he caused a bridge to be made over the river Arar, 
Caesar.  and carried over his Army to pursue the rest of the Helvetian forces. The Helvetians much daunted at his sudden coming▪ that had got over the river in one day, which they could scarce do in twenty, sent Ambassadors unto him, of whom Divico was chief, that commanded the Helvetians in the war against Cassius: who dealt with Caesar to this effect; That if the people of Rome would make peace with the Helvetians, they would go into any part which Caesar should appoint them: but if otherwise he would prosecute war, that he should remember the overthrow which the people of Rome received by their valour; and not to attribute it to their own worth, that they had surprised at unawares a part of their Army, when such as had passed the river could not come to succour them. They had learned of their forefathers, to contend rather by valour, then by craft and devices; and therefore let him beware that the place wherein they now were did not get a Name, or carry the mark to all future ages of an eminent calamity to the people of Rome, and of the utter destruction of his Army.  
To this Caesar answered; That he made the less doubt of the success of these businesses, in that he well remembered and knew those things which the Helvetian Commissioners had related: and was so much the rather grieved thereat, because it happened without any cause or desert of the people of Rome; who if he were guilty of any wrong done unto them▪ it were a matter of no difficulty to beware of their practices: but therein was his error, that he could think of nothing which he had committed, that might cause him to fear; neither could he fear without occasion. And if he would let pass former insolences, could he forget those late and fresh injuries? for, that they had attempted to pass through the Province by force of Arms sacked and pillaged the Heduans, Amba●s, and Allobrogians that did so insolently vaunt of their victory, admiring that these injuries were suffered so long time to rest unrevenged, came all in the end to one pass. For the immortal Gods were went sometimes to give happiness and long impunity to men, that by the greater alteration of things, the punishment should be the more grievous for their offences. Howbeit if they would give Hostages for the performance of those things which were to be agreed upon, and satisfy the Heduans and Allobrogians, together with their Allies, for the injuries they had done unto them, he would be content to make peace with them.  
Divico replied, that they were taught by their Ancestors to take Hostages rather than to give them, whereof the people of Rome were witnesses: and thereupon departed. The next day they removed the Camp, and the like did Caesar, sending all his horse before, to the number of four thousand (which he had raised in the Province, and drawn from the Heduans and their Associates) to understand which way▪ the Enemy took: who prosecuting the rearward overhotly, were forced to undertake the Helvetian Cavalry in a place of disadvantage; and thereby lost some few of their Company.  
The enemy made proud with that encounter, having with five hundred horse beaten so great a multitude, did afterwards make head with more assurance; and sometimes stuck not to ●ally out of the Rearward and assault our Party. Caesar kept back his men from fight; and held it enough for the present, to keep the Enemy from spoiling and harrying the Country: and went on for fifteen days together in such manner, as there were but five or six miles between the first troops of our Army, and the Rearward of theirs.  

OBSERVATION.  
THis example of the Helvetians may lesson a Commander, not to wax insolent upon every overthrow which the enemy taketh, but duly to weigh the true causes of a victory gotten, or an overthrow taken; that apprehending the right current of the action, he may neither vaunt of a blind victory, nor be dismayed at a casual mishap.  
And herein let a heedful wariness so moderate the sequels of victory in a triumphing spirit, that the care and jealousy to keep still that sweet-sounding fame on foot, may as far surpass the industry which he first used to obtain it, as the continuance of happiness doth exceed the beginning of good fortunes. For such is the nature of our soul, that although from her infancy even to the manhood of her age she never found want of that which she lusted after; yet when she meeteth with a counterbuff to check her appetite, and restrain her affections from their satisfaction, she is as much troubled in that want, as if she had never received any contentment at all: for our will to every object which it seeketh after, begetteth always a new appetite, which is not satisfied with a former quittance, but either seeketh present payment, or returneth discontentment unto the mind.  
And as our soul is of an everlasting being, and cannot think of an end to her beginning; so she seeketh a perpetual continuance of such things as she lusteth after: which he that meaneth to hold Fortune his friend, will endeavour to maintain.    

Chap. VI  
Caesar sendeth to get the advantage of a hill, and so to give the Helvetians battle: but is put off by false intelligence. The opportunity being lost, he intendeth provision of Corn.  
IN the mean time Caesar pressed the Heduans from day to day to bring in Corn, 
Caesar.  according to their promise: for by reason of the cold temperature of Gallia, which lieth to the Northward, it happened not only that the Corn was far from being ripe, but also that there was scarce forage for the horses. And the provisions which were brought along the river Arar stood him in small stead at that time, forasmuch as the Helvetians had taken their journey clean from the River, and he would by no means forsake them.  
The Heduans putting it off from one day to another, gave out still it was upon coming. But when Caesar found the matter so long delayed, and that the day of meeting out Corn to the soldiers was at hand, calling before him the chiefest Princes of the Heduans, of whom he had great numbers in his Camp, and amongst them Divitiacus and Liscus, who for that time were the sovereign Magistrates (which they call Vergobret, being yearly created, and having power of life and death) he did greatly blame them, that he was not supplied with Corn from them, the Enemy being so near, and in so needful a time, that it could neither be bought for money, nor had out of the fields: especially when for their sake, and at their request he had undertaken that war. Whereat he was the rather grieved, because he found himself forsaken of them.  
At length Liscus▪ moved with Caesar's speech, discovered (which before he had kept secret) that there were some of great authority amongst the Commons, and could do more being private persons, than they could do being Magistrates. These, by seditious and bad speeches, did defer the people from bringing Corn: showing it better for them, sith they could not attain to the Empire of Gallia, to undergo the sovereignty of the Galls, than the Romans: for they were not to doubt but if the Romans vanquished the Helvetians, they would bereave the Heduans of their liberty with the rest of all Gallia. By these men are our deliberations and counsels, or whatsoever else is done in the Camp, made known to the Enemy. ●hat they were not able to keep them in obedience. That he knew well withal what danger he fell into by acquainting Caesar with these things; which was the cause he had kept them from him so long.  
Caesar perceived that Dumnorix (Divitiacus brother) was shot at by this speech of Liscus: but forasmuch as he would not have those things handled in the presence of so many, he speedily bra●e off the Council & retaining Liscus, asked privately after those things which he had delivered in the Assembly; whereunto he spoke more freely and boldly then before. And enquiring secretly of others, he found it to be true, that Dumnorix was of great courage, & singularly favoured for his liberality of the Common people, desirous of novelties and changes, and for many years had kept at a low rate the Taxes and Impositions of the Heduans, forasmuch as no man durst contradict what he would have done. By which courses he had increased his private estate, and got great means to be liberal: for a great number of horsemen did only live upon his entertainment, and were continually about him, being not only powerful at home, but abroad also amongst divers of the neighbour States; and for this cause had married his Mother to a great Rich man, and of a Noble house, in the Country of the Bituriges, himself had took a wife of the Helvetians, had matched his sister by his Mother, and others of his k●, into other States. For that affi●ty he favoured and wished well to the Helvetians: and on the other side hated the Romans, and specially Caesar of all others; for that by their coming into Gallia his power was weakened, and Divitiacus his brother restored to his ancient honour and dignity. If any miscasualtie happened to the Romans●is ●is hope was to obtain the Principality by the favour of the Helvetians: whereas the sovereignty of the Romans made him not only despair of the kingdom, but also of the favour, or what other thing soever he now enjoyed. And Caesar had found out by inquiry, that the beginning of the slight, when the Cavalry was routed, came from Dumnorix and his horsemen; for he commanded those troops which the Heduans had sent to aid Caesar; and out of that disorder the rest of the Cavalry took a fright.  
Which things being discovered, forasmuch as these suspicions were seconded with matters of certainty, in that he had brought the Helvetians through the confines of the Sequans, had caused hostages to be given on either side, and done all those things not only without warrant from the State, but without acquainting them therewith, and lastly, in that he was accused by the Magistrate of the Heduans, he thought it cause sufficient for him to punish him, or to command the State to do justice upon him. One thing there was which might seem too oppugn all this; the singular affection of Divitiacus his brother to the people of Rome; the great love he bore particularly to Caesar, his loyalty, justice and temperance; and therefore he feared least his punishment might any way alienate or offend Divitiacus sincere affection. And therefore before he did any thing, he called Divitiacus, and putting aside ●he ordinary Interpreters, he spoke to him by M. Valerius Procillus, one of the principal men of the Province of Gallia, his familiar friend, & whom he specially trusted in matters of importance, and took notice what Dumnorix had uttered in his presence, at a Council of the Galls, showing also what informations he had privately received concerning him: and therefore by way of advice desired, that without any offence to him, either he himself might call him in question, or the State take some course in the same.  
Divitiacus embracing Caesar with many tears besought him not to take any severe course with his brother; he knew well that all those things were true, neither was there any man more grieved thereat then himself. For whereas he had credit and reputation, both at home and amongst other States of Gallia, and his brother being of small power by reason of his youth, was by his aid and assistance grown into favour and authority, he used those means as an advantage not only to weaken his authority, but to bring him to ruin: And yet nevertheless he found himself overruled through brotherly affection, and the opinion of the common people. And if Caesar should take any strict account of these offences, there was no man but would think it was done with his privity, considering the place he held in his favour; whereupon would consequently follow on his behalf, a general alienation and distaste of all Gallia.  
As he uttered these things, with many other words accompanied with tears, Caesar taking his right hand, 
〈…〉  comforted him, and desired him to entreat no further: for such was the respect he had unto him, that for his sake, and at his request he forgave both the injury done to the Commonwealth, and the displeasure which he had justly conceived for the same. And thereupon called Dumnorix before him, and in the presence of his brother showed him wherein he had deserved much blame and reproof; told him what he had understood, and what the State complained on; advised him to avoid all occasions of mislike for the future; that which was past he had forgiven him, at Divitiacus his brother's entreaty. Howbeit he set espials upon him, to observe his courses, that he might be informed what he did, and with whom he conversed.  
The same day, understanding by the Discoverers that the Enemy was lodged under a Hill, about eight miles from his Camp, he sent some to take a view of the Hill, and of the ascent from about the same. Which was found, & accordingly reported unto him to be very easy. In the third watch of the night he sent away T. Labienus the Legate with two legions, and those Guides that knew the way; commanding him to possess himself of the top of that Hill. Himself, about the fourth watch, marched on after the Enemy, the same way they had gone, sending all his horsemen before.  
P. Causidius, that was held for a great soldier first in the Army of L. Sylla, and afterwards with M. Crassus, was sent before with the Discoverers. At the breaking of the day, when Labienus had got the top of the Hill, and himself was come within a mile and a half of the Helvetian Camp, without any notice to the Enemy either of his or Labienus approach (as was afterwards found by the Captives) Causidius came running as fast as his horse could drive, and told him that the Hill which Labienus should have taken, was held by the Galls; which he perceived plainly by the Arms and Ensigns of the Helvetians. Whereupon Caesar drew his forces to the next Hill, and imbattelled the Army.  
Labienus (according to the directions he had from Caesar, not to fight, unless he saw his forces near the Enemy's Camp that they might both at the same time assault them from divers parts at once) when he had took the Hill, kept his men from battle, expecting our Army.  
At length when it was far in the day, Caesar understood by the Discoverers that the Hill was possessed by his Party; as also that the enemy was dislodged, and that Causidius was so astonished with fear, that he reported to have seen that which he saw not. The same day he followed the Enemy at the distance he had formerly used, and encamped himself three miles from them. The day following, forasmuch as the Army was to be paid in Corn within two days next after, and that he was but eighteen miles distant from Bibract, a great and opulent City of the Heduans, he turned aside from the Helvetians, and made towards Bibract.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
THe getting of this hill as a place of advantage, 
Places o● advantage in the Roman wars.  was marvellous important to the happy success of the battle: for the advantage of the place is not only noted as an especial cause of easy victory throughout this history, but in all their wars, from the very cradle of their Empire, it cleared their Armies from all difficulties, to what extremities soever they were put. The first reason may be in regard of their Darts and Slings, and especially their Piles; which being a heavy deadly weapon, could not any way be so available being cast countermont, or in a plain level, as when the declivity and downfall of a swelling bank did naturally second their violent impression. Neither can the shock at handy-blowes be any thing so furious (which was a point of great respect in their battles) when the soldiers spent their strength in franchising the in jury of a rising Mountain, as when the place by a natural inclination did further their course.  
And to conclude, if the battle succeeded not according to the● desire, the favour of the place afforded them means of a strong retreat, in the highest part whereof they had commonly their Camps well fenced, and fortified against all chances. If it be demanded, whether the upper ground be of like use in regard of our weapons; I answer, that in a skirmish of shot I take the advantage to lie in the lower ground rather than on the hill; for the pieces being hastily charged, as commonly they are after the first volley, if the bullet chance to lie loose, when the nose of the piece is lower than the breech, it must needs fly at random, and be altogether uneffectuall: but when the nose shall be raised upward to the side of a hill, the bullet being rammed in with his own weight, shall fly with greater certainty and fury: considering the nature of the powder to be such, that the more it is stopped and shut in, the more it seeketh to enlarge his room, and breaketh forth with greater violence and fury.  
Concerning other weapons, I take the upper ground in the shock and encounter to be advantageous, as well for the sword as the pike, and would deserve as great respect, if the controversy were decided by these weapons, as seldom times it is.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
BY Causidius his demeanour we see that verified which Physicians affirm, That nothing will sooner carry our judgement out of her proper seat, than the passion of fear; and that amongst soldiers themselves, whom custom hath made familiarly acquainted with horror and death, it is able to turn a flock of Sheep into a squadron of Corselets, and a few Canes or Oliers into Pikes and Lanciers. Which may serve to advise a discreet General not easily to credit a relation of that nature, when a man of reputation in so perfect a discipline, and so experienced in the service of three famous Chiefs, was so surprised with fear, that he could not discern his friends from his enemies. But I will speak more of this passion in the war with A●●ovistus.   

THE THIRD OBSERVATION.  
IN every relation throughout the whole course of this history, 
Their manner of victualling.  the first words are commonly these, Re frumentaria comparata, as the foundation and strength of every expedition, without which no man can manage a war according to the true maxims and rules of the Art Military, but must be forced to relieve that inconvenience with the loss of many other advantages of great consequence. Which gave occasion to Gaspar de Coligm, that famous Admiral of France, amongst other Oracles of truth wherewith his mind was marvellously enriched, often to use this saying, That he that will shape that beast (meaning war) must begin with the belly. And this rule was diligently observed by Caesar, who best knew how to express the true portraiture of that beast in due proportion and lively resemblance.  
The order of the Romans was, at the day of measuring, to give corn to every particular soldier for a certain time, which was commonly defined by circumstances: and by the measure which was given them they knew the day of the next payment; for every footman received after the rate of a bushel a week, which was thought sufficient for him and his servant. For if they had paid them their whole stipend in money, it might have been wasted in unnecessary expenses: but by this means they were sure of provision for the time determined; and the sequel of the war was providently cared for by the General.  
The Corn being delivered out, was husbanded, ground with hand-milles, which they carried always with them, and made into hasty cakes, dainty enough for a soldier's mouth, by no other but themselves and their servants. Neither could they sell it or exchange it for bread; for Sallust reckoneth this up amongst other dishonours of the discipline corrupted, that the soldiers sold away their corn which was given them by the Treasurer, and bought their bread by the day. And this manner of provision had many special commodities, which are not incident to our custom of victualling: for it is impossible that victuallers should follow an Army upon a service in the Enemy's Country, twenty or thirty days together, with sufficient provision for an Army: And by that means the General cannot attend advantages and fittest opportunities, which in tract of time are often offered, but is forced either to hazard the whole upon unequal terms, or to found an unwilling retreat.  
And whereas the Victuallers are for the most part voluntary, respecting nothing but their gain, and the soldiers on the other side careless of the morrow, and prodigal of the present; in that turbulent marre-market, where the seller hath an eye only to his particular, and the buyer respecteth neither the public good nor his private commodity, there is nothing to be looked for but famine and confusion. Whereas the Romans, by their manner of provision, imposed the general care of the public good upon the chief Commander, whose duty it was to provide store of Corn for his Army; and the particular care upon every private soldier, whom it especially concerned to see that the allowance which the Commonweal had in plentiful manner given him for his maintenance, might not be wasted through negligence or prodigality: which excellent order the nature of our victuals will no way admit. Their Provinces, and the next confederate States furnished their Armies continually with Corn; as it appeareth by this place, that for provision of grain he depended altogether upon the Hedui: and when they were in the Enemy's Country, in the time of harvest the soldiers went out to reap and gather Corn, and delivered it threshed and cleansed to the Treasurer, that it might be kept until the day of payment.  
But to leave this fiugall and provident manner of provision, as impossible to be amitated by this age, let us return to our history, and see how the Helvetians were led, by a probable error, to their last overthrow.    

Chap. VII.  
The Helvetians follow after Caesar, and overtake the Rearward. He imbattaileth his legions upon the side of a hill; and giveth order for the battle.  
WHereof the Enemy being advertised by certain fugitives of the troup of horse commanded by L. Emilius, 
Caesar.  presently, whether it were that they thought the Romans did turn away for fear, (and the rather, for that the day before, having the advantage of the upper ground, they refused to sight) or whether they thought to cut them off from provision of Corn, they altered their purpose, and turning back again began to attack our men in the Rear. Which Caesar perceiving, drew his forces to the next hill, and sent the Cavalry to sustain the charge of the Enemy: and in the mean time in the midst of the hill made a triple battle, of four legions of old soldiers; and upon the highest ridge thereof he placed the two legions which he had lately enrolled in the hither Gallia, together with the associate forces, filling the whole front of the hill with men, and stowing the carriages in one place, which he commanded to be fenced and guarded by those that were in the uppermost battalions.  
The Helvetians on the other side conveyed their carriages and impediments into one place; and having beaten back Caesar's horsemen with a thick thronged Squadron, they put themselves into a Phalanx, and so pressed under the first battle of the Roman legions.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
COncerning the true sense of this triple battle which Caesar made upon the side of the hill, 
The manner of their imbattelling.  I understand it according to the ancient custom of the Romans, who in the infancy of their Military discipline divided their Army into three sorts of soldiers, Hastati, Principles, and Triarii; for I omit the Velites, as no part of their standing battles: and of these they made three several battles, from front to back. In the first battle were the Hastati, and they possessed the whole front of the Army, and were called Acies prima. Behind these, 
By triple● A●ies.  in a convenient distance, stood the Principes in like sort and order disposed, and were called Acies secunda. And lastly, in a like correspondent distance were the Triarii imbattelled, and made Aciem tertiam.  
Their legion consisted of ten Companies, which they called Cohorts, and every Cohort consisted of three small Companies, which they named Manipuli: a maniple of the Hastati, a maniple of the Principes, and another of the Triarii, as I will more particularly set down in the second book. And as these three kinds of soldiers were separated by distance of place from front to back: so was every battle divided into his maniples; and these were divided by little allies and ways one from another, which were used to this purpose: The Hastati being in front, did ever begin the battle: and if they found themselves too weak to repel the enemy, or were happily forced to a retreat, they drew themselves through these allies or distances, which were in the second battle, between the maniples of the Principes, into the space which was between the Principes and the Triarii; and there they rested themselves, whilst the Princepes took their place and charged the Enemy. Or otherwise, if the Commanders found it needful, they filled up those distances of the Principes; and so united with them into one body, they charged the enemy all in gross; and than if they prevailed not, they retired into the spaces between the Triarii, and so they gave the last assault, all the three bodies being joined into one.  
Now if we examine by the current of the history whether Caesar observed the same order and division in his wars, we shall find little or no alteration at all: for first, this triplex, Acies here mentioned, was no other thing but the division of the Hastati, Principes and Triarii, according to the manner of the first institution. And lest any man should dream of that ordinary division, which is likewise threefold, the two cornets and the battle, and in that sense he might say to have made triplicem Aciem, let him understand that the circumstances of the division have no coherence with that division: for in that he saith of the Helvetians, successerunt sub Aciem primam, they pressed near the first battle or Vanguard, he maketh it clear that the Army was divided into a triple battle from front to back: for otherwise he would have said, successerunt sub dextrum aut sinistrum cornu, aut mediam Aciem; for so were the parts of that division termed. Again, in the retreat which the Helvetians made to the hill, when he saith that the first and second battle followed close upon the enemy, and the third opposed itself against the Boii and Tulingi, and stood ready at the foot of the hill to charge the legions in the stank and on the back; it is manifest that no other division can so fitly be applied to this circumstance, as that from front to back.  
But that place in the first of the Civil wars taketh away all scruple of controversy, where he useth the very same terms of prima, secunda, and tertia Acies: forbeing to encamp himself near unto Afranius, and fearing lest his soldiers should be interrupted in their work, he caused the first and second battle to stand in Arms, and keep their distance, to the end they might shroud and cover the third battle (which was employed in making a ditch behind them) from the view of the enemy; and this kind of imbattelling Caesar observed in most of his fights: by which it appeareth that he used the very same order and discipline for imbattelling, as was instituted by the old Romans.  
Concerning the ancient names of Hastati, Principes, and Triarii, which Ramus in his Militia Julii Caesaris urgeth to be omitted throughout the whole history, I grant they are seldom used in these Commentaries in the sense of their first institution: for the Haestati, when the discipline was first erected, were the youngest poorest of the legionary soldiers; and the Principes were the lusty and able-bodied men; and the Triarii the eldest and best experienced. But in Caesar's Camp there was little or no difference either of valour or years between the Hastati, Principes and Triarii; which he nameth Prima, Secunda, and Tertia Acies; and therefore they were never termed by those names in respect of that difference.  
Notwithstanding in regard of order and degrees of discipline, that virtue might be rewarded with honour, and that time might challenge the privilege of a more worthy place, the said distinctions and terms were religiously observed. For in the battle with Petreius at Ilerda in Spain, 
Lib. 1. de bello Civili.  he mentioneth the death of Q. Fulginius, ex primo Hastato legionis quart aedecimae: and in the overthrow at Dyrrachium, 
Lib. 3. de bello Civili.  he saith that the Eagle-bearer being grievously wounded, commended the safety of his Ensign to the horsemen, all the Centurions of the first Cohort being slain, praeter Principem priorem. And for the Triarii, there is no term more frequent in Caesar then Primipilus; which name, by the rules of the ancient discipline, was given to none but to the chiefest Centurion of the first maniple of the Triarii: whereby it appeareth that the maniples kept the same names in regard of a necessary distinction, although peradventure the Hastati were as good soldiers as either the Principes or the Triarii.  
As touching the spaces between the maniples, whereinto the first battle did retire itself if occasion urged them, I never found any mention of them in Caesar: excepting once here in England, where in a skirmish the Britan's so urged the court of guard, which kept watch before the Roman Camp, that Caesar sent out two other Cohorts to succour them; who making distance between them as they stood, the court of guard retired itself in safety through that space into the Camp. Otherwise we never find that the first battle made any retreat into the allies, between the maniples of the second battle; but when it failed in any part, the second and third went presently to second them: as appeareth in the battle following with Ariovistus, and in divers others.  
Concerning the use of this triple battle, 
Lib. 5. de militia Romana.  what can be said more than Lipsius hath done? where he layeth open the particular commodities thereof, as far forth as a speculative judgement can discern of things so far remote from the use of this age, which never imitateth this triple battle but only in a march: for then commonly they make three companies, a Vanguard, a Battle, and a Rearward: but in imbattelling they draw these three Companies all in front, making two cornets and the battle, without any other troops to second them.  
But let this suffice concerning Caesar his manner of imbattelling, and his triplex Acies, until I come to the second book; where I will handle more particularly the parts of a legion, and the commondity of their small battalions.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
THe Macedonian Phalanx is described by Polybius to be a square battle of Pikemen, 
A Phalanx described.  consisting of sixteen in flank and five hundred in front; the soldiers standing so close together, that the pikes of the fifth rank were extended three foot beyond the front of the battle: the rest, whose pikes were not serviceable by reason of their distance from the front, couched them upon the shoulders of those that stood before them; and so locking them in together in file, pressed forward, to hold up the sway or giving back 〈◊〉 the former ranks, and so to make the assault more violent and unresistable.  
The Grecians were very skilful in this part of the Art Military, which containeth order and disposition in imbattelling: for they maintained public professors, whom they called Tactici, to teach and instruct their youth the practice and Art of all forms convenient for that purpose. And these Tactici found by experience that sixteen in flank, so ordered as they were in a Phalanx, were able to bear any shock, how violent so ever it charged upon them. Which number of sixteen they made to consist of four doubles: as first unity maketh no order, for order consisteth in number and plurality; but unity doubled maketh two, the least of all orders, and this is the double: which doubled again maketh the second order, of four soldiers in a file; which doubled the third time maketh eight; and this doubled maketh 16, which is the fourth doubling from a unite; and in it they stayed, as in an absolute number and square, whose root is four, the Quadruple in regard of both the extremes. For every one of these places the Tactici had several names, by which they were distinctly known. But the particular description requireth a larger discourse than can be comprehended in these short observations. He that desireth further knowledge of them, may read Aelianus, that lived in the time of Adrian the Emperor; and Arianus in his history of Alexander the great, with Mauritius, and Leo Imperator; where he shall have the divisions of Tetraphalangia, Diphalangia, Phalangia unto a unite, with all the discipline of the Grecians. The chiefest thing to be observed is, that the Grecians having such skill in imbattelling, preferred a Phalanx before all other forms whatsoever; either because the figure in itself was very strong; or otherwise in regard that it fitted best their weapons, which were long pikes and targets. But whether Caesar termed the battle of the Helvetians a Phalanx, in regard of their thick manner of imbattelling only, or otherwise forasmuch as besides the form, they used the natural weapon of a Phalanx, which was the pike, it remaineth doubtful. Brancatio in his discourses upon this place, maketh it no controversy but that every soldier carried a pike and a target. The target is particularly named in this history: but it cannot so easily be gathered by the same that their offensive weapons were pikes. In the fight at the baggage it is said, that many of the legionary shoulders were wounded through the cartwheels, with tragulae and materae, which are commonly interpreted Spears and Javelins: and I take them to be weapons longer than common darts; but whether they were so long as the Sarissas' of the Macedonians I cannot tell. Howsoever this is certain, that the Helvetians have ever been reputed for the true Phalangitae, next unto the Macedonians; and that in their thick and close imbattelling, they failed not at this time of the form of a Phalanx: for they roofed it so thick with targets, that Caesar saith they were sore troubled, because many of their targets were fastened and tied together with piles darted through them. Which argueth that their Phalanx was very thick thronged, whatsoever their weapon was.    

Chap. VIII.  
Caesar sendeth away all the horses of ease; exhorteth his men; and beginneth the battle.  
CAesar to take away all hope of safety by flight, 
Caesar.  first caused his own, and then all the private horses of ease to be carried out of sight; and so using some motives of courage, began the battle. The soldiers casting their Piles, with the advantage of the hill, did easily break the Helvetians Phalanx, and then with their swords betook themselves to a furious close.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
THe ancient Sages found it necessary to a faithful and serious execution of such an action, 
Speeches of encouragement before they gave battle  to prepare the minds of their men with words of encouragement, and to take away all scruple out of their conceits, either of the unlawfulness of the cause, or disadvantage against the Enemy: for if at any time that saying be true, that Oratio plus potest quam pecunia, it is here more powerful and of greater effect. For a donative or liberanza can but procure a mercenary endeavour, ever yielding to a better offer, and do oftentimes breed a suspicion of wrong, even amongst those that are willingly enriched with them; and so maketh them slack to discharge their service with loyalty, yea oftentimes of friends to become enemies. But inasmuch as speech discloseth the secrets of the soul, and discovereth the intent and drift of every action, a few good words laying open the injury which is offered to innocence, how equity is controlled with wrong, and justice controlled by iniquity (for it is necessary that a Commander approve his Cause, and settle an opinion of right in the mind of his soldiers, as it is easy to make that seem probable which so many offer to defend with their blood; when indeed every man relieth upon another's knowledge, and respecteth nothing less the right) a few good words I say, will so stir up their minds in the ferventness of the cause, that every man will take himself particularly engaged in the action by the title of Equity; and the rather, for that it jumpeth with the necessity of their condition. For men are willing to do well, when well-doing agreeth with that they would do: otherwise the Act may happily be effected, but the mind never approveth it by assent.  
And this manner of exhortation or speech of encouragement was never emitted by Caesar in any conflict mentioned in this historic: but he still used it as a necessary instrument to set virtue on foot, and the only means to stir up alacrity. Or if it happened that his men were at any time discouraged by disaster or cross accident, 
Lib. 7. de bello Gallico.  as they were at Gergobia, and at the two overthrows he had at Dyrrachium, he never would adventure to give battle until he had encouraged them again, and confirmed their minds in valour and resolution. But this age hath put on so scornful a humour, that it cannot hear a speech in this key, sound it never so gravely, without scoffing and derision: and on the other side discontinuance of so necessary a part hath bred at length such an inutilent pudorem in our chief Commanders, that they had rather lose the gain of a great advantage, then buy it with words to be delivered in public.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
IN this Chapter we may further observe the violence of the Roman pile, which being a heavy deadly weapon, could hardly be frustrated with any resistance, and in that respect was very proper and effectual against a Phalanx, or any other thick and close battle, or wheresoever else stroke was certain, or could hardly deceive the aim of the caster: for in such encounters it so galled the enemy, that they were neither able to keep their order, nor answer the assault with a resisting counterbuff. By which it appeareth that the only remedy against the Pile was to make the ranks thin; allowing to every soldier a large podisme or place to stand in, that so the stroke might of itself fall without hurt, or by foresight be prevented; as it shall plainly appear by the sequel of this history, which I will not omit to note, as the places shall offer themselves to the examination of this discourse.  
But as touching the Pile, 
The Roman Pile described.  which is so often mentioned in the Roman history, Polybius describeth it in this manner; A Pile, saith he, is a casting weapon, the staff whereof is almost three cubits long, and it hath palmarem diametrum, a hand-breadth in thickness. The staves were armed with a head of iron, equal in length to the staff itself: But in that sort, that half the head was fastened up to the middle of the staff, with plates of iron, like the head of a Halberd; and the other half stuck out at the end of the staff like a pike, containing a finger's breadth in thickness, and so decreasing less and less upto the point, which was barbed. This head was so slender toward the points, that the weight of the staff would bend it as it stuck, as appeareth in this battle of the Helvetians. This weapon was peculiar to the Romans, and was called Pilum, as Varro noteth, 
Lib. ●. de militia Romans.  of Pilum a Pestle, quod Hostes feriret ut pilum. Lipsius' finding that Palmarem diametrum was too great a thickness to be managed by any man's hand, interpreteth it to be four inches in circuit, if the staff were either round or square, for they had of both sorts, and so he maketh it very manageable; but nothing answerable to the description given by Polybius, either inform or weight.  
Patricius in his Paralleli maketh the staff to have Palmarem diametrum in the butt end, 
Lib. 5.  but the rest of the staff he maketh to decrease taper-wise, unto the head of iron, where it hath the thickness of a man's finger; and so it answereth both in form and weight to a Pestle, as may be seen by the figure, and I take it to be the meaning of Polybius. Patricius in that place setteth down four discommodities of the Pile. First, a furious and hot-spirited enemy will easily prevent the darting of the Pile, with a nimble and speedy close. And so we read that in the battle which Caesar had with Ariovistus, the Germans came so violently upn them, that the soldiers cast away their piles and betook them to their swords. And likewise in that worthy battle between Catiline and Marcus Petreius, 
Salus●.  they cast away their piles on either part. The second discommodity was, that the piles being so heavy could not be cast any distance, but were only serviceable at hand. Thirdly, they could not be cast with any aim, or as they say, point-blank. And lastly, the soldiers were to take advantage of ground backward when they threw them: which might easily disorder their troops, if they were not very well experienced.   

THE THIRD OBSERVATION.  
THe last thing which I observe in this speciality is, that the legionary soldiers had no other offensive weapon but one pile or two at the most, and their swords. By which it may be gathered that all their victories came by buckling at handy-blowes; for they came always so near before they cast their pile, that they left themselves no more time than might conveniently serve them to draw their swords: neither would their Arms of defence, which was complete, besides a large target which they carried on their left arm, suffer them to make any long pursuit, or continued chase, whensoever a light-armed enemy did make any speedy retreat; as will more plainly appear by that which followeth.    

Chap. IX.  
The Helvetians fainting in the battle, retire to a Hill: the Romans follow after, and the battle is continued.  
THE BATTLE WHICH CAESAR HAD WITH THE HELVETIANS.  
The Hill being taken, and the Legions following on to drive them from thence, the Boii and ●ulingi, to the number of fifteen thousand, being in the Rear of the Enemy, to guard the lag of their Army, setting on our men as they were in pursuit of the rest, did charge them upon the open side, and began to enclose them about: which the Helvetians that had got the Hill perceiving began again to fall upon our men, and renewed the battle. The Romans dividing themselves, turned their Ensigns two ways; the first and second Army fought against the Helvetians that returned from the Hill; and the third battle took charge of them that stood ready to enclose them about. And here the fight was doubtful and furious for a long time; until at length they were no longer able to endure the violence of the legionary soldiers: and so one part betook themselves as at the first to the Hill; and the other, to the place where their Carts and baggage were lodged.  
And hitherto there was not one man seen to have turned his back in all this conflict; although the fight continued from the seventh hour until the evening.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
COncerning the Ensigns of the Romans, 
The Ensigns of the Romans.  we are to understand that the chiefest Ensign of every Legion was an Eagle, which always attended upon the Primipile or chief Centurion of the said Legion. The Ensign of a Maniple was either a Hand or a Dragon, a Wolf or a Sphinx; as it appeareth (besides the testimony of history) by the Column of Trajan in Rome, wherein the Ensigns are figured with such portraitures: so that these Ensigns resembling the proportions of living creatures, had their foreparts always carried that way which the legious were to march, or where they were to fight. And therefore in this history by the aspect and carrying of the Ensigns, the front of the Army was commonly noted: as in this place it is said, that the Ensigns of the first and second battle were carried towards the hill, whither the Helvetians had made their retreat; and the Ensigns of the third battle looked another way, towards the Boii and Tulingi, which stood on the foot of the hill. By which is signified how the legions were divided to resist the brunt of the double encounter.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
COncerning the time of the day, we are to understand that the Romans used not the same division of the day as we commonly do: 
The division of their day.  for they divided their artificial (which is the space between sunrising and setting) into twelve equal parts, which the Astronomers called unequal or planetary hours. The first hour of the day began always at sunrising; the sixth hour was always high noon; and the twelfth hour was sunset. And as the day waxed longer or shorter, so these hours were either greater or less: neither did they agree with equal or equinoctial hours, such as are now used, but only at the Aequinoctium: so that by this manner of reckoning, Ab hora septima ad vesperum is meant, the battle began about one of the clock according to our Computation, and continued until the evening. The like we must understand throughout this whole history, as often as there is mention made of the circumstance of time.    

Chap. X.  
The Helvetians continue their fight at the carriages: but at length they leave the field, and march towards Langres.  
IN like manner the fight was kept on foot at the carriages, 
Caesar.  until it was far in the night; the place being fortified with Carts instead of a Rampire: and the Enemy casting their weapons from the upper ground, and with Darts and Javelins under the wagons, and from between the wheels, did wound and gall many of our men. After a long conflict our soldiers took their carriages and their Camp; wherein Orgetorix daughter and one of his sons were taken. There were saved out of that battle about one hundred and thirty thousand persons; who marching continually all that night, and making no stay in any place, came the fourth day into the confines of the Lingones: 
Langres.  for by reason of the soldier's hurts, and the burial of the slain, wherein there was spent three days, there was no pursuit made after them.  

OBSERVATION.  
IF we consider the nature of the action, and look into the true cause of their overthrow, as far as the right sense of the history shall direct our judgement, we shall find valour not to be wanting in the Helvetians, but rather superlatively abounding in the Romans. For that vehement opinion of their valiancy and manhood, which carried them out of the starits of the Country to seek larger fortunes in other kingdoms, was not so abated with the loss of the fourth part of their Host at the river Arar, nor with the terrible fury of those veterane legions; but it yielded this effect, which Caesar in his estimate of valour thought memorable, that for five hours' space or more there was not one man seen to have turned his back. Their manner of imbattelling, had not the Romans been the enemy, was unresistable. For being cast into a Phalanx, which in the Plains of Asia had made Alexander the great and the Macedomans' famous, they did as far surpass any other form of imbattelling (supposing that the conveniency of the place did fit that disposition) wherein the strength of the whole is divided into many particulars, as the violence of a great body exceedeth the force and motion of his parts, when it is divided into smaller cantons. For as in a phalanx many particular soldiers are by a close and compact order incorporated into one entire body; so their several virtues are gathered into one head, and are as parts united into one general force; which easily swalloweth up the ability of many other lesser quantities, into which a greater strength is equally divided.  
The advantage of the place which they got by retreat, and the double charge wherewith they engaged the Romans, both in front and flank, was able in an indifferent conflict to have made Fortune fugitive, and bear arms on their side; or at the least so to have st●●med the swelling tide of victory, which carried the Romans so violently in the chase, that they might have been equal shaters in the honour of the day; had it not followed from an Ocean of valour, whose course could not be hindered with any stops and oppositions, until it came to that height which true valour and unexampled resolution affected. And yet the height of this courage could not so allay the heat of the Helvetians fury, but it broke forth into dangerous flames, when it came to the place where their carriages were laid, and cost much blood and many men's lives before they quitted the place: for they fought with that spirit and industry, as though they meant to make trial whether their fortune would prove no better in the might, than it had done in the day.  
The overthrow of the Tig●r●e Canton at the river Arar proceeded rather from want of good duc●tions (which is the less to be marvelled at, considering they had no chief Commander as we read of) then from any defect of valour: 
Periculum 〈…〉.  for the rules of Military government: 〈◊〉 especial care in passing, over a water; for then especially an Army is in greatest danger, when it is disordered and divided. And therefore the Romans achieved this victory by the horrible vigilancy (as Tully calleth it) of their Commande●, who always watched opportunitates re● bene gerendae, as necessary and speedy means to overcome in all his wars.    

Chap. XI.  
Caesar, after three day's respite, followeth after the Helvetians: he taketh them to mercy, and sendeth them back again to the Country.  
Caesar sent Letters and Messengers to the Lingones, 
Caesar.  forbidding to supply them either with Cornor any other thing; which if they did, he would esteem of them as of the Helvetians. Himself, after three day's respite, follwed after with all his forces. The Helvetians, pressed with the want of all necessary provisions, sent Commissioners unto him to treat of their rendition. Who meeting him on the way, cast themselves at his feet, and with humble words and tears desired Peace. Being commanded to attend in the place they then were, they accordingly obeyed. Caesar being come up unto them, required hostages, together with their Arms and servants; as also the fugitives that were fled unto them.  
While those things were sought out and brought, in the night time, six thousand men or there abouts of the Canton called Verbigene, whether moved through fear of being executed after their Arms were given up, or induced with hope of escaping (as thinking that amongst such a multitude of people that were there to be rendered, their flight should not be miss, or at least would be concealed) did in the beginning of the night leave the Helvetian Camp, and made towards the Rhine, and the confines of the Germans.  
Caesar understanding through whose territories they passed, commanded them to seek them out, and bring them back again, if they would be blameless in that behalf: And being brought back, dealt with them as enemies. All the rest, after Hostages, Arms and fugitives were given in, he received to mercy; and commanded the Helvetians, Tulinges, and Latobriges to return into their Country from whence they came. And forasmuch as having lost all their provision of Corn, there remained nothing at home to satisfy hunger, he gave order to the Allebroges to supply them with Corn; and willed the Helvetians to reedify their Towns and Cities, that they had before destroyed and forsaken. Which he did specially for this cause; that the Germans inhabiting beyond the Rhine might not be invited with the richness of that soil, to seat themselves so near neighbours to the Province of Gallia, and the Allobroges. The Boijs, at the mediation of the Heduans, as knowing them to be men of great valour, were permitted to dwell in their Country; to whom they gave lands and possessions, and received them into the same liberties and immunities as they themselves enjoyed.  
In the Helvetian Camp was found a List, or Register, writ in Greek, and brought to Caesar, containing by pole the whole number that left their Country, how many of them were able to bear Arms: and in like manner the boys, old men and women were enrolled apart by themselves. The summary whereof was, that the whole number of the Helvetians amounted to two hundred sixty three thousand, the Tulinges to thirty six thousand, the Latobriges to fourteen, the Rauracks' to twenty three, the Boii to thirty two. Of these there were that bare Arms, one hundred ninety two thousand. The total of all were three hundred sixty eight thousand. A view being taken by Caesar's appointment of those that returned home, there were found one hundred and ten thousand.  

OBSERVATION.  
THe directions concerning their rendry and return were very sound, and of good consequence. For first, in that he commanded them to attend his coming in the place where they were, he took away all motions of new trouble, which often removes might have caused, by the opportunity of some accident which might have happened: assuring himself that their abode in that place would increase their miseries, and consequently ripen that desire of peace which they made show of; considering that the Langones, in whose territories they were, durst not for fear of Caesar's displeasure furnish them with any necessaries in that extremity. Touching the security which the Romans required of the loyalty of such people as they conquered, their manner was to take as hostages a sufficient number of the man-children of the chiefest men of that Nation; whose lives depended upon their Parent's fidelity, and ended with the first suspicion of their rebellion. Which custom, besides the present good, promised the like or better security to the next age; when as those children by conversation and acquaintance should be so affected to the Roman Empire, that returning to their own country, their actions might rather tend to the advancement thereof, than any way be prejudicial to the same. And lest the love of liberty and freedom should prevail more with them, than that affection which Nature had enjoined them to bear to their children; he did what he could to take away the means and instruments of their rebellion, by causing them to deliver up such Arms and weapons as were there present: and so to become suitable to that petition of peace which they had made.  
The sum of all is this; he corrected the insolency of a furious people, and reduced them to a feeling of their own madness. He kept them from sacking the possessions of many thousands in the continent of Gallia, and sent them back again to continue their name and Nation in the place where they first inhabited; which continueth unto this day. And thus we see that there is no humour so headstrong, nor so backed with strength of circumstances, but it may meet with a remedy to qualify the insolency thereof, and make it subject to correction and controlment.    

Chap. XII.  
The States of Gallia congratulate Caesar's victory: they call a council, and discover their inward grief concerning Ariovistus and his forces.  
THe Helvetian war being thus ended, 
Caesar.  the Princes and chief men of all the States of Gallia came to Caesar, to congratulate the happiness of this victory; insomuch as they well understood, that albeit the people of Rome had by the course of this war revenged the injuries which heretofore they had done unto them: yet nevertheless the issue thereof did redound no less profitable to the peace of Gallia, then to the Roman Empire; forasmuch as the Helvetians left their houses and Country abounding with all plenty and prosperity, for no other purpose but to invade the whole Country of Gallia, and to bring it in subjection to themselves; and choosing out of that large Continent some fit and fruitful place of habitation, to make the rest of the States their Tributaries. They required further, that with his good leave they might call a general assembly at a day prefixed, of all the States of Gallia, forasmuch as they had matters of great importance to be handled, which they desired (with a common consent) to prefer to his consideration. Which being granted, and the day of meeting appointed, they bound themselves by oath not to reveal the causes of their assembly, but to such as should be designed by common counsel.  
The Parliament being broken up, the same Princes returned to Caesar, and desired that they might in secret treat with him of the safety of themselves, and all the rest: which being granted, they cast themselves in lamentable manner at his feet, contending with a great earnestness that those things which they delivered might not be revealed, as they did to have their petition granted: forasmuch as they saw that the discovery of such declarations as they propounded, would necessarily pull upon them most grievous afflictions.  
Divitiacus the Heduan, in the name of the rest, delivered, That Gallia was divided into two factions: the Hedui were the head of the one, and the Arverni of the other. These two States contending many years for the principality, the Arverni with the Sequans their Clients, hired the Germans to take their part; of whom at first there passed over the Rhine some fifteen thousand: but afterwards, these barbarous people having tasted the plenty and civility of the Galls, drew over many more, that now there were no less than one hundred and twenty thousand. With these the Hedui and their Clients had once or oftener fought; but the success sorted to their own calamity, and the utter overthrow of their Nobility and Senate: with which losses they were so broken and decayed, that whereas heretofore as well by their own credit, as by the favour of the people of Rome, they struck a great stroke throughout all Gallia; they were now driven to deliver the chiefest of their State as pledges to the Sequans, and to bind themselves by oath never to seek their release or freedom, nor to implore the aid of the people of Rome, nor to seek means to free themselves from their sovereignty; only himself of all the Heduans could not be brought to take that oath, or to give his children as hostages: for which cause he fled to Rome, and besought help of the Senate, being no way obliged to the contrary either by oath or hostages.  
But it so fell out, that the victory became more grievous to the Sequans then to the Heduans: for that Ariovistus king of the Germans was planted in their territories; and being already possessed of a third part of their Country, which was the best part of all Gallia, did now require the Sequans to forgo another third part, for that a few months before there were come unto him twenty four thousand Harudes, to whom lands and possessions were to be allotted. Whereby it would come to pass within a few years that all the Galls would be driven out of their dwellings, and all the Germans would come over the Rhine; for there was no comparison between Gallia and Germany, either in richness of soil or fashion of life.  
Concerning Ariovistus, after he had once defeated the Galls in a battle near Amagetobrig, he carried himself very cruelly and insolently, requiring the children of all the Nobility for hostages, and showing strange examples of torture upon them. If any thing were done not according to his command or desire, he would easily show himself to be a barbarous, fierce and hasty man, whose tyranny they could no longer endure: and unless there were help to be found in Caesar and the people of Rome, all the Galls must, as the Helvetians did, forsake their Country, and seek new houses and seats of habitation, far remote from the Germans, and try their fortunes, whatever befell them. If these things should haply be discovered to Ariovistus, he would doubtless take a severe revenge of all the pledges in his custody. Caesar might by his own authority, or the presence of his Army, or by the renown of his late victory, or by the countenance of the people of Rome, keep the Germans from transporting any more Colonies into Gallia, and defend it from the injuries of Ariovistus. This speech being delivered by Divitiacus, all that were present with much weeping besought Caesar to give them relief.  
Caesar observed that only the Sequans of all the rest did no such matter, or were so affected as the others were; but with their heads hanging down, looked mournfully upon the ground: and wondering at it, asked them the cause thereof. To which they made no reply, but stood silent, with the same countenance of sorrow. And having oftentimes iterated his demand, without gaining any word of answer; Divitiacus the Heduan replied that the state of the Sequans was herein more miserable and grievous than the rest; that they of all others durst not complain, or implore aid, although it were in secret, as having before their eyes the cruelty of Ariovistus being absent, no less then if he were present. And the rather, for that other men had safe means of flying away; but the Sequans, having received Ariovistus into their Country, and made him Master of their towns, were necessarily to undergo all miseries.  
These things being known, Caesar encouraged the Galls with good words, and promised them to have a care of that matter, as having great hope, that by his means and power Ariovistus should be forced to offer no further injuries. And thereupon dismissed the Council.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
IN this relation there are divers points worthily recommended to the discretion of such as are willing to be directed by other men's misadventures. As first, into what extremities ambition doth drive her thirsty favourites, by suppressing the better faculties of the soul, and setting such unbridled motions on foot, as carry men headlong into most desperate attempts. For as it had deserved commendation in either faction, so to have carried their emulation, that by their own means and strength applied to the rule of good government, their authority might wholly have swayed the inclination of the weaker states: so was it most odious in the Sequani to call in foreign forces, to satisfy the appetite of their untempered humour; and in the end they were accordingly rewarded.  
Secondly, it appeareth how dangerous a thing it is to make a stranger a stickler in a quarrel which civil dissension hath broached, when the party that called him in shall not be as able to refuse his assistance upon occasion, as he was willing to entertain it for advantage.  
Lastly, the often discontents of these States show the force of a present evil, which possesseth so vehemently the powers of the soul, that any other calamity, either already past, or yet to come, how great soever, seemeth tolerable and easy, in regard of that smart which the present grief inflicteth.  
So the Sequani chose rather to captivate their liberty to the Barbarism of a savage Nation, then to endure the Hedui to take the hand of them. And again, to make themselves vassals to the Romans, rather than endure the usurping cruelty of the Germans. And finally (as the sequel of the history will discover) to hazard the loss of life and Country, then to suffer the taxes and impositions of the Romans. So predominant is the present evil in men's affections, and so it prevaileth at the seat of our judgement.    

Chap. XIII.  
The reasons that moved Caesar to undertake this war.  
MAny were the inducements which moved him to take that business to heart. 
Caesar.  As first, that the Heduans, who were oftentimes styled by the Senate with the title of Brethren, Cousins and Allies, were in the servitude and thraldom of the Germans, and that their hostages were with Ariovistus and the Sequans: which in so great a sovereignty of the people of Rome, he took to be very dishonourable both to himself and the Commonweal. As also for that he saw it very dangerous for the Roman Empire, that the Germans should accustom by little and little to stock in such multitudes into Gallia. Neither did he think he could moderate or restrain such fierce and barbarous people; but that having possessed all the Continent of Gallia, they would, as the Cimbri and Teutons had done before, break out into the Province, and so into Italy: especially the Sequans, being divided from the Province but with the river Rhone.  
These things he thought fit with all speed to prevent: and the rather, for that Ariovistus was grown to that pride and arrogancy, as was not to be suffered. For which respect he thought it expedient to send Ambassadors unto him, to appoint some indifferent place for parley; for that he had to treat with him concerning public affairs, and some matters that did much import both of them.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
I May here take an occasion to speak somewhat concerning the authority of the Roman Generals, 
Tthe authority of the Roman Generals.  which we see to be very large; considering that Caesar of himself, without any further leave of the Senate and people of Rome (for what may be gathered by this history) did undertake a war of that consequence, and put in jeopardy the Legions, the Province, or what other interest the Romans had in Gallia.  
Wherein we are to understand, that when the State of Rome did allot the government of any Province to a Proconsul, they did likewise recommend unto him the careful managing of such accidents as might any way concern the good of that regiment. For considering that such causes as may trouble a well-ordered government, are as well external and foreign, as internal and bred within the bounds of that Empire: it had been to small purpose to have given him only authority to maintain a course of wholesome government at home, and no means to take away such oppositions which foreign accident might set up against him. And so we see that Caesar undertook the Helvetian war, in regard of the safety of the Province: and this again with Ariovistus, lest the Germans should so multiply in Gallia, that the Province itself might at length be endangered. Neither had their General's authority only to undertake these wars; but the absolute disposition also of the whole course thereof, whether it were to treat, capitulate, compound, or what else they thought convenient for the advancement of the Commonweal, did wholly rest upon their direction; republica bene gesta being the stile of the warrant for all their actions.  
Neither may we think that any subordinate or depending authority can be so powerful in the course of businesses as that which absolutely commandeth without controlment, and proceedeth according to the opportunity of time and occasion, further than either prescription or limitation can direct it. And therefore whensoever the Roman affairs were distressed, and driven to an exigent, they created a Dictator, that had regiam potestatem, such an absolute command, that whatsoever power rested either in the Consuls or in the Tribunes, in the Senate or in the people, it gave way to the greatness of that Magistrate; that there might be no let or retracting power to weaken that course, which nothing but an absolute command could establish for the good of the Commonweal. And yet notwithstanding this absolute government, they attributed such power to the course of humane actions, that by the punishment which they inflicted upon dissolute and unfortunate Leaders, they seemed to acknowledge that no man, how circumspect soever, could promise more than likelihoods or probabilities of good fortune, as far forth as his means and industry could achieve it. 
Liv. lib. 8.  For old M. Fabius pleading for the life of his gallant son, and opposing the rigour of Papirius the Dictator with examples of antiquity, saith, Populi quidem, penes quem potestas omnium rerum ofset, ne iram quidem unquam atrociorem fuisse in eos qui temeritate atque inscitia exercitus amisissent, quam ut pecunia eos multaret: capite anquisitum ob rem male gestam de imperatore nullum ad eam diem esse. The people, saith he, in whom the sovereign power of things consisteth, never showed greater displeasure against such as had lost an Army either by rashness or unskilfulness, then imposing a fine upon them: but to bring the life of a General in question for failing in his endeavours, was never heard of to that day.  
The condition of the inferior Officers of their Camp was far otherwise in regard of Military discipline: for prescription guided them in all their services, and the chiefest part of their duty was obedience; although they saw evident reason to the contrary, and found their directions unperfect in that behalf: and therefore Caesar saith upon that occasion, 
Lib. 3. de bello Civili.  Aliae sunt legati partes atque imperatoris: alter omnia agere ad praescriptum, alter libere ad summam rerum consulere debet. The office of a Legate or Lieutenant differeth from that of a General: the one doing all things by prescription; and the other freely deliberating of whatsoever may concern the cause. And this course the Romans held concerning the authority of their Generals.    

Chap. XIV.  
Ariovistus his answer. A second Embassage, with the success thereof.  
TO that Embassage Ariovistus answered; 
Caesar.  That if his occasions had required Caesar's assistance, he would have furthered them with his own presence: and he thought it as reasonable, that if it were in his hand to pleasure the Romans, Caesar ought not to think much of the like labour. For his own part, he durst not come into those parts of Gallia which Caesar possessed, without an Army; nor could he draw an Army to a head without great trouble and expense. The thing that he most wondered at was, that the Romans or Caesar had to do in that part of Gallia, which the law of Arms had made his inheritance.  
Upon the return of this answer Caesar framed a second Embassage, the purport whereof was; Forasmuch as he thus requited the honour wherewith the people of Rome had beautified his best dignity (for in Caesar's Consulship the authority of their Empire had vouchsafed to esteem of him as a King in his dominions, and as a friend unto their State) and that he disdained to admit of a Parley concerning the common good; let him know that these were the things that he required to be performed by him: First, that he should not suffer any more troops of Germans to be transported over the Rhine into Gallia. Secondly, that he should deliver up those Hostages which he had of the Heduans and Sequans, and should cease to molest them further with war or other injuries. These things if he did perform, Caesar would assure him of a grateful acceptance on the behalf of the people of Rome: otherwise, forasmuch as in the Consulships of M. Messala and L. Piso the Senate had decreed, That he that should obtain the government of the Province, should as near as it would stand with the good of the Commonweal endeavour the defence of their Associates and Friends, he would not neglect the injuries done unto the Heduans.  
To these Mandates Ariovistus replied: The law of Arms kept this tenure amongst all Nations, That a Conqueror might govern a subdued people according as he thought best for his own safety. The people of Rome did not direct the course of their government by another man's prescript, but by their own arbitrement: and as he had not directed the Romans, so ought not they to meddle with his proceedings.  
The Heduans having tried the fortune of war, were by right become his Stipendaries; wherein Caesar offered great wrong, for that his coming thither had made their tribute much less unto him then before. Touching their Hostages, his purpose was still to retain them. Neither would he make any unjust war upon any of their Associates, if they observed the Articles of agreement, and paid their yearly tribute: but if they failed in that, the fraternity of the Romans would come too late to their succour. If Caesar would needs undertake their quarrel, he was to let him know, that no man ever contended with Ariovistus but to his own destruction. Try when he would, he should find what valour consisted in the Germans, that for fourteen years' space never were covered with other roof than the Heavens.  

OBSERVATION.  
ANd thus far proceeded Caesar with Ariovistus, in debating the wrongs and grievances of the Hedui. Wherein appeareth the difference between a matter handled according to moral civility, in terms of mildness and pleasing accent, and that which is rudely delivered, and dependeth rather upon the plainness of the project, then suited with words fit for persuasion. For that which Ariovistus alleged to make good his interest in Gallia, was as consonant to reason as any thing to the contrary urged by Caesar.  
But as the Lacedaemonian said of one, That he spoke the truth otherwise than it should be spoken: so it may be said of Ariovistus his answer, that it wanted that sweating humanity which giveth credit to verity itself, forasmuch as it proceedeth from a well-tempered spirit, wherein no turbulent passion seemeth to control the force of reason, nor hinder the sentence of true judgement; but rather seasoning her conceptions with humility, doth convertly complain of open Wrong, and strengthen her assertions with a pleasing delivery. And therefore how great soever the controversy be, that party which exceedeth not the bounds of modesty, but maketh mildness his chiefest advocate, will so prevail in any auditory, that albeit equity doth disallow her title, yet the manner of his carriage will clear him from offering wrong, in that he useth the sequels of innocency to prove his interest in that which he demandeth. But to leave this circumstance, as only to be noted, let us proceed to the war itself, which I made the second part of this history.    

Chap. XV.  
The Treviri bring news of one hundred townships of the Suevi that 〈◊〉 come to the Khene. Caesar taketh in Besanson: his soldiers are surprised with an extreme fear of the Germans.  
AT the same time that this answer was returned to Caesar, 
Caesar.  there came likewise Ambassadors from the Heduans and Trevires. The Heduans complained that the Harudes lately transported into Gallia, did depopulate and waste their borders, and that they could not buy their peace of Ariovistus with giving of Hostages for their allegiance. The Trevires brought news of one hundred townships of the Suevi that were come to the river Rhine, to seek a passage into Gallia, conducted by Nasua and Cimberius, two brethren. Whereat Caesar bring exceedingly moved, thought his best means of prevention to consist in celerity, lest the difficulty of resisting should grow greater, when those new forces of the Suevi were joined with the power which was already with Ariovistus. And therefore having provided Corn, he made haste to seek the Germans. And having gone three day's journey on his way, he had intelligence that Ariovistus with all his forces was gone to take in Besanson, the greatest town of the Sequans; and that he was three day's journey on his way already.  
Caesar knowing how much it imported him to prevent that disadvantage (forasmuch as the Town abounded with all necessary provisions for war, and was so sited, that he that commanded it might prolong the war at his own pleasure; being encircled with the river Alduabis, 
le Doux.  excepting a small space of six hundred foot, which was fortified with an exceeding high Hill, the foot whereof did at each end join unto the river, and the Hill strengthened with a wall, and so joined to the town) made all the hast he could to take the town, and there left a garrison. And as he rested there a few days, to make provision of Corn and other necessaries, the Romans enquiring of the Galls and Merchants concerning the quality of the Germans, understood that they were men of a huge stature, of courage invincible, and of great practice and experience in feats of Arms; whereof the Galls had oftentimes made trial: For when they encountered them, they were not able to endure so much as the sternness of their countenance, or the fierceness of their looks. The whole Army conceived such a fear thereat, that all men's minds were wonderfully appalled. This fear began first amongst the Tribunes and Commanders of horse, and such others as for friendship sake followed Caesar from Rome, and had small or no skill in matter of war. These men feigning some one excuse and some another, of very earnest business which called them home, desired leave to depart. Some others, whom shame would not suffer to forsake the Camp, bewrayed the like passion in their countenances and behaviour: for hiding themselves in their Tents, they either bewailed their destiny secretly to themselves, or otherwise with their acquaintance and familiar friends. They lamented the danger they were all like to fall into; so that throughout the whole Camp there was nothing but making & signing of Testaments. And through the tal● and fearfulness of these men the old soldiers and Centurions, and such as had great experience in the Camp, began by little and little to apprehend the terror wherewith the rest were amazed: and those that would seem to be less fearful, said, they feared not the enemy, but the narrowness of the ways, and the greatness of the woods that were between them and Ariovistus; or otherwise they cast doubts where they might have provision of Corn. And many stuck not to tell Caesar, that whensoever he should give commandment to march forward, or advance the Standards, the soldiers would refuse to do it.  

OBSERVATION.  
WHerein for that we find a strange alteration, no way answerable to that courage which a late-gotten victory doth usually breed in noble spirits; it shall not be amiss a little to insist upon the quality of the accident, and to gather such brief instructions from their weakness, as may best serve to qualify the amazement of horror, and mitigate the frenzy of so violent a passion. And albeit my ignorance in the works of Nature cannot promise any such learning, as may discover the true means and secret motions whereby a fore-conceived fear doth trouble the senses, and astonish the mind; yet sith the history offereth it to our scanning, give me leave only to note the strangeness of the circumstance, and rudely to delineate the portraiture of a beast oftener seen then well known, using the unwieldy pile for my pencil, and suiting my speech to a warlike auditory. I know not how it happeneth, but thus it may happen, that when the senses receive intelligence of an eminent evil, which may either dispossess the soul of this earthly mansion, or trouble the quiet wherein she resteth, the spirits (as it seemeth) by the direction of their sovereign Mistress, retire themselves into the inner cabinets and secreter pavilions of the body, where the chiefest part of the soul is most resident: and so they leave the frontier quarters of her kingdom naked and ungarrisoned, the better to strengthen that capital City of the heart, out of which the life cannot fly, but to the utter ruin and destruction of the whole body. For fear is not only a perturbation of the soul proceeding from the opinion it hath of some evil to come; but it is also a contraction and closing up of the heart, when the blood and the spirits are recalled from the outward parts, to assist that place which giveth life and motion to all the rest. In this Chaos and confusion of humours and spirits, when the multiplicity of faculties (which otherwise require an ordinate distinction in their service, and by the order of nature should be disposed into several instruments, and be dilated throughout the body) are thus blended confusedly together, the conceptions of the mind, which presently rise from these advertisements, are suddenly choked with the disordered mixture of so many several properties, and are stifled as it were in the throng, before they can be transported to our judgement or examined by reason, for want of that ordinate uniformity of place which nature requireth in the powers of the mind. And hence proceedeth that amazedness and astonishment, which so daunteth the hearts of men, when they are taken with this passion, that because the soul giveth no counsel, the body can afford no motion, but standeth frozen through the extremity of the perturbation, benumbed in sense, and forsaken of the spirits. So we read that Theophilus the Emperor, in an overthrow which he had given him by the Hagarens, was strucken with such an excessive fear, that he could not betake himself to ●light (Adeo pavor etiam auxilia formidat) until one of his chief Commanders shaking him by the shoulder, as though he were to awake him out of a deep sleep, threatened him with present death, if he would not prevent the ruin of the Empire, by using that means which was only left for his safety.  
Again, if in that turbulent consistory the spirits chance distinctly to receive any apprehension proceeding from the forgeing faculty of the soul, they carry it presently to execution before it be examined by reason, and follow the action with such vehemency, that they leave no place for better advice and reknowledgement. And this is the cause that oftentimes through extremity of fear, to avoid one evil we run headlong into a worse, and find a greater danger in the means we use to avoid a less; because reason did not first try the apprehension, before it was delivered to external Agents. And so we find in the battle between Germanicus and the Almans, that two gross troops of soldiers were driven into such an ecstasy of fear, that taking, contrary courses to avoid one & the same danger, they either of them fled to that place which the other had quitted: neither could they be advised by each others flight, that the places which they sought after afforded them no remedy.  
And albeit reason be called to counsel when a parley is summoned of composition, yet it beareth so small a sway in the consultation, that the will of itself concludeth to betray virtue to dishonour, and so to purchase peace with the loss of the souls chiefest treasure: which ought ever to be estimated at a higher rate than any other happiness which can betid the mind. For among all the sensible things of this world, there is no creature that hath such a confused fear, or is more amazed therewith, then man is: neither is there any misery greater, or any bondage more shameful, servile or vile, than this, which maketh men very abjects of all other creatures, to redeem the evil which the danger threateneth: and then doth shame follow after so base a part, and aggravate the burden of the sin with loathsome disgrace, and penitent discontentment; adding oftentimes Aloes to Wormwood, and making the end grievouser than the beginning. And thus doth danger breed fear, and fear yieldeth to dishonour, and dishonour bringeth shame, & shame being always mingled with wrath and anger, revengeth itself upon itself, and bringeth more peril than the first danger could threaten.  
Whereby it appeareth that as the affections of the mind are bred one of another; so on the contrary part some are bridled and restrained by others: for as envy, hatred and anger rise oftentimes of love; so is joy lessened with grief, envy with mercy, and fear with shame.  
But forasmuch as all such perturbations proceed of ignorance and inconsiderateness, whereby we think that the evil is greater than indeed it is; let us consider what disposition of our judgement best moderateth the violent heat of these affections. And first, touching the passages whereby the soul receiveth her advertisements, as they are of divers natures, the chiefest whereof are the eye and the ear; so are their avisoes different in quality, and require a several consideration to be rightly discerned. The intelligence by the eye is more certain than that which cometh by the way of hearing; forasmuch as the eye is a witness itself of every action whereof it taketh notice, neither is it deceived in its proper object: and therefore the judgement is not much troubled to determine definitively how great or how small the danger is, when the relations carry always that certainty. And albeit the care in like manner be not deceived in her proper object, for it faithfully giveth up that sense which sound hath delivered unto it; yet forasmuch as the fantasy hath greater scope to coin her vain conceptions, in regard of the absence of the action, it is necessary that the discoursing faculty be called for an assistant, before the judgement can truly determine: and then it will appear that the truth doth not always answer the report which is made thereof; inasmuch as diseased spirits will not stick to dilate or qualify relations, according to the key wherein they themselves are tuned. And therefore this first cometh to be considered of in all such violent commotions, by which of these two senses the first intelligence was received. But concerning the judgement itself this is most certain, that the more it is infected with the corruptions of the flesh, the more violent are the affections of the soul. And again, the purer the judgement is, and the higher it is lifted up from earthly natures, being no further interessed therein then to hold a resolution of well doing, the fewer and lighter are the affections which trouble and molest it: for than it better discerneth the truth and falsehood, good or evil that is in things.  
To redress this inconvenience, Caesar betook himself to the fittest and most proper remedy; which was by the authority of his speech to restore reason to her former dignity, and by discourse, which fear had interrupted in them, to put down a usurping passion, which had so troubled the government of the soul, recalling it to the mean of true resolution, which was to moderate audacity with wariness, but not to choke valour with beastly cowardice: for these Oratory inducing persuasions were not the least point of their discipline; considering how they framed the inward habit of the mind (being the fountain and beginning of all motion) to give life and force to those actions, which the severity of outward discipline commanded. For as laws and constitutions of men enforce obedience of the body: so reason and persuasions must win the souls consent, according to that saying, Homines duci volunt, non cogi.    

Chap. XVI.  
Caesar his speech to the Army concerning this fear.  
CAesar being informed of these things, 
Caesar.  called a Council of war, admitting all the Centurions, of what degrees or orders soever, unto the same. And being thus assembled, he greatly blamed them, First, that any should be so inquisitive, as to imagine to themselves whither, & upon what service they were carried. Concerning Ariovistus, he had in the time of Caesar's Consulship most earnestly sued for the friendship of the people of Rome: and why then should any man misdeem that he should so unadvisedly go back from his duty? For his own part he was verily persuaded, that if Ariovistus once knew his demands, and understood the reasonable offers that he would make him, he would not easily reject his friendship, or the favour of the people of Rome. But if he were so mad as to make war upon them, why should they fear him? or why should they despair either of their own prowess, or of Caesar's diligence? For if it came to that point, the enemy that they were to encounter had been tried what he could do twice before; first in the memory of their fathers, when the Cambri and Teutons were vanquished by Marius, at what time the Army merited no less honour than the General: and now of late again in Italy, at the insurrection of the Bondmen; who were not a little furthered through the practice and discipline they had learned of the Romans. Whereby it might be discerned how good a thing it is to be constant and resolute; insomuch as whom for a time they feared without cause, being naked and unarmed, the same men afterwards (although well armed and Conquerors withal) they nobly overcame. And to be short, these were no other Germans than those whom the Helvetians had vanquished in divers conflicts; and not only in their own Country, where the Helvetians dwelled themselves, but also even at home at their own doors: and yet the same Helvetians were not able to make their party good against our Armies.  
If any man were moved at the flight and overthrow of the Galls, upon inquiry he should find, that being wearied with continual wars (after that A●●ovistus had for many months together kept himself within his Camp, in a boggy and fenny Country) and despairing of any occasion of battle, he suddenly set upon them as they were dispersed, and so overcame them, rather by policy then by force. Which although it took place against savage and unskilful people, yet was not Ariovistus so simple as to think that he could ensnare our Armies with the like subtleties. As for those that feigned the cause of their fear to be the difficulty of provision of Corn, and the dangerousness of the way, they seemed very arrogant in their conceits, in presuming to direct their General, as if he had not known what pertained to his duty. The Sequans and Lingons had undertaken that charge; besides that Corn was almost ripe every where in the fields: and what the ways were should shortly be seen.  
Whereas it was given out that the soldiers would not obey his Mandates, nor advance their Standards, he little valued it; for he was well assured, that if an Army refused to be obedient to their General, it was either because he was thought to be unfortunate in his enterprises, or else for that he was notoriously convicted of Avarice: but the whole course of his life should witness his innocency, and the overthrow of the Helvetians his happiness. And therefore that which he was minded to have put off for a longer time, he would now put in execution out of hand: for the night following, at the fourth watch he would dislodge from thence; that without further delay he might understand, whether shame and respect of their duty would prevail more with them, than fear or cowardice. And though he wist that no man else would follow him, yet notwithstanding he would go with the tenth legion alone, of whom he had no doubt or suspicion, and would take them as a guard to his person.  
Caesar had chiefly favoured this legion, and put much trust in them for their valour.  
Upon the making of this speech, the minds of all men were wonderfully changed; for it bred in every one a great alacrity and desire to fight: neither did the tenth legion forget to give him thanks by their Tribunes for the good opinion he had of them, assuring him of their readiness to set forward to the war. And then likewise the rest of the legions made means by the Tribunes of the soldiers and Centurions of the first Orders, to give Caesar satisfaction; protesting they neither doubted nor feared, nor gave any censure of the issue of that war, but always left it to the wisdom of the General.  
Their satisfaction being taken and a view being made of the ways by Divitiacus (whom of all the Galls he best trusted) and report being by him made, that in fetching a compass of fifty miles he might carry his Army in open and champain Countries; in the fourth watch of the night, according to his former saying, he set forward.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
IN the speech itself are presented many specialties, both concerning their discipline and Military instructions, which deserve examination: amongst which I note first, the extraordinary number admitted to the Council; Omnium ordinum ad id concilium ad●ibitis Conturionibus: whereas there were usually no more admitted to their council of war but the Legates, Questor, Tribunes, and the Centurions of the first Orders: which I understand to be the first Hastate, the first Pri●●eps, and the first Pilu●● of every legion. And this is manifestly proved out of the fi●th Commentary, where Cicero was besieged by Ambiorix: in which, amongst other, there were two valiant Centurions, Puisio and Varenus, between whom there was every year great emulation for place of preferment: & jam primis ord●●bus 〈…〉, saith Caesar, that is, they had passed by degrees through the lower orders of the legion, and were very near the dignity of the first cohort; wherein, as in all the rest, there were three maniples, and in every maniple two orders.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
THe first motive which he useth to recall their exiled judgement, discovered their breath of discipline: for contrary to the course of Military government, they had presumed not only to make inquiry, but to give out whether, and upon what service they were carried; which in the rigour of Camp-policy could not pass without due punishment. For what can more contradict the fortunate success of an expedition, then to suffer it to be measured with the vulgar conceit, or weighed in the balance of such false judgements? especially when those weak Censors are to be Actors and Executioners of the design: for then every man will suit the nature of the action according to his own humour; although his humour be led with blindness, and have no other direction than an uncertain apprehension of profit or disadvantage.  
And in this case there cannot be a better precedent than Nature hath prescribed: for as natural Agents, whilst they concur to produce a work of absolute perfection, neither know what they do, nor can discern the things they look upon, but yield themselves to be guided by a Moderator of infinite knowledge: so ought a multitude to submit their ability to the direction of some wise and prudent Captain, that beholdeth the action in true honour, and balanceth the loss of many particulars with the health and safety of the public good. For if every man should prescribe, who should obey? Tam nescire quaedam milites, quam scire oportet, saith Otho in Tacitus, upon the like disorder: and again, Parendo potius quam imperia ducum sciscitando, res militares continentur. Which proveth that the greatest virtue which is required in a soldier is obedience; as a thing wherein the force of all discipline consisteth.   

THE THIRD OBSERVATION.  
IN the reason which he useth to prove their disparity of valour in regard of the Romans, 
Whether men have greater courage in their own or in a stranger's Country.  who were superior to the Helvetians that had oftentimes overthrown the Germans, he strengtheneth the argument with the advantage of the place, and saith that the Helvetians had put them to the worst, not only where the Helvetians dwelled themselves, but even in their own Country, and at home at their own doors: as though an enemy were charged with greater fury in the presence of a man's own Country and dearest friends, then in a strange and unknown land.  
This question was handled in the Roman Senate by Fabius Maximus, and Scipio surnamed Africanus, when they sat in council how to rid their Country of that subtle Carthaginian, that for sixteen years' space had fretted like a canker the beauty of Italy, wasted the land, and brought it to desolation, sacked their confederates, or alienated them from their duty, overthrown their Armies, slain their Consuls, and threatened their imperial City with ruin and destruction. Fabius, upon the motion to make war in afric, thought it agreeable to nature first to defend that which was their own, before they attempted other men's possessions: when peace was established in Italy, then let war be set on foot in afric; and first let them be without fear themselves, before they went about to terrify others: for those forces afforded little hope of victory in another kingdom, that were not able to free their own Country from so dangerous an enemy. Alcibiades overthrew the Athenian Commonweal with the like counsel: and concerning Hannibal, let them be sure of this, that they should find him a sorer enemy in his own Country then in another kingdom.  
Scipio on the other side, carried on with the honour of so glorious an enterprise, wanted neither reasons nor example to impugn Fabius his authority: for he showed that Agathocles the Syracusian king, being a long time afflicted with the Punic war, averted the Carthaginian from Sicily by transporting his forces into afric. But how powerful it was to take away fear by retorting danger upon the Oppressor, could there be a presenter example than Hannibal? There was great difference in the nature of the action, between the spoil and waste of a stranger's Country, and to see their own native Country wasted with sword and destruction: Plus animi est inferenti periculum, quam propulsanti. For he that invadeth another's kingdom, easily discovereth both the advantage which may be taken against the enemy, and the strength whereupon he resteth. And amongst the variable events of war, many unexpected occasions arise, which present victory to him that is ready to take it; and many strange chances so alter the course of things, that no foresight can discern what may happen.  
With these and the like remonstrances, this question of no less doubt than importance was handled by two famous and worthy Captains, whose minds (as it seemed) were entangled with such particular affections for the present, as might rather draw them to wrest reason to their own humour, then to determine in sincerity of judgement upon what specialties the truth was grounded, in the contrariety of their positions. But to leave other commodities or disadvantages which were annexed unto either part, I will only set down some reasons, to prove how valour and courage may either grow or be abated by the accidents which rise in a war of that nature. And first this cannot be denied, the testimony of an infallible truth being grounded upon the property of man's nature, that as advantage bringeth hope of victory, and hope conceiveth such spirits as usually follow, when the thing which is hoped for is effected, and thereby the courage becometh hardy and resolute in victory: so on the other side, disadvantage and danger breed fear, & fear so checketh valour, and controlleth the spirits, that virtue and honour give place to distrust, and yield up their interest to such directours as can afford nothing but diffidence and irresolution.  
Neither can to be denied but he that setteth upon an enemy in a strange country, and so preventeth such attempts as might be made upon his own territories, hath that advantage which giveth life unto action, and steeleth his enterprise with resolution. For besides the commodity of leaving when he list, and proceeding as far forth as he shall find his means able to fortunate his attempts, he knoweth that the strife and controversy is not forth is native Country, which he quietly enjoyeth, and is reserved at all times to entertain him, howsoever Fortune shall favour his designs: but for a Stranger's kingdom, which his ambition thirsteth after, wherein, forasmuch as the riches and wealth of that State are laid before them as the recompense of their labour, besides the honour which is achieved thereby, every man's valour soareth at a high pitch, and their courage is increased, without any trouble or disturbance of the other faculties of the mind. But when a Prince shall be assaulted in his own kingdom, and in the sight of his subjects have ●is land consumed with ruin and destruction; the danger will so disturb the powers of the soul, tha●●●ough the turbulent disorder of the weaker parts, the better faculties will lose their prerogative of advising how the enemy may be best resisted, when as every man shall apprehend the terror of the danger, and few or none conceive the true means to avoid it.  
And albeit the presence of such things as are dearest to his soul, as the piety and respect of aged parents, the tender affection towards wife and children, are sufficient to raise valour to the highest point of resolution; yet the motives are of such weight, as will rather make them dissident of their own worth, as unsufficient to maintain so great a cause, then hold them in that key which true honour affecteth: forasmuch as the terror and fear of so great a danger will present a greater measure of woes to their mind, than the hope of victory can afford them joy.  
Hence therefore groweth the difference between him that seeketh to maintain that estate which he hath in possession by force of Arms, and another that seeketh to increase his means by valour. For the former is presented with the danger of losing all his estate; which affrighteth and troubleth, having no other reward propounded unto him: and the other looketh upon the advantage which he gaineth by overcoming, which much increaseth his valour, without any loss or disadvantage, if he chance to be put to the worst. And therefore there is always great odds between him that hath already lost his goods, and is by that means become desperate, having nothing further to lose; and another that yet keepeth his substance, but is in danger to lose it: for fear will so dismay his mind, that he will rather distrust his own ability, then entertain a resolution of valour.  
To prove this, we need not seek other examples, than those imperial Cities in whose cause this controversy was first moved. For when Hannibal was come into Italy, and had defeated Sempronius the Consul at Trebia, the Romans were driven into such an ecstasy of terror, that they believed verily that the enemy was then coming to assault the City; neither had they any hope or aid in themselves to keep or defend the same. On the other side, Scipio was no sooner landed in afric, but there was such a tumult in Carthage, as though the City had been already taken: neither could the opinion of victory, which Hannibal by a conquering Army in Italy had confirmed for sixteen years together, prevail in the apprehension of so imminent a danger. And then that which Fabius borrowed of Nature to teach the Romans (that first men ought to defend their own, before they seek other men's possessitons) was carefully followed by the Carthaginians: for with all speed they sent for Hannibal out of Italy, to be their Champion against young Scipio. If therefore other things be correspondent (as there are many other particularities concerning the power and strength of either Nation to be considered) I take it much better for a Prince to invade an enemy in his own country, then to attend him at home in his own kingdom.   

THE FOURTH OBSERVATION.  
THe last circumstance which I note in this speech, was the trust which he reposed in the tenth legion, being in itself peradventure as faulty as any other: wherein he showed great Art and singular Wisdom. For he that hath once offended, and is both burdened with the guilt of conscience and upbraided with the reproach of men, can hardly be persuaded that his fault can be purged with any satisfaction. And although the punishment be remitted, yet the memory of the fact will never be blotted out with any virtuous action, but still remaineth, to cast dishonour upon the offender, and to accuse him of disloyalty.  
And therefore it oftentimes happeneth, that an error being once rashly committed, through despair of remission admitteth no true penitency, but either draweth on more grievous crimes, confirming that of the Poet, Scelere scelus ●uendum est; or maintaineth his error by wilful obstinacy: as it is said of the Lion, that being found by Hunters in a Cave, he will rather die in the place then quit it, for shame that he was found in so base a place of refuge; and therefore his property is thus expressed, ingrediendo caecus, exeundo protervus. This did Caesar wisely prevent, by clearing the tenth legion of that of which he accused the rest of the Army; which made them the more earnest to answer his expectation, inasmuch as they were witness to themselves of a common error: and the other legious envying at their fortune, resolved to show as great alacrity in the sequel of the war, and to deserve more than the judgement of the Emperor had imputed to their fellows.    

Chap. XVII.  
The treaty between Caesar and Ariovistus.  
THe seventh day, 
Caesar.  as he continued on his march, his Spials brought him word that Ariovistus with all his forces was within twenty four miles of that place: who as soon as he understood of Caesar's coming, sent Ambassadors unto him, declaring that forasmuch as he was come somewhat nearer, and that he might do it without danger, he was content to admit of a parley. Caesar refused not the offer, thinking now to find him reasonable, in that he offered of his own accord what he had formerly denied at Caesar's request: and thereby was in good hope, that understanding what was required, he would in the end consider of the many favours he had received from the people of Rome, and desist from such wilful courses.  
The fifth day following was appointed for the Treaty. In the mean time there passed often Messages reciprocally between them. Ariovistus required that Caesar would not bring any footmen to the parley, for that he feared to be circumvented by treachery; and therefore thought fit that either party should come only with their Cavalry: otherwise he would not give meeting.  
Caesar, not willing to put off the Treaty for any such cause, nor yet daring to put himself in trust to the French horse, thought it most convenient to leave the French Riders behind him, and to set the soldiers of the tenth legion (whom he best trusted) upon their horses; that if he stood in need, he might have a faithful guard of his friends about him. Whereupon one of the soldiers said prettily, that Caesar had done more for them then he had promised; for he had said before he would make the tenth legion as a guard to his person, and now he had enrolled them all for horsemen.  
There was a great and open Plain, and in the midst thereof a rising Mount, which was almost in the mid way between both the Camps: and thither, according to the agreement, they came to parley. The legion which Caesar had brought with him on horseback, he placed two hundred paces from the said Mount: and likewise the horsemen of Ariovistus stood in the same distance. Ariovistus requested they might talk on horseback, and bring each of them ten persons to the conference. At their meeting, Caesar began his speech with a commemoration of the favours and benefits the Senate had done unto him, in that he was by their authority entitled by the name of a King and a Friend, and thereupon had received great gifts: Which favour fell but unto a few, and was by the Romans given only to men of great desert: whereas he, without any occasion of access unto them, or other just cause on his behalf, had obtained those honours through his courtesy, and the bounty of the Senate.  
He showed him further what ancient and reasonable causes of amity tied them so firm to the Heduans: what Decrees and orders of Senate had oftentimes been made in their favour and behoof: That from all antiquity the Heduan● had held the principality of Gallia, and that long before they were in amity with the Romans. The people of Rome had always this 〈…〉, not only to endeavour that their Allies and confederates should not lose any thing of their proper; but also that they might increase in dignity and reputation: and therefore who could endure to see that forced from them, which they quietly possessed when they entered league with the Romans?  
In like manner he required the performance of such things which he had formerly given in charge to his Ambassadors; that he should not make war either upon the Heduans, or their Associates: that he should restore their hostages: and if he could not return any part of the Germans back again over the Rhine, yet he should forbear to bring any more into that Country.  
Ariovistus made little answer to Caesar's demands, but spoke much of his own virtues and valour; That he was come over the Rhine, not out of his own desire, but at the mediation and entreaty of the Galls; that he had not left his house and kindred but with great hope of high rewards; the possessions he had in Gallia were given him by themselves; their hostages were voluntarily delivered unto him; he took tribute by the law of Arms, which was such as Conquerors might lay upon the vanquished; he made no war upon the Galls, but the Galls made war upon him: All the States of Gallia came to fight against him, and had put themselves into the field, whose forces were in one battle all dispersed and overthrown. If they were desirous to make another trial, he was ready to undertake them: but if they would have peace, it were an injury to retract that tribute which of their own accord they had paid until that time. He expected that the Amity of the people of Rome should be rather an honour and a safety, than a loss unto him, and that he had sought it to that end: but if by their means the tribute due unto him should be retracted, he would as willingly refuse their friendship as he had desired it. In that he had brought so many Germans into Gallia, it was rather for his own defence, then of any purpose to subdue the Country; as might appear by that he had not come thither but upon entreaty, and set no war on foot but for his own defence. He was seated in Gallia before the Romans came thither; neither had the people of Rome before that time carried their Army beyond the bounds of their Province: and therefore he knew not what he meant to intrude himself into his possessions. This was his Province of Gallia, as that was ours: and as it was not lawful for him to command in our quarters, so it was not fitting that they should disturb his government.  
In that he alleged the Heduans were by decree of Senate adopted into the amity of the people of Rome; he was not so barbarous, or unacquainted with the course of things, as to be ignorant that in the last war of the Allobroges they were aiding and assisting to the Romans: and in the quarrel the Heduans had with the Sequans, the Romans were in like manner assisting unto them. Whereupon he had good occasion to suspect that Caesar, under pretence of league and amity, kept his Army in Gallia for his ruin and destruction: and that if he did not depart and withdraw his Army out of those Countries, he would no longer take him for a friend, but for an enemy. And if his fortune were to stay him, he should perform a very acceptable service to many noble and chief men of Rome (as he had well understood by Letters and Messengers he had received from them) whose favour and amity he should purchase by taking away his life. But if he would depart, and leave him the free possession of Gallia, he would gratify him with great rewards: and what war soever he desired to be undertaken, should be gone through withal, without his peril or charge.  
Many things were spoken by Ca●sar, to show why he could not desist from that course; for neither was it his use, nor the custom of the people of Rome, to forsake their well-deserving Associates: neither could he think that Gallia did rather belong to Ariovistus then the Romans. The Arve●s and Rutenes were in due course of war subdued by Q. Fabius Maximus: whom the people of Rome had pardoned, and not reduced to a Province, or made them stipendiaries. And if antiquity were looked into, the people of Rome had good claim to that Country: but forasmuch as the intention and will of the Senate was they should remain a free people, they were suffered to be governed by their own laws, and left unto themselves, notwithstanding any former conquest by force of Arms.  
Whilst these things were treated of in parley, it was told Caesar that Ariovistus horsemen did approach nearer to the Mount, and that accosting our men they assaulted them with stones and other weapons: whereupon he broke off, and betook himself to his Party, commanding them not to cast a weapon at the enemy. For albeit he well perceived he might without peril of that elect legion give battle to his Cavalry; yet he thought sit to refrain, lest it should be said he had entrapped them with a parley, contrary to faith made and agreement. After it was reported amongst the vulgar soldiers how arrogantly Ariovistus had carried himself in the treaty, forbidding the Romans to frequent any part of Gallia, and that their Cavalry had assaulted our men, and that thereupon the parley broke off; the Army was possessed with a greater alacrity and desire to fight then before. Two days after Ariovistus sent Messengers to Caesar, signifying that he desired to treat with him concerning those things which were left unperfect, and thereupon willed him to appoint another day of meeting; or if he liked not that, to send some unto him with authority to conclude of such things as should be found expedient. Caesar was unwilling to give any further meeting; and the rather, for that the day before the Germans could not be restrained from violence and force of Arms. Neither did he think he might safely expose the person of any of his followers to the inhumanity of such barbarous people; and therefore thought it fittest to send unto him M. Valerius Procillus the son of C. Valerius Caburius, ae virtuous young man, and well bred, whose father was made free of Rome by C. Valer. Flaccus: which he did the rather in regard of his singular integrity, and his perfectness in the French tongue, which Ariovistus through long continuance had learned; and that the Germans had no cause of offence against him. And with him he sent M. Titius, that was familiarly acquainted with Ariovistus, with instruction to hear what was said, and to make report thereof to Caesar. Whom as soon as Ariovistus saw come into his Camp, he cried out in the presence of his Army, demanding wherefore they came thither, and whether they were not sent as Spies. And as they were about to make answer, he cut them off and commanded them to be put in Irons.  
The same day he removed his Camp, and lodged himself under a hill, six miles from Caesar. The next day he brought his forces along by Caesar's Camp, and encamped himself two miles beyond him; of purpose to cut off all such corn and convoys as should be sent to the Romans by the Heduans and Sequans. From that day forward by the space of five days together, Caesar imbattelled his men before his Camp; to the intent that if Ariovistus had a mind to give battle, he might do it when he would. But Ariovistus all this while kept his Army within his Camp▪ and daily sent out his horsemen to skirmish with the Romans.  
This was the manner of fight which the Germans had practised: there were 6000 horsemen, and as many strong and nimble footmen, whom the horsemen had selected out of the whole host, every man one for his safeguard: these they had always at hand with them in battle, and unto these they resorted for succour. If the horsemen were overcharged, these ever stepped in to help them. If any one were wounded or unhorsed, they came about him and succoured him. If the matter required either to adventure forward, or to retire speedily back again, their swiftness was such (through continual exercise) that hanging on the horse-mane by the one hand, they would run as fast as the horses.  

OBSERVATION.  
IT may seem strange unto the soldiers of our time, 
Footmen intermingled amongst horsemen.  that the footmen should be mingled pellmell amongst the horsemen, without hurt and disadvantage to themselves; so unlikely it is that they should either succour the horsemen in any danger, or annoy the enemy: and therefore some have imagined that these footmen in the encounter cast themselves into one body, and so charging the enemy assisted the horsemen. But the circumstances of this place, & of others which I will allege 〈◊〉 purpose, plainly evince that these footmen were mingled indifferently amongst the ●orsemen, to assist every particular man as his 〈◊〉 and occasion required: and therefore the choice of these footmen was permitted to the horsemen, in whose service they were to be employed, that every man might take his friend, in whom he reposed greatest confidence. When they were overcharged, these stepped in to help them; if any man were wounded or unhorsed, he had his footman ready to assist him: and when they were to go upon any speedy service, or suddenly to retire upon advantage, they stayed themselves upon the mane of the horses with one hand, and so ran as fast as the horsemen could go. Which services they could not possibly have performed without confusion and disorder, if the footmen had not severally attended upon them, according to the affection specified in their particular election.  
The principal use of these footmen of the Germans consisted in the aid of their own horsemen upon any necessity, not so much regarding their service upon the enemy, as the assistance of their horsemen. But the Romans had long before practised the same Art to a more effectual purpose; namely, as a principal remedy not only to resist, but to defeat far greater troops of horse than the enemy was able to oppose against them. Whereof the most ancient memory which history mentioneth, is recorded by Livy in the second Punic war, at the siege of Capua, under the regiment of Quintus Fulvius the Consul; where it is said that in all their conflicts, as the Roman legions returned with the better, so their cavalry was always put to the worst: and therefore they invented this means, to make that good by Art which was wanting in force.  
Out of the whole army were taken the choicest young men, both for strength and agility, and to them were given little round bucklers, and seven darts apiece in stead of their other weapons: these soldiers practised to ride behind the horsemen, and speedily to light from the horses at a watchword given, and so to charge the Enemy on foot. And when by exercise they were made so expert, that the novelty of the invention no whit affrighted them, the Roman horsemen went forth to encounter with the enemy, every man carrying his foot-souldier behind him; who at the encounter suddenly alighting, charged upon the enemy with such a fury, that they followed them in slaughter to the gates of Capua. And hence, saith Livy, grew the first institution of the Velites: which ever after that time were enrolled with the legions. The author of this stratagem is said to be one Q. Navius a Centurion, and was honourably rewarded by Fulvius the Consul for the same.  
Sallust in the history of Jugurth saith, that Marius mingled the Velites with the Cavalry of the associates, ut quacunque invaderent equitatus hostium propulsarent. The like practice was used by Caesar, as appear in the third book of the Civil war; saving that in stead of the Velites, he mingled with his horsemen four hundred of the lustiest of his legionary soldiers, to resist the cavalry of Pompey, while the rest of his Army passed over the river Genusum, after the overthrow he had at Dyrrachium: qui tantum profecere, saith the text, ut equestri praelio commisso, pellerent omnes, complures interficerent, ipsique incolumes ad agmen se reciperent. Many other places might be recited; but these are sufficient to prove that the greatest Captains of ancient times strengthened their cavalry with footmen dispersed amongst them. The Roman horsemen, 
Lib. 6.  saith Polybius, at the first carried but a weak limber pole or staff, and a little round buckler; but afterwards they used the furniture of the Grecians: 
Lib. 3. de ex●id.  which Josephus affirmeth to be a strong lance or staff, and three or four darts in a quiver, with a buckler, and a long sword by their right side. The use of their lance was most effectual when they charged in troup, pouldron to pouldron; and that manner of fight afforded no means to intermingle footmen: but when they used their darts, every man got what advantage of ground he could, as our Carbines for the most part do, and so the footmen might have place among them: or otherwise for so good an advantage they would easily make place for the footmen to serve among them. But howsoever it was, it appeareth by this circumstance how little the Romans feared troops of horse, considering that the best means to defeat their horse was by their foot companies. But to make it more plain, of many examples I will only allege two; the one out of Livy, to prove that the Roman horsemen were not comparable for service to footmen: 
Lib. 3. De bello Africano.  the other out of Hirtius, to show the same effect against strangers, & Numidian horsemen.  
In the Consulships of L. Valerius and Marcus Horatius, Valerius having fortunately overthrown the Equi and the Volsci, Horatius proceeded with as great courage in the war against the Sabines; wherein it happened, that in the day of battle the Sabines reserved two thousand of their men to give a fresh assault upon the left Cornet of the Romans, as they were in conflict: which took such effect, that the legionary footmen of that Cornet were forced to retreat. Which the Roman horsemen (being in number six hundred) perceiving, and not being able with their horse to make head against the enemy, they presently forsook their horses, and made haste to make good the place on foot; wherein they carried themselves so valiantly, that in a moment of time they gave the like advantage to their footmen against the Sabines, and then betook themselves again to their horses, to pursue the enemy in chase as they fled. For the second point; the Numidians, as Caesar witnesseth, were the best horsemen that ever he met with, and used the same Art as the Germans did, mingling among them light-armed footmen. And Ambuscado of these Numidians charging the legions upon a sudden, the history saith that primo impetu legionis Equitatus & levis armatura, hostium nullo negotio, loco pulsa & dejecta est de colle. And as they sometimes retired, and sometimes charged upon the rearward of the Army, according to the manner of the Numidian fight, the history saith, Caesariani interim non amplius tres ant quatuor milites veterani si se convertissent, & pila viribus contortain Numidas infestos con●ecissent, amplius duorum millium ad unum terga vertebant. So that to free himself of this inconvenience, he took his horsemen out of the rearward, and placed his legions there, ita vim hostium per legionarium militem commodius sustinebat. And ever as he marched, he caused three hundred soldiers of every legion to be free and without burden, that they might be ready upon all occasions; Quos in Equitatum Labie● immisit. Tum Labienus, conversis equis, signorum conspectu perterritus turpissime contendit fugere, multis ejus occisis, compluribus vulneratis: milites legionarii ad sua se recipiunt signa, atque iter inceptum ire coeperunt. I allege the very words of the history, to take away all suspicion of falsifying or wresting any thing to an affected opinion. If any man will look into the reason of this disparity, he shall find it to be chiefly the work of the Roman pile (an unresistable weapon) and the terror of horsemen; especially when they were cast with the advantage of the place, and fell so thick that there was no means to avoid them.  
But to make it plain that any light-armed footmen could better make head against a troup of horse, than the Cavalry of their own party, although they bear but the same weapons: let us consider how nimble and ready they were that fought on foot, either to take an advantage, or to shun and avoid any danger; casting their darts with far greater strength and more certainty, than the horsemen could do. For as the force of all the engines of old time, as the Balistae, Catapultae and Tolenones, proceeded from that stability and resting Centre which nature affordeth as the only strength and life of the engine▪ so what force soever a man maketh, must principally proceed from that firmness and stay which Nature, by the earth, or some other unmoveable rest, giveth to the body, from whence it taketh more or less strength, according to the violence which it performeth; as he that lifteth up a weight from the ground, by so much treadeth heavier upon the earth, by how much the thing is heavier than his body. The footmen therefore having a surer stay to counterpoise their forced motion then the horsemen had, cast their darts with greater violence, and consequently with more certainty.    

Chap. XVIII.  
Caesar preventeth Ariovistus of his purpose, by making two Camps.  
WHen Caesar perceived that Ariovistus meant nothing less than to fight, 
Caesar.  but kept himself within his Camp; lest peradventure he should intercept the Sequans, and other of his Associates, as they came with convoys of Corn to the Romans, beyond that place wherein the Germans abode about six hundred paces from their Camp, he chose a ground meet to incamp in: and marching thither in three battles, commanded two of them to stand ready in Arms, and the third to fortify the Camp. Ariovistus sent sixteen thousand foot and all his horse to interrupt the soldiers, and hinder the entrenchment. Notwithstanding Caesar, as he had before determined, caused two battles to withstand the enemy, and the third to go through with the work: which being ended he left there two legions, and part of the associate forces, and led the other four legions back again into the greater Camp.  
The next day Caesar, according to his custom, brought his whole power out of both his Camps; & marching a little from the greater Camp, he put his men in array, and proffered battle to the enemy: but perceiving that Ariovistus would not stir out of his trenches, about noon he conveyed his Army into their several Camps. Then at length Ariovistus sent part of his forces to assault the lesser Camp. The encounter continued very sharp on both parts until the evening; and at sunset, after many wounds given and taken, Ariovistus conveyed his Army again into their Camp. And as Caesar made inquiry of the captives, what the reason was that Ariovistus refused battle, he found this to be the cause; The Germans had a custom, that the women should by casting of Lots and Southsaying declare whether it were for their behoof to fight or no: and that they found by their Art the Germans could not get the victory, if they fought before the new Moon.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
FIrst, we may observe what especial importance this manner of encamping carried in that absolute discipline which the Romans observed, and by which they conquered so many Nations: for besides the safety which it afforded their own troops, it served for a hold well-fenced and manned, or as it were a strong fortified town in any part of the field where they saw advantage; and as oft as they thought it expedient, either to fortify themselves, or impeach the enemy, by cutting off his passages, hindering his attempts, blocking up his Camp, besides many other advantages, all averring the saying of Domitius Corbulo, dolabra vincendum esse hostem: a thing long time neglected, but of late happily renewed by the Commanders of such forces as serve the States in the United Provinces of Belgia; whom time and practise of the wars hath taught to entertain the use of the spade, and to hold it in as great reputation as any weapons whatsoever, which may be thought worthy executioners of the deeds of Arms.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
IN the second place we may observe that there was no Nation so barbarous (for I understand the Germans to be as barbarous, in regard of the motions of religion, as any known Nation of that time, being in a Climate so near the North, that it afforded no contemplation at all) that could not make use in their greatest affairs, of that superstition to which their mind was naturally enthralled, and forge prophecies and divinations, as well to stir up as to moderate the irregular motions of a multitude, according as they might best serve to advantage their proceedings. Neither did Caesar let slip the occasion of making use of this their religion: for understanding by their prisoners that their divinations forbade them to fight before the new Moon, he used all the means he could to provoke them to battle; that their religious opinion of mischieving might prejudice their resolution to return Conquerors. Which may serve to prove, that a superstitious people are subject to many inconveniences, which industry or Fortune may discover to their overthrow.  
It is recorded that Columbus being General of some forces which Ferdinando king of Castille sent to discover the West Indies, and suffering great penury for want of victuals in the I'll of Jamaica, after that he had observed how the Islanders worshipped the Moon, and having knowledge of an Eclipse that was shortly after to happen, he told the inhabitants that unless they would furnish him with such necessaries as he wanted for the time, the wrath of their God should quickly appear towards them, by changing his bright shining face into obscurity and darkness: which was no sooner happened, but the poor Indians, strucken with a superstitious fear of that which the course of nature required, kept nothing back that might assist their enemies to depopulate and overrun their own Country.    

Chap. XIX.  
Caesar seeketh means to give them battle, and the Germans dispose themselves thereunto.  
THe next day Caesar left a sufficient Garrison in each of his Camps; and forasmuch as the number of his legionary soldiers was small, 
Caesar.  in respect of the multitude of the Germans, he placed all the auxiliary troops for a show before the lesser Camp: and putting his legions in a triple battle, he marched towards the Camp of Ariovistus. And then at length were the Germans constrained to bring out their power, setting every Tribe and people by themselves, in like distance and order of battle (as the Harudes, Marcomans, Triboces, Vangiones, Nemetes, Sedusians and Swevians) and environing their whole Army with Carts and carriages, that there might be no hope at all left to save any man by flight. And in these they placed their women, that they by their outstretched hands and tears moving pity, might implore the soldiers, as they descended by course to the battle, not to deliver them into the bondage and thraldom of the Romans.  
Caesar assigned to every legion a Legate and a Quaestor, that every man might have an eyewitness of his valour: and he himself began the battle with the right Cornet, forasmuch as he perceived that part of Ariovistus Army to be the weakest.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
THe Romans, even from the infancy of their state, were ever zealous admirers of true honour, and always desired to behold with the eye to what measure of virtue every man had attained; that the tongue with greater fervency of spirit might sound out the celebration of Macte virtute, which imported more honour than any wealth that could be heaped upon them. Neither was this the least part of their wisdom; considering that the most precious things that are lose much of their worth, if they be not suited with other correspondent natures, whose sympathy addeth much more excellency than is discerned when they appear by themselves without such assistance. For how small is the beauty which Nature hath given to the eye-pleasing Diamond, when it is not adorned with an artificial form? or what perfection can the form give, without a foil to strengthen it? or what good is in either of them, if the light do not illuminate it? or what avail all these, where there wanteth an eye to admire it, a judgement to value it, and an heart to embrace it? Such a union hath Nature imprinted in the diversity of creatures concurring to perfection, and especially in moral actions, in whose carriage there is a far greater exactness of correspondency required to approve them honourable, then was requisite to make the jewel beautiful. And this did Caesar in all his battles; amongst the rest, that at Alesia is particularly noted in this manner, Quoth in conspectu imperatoris res gerebatur, neque recte aut turpiter factum celari poterat, utrosque & laudis cupiditas, & timor ignominiae ad virtutem excitabat And when Livy would express how valiantly an action was carried, he saith no more but in conspectu imperatoris res gerebatur: which is as much as to say, that forasmuch as the Romans were diligent observers of every man's worth, rewarding virtue with honour, and cowardice with reproach, every man bend his whole endeavour to deserve the good opinion of his General, by discharging that duty which he owed to the Commonwealth with all loyalty and faithfulness of spirit.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
THe Romans had four forms of the front of their battle. The first was called Acies Recta, when neither the cornets nor the battle was advanced one before another, but were all carried in a right line, and made a strait front; & this was their most usual manner of imbattelling.  
The second form of the front was called Obliqua, when as one of the cornets was advanced nearer unto the enemy than the rest, to begin the battle: and this was commonly as Vegetius noteth the right cornet; for the right cornet of an Army had great advantage against the left of the enemies, in regard of their weapons and furniture. But Caesar did it in this place, because he perceived that the enemy was weakest in that part; following a Maxim of great authority, That the weakest part of an enemy is in the beginning to be charged with the strength of an Army: for so favourable are men's judgements to that which is already happened, that the sequel of every action dependeth for the most part upon the beginning. Dimidium facti qui bene coepit habet, saith a Poet: and not without great reason, so forcible continually is the beginning, and so connexed to the sequel by the nature of a precedent cause, that the end must needs err from the common course, when it doth not participate of that quality which was in the beginning. Neither can there be any good end without a good beginning: for although the beginning be oftentimes disastrous and unlucky, and the end fortunate and happy, yet before it came to that end there was a fortunate beginning: for the bad beginning was not the beginning of a good, but of an evil end. And therefore that his men might foresee a happy end in a good beginning, it behoved him with the best of his Army to assault the weakest part of the enemy.  
The last form is called Gibbosa, or gibbera Acies, when the battle is advanced, and the two cornets lag behind. This form did Hannibal use in the battle of Cannae; but with this Art, that he strengthened his two cornets with the best of his soldiers, and placed his weakest in the midst, that the Romans following the retreat of the battle, which was easily repelld, might be enclosed on each side with the two cornets.    

Chap. XX.  
The Battle between Caesar and Ariovistus.  
THe sign of the battle being thereupon given, 
Caesar.  our men charged upon the enemy very fiercely; and they on the otherside returned so speedy a counterbuff, that the legions had no time to cast their piles, and in that regard made haste to betake themselves to their swords: But the Germans, according to their manner, putting themselves into a Phalanx, received the force of their swords. In the battle there were many legionary soldiers seen to leap upon the Phalanx, and to pull up with their hands the targets that covered it, and so to wound and kill those that were underneath: and so the left Cornet of the enemy was overthrown and put to flight.  
Now while the right Cornet was thus busied, the left Cornet was overcharged with an unequal multitude of the Germans: which young Crassus the General of the horse no sooner perceived (having more scope and liberty than any of the Commanders that were in the battle) but he sent tertiam Aciem, the third battle, to rescue and aid their fellows that were in danger; by means whereof the fight was renewed, and all the enemy was put to flight, and never looked back until they came to the Rhine, which was about fifty miles from the place where they fought. Where some few of them saved themselves by swimming: others found some boats, and so escaped. Ariovistus lighting upon a little Bark tied to the shore, recovered the other side, and so saved himself: the rest were all slain by the horsemen. Ariovistus had two wives: one a Swevian, whom he brought with him from home; and the other of Norica, the sister of King Votion, sent unto him by her brother into Gallia, and married there: both these perished in that fight. His two daughters likewise being there, one was slain, and the other taken.  
As Caesar pursued the Germane horsemen, it was his chance to light upon Valerius Procillus, as he was drawn up and down by his Keepers bound in three chains: which accident was as grateful to him as the victory itself; being so fortunate to recover his familiar friend, and a man of sort in the Province, whom the barbarous enemy (contrary to the law of Nations) had cast into prison. Neither would Fortune by the loss of him abate any thing of so great pleasure and contentment: for he reported that in his own presence they had three several times cast lots whether he should be burned alive; and that still he escaped by the fortune of the lots. And M. Titius was found in like manner, and brought unto him. The same of this battle being carried beyond the Rhine, the Swevians that were come to the banks of the Rhine returned home again: whom the inhabitants near upon that river pursued, finding them terrified and distracted, and slew a great number of them.  
Caesar having thus ended two great wars in one Summer, brought his Army into their wintering Camps, somewhat sooner than the time of the year required; and leaving Labienus to command them, himself returned into the hither Gallia, to keep Courts and public Diets.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
THis Phalanx here mentioned can hardly be proved to be the right Macedonian Phalanx; but we are rather to understand it to be so termed, by reason of the close and compact imbattelling, rather than in any other respect: and it resembled much a testudo, as I said of the Helvetian Phalanx. Secondly, I observe that Caesar kept the old rule concerning their discipline in fight: for although the name of Triaries be not mentioned in his history; yet he omitted not the substance, which was, to have primam, secundam, & tertiam Aciem; and that prima Acies should begin the battle, and the second should come fresh and assist them: or peradventure if the enemy were many and strong, the first and second battle were joined together, and so charged upon the enemy with greater fury and violence; but at all adventures the third battle was ever in subsidio, as they termed it, to succour any part that should be overcharged; which was a thing of much consequence, and of great wisdom. For if we either respect the encouragement of the soldiers, or the casualty of Fortune, what could be more added to their discipline in this behalf, then to have a second and a third succour, to give strength to the fainting weakness of their men, and to repair the disadvantage which any accident should cast upon them? Or if their valour were equally balanced, and victory stood doubtful which of the two parties she should honour, these always stepped in, being fresh, against weary and over-laboured spirits, and so drew victory in despite of casualty unto themselves.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
COncerning use of lots, 
The use of lots.  it shall not be amiss to look into the nature of them, being in former times so general, that there was no Nation, civil or barbarous, but was directed in their greatest affairs by the sentence of lots. As we may not refuse for an undoubted truth, that which Solomon saith in the sixteenth of Proverbs, The lots are cast into the lap, but the direction thereof belongeth to the Lord: through the knowledge whereof Josua was directed to take Achan, the Mariners Ionas, and the Apostles to consecrate Mathias: So whether the heathen and barbarous people, whose blindness in the way of truth could direct them no further then to senseless superstition, and put them in mind of a duty which they owed, but could not tell them what it was, nor how to be performed; whether these, I say, were persuaded that there was any supernatural power in their lotteries, which directed the action to the decree of destiny, and as the Gods would have it, it remaineth doubtful.  
Aristotle, the wisest of the heathen concerning things natural, nameth that event casual, or proceeding from Fortune, of which the reason of man could assign no cause, or (as he saith) which hath no cause. So that whatsoever happened in any action besides the intent of the agent and workman, was termed an effect of Fortune, or chance of hab-nab: For all other effects, which depended upon a certainty and definite cause, were necessarily produced; and therefore could not be casual, or subject to the inconstancy of chance. And because many and sundry such chances daily happened, which like terrae filii had no Father, and could not be warranted as lawful children either to nature or to reason, by the appearance of an efficient cause, they reduced them all to the power of Fortune, as the principal efficient and sovereign Motor of all such unexpected events: that is, they made nothing else the Governess and Directress of many things. Which afterward grew to such credit amongst men, that it surpassed in dignity all natural causes, and was deified with celestial honour, as the Poet saith, Te Nos facimus Fortuna deam, coeloque locamus. By the providence of this blind Goddess, which held her Deity by the Tenure of men's ignorance, were all causual actions directed, and especially lots; the event whereof depended only upon her pleasure and decree. Neither could their direction be assigned to any other power; for than their nature had been altered from chance to certainty, and the event could not have been called Sors, but must have been reputed in the order of necessary effects, whereof discourse of reason acknowledgeth a certain foregoing cause.  
Whereby we see upon how weak an axletree the greatest motions of the goodlesse world were turned, having irregularity and uncertainty for the Intelligentiae that governed their revolutions. And herein all sorts of men (although in divers respects) rested as well contented as if an Oracle had spoken unto them, and revealed the mysteries of fatal destiny.  
Rome directed the main course of her government by the fortune of this mock-destiny. For although their Consuls and Tribunes were elected by the people, who pleased their own fancy with the free choice of their Commanders, and suited their obedience with a well-liking authority: yet the public affairs which each Consul was severally to manage, was shared out by lots. For if an enemy were entered into their confines to depopulate and waste their territories, the lots assigned this Consul for the government of the City, and the other to command the legions, and to manage the war.  
If forces were to be sent into divers Provinces, and against several enemies, neither the Senate nor the people could give to either Consul his task; but their peculiar charges were authorised by lots. If any extraordinary actions were to be done in the City, as the dedication of a Temple, the sanctifying of the Capitol after a pollution; Sors omnia versat, that did all in all. And yet (notwithstanding the weak foundation of this practice in their Theology and deepest Divinity) we may not think but these skilful Architects of that absolute government, wherein virtue joined with true wisdom to make an unexampled pattern, we may not think, I say, but they foresaw the manifold danger, which in the course of common actions could not other way be prevented but by the use of lots. For when things are equally leveled between divers objects, and run with indifferency to equal stations, there must be some controlling power to draw the current towards one Coast, and to appropriate it unto one channel, that the order of Nature be not inversed, nor a well-established government disturbed. So the state of Rome casting many things with equal charge upon her two sovereign Magistrates, which could not be performed but by one of them; what better means could there be invented to interest the one in that office, and to discharge the other, then to appoint an Arbiter, whose decree exceeded humane reason? Of which it could not be said why it was so, but that it was so. For if the wisdom of the Senate had been called to counsel, or the voices of the people calculated to determine of the matter; it might easily have burst out into civil discord, considering the often contentions between the Senate and the people, the factions of Clients, and the constant mutability of every man's private affections necessarily inclining unto one, although their worth were equal, and by true reason indiscernible; which might have made the one proud of that which peradventure he had not, and cast the other lower than would have well beseemed his virtues: and therefore to cut off these with many other inconveniences, they invented lots, which without either reason or will might decide such controversies.  
By this it appeareth how little the ancient Lawmakers respected the ground and reason of an ordinance, so the commodity were great, and the use important to the good of the State: for as they saw the thing itself to be casual, so they saw that casual things are sometimes more necessary than demonstrative conclusions: neither ought the nature, and speculative consideration of Laws and Statutes to belong to the common people; but the execution and obedience thereof maketh the Commonwealth flourish. And thus endeth the first Commentary of Caesar his war in Gallia.     

The second Commentary of the wars in GALLIA.  
The Argument.  
LIke as when a heavy body lieth upon the skirt of a larger continued quantity, although it cover but a small parcel of the whole surface, yet the other quarters are burdened and kept under with a proportionable measure of that weight; and through the union and continuation which bindeth all the parts into one Totality, feel the same suppression which hath really seized but upon their fellow part: In like manner the Belgae, inhabiting the furthest skirt of that triple Continent, seemed to repine at that heavy burden which the Roman Empire had laid upon the Province, the Hedui, and other States of that kingdom. And lest it might in time be further removed, and laid directly upon their shoulders, they thought it expedient whilst they felt it but by participation, to gather their several forces into one head, and try whether they could free their neighbour Nations from so grievous a yoke, or at the least keep it from coming any nearer unto themselves. And this is the Argument of this second book; which divideth itself into two parts: the first containing the wars between Caesar & all the States of Belgia united together; the second recording the battles which he made with some of the States thereof in particular, as time and occasion gave him means to effect it.  

CHAP. I.  
Caesar hasteth to his Army, marcheth towards the Confines of the Belgae, and taketh in the men of Rheims.  
WHile Caesar was in his winter quarters in the hither Gallia, 
Caesar.  there came every day fresh rumours to him (the same thing being also certified by letters from Labienus) that all the Belgae, being a third part of Gallia, had leagued together against the people of Rome, and had given mutual hostages one to another. The grounds of their confederacy were these: First, they were afraid that Caesar having settled all the rest of Gallia in quiet, would bring his armies upon them. Secondly, they were solicited to do it by some of the Galls, such namely who, as they did not desire the company of the Germane longer in Gallia, so they were very much troubled to think that the Roman army should winter and settle themselves there; and such again as levity and inconstancy prompted to seek new governments; lastly such as saw that it was an easy matter for those men that were powerful and had the command of moneys to seize upon kingdoms in Gallia, which they could not so easily do in those parts where the Romans bare sway. Caesar being moved with letters and other intelligence to this purpose, levied two new legions in the hither Gallia, and as soon as Summer came on sent them by Q. Pedius his Legate into the further Gallia: and as soon as there was forage in the fields he himself came to the army. He had before given charge to the Senones and other of the Galls that bordered upon the Belg●e, to learn every day what they could of their doings, & to give him an account thereof. These presently informed him that of a certainty there was nothing in Belgia but mustering of soldiers, and gathering their forces into one head. He thought it not therefore safe to make any further delay; but having made provision of corn, he drew out his Army from their wintering camps, and within fifteen days he came to the borders of the Belgae. Assoon as he was come thither, which was much sooner then was looked for, the men of Rheims being the uttermost of the Belgae, next adjoining to the Celtaes, thought it best to entertain a peaceable resolution, and sent Iccius and Antebrogius, two of the chief men of their State, unto Caesar, to submit themselves and all that they had to the mercy of the Roman Empire; affirming that they were innocent both of the counsel of the Belgae, and of their conspiracy against the Romans. For proof whereof they were ready to give hostages, to receive them into their towns, and to furnish them with corn or what other thing they stood in need of. That the rest of the Belgae were all in Arms, and the Germans on the other side of the Rhine had promised to send them succour: yea their madness was so great, that they themselves were not able to hold back the Suessones from that attempt being their brethren and kinsmen in blood, and using the same laws and customs as they did, having both one magistrate and one form of government; but they would needs support the same quarrel which the rest of the Belgae had undertaken.  

OBSERVATION.  
I Might here take occasion to speak somewhat of a particular revolt in a general cause; and how a confederate State may in regard of their own safety forsake a common quarrel, or whatsoever the universal society hath enacted prejuciall to their common weal; but that I only intent to discover warlike practices, leaving these questions of law and policy to men of greater judgement and better experience. Only▪ I observe in the behalf of the Roman government, that such cities as yielded to the Empire, and became tributary to their treasury (howsoever they were otherwise combined by confederacy) seldom or never repented them of their fact, in regard of the noble patronage which they found in that State, and of the due respect observed towards them.    

Chap. II.  
The power of the Belgae, and their preparation for this war.  
CAesar enquiring of the Ambassadors which came from Rheims what the States were that had taken Arms, 
Caesar.  and what they were able to do in matter of War, found the Belgae to be descended from the Germans, who passing over the Rhine time out of mind, and finding it to be a fertile country, drove away the Galls and seated themselves in their possessions: and that these only of all the Galls kept the Cimbti and Teutoni from entering into their country; and in that regard they challenged to themselves great authority, and vaunted much in their feats of Arms. Concerning their number they had these advertisements; The 
a The country about B●auvois.  Bollovaci exceeded all the Belgae in prowess, authority, and number of men, being able to make 100000 fight men, and out of that number had promised 60000 towards this undertaking, and in that regard they demanded the administration of the whole war. Next to them lay the 
b The country about So●ssons.  Suessones, who dwelled in a large and fruitful country, and had lately Divitiacus for their king, being the most powerful man in all Gallia, who had in possession a great part of these countries, and also of Britain itself. Galba was their king now, on whom, for his singular justice and prudence, generally with one consent they bestowed the management of the war. They had 12 walled towns, and promised to set forth 50000 men. The 
c The people about Tournay.  Nervii, who were the most barbarous amongst them all, and dwelled furthest off, promised as many; the 
d Arras.  Atrebatii 15000. the 
e Amiens.  Ambian● 10000 the Vellocassii and 
f Vermandois.  Veromandui as many; the 
g Tervenne.  Morini 25000. the Menapii 9000. the Caletes 10000 the Aduatici 29000. the 
h Liege.  Eburones, Condrusi, and others 40000. 
308000. in all.  Caesar encouraging the men of Rheims to persist in their faithfulness to the Roman Empire, propounded unto them great offers and liberal promises of recompense, and commanded all their Senate to come before him, and bring with them their Nobleman's Sons to be given up for hostages: which they diligently performed by a day appointed. And having received two especial advertisements from the men of Rheims, the one concerning the multitude of the enemy; and the other touching the singular opinion which was generally held of their manhood: he provided for the first by persuading Divitiacus the Heduan, that it much imported the whole course of those businesses, to keep asunder the power of the enemy; and to withhold their forces from making a head, that so he might avoid the danger of encountering so great a power at one instant. Which might easily be brought to pass, if the Hedui would enter with a strong power into the Marches of the Bellovaci, and sack their Territories with sword and confusion. Which Divitiacus promised to perform, and to that purpose he speedily returned into his country. Upon the second advertisement, which presented unto him the great valour and manhood of his enemies, he resolved not to be too hasty in giving them battle, but first to prove by skirmishing with his horsemen what his enemies by their prowess could do, and what his own men durst do.  

OBSERVATION.  
THis rule of making trial of the worth of an enemy, hath always been observed by prudent and grave commanders, as the surest principle whereon the true judgement of the event may be grounded. For if the doctrine of the old Philosophers, which teacheth that the word non putabam, I wist it not, was never heard out of a wise man's mouth, hath any place in the course of humane actions; it ought especially to be regarded in managing these main points, whereon the State of Kingdoms and Empires dependeth. For, unless was be persuaded that blind Chance directeth the course of this world with an uncertain confusion, and that no foresight can sway the balance of our hap into either part of our fortune, I see no reason why we should not by all means endeavour to ground our knowledge upon true causes, and level our proceedings to that certainty which riseth from the things themselves. And this is the rather to be urged, inasmuch as our leaders are oftentimes deceived when they look no further then to match an enemy with equality of number, referring their valour to be tried in the battle; not considering that the eye of itself cannot discern the difference between two champions of like presence and outward carriage, unless it see their strength compared together and weighed as it were in the scale of trial: which Caesar omitted not diligently to observe, before he would adventure the hazard of battle. For, besides his own satisfaction, it gave great encouragement to his men, when they saw themselves able to countermatch an enemy, and knew their task to be subject to their strength. Neither did he observe it only at this instant, but throughout the whole course of his actions; for we find that he never encountered any enemy, but with sufficient power, either in number or in valour, to make head against them: which equality of strength being first laid as a sure foundation, he used his own industry and skill, and the discipline wherein his men were trained, as advantages to oversway his adversary; and so drew victory maugre fortune unto himself, and seldom failed in any of his battles.    

Chap. III.  
Caesar passeth his Army over the river Axona 
* La Disne. , leaving Titerius Sabinus encamped on the other side with six cohorts.  
AS soon as Caesar understood as well by his discovers, 
Caesar.  as from the men of Rheims, that all the power of the Belgae was assembled together into one place, and was now making towards him no great distance off; he made all the haste he could to pass his Army over the River Axona, which divided the men of Rheims from the other Belgae, and there encamped. Whereby he brought to pass that no enemy could come on the back of him to work any disadvantage; and that corn might be brought unto him from Rheims and other cities without danger. And further, that he might command the passage back again, as occasion should serve▪ to his best advantage, he fortified a bridge which he found on the river with a strong garrison of men, and caused Titurius Sabinus a Legate to encamp himself on the other side of the river with six cohorts, commanding him to fortify his camp with a rampire of 12 foot in altitude, and a trench of 18 foot in breadth.  

OBSERVATION.  
IF it be demanded, why Caesar did pass his Army over the river, leaving it on his back, and did not rather attend the enemy on the other side, and so take the advantage of hindering him, if he should attempt to pass over; I will set down the reasons in the sequel of this war, as the occurrences shall fall out to make them more evident. In the mean time let us enter into the particularity of these six cohorts, that we may the better judge of such troops which were employed in the services of this war. But that we may the better conjecture what number of soldiers these six cohorts did contain, it seemeth expedient a little to discourse of the companies and regiments which the Romans used in their Armies.  
And first we are to understand, that the greatest and chiefest regiment in a Roman Army was termed by the name of Legio; 
A legion what it was.  as Varro saith, quod leguntur milites in delectu; 
Lib. 4.  or as Plutarch speaketh, 
De vita Romuli.  quod lecti ex omnibus essent militares; so that it taketh the name Legio, of the choice and selecting of the soldiers. Romulus is said to be the first author and founder of these legions, making every legion to contain 3000 soldiers: but shortly after they were augmented, as Festus recordeth, unto 4000; and afterward again from 4000, to 4200. And that number was the common rate of a legion until Hannibal came into Italy, 
Liv. lib. 22.  and then it was augmented to 5000: but that proportion continued only for that time. And again, when Scipio went into afric, the legions were increased to 6200 footmen, and 300 horse. And shortly after the Macedonian war, the legions that continued in Macedon to keep the Province from rebellion, consisted of 6000 footmen and 300 horse. Out of Caesar it cannot be gathered that a legion in his time did exceed the number of 5000 men, but oftentimes it was short of that number: for he himself saith that in this war in Gallia his soldiers were so wasted, that he had scarce 7000 men in two legions. And if we examine that place out of the 3. of the civil war, where he saith that in Pompey his Army were 110 cohorts, which amounted to the number of 55000 men; and it being manifest as well by this number of cohorts, as by the testimony of divers authors, that Pompey his Army consisted of 11 legions; if we divide 55000 into 11 parts, we shall find a legion to consist of 5000 men. Which number or thereabout being generally known to be the usual rate of a legion, the Romans always expressed the strength of their Army by the number of legions that were therein: as in this war it is said that Caesar had eight legions; which by this account might arise to 40000 men, besides associates, and such as necessarily attended the Army. Further we are to understand that every legion had his peculiar name, by which it was known and distinguished from the rest: and that it took either from their order of muster, or enrollement; as that legion which was first enroled, was called the first legion, and that which was second in the choice, the second legion, and so consequently of the rest; and so we read in this history, the seventh, the eighth, the ninth, the tenth, the eleventh and twelfth legion: or otherwise from the place of their warfare, and so we read of legiones Germanicae, Pannonica, Britannicae, and such others: and sometime of their General, as Augusta, Claudia, 
Taci●us ●. hist.  Vitelliana legiones, and so forth: or to conclude, from some accident of quality, as Rapax, Victrix, Fulminifera, Plundering, Victorious, Lightning, and such like. And thus much of the name and number of a legion: which I must necessarily distinguish into divers kinds of soldiers, according to the first institution of the old Romans, and the continual observation thereof unto the decay of the Empire, before I come to the description of these smaller parts whereof a Legion was compounded.  
First therefore we are to understand that after the Consuls had made a general choice and sworn the soldiers, the Tribunes chose out the youngest and poorest of all the rest, and called them by the name of Velites. 
Velites.  Their place in regard of the other soldiers was both base and dishonourable: not only because they fought afar off, and were lightly armed; but also in regard they were commonly exposed to the enemy, as our forlorn hopes are. Having chosen out a competent number for this kind, they proceeded to the choice of them which they called Hastati, 
Hastati.  a degree above the Velites both in age and wealth, & termed them by the name of Hastati, forasmuch as at their first institution they fought with a kind of Javelin, which the Romans called Hasta: but before Polybius his time they used Piles; notwithstanding their ancient name continued unto the later time of the Empire. The third choice which they made, was of the strongest & lustiest-bodied men, who for the prime of their age were called Principes: 
Principes.  the rest that remained were named Triarii, 
Triarii.  as Varro saith, Quod tertio ordine extremis sub sidio deponuntur: These were always the eldest and best-experienced men, and were placed in the third division of the battle, as the last help and refuge in all extremity. 
Lib. 〈◊〉  Polybius saith that in his time the Velites, Hastati, and Principes did consist of 1200 men apiece, and the Triarii never exceeded the number of 600. although the general number of a legion were augmented: 
Lib. 1. de mil. Rom.  whereof L●psius allegeth these reasons; First, because these Triarii consisted of the best of the soldiers, and so might countervail a greater number in good worth and valour. Secondly, they seldom came to buckle with the enemy, but when the controversy grew very doubtful. Lastly, we may well conjecture that the voluntaries and extraordinary followers ranged themselves amongst these Triaries, and so made the third battle equal to either of the former: but howsoever they never exceeded the number of 600. And by this it appeareth that in Polybius his time the common rate of a legion was 4200.  
In this division of their men, consisted the ground of that well-ordered discipline; 
The use of this division.  for in that they distinguished them according to their years and ability, they reduced their whole strength into several classes; and so disposed of these different parts, that in the general composition of their whole body, every part might be fitted with place and office, acc●●ding as his worth was answerable to the same: and so they made not only a number of gross, but a number distinct by parts and properties; that from every accident which met with any part of the Army, the judgement might determine how much or how little it imported the whole body: besides the great use which they made of this distinction in their degrees of honour and preferment, a matter of no small consequence, in the excellency of their government.  
The soldiers at their enrollement being thus divided according to their years and ability, 
The distinction of their companies.  they then reduced them into smaller companies, to make them fitter for command and fight: and so they divided the Hastate, Principes, and Triarii, each of them into 10 companies, making of those three sorts of soldiers 30 small regiments, which they called Manipuli: 
Manipuli.  And again, they subdivided every maniple into two equal parts, and called them Ordines, which was the least company in a legion, 
Ordines.  and according to the rate set down by Polybius, contained 60 soldiers. In every Ordo there was a Centurion or Captain, and a Lieutenant, whom they named Optio or Tergiductor. The maniples of the Triarii were much lesser than the maniples of either the Hastati or the Principes; forasmuch as their whole band consisted but of 600 men. The Velites were put into no such companies, but were equally distributed amongst the other maniples; and therefore the Hastati, Principes and Triarii were called subsignani milites, to make a difference between them and the Velites, which were not divided into bands, and so consequently had no ensign of their own, but were distributed amongst the other companies: so that every Maniple had 40 Velites attending upon it. And now I come to the description of a Cohort, which the history here mentioneth.  
The word Cohors in Latin doth signify that part of ground which is commonly enclosed before the gate of a house, 
Cohors.  which from the same word we call a court: 
Lib. 3. de re ●ust.  and Varro giveth this reason of the metaphor. As in a farm house, saith he, many out-buildings joined together make one enclosure; so a cohort consisteth of several maniples joined together in one body. This cohort consisted of three maniples; for every legion had ten cohorts, which must necessarily comprehend those thirty maniples: but these three maniples were not all of one and the same kind of soldiers, as three maniples of the Hastati, three of the Principes, and three of the Triarii, as Patricius in his Paralleli seemeth to affirm; for so there would have remained an odd maniple in every kind, that could not have been brought into any cohort: But a cohort contained a maniple of the Hastati, a maniple of the Principes, and a maniple of the Triarii; and so all the thirty maniples were included into ten cohorts, and every cohort was as a little legion, forasmuch as it consisted of all those sorts of soldiers that were in a legion. So that making a legion to contain five thousand men, a cohort had five hundred; and so these six cohorts which he encamped on the other side of the river under the command of Titurius Sabinus, contained three thousand soldiers: but if you make a legion to consist but of four thousand two hundred, which was the more usual rate, there were two thousand five hundred and twenty soldiers in these six cohorts.  
By this therefore it may appear that a legion consisted of four sorts of soldiers, which were reduced into ten cohorts, and every cohort contained three maniples, and every maniple two orders, and every order had his Centurion marching in the head of the troup, and every Centurion had his Optionem, or Lieutenant, that stood in the tail of the troup.  
When a legion stood ranged in battle ready to confront the enemy, 
A legion ranged in battle.  the least body or squadron that it contained was a maniple; wherein the two orders were joined together, making jointly ten in front, and twelve in file: and so every five files had their Centurion in front, and Lieutenant in the rearward, to direct them in all adventures. In the time of the Emperors, their battalions consisted of a cohort, and never exceeded that number how great soever the Army were.  
Polybius distinguishing a maniple into two centuries or orders, saith, that the Centurion first chosen by the Tribunes, 
The first order.  commanded the right order, which was that order which stood on the right hand, known by the name of Primus ordo; and the Centurion elected in the second course, commanded the left order; and in the absence of either of them, he that was present of them two commanded the whole maniple. And so we find that the Centurion of the first place was called Prior Centuri●: 
3 De bello civili.  in which sense Caesar is to be understood, where he saith that all the Centurions of the first cohort were slain, praeter principem priorem. From whence we gather two specialties: first, the priority between the Centurions of the same Maniple; for a cohort consisting of three Maniples, whereof the first Maniple were Triarii, the second Principes, and the third Hastati, and every Maniple containing two orders, and every order a Centurion, he saith that all the Centurions of this cohort were slain, saving the first or upper Centurion of the Principes. The second thing which I observe, 
Prima cohor●.  is the title of the first cohort: for these ten cohorts whereof a Legion consisted, were distinguished by degrees of worthiness; and that which was held the worthiest in the censure of the Electors, took the priority both of place and name, and was called the first cohort; the next, the second cohort; and so consequently unto the tenth and last.  
Neither did the Legions want their degrees of preeminence, both in imbattelling and in encamping, according either to the seniority of their enrolment, or the favour of their General, or their own virtue: And so we read that in these wars in Gallia the tenth Legion had the first place in Caesar's Army. And thus much concerning the divisions and several companies of a Legion, and the degrees of honour which they held in the same.  
Upon this description it shall not be amiss briefly to lay open the most apparent commodities depending upon this discipline; 
The benefit of this discipline.  the excellency whereof more plainly appeareth, being compared to that order which Nature hath observed in the frame of her worthiest creatures: for it is evident that such works of Nature come nearest to perfect excellency, whose material substance is most particularly distinguished into parts, and hath every part endued with that property which best agreeth to his peculiar service. For being thus furnished with diversity of instruments, and these directed with fitting abilities, the creature must needs express many admirable effects, and discover the worth of an excellent nature: whereas those other bodies that are but slenderly laboured, and find less favour in Nature's forge, being as abortives, or barbarously composed, wanting the diversity both of parts and faculties, are no way capable of such excellent uses, nor fit for such distinct services, as the former that are directed with so many properties, & enabled with the power of so wel-distinguisht faculties. Which better works of Nature the Romans imitated in the Architecture of their Army, dividing it into such necessary and serviceable parts as were best fitting all uses and employments; as first Legions, and legions into cohorts, and cohorts into maniples, and maniples into centuries or orders, and these into files; wherein every man knew his place, and kept the same without exchange or confusion: and thus the universal multitude was by order disposed into parts, until it came unto a unity. For it cannot be denied but that these centuries were in themselves so sensibly distinguished, that every soldier carried in his mind the particular Map of his whole century: for in imbattelling, every century was disposed into five files, containing twelve in a file; whereof the leaders were always certain, and never changed but by death or some other special occasion; and every leader knew his follower, and every second knew the third man, and so consequently unto the last.  
Upon these particularities it plainly appeareth how easy a matter it was to reduce their troops into any order of a march or a battle, to make the front the slank, or slank front, when they were broken and disrankt to rally them into any form, when every man knew both his own and his fellows station. If any companies were to be employed upon sudden service, the general Idea of the Army being so deeply imprinted in the mind of the commanders, would not suffer them to e●re in taking out such convenient troops, both for number and quality, as might best agree with the safety of the Army, or nature of the action. At all occasions and opportunities these principles of advantage offered themselves as ready means to put in execution any design or stratagem whatsoever: the project was no sooner resolved of, but every man could readily point out the companies that were ●it to execute the intention. And which is more important in regard of the life and spirit of every such part, their sodality was sweetened, or rather strengthened with the mutual acquaintance and friendship one of another; the captain marching always in the head of the troup, the ensign in the midst, and the lieutenant in the rearward, and every man accompanied with his neighbour and his friend: which bred a true and unfeigned courage, both in regard of themselves and of their followers. Besides these specialties, the places of title and dignity depending upon this order were no small means to cut off all matter of civil discord, and intestine dissension: for here every man knew his place in the File, and every File knew his place in the Century, and every Century in the Maniple, and every Maniple in the Cohort, and every Cohort in the Legion, and every Legion in the Army; and so every soldier had his place according to his virtue, and every place gave honour to the man, according as their discipline had determined thereof.  
The want of this discipline hath dishonoured the martial government of this age with bloodshed and murders; whereof Trance is too true a witness, as well in regard of the French themselves, as of our English forces that have been sent thither to appeal their tumults: for through defect of this order, which allotteth to every man his due place, the controversy grew between Sir William Drury and Sir John Burrowes, the issue whereof is too well known to the world: wherein as our Commanders in France have been negligent, so I may not forget to give due commendation to the care which is had of this point amongst the English troops in the service of the States in the United Provinces, where they are very curious in appointing every man his place in the File, and every File in the Troup, and find much benefit thereby, besides the honour of reviving the Roman discipline.  
To conclude this point, 
The benefit of small battalions, and the disadvantage of great squadrons.  I will only touch in a word the benefit which the Romans found in their small battalions, and the disadvantage which we have in making great squadrons. And first it cannot be denied but that such troops stand best appointed for disposition and array of battle, which standing strong to receive a shock, bring most men to ●ight with the enemy: for the principal things which are required in setting of a battle, are so to order the troops, that the depth in slank may serve conveniently to withstand the assault, taking up no more men than may well serve for that purpose, and giving means to the rest to fight with the enemy: and in these two points were both their defensive and offensive considerations comprehended. But smaller troops and battalions afford this conveniency better than great squadrons, which drown up many able men in the depth of their ●lanks, and never suffer them to appear, but when the breaking of the squadron doth present them to the butchery of the enemy. The Macedonian Phalanx, as I have noted in the first book, never carried above sixteen in slank, and brought five hundred to fight in front. And these little battalions (considering them as they stood in battle ray) made as great a front or greater then that of the Phalanx, keeping a depth answerable to the same; besides the second and third battle, which always were to succour them, which the Phalanx wanted: neither would their thick and close imbattelling admit any such succour behind them. Now if we compare the advantages and discommodities which by place and accident were incident to either of these, we shall find great odds between them. These great squadrons are not feasible but in plain and open places, where they may either stand immovable, or make easy and slow motions without shaking or disordering their body: but the lesser are a scantling for all places, champain or woody, level or uneven, or of what site or quality soever. And to conclude, if two or three ranks of these great battalions chance to be broken and disordered, the whole body is as much interessed in the disorder as the said ranks are, and hath less means to rally itself then any other lesser company: but if any violence chance to rout a Maniple, it proceedeth no further in the Army then that part which it taketh: Neithe can the disranking of any one part betray the safety of the Army to disorder and confusion, forasmuch as their distinction served to cut off such inconveniences, and yet no way hindered the general uniting of their strength into one body. More may be said concerning this matter; but I only point at it, and leave the due consideration thereof to the judgement of our Commanders, and return to our history.    

CHAP. IU.  
The Belgae attempt the surprise of Bibrax 
* Bray in the county of Re●ell. : Caesar sendeth succour unto it.  
THere was a town called Bibrax, belonging to the state of Rheims, about eight miles from Caesar's camp, which the Belgae thought to have surprised as they came along to meet with Caesar; and suddenly assaulted it with such fury, that the townsmen could hardly hold out the first day. The Celtaes and Belgae use one and the same manner in assaulting a town: For having beset the whole compass of the wall with ranks of soldiers, they never cease flinging of stones until they find the wall naked of defendants; and then casting themselves into a Testudo, they approach to the gate and undermine the walls. Which thing was easily effected here; for so great was the number of them that threw stones and darts, that it was impossible for the defendants to abide upon the walls. Assoon as the night had made an end of the assault, Iccius of Rheims, a man of great birth and authority in his country, who at that time was governor of the town, and had been before with Caesar, to treat and conclude a Peace, sent him word by messengers, that if there came not present succour, he was not able to hold out any longer. The same night about midnight (using the same messengers for guides) he sent both Numidian and Cretian Archers, & Slingers of the Isles of Baleares to relieve the town; by means whereof the townsmen were put in good hope to make their party strong, and the enemy made hopeless of winning the town: and therefore after a small stay, having depopulated their fields, and burned their villages and out-buildings, they marched with all their power towards Caesar's Camp, and within less than two miles of the Army they encamped their whole host; which, as was gathered by the smoke and fire, took up more ground than eight miles in breadth.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
IN the description of their assault, we are to observe two circumstances. The first is, the manner they used in a sudden surprise: The second is, 
To take a town by surprise.  the form and quality of a Testudo. Although Caesar seemeth to attribute this manner of assaulting a town as peculiar to the Galls, yet we may not think but that the Romans used it as often as they had occasion to surprise any city: but because the Galls knew no other means to take a town but this, therefore he setteth it down as peculiar unto them. The Romans called this manner of assault Corona; and so we read oftentimes this phrase, Cingere urbem corona, forasmuch as the soldiers enclosed the town with a circle, and so resembled a crown or garland. Ammianus speaketh of a triple crown of soldiers which encompassed a town: And Josephus telleth of Jotapata, which the Romans besieged duplici peditum corona, with a double circle of footmen: and besides these, there was a third circle of horsemen outmost of all. There is no further matter to be observed but this, that in surprising a town, they encircled it round about with thick continued ranks of men, and where they found the wall weakest, there they entered as they could.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
THe Testudo requireth a larger discourse, and is lively described in Livy after this manner. 
A Testudo described.  In the Amphitheatre, 
Lib. 44.  where the people did often assemble to see strange sights and public shows, were brought in (saith he) sixty lusty young men, who after some motion and seemly march, cast themselves into a square troup, and roofing their heads close with their targets, the first rank which made the front of the Testudo, stood up right on their feet; the second rank bowed itself somewhat lower; the third and fourth ranks did more incline themselves, and so consequently unto the last rank, which kneeled on the ground: and so they made a body resembling half the side of an house, which they called Testudo. Unto this squadron so strongly combined together came two soldiers running some an hundred and fifty foot off, and threatening each other with their weapons, ran nimbly up the side of the roof; and sometimes making as though they would defend it against an enemy that would have entered upon it, sometimes again encountering each other in the midst of it, leapt up and down as steadily as if they had been upon firm ground. And which is more strange, the front of a Testudo being applied to the side of a wall, there ascended many armed men upon the said Testudo, and fought in an equal height with other soldiers that stood upon the said wall to defend it. The dissimilitude in the composition was this, that the soldiers that were in front, and in the sides of the square, carried not their Targets over their heads as the other did, but covered their bodies with them; and so no weapons either cast from the wall, or otherwise thrown against it, could any way hurt them; and whatsoever weight fell upon the Testudo, it quickly glided down by the declivity of the roof, without any hurt or annoyance at all.  
Thus far Livy goeth; neither do I know what to say further of it: the chiefest use thereof was in a surprise or sudden attempt against a town, before the townsmen were throughly prepared to defend the same. This invention served them to approach the wall with safety, and so either to undermine it, or to climb up: and to that end they oftentimes erected one Testudo upon another. Tacitus saith that the soldiers climbed upon the wall super iteratam testudinem, by one Testudo made upon another. And this was the ancient form and use of a Testudo in a sudden assault or surprise.  
Dio Cassius in the acts of Antony saith, 
Lib. 4●  that being galled with the Parthian Archers, he commanded his whole Army to put itself into a Testudo: which was so strange a sight to the Parthians, that they thought the Romans had sunk down for weariness and faintness; and so forsaking their horses, drew their swords to have made execution: and then the Romans, at a watchword given, rose again with such a fury, that they put them all to sword and ●light. Dio describeth the same Testudo after this manner: They placed, saith he, their baggage, their light-armed men and their horsemen in the midst; and those heavy-armed footmen that carried long gutter-tiled Targets, were in the utmost circles next unto the Enemy: the rest (which bore large oval Targets) were thronged together throughout the whole troup, and so covered with their Targets both themselves and their fellows, that there was nothing discerned by the Enemy but a roof of Targets, which were so tiled together, that men might safely go upon them.  
Further, we oftentimes read that the Romans cast themselves into a Testudo, to break through an Enemy, or to rout and disrank a troup. And this use the Romans had of a Testudo in field services, and only by the benefit of their Target. It was called a Testudo in regard of the strength, for that it covered and sheltered as a shell covereth a fish. And let this suffice concerning a Testudo.   

THE THIRD OBSERVATION.  
THirdly, 
The necessity of good discovery.  we may observe how carefully Caesar provided for the safety of such succours as he sent unto Bibrax: for he commanded the same messengers that came from the town to direct them, as the best and surest guides in that journey; lest peradventure through ignorance of the way, they might fall into inconveniences or dangers. A matter of no small consequence in managing a war; but deserveth an extraordinary importunity to persuade the necessity of this diligence: for a General that hath perfectly discovered the nature of the country through which he is to march, and knoweth the true distances of places, the quality of the ways, the compendiousness of turnings, the nature of the hills, and the course of the rivers, hath all these particularities as main advantages, to give means of so many several attempts upon an enemy. And in this point Hannibal had a singular dexterity, and excelled all the Commanders of his time, in making use of the way by which he was to pass. But he that leadeth an Army by an unknown and undiscovered way, and marcheth blindfold upon uncertain adventures, is subject to as many casualties and disadvantages as the other hath opportunities of good fortune. Let every man therefore persuade himself that good Discoverers are as the eyes of an Army, and serve for lights in the darkness of ignorance, to direct the resolutions of good providence, and make the path of safety so manifest, that we need not stumble upon casualties. Caesar in his journey to Ariovistus, used the help of Divitiacus the Heduan, in whom amongst all the Galls he reposed greatest confidence, to discover the way, and acquaint him with the passages: and before he would undertake his voyage unto 
* Now England.  Brittany, he well informed himself by Merchants and travellers of the quantity of the Island, the quality of the people, their use of war, and the opportunity of their havens. Neither was he satisfied with their relations, but he sent Caius Volusenus in a ship of war, to see what he could further discover concerning these points. Suetonius addeth moreover, that he never carried his Army per insidiosa itinera, through places where they were subject to be waylaid, unless he had first well discovered the places.  
Concerning the order which skilful Leaders have observed in discoveries, 
The order which is to be observed in discovery.  we are to know that this point consisteth of two parts; the one, in understanding the perfect description of the country; the second, in observing the motions of the enemy. Touching the first, we find as well by this as other histories, that the Romans used the inhabitants of the country for Guides, as best acquainted with their native places, that they might not err in so important a matter; provided always that their own scouts were ever abroad to understand what they could of themselves, that they might not altogether rely upon a stranger's direction. The motions of the Enemy were observed by the horsemen: and these for the most part were Veterani, well experienced in the matter of war, and so the General received sound advertisements: and yet they were not too forward upon any new motion, unless they found it confirmed by divers ways; for some Spials may err, either through passion or affection, as it happened in the Helvetian war. If therefore the use and benefit which prudent and wise Commanders made of this exigence, or the misfortune which the want of this knowledge brought upon the ignorant, have any authority to persuade a circumspect care herein, this little that hath been spoken may be sufficient for this point.   

THE FOURTH OBSERVATION.  
THe soldiers which Caesar sent to relieve Bibrax were Archers of Creta and Numidia, 
Slingers' with their art and use.  and Slingers of the Isles Baleares, which are now called Majorica and Minorica: which kind of weapon because it seemeth ridiculous to the soldiers of these times, whose conceits are held up with the fury of these fiery engines, I will therefore in brief discover the nature and use thereof.  
The Latins (saith Isidore) called this weapon funda, quod ex ea fundantur lapides, because out of it stones are cast. Pliny attri●uteth the invention thereof to the Islanders called Baleares. Florus in his 3 book and ● chap. saith that these Baleares used three sorts of slings, and no other weapon besides; and that a boy had never any meat given him before he had first struck it with a sling. Strabo distinguisheth these three sorts of slings which the Baleares used, and saith that they had one sling with long reins, which they used when they would cast afar off; and another with short reins, which they used near at hand; and the third with reins of a mean size, to cast a reasonable distance. Lipsius saith that in Columna Antonina at Rome he observed that the Balearean was made with one sling about his head, another about his belly, and the third in his hand; which might be their ordinary manner of carrying them. The matter whereof they were made was threefold: the first was hemp or cotton, the second hair, and the third sinews; for of either of these stuffs they commonly made them. The form and fashion of a sling resembled a plaited rope, somewhat broad in the midst, with an Oval compass, and so by little and little decreasing into two thongs or reins. Their manner of slinging was to whirl it twice or thrice about their head, and so to cast out the bullet. Virgil speaking of Mezentius saith, 
Ipse ter adducta circum caput egit habera.  
He fetched the rain three times about his head,  But Vegetius preferreth that skill which cast the bullet with once turning it about the head. In Suidas we find that these Baleares did commonly cast a stone of a pound weight: which agreeth to these names in Caesar, fundas librales. The leaden bullets are mentioned by Sallust, in the war with Jugurth, and by Livy, where he saith that the Consul provided great store of arrows, of bullets, and of small stones to be cast with slings. This weapon was in request amongst divers nations, as well in regard of the readiness and easy reiterating of the blow, as also for that the bullet fled very far, with great violence. The distance which they could easily reach with their sling, is expressed in this verse,  
Fundun Varro vocat, 
Lib. ●.  quem possis mittere funda. Fundum according to Varro is so much ground as a man may sling over. Which Vegetius interpreteth to be six hundred foot. Their violence was such, as the same author affirmeth in his first book and sixteenth chap. that neither helmet, gaberdine, nor corselet could bear out the blow; but he that was hit with a sling, was slain sine invidia sanguinis, as he saith in the same place. Lucrece, Ovid, and Lucan, three of the Latin Poets say, that a bullet skilfully cast out of a sling went with such violence, that it melted as it flew: 
Lib. 2. 〈◊〉. quest.  whereof Seneca giveth this reason, Motion, saith he, doth extenuate the air, and that extenuation or subtlety doth inflame; and so a bullet ca●● out of a sling melteth as it flieth. But howsoever▪ Diodorus Siculus affirmeth that these Balearean slingers broke both target, head-piece, or any other armour whatsoever.  
There are also two other sorts of slings, the one mentioned by Livy, and the other by Vegetius. That in Livy is called Cestrophendo, which cast a short arrow with a long thick head: the other in Vegetius is called Fustibalus, which was a sling made of a cord and a staff. But let this suffice for slings and slingers, which were reckoned amongst their light-armed soldiers, and used chiefly in assaulting, and defending towns and fortresses, where the heavy-armed soldiers could not come to buckle; and present the place of our Harquebusiers, which in their proper nature are levis armatur● milites light-armed soldiers, although more terrible than those of ancient times.    

Chap. V.  
Caesar confronteth the Belgae in form of battle, but without any blow given: the Belgae attempt the passing of the river Axona; but in vain, and to their loss: they consult of breaking up the war.  
CAesar at the first resolved not to give them battle, 
〈◊〉  as well in regard of their multitude, as the general fame and opinion conceived of their valour: notwithstanding he daily made trial by light skirmishes with his horsemen, what the enemy could do, and what his own men durst do. And when he found that his own men were nothing inferior to the Belgae, he chose a convenient place before his camp, and put his Army in battle: the bank where he was encamped rising somewhat from a plain level, was no larger than would suffice the front of the battle; the two sides were steep, and the front rose aslope by little and little, until it came again to a plain, where the legions were imbattelled. And lest the enemy abounding in multitude, should circumvent his men and charge them in the flank as they were fight, (which they might easily do with their number) he drew an overthwart ditch behind his Army from one side of the hill to the other, six hundred paces in length; the ends whereof he fortified with bulwarks, and placed therein store of engines. And leaving in his Camp the two legions which he had last enroled in Lombardy, that they might be ready to be drawn forth when there should need any succour, he imbattelled his other six legions in the front of the hill, before his Camp. The Belgae also bringing forth their power, confronted the Romans in order of battle. I here lay between both the Armies a small Marish: over which the enemy expected that Caesar should have passed, and Caesar on the other side attended to see if the Belgae would come over, that his men might have charged them in that troublesome passage. In the mean time the Cavalry on both sides encountered between the two battles: and after long expectation on either side, neither party adventuring to pass over, Caesar having got the better in the skirmish between the horsemen, thought it sufficient for that time, both for the encouraging of his own men, and the contesting of so great an Army, and therefore he conveyed all his men again into their Camp. From that place the enemy immediately took his way to the River Axona, which lay behind the Romans Camp: and there finding fords, they attempted to pass over part of their forces, to the end they might either take the fortress which Q. Titurius kept, or break down the bridge, or spoil the territories of the state of Rheims, and cut off the Romans from provision of corn. Caesar having advertisement thereof from Titurius, transported over the river by the bridge all his horsemen, and light-armed Numidians, with his Slingers and Archers, and marched with them himself. The conflict was hot in that place: the Romans charging their enemies as they were troubled in the water, slew a great number of them; the rest like desperate persons, adventuring to pass over upon the dead carcases of their fellows, were beaten back by force of weapons: and the horsemen encompassed such as had first got over the water, and slew every man of them.  
When the Belgae perceived themselves frustrated of their hopes of winning Bibrax, of passing the River, and of drawing the Romans into places of disadvantage, and that their own provisions began to fail them; they called a council of war, wherein they resolved that it was best for the State in general, and for every man in particular, to break up their Camp, and to return home unto their own houses: and into whose confines or territories soever the Romans should first enter, to depopulate and waste them in hostile manner, that thither they should hasten from all parts, and there give them battle; to the end they might rather try the matter in their own country, than abroad in a strange and unknown place, and have their own household provision always at hand to maintain them. And this the rather was concluded, for as much as they had intelligence, that Divitiacus with a great power of the Hedui approached near to the borders of the Bellovaci; who in that regard made haste homeward to defend their country.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
FIrst we may observe the Art which he used to countervail the strength of so great a multitude, by choosing out so convenient a place, which was no broader in front then would suffice the front of his battle: and having both the sides of the hill so steep, that the enemy could not ascend nor climb up, but to their own overthrow; he made the backpart of the hill strong by Art, and so placed his soldiers as it were in the gate of a fortress, where they might either issue out or retire at their pleasure. Whereby it appeareth how much he preferred security and safety before the vain opinion of foolhardy resolution, which savoureth of Barbarism rather than of true wisdom: for he ever thought it great gain to lose nothing; and the day brought always good fortune, that delivered up the Army safe unto the evening; attending until advantage had laid sure principles of victory: and yet Caesar was never thought a coward.  
And now it appeareth what use he made by passing his Army over the river, and attending the enemy on the further side, rather than on the side of the state of Rheims: for by that means he brought to pass, that whatsoever the enemy should attempt in any part or quarter of the land, his forces were ready to trouble their proceedings; as it happened in their attempt of Bibrax: and yet notwithstanding he lost not the opportunity of making slaughter of them as they passed over the river. For by the benefit of the bridge which he had fortified, he transported what forces he would, to make head against them as they passed over; and so he took what advantage either side of the river could afford him.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
ANd here the Reader may not marvel, if when the hills are in labour, they bring forth but a mouse; for how soon is the courage of this huge Army abated? or what did it attempt worthy such a multitude? or answerable to the report which was bruited of their valour? but being hastily carried together by the violence of passion, were as quickly dispersed upon the sight of an enemy: which is no strange effect of a sudden humour. For as in Nature all violent motions are of short continuance, and the durability or lasting quality of all actions proceedeth from a slow and temperate progression; so the resolutions of the mind that are carried with an untemperate violence, and savour so much of heat and passion, do vanish away even with the smoke thereof, and bring forth nothing but leasurable repentance. And therefore it were no ill counsel for men of such natures, to qualify their hasty resolutions with a mistrustful linger; that when their judgement is well informed of the cause, they may proceed to a speedy execution.  
But that which most bewrayeth their indiscreet intemperance in the hot pursuit of this enterprise is, that before they had scarce seen the enemy, or had opportunity to contest him in open field, their victuals began to fail them: for their minds were so carried away with the conceit of war, that they had no leisure to provide such necessaries as are the strength and sinew of the war. It was sufficient for every particular man to be known for a soldier in so honourable an action, referring other matters to the care of the State. The States in like manner thought it enough to furnish out forty or fifty thousand men apiece, to discharge their oath, and to save their hostages, committing other requisites to the general care of the confederacy: which being directed by as unskilful governor's, never looked further than the present multitude, which seemed sufficient to overthrow the Roman Empire. And thus each man relied upon another's care, and satisfied himself with the present garb. So many men of all sorts and qualities, so many helmets and plumed crests, such strife and emulation what state should seem in greatest forwardness, were motives sufficient to induce every man to go, without further inquiry how they should go. And herein the care of a General ought especially to be seen, considering the weakness of particular judgements, that having the lives of so many men depending altogether upon his providence, and engaged in the defence of their state and country, he do not fail in these main points of discipline, which are the pillars of all warlike designs. To conclude this point, let us learn by their error so to carry a matter (especially of that consequence) that we make it not much worse by ill handling it, than it was before we first took it to our charge; as it here happened to the Belgae. For their tumultuous arms sorted to no other end, then to give Caesar just occasion to make war upon them, with such assurance of victory, that he made small account of that which was to follow, in regard of that which had already happened: considering that he should not in all likelihood meet with the like strength again, in the continuance of that war. And this was not only gravius bellum successori tradere, to leave a more considerable war unto his successor, as it often falleth out in the course of a long continued war; but to draw a dangerous war upon their heads that otherwise might have lived in peace.    

Chap. VI  
The Belgae break up their Camp, and as they return home, are chased and slaughtered by the Romans.  
THis general resolution being entertained by the consent of the whole council of war, 
Caesar.  in the second watch they departed out of their camp with a great noise and tumult, without any order (as it seemed) or government, every man pressing to be foremost on his journey, and to be first at home: in such a turbulent manner, that they seemed all to run away. Whereof Caesar having notice by his spies, and mistrusting some practice, not as yet perceiving the reason of their departure, he kept his Army within his Camp. In the dawning of the day, upon certain intelligence of their departure, he sent first his horsemen under Q. Pedius and L. Aurunculcius Cotta two Legates, to stay the rearward, commanding Labienus to follow after with three legions: these overtaking the Belgae, and chase them many miles, slew a great number of them. And while the rearward sta●ed, and valiantly received the charge of the Romans, the vanguard being out of danger, and under no government, assoon as they head the alarm behind them, broke out of their ranks and betook themselves to flight: and so the Romans slew them as long as the sun gave them light to pursue them; and then sounding a retreat, they returned to their Camp.  

OBSERVATION.  
IT hath been an old rule amongst soldiers, That a great and negligent error committed by an enemy, is to be suspected as a pretence to treachery. We read of Fulvius a Legate in the Roman Army lying in Tusc●nie; The Consul being gone to Rome to perform some public duty, the Tuscans took occasion by his absence to try whether they could draw the Romans into any inconvenience; and placing an ambuscado near unto their camp, sent certain soldiers attired like shepherds, with droves of cattle to pass in view of the Roman Army: who handled the matter so, that they came even to the rampire of the camp. Whereat the Legate wondering as at a thing void of reason, kept himself quiet until he had discovered their treachery, and so made frustrate their intent. In like manner Caesar not persuaded that men should be so heedless, to carry a retreat in that disorderly and tumultuous manner, would not discamp his men to take the opportunity of that advantage, until he had found that to be true, which in all reason was unlikely. And thus 308000 Belgae were chased and slaughtered by three legions of the Romans, for want of government and order in their departure.    

Chap. VII.  
Caesar followeth after the Belgae into the Country of the Suessones; and there besiegeth Noviodunum 
* No●on. Caesar.  .  
THe next day after their departure, before they could recover themselves of their fear and flight, or had time to put themselves again in breath, Caesar, as it were continuing still the chase and victory, led his Army into the country of the 
* Soyssons.  Suessones, the next borderers unto the men of Rheims: and after a long journey came unto Noviodunum a town of good importance, which he attempted to take by surprise, as he passed along by it. For he understood that it was altogether unfurnished of defensive provision, having no forces within to defend it: but in regard of the breadth of the ditch and height of the wall, he was for that time disappointed of his purpose: and therefore having fortified his camp, he began to make preparation for a siege. The night following the whole multitude of the Suessones, that had escaped by flight, were received into the town: howbeit when the Vineae were with great expedition brought unto the wall, the mount raised, and the turrets built, the Galls being amazed at the highness of the works, such as they had never seen nor heard of before, and the speed which was made in the dispatch thereof, sent ambassadors to Caesar, to treat of giving up the town; and by the mediation of the men of Rheims obtained their suit.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
IN this relation we may observe the industrious art which the Romans used in assaulting, & taking holds & towns; wherein we find three sorts of engines described, Vinea, Agger, and Turres.  
CAESAR'S march where in every Legion had his Cariadges in front  
Agger, 
Agger or mount.  which we call a mount, is described in divers histories to be a hill or elevation made of earth and other substance, which by little and little was raised forward, until it approached near unto the place against which it was built; that upon this mount they might erect fortresses and turrets, and so fight with an advantage of height. The matter of this mount was earth and stones, faggots and timber. Josephus saith that at the siege of Jerusalem the Romans cut down all the trees within 11 mile compass, for matter and stuff to make a mount. The sides of this Agger were of Timber, to keep in the loose matter: the forepart which was towards the place of service, was open without any timber-work; for on that part they still raised it, and brought it nearer the walls. That which was built at Massilia was 80 foot high, and that at Avaricum 80 foot high and 30 foot broad. Josephus and Egesippus write that there was a fortress in Judea 300 cubits high: which Silvius purposing to win by assault, raised a mount 200 cubits high; and upon it he built a castle of stone 50 cubits high, and fifty cubits broad; and upon the said castle he erected a turret of 60 cubits in height, and so took the fortress. The Romans oftentimes raised these mounts in the mouth of a haven, and commonly to over-top a town, that so they might fight with much advantage.  
Amongst other engines in use amongst the Romans, 
Towers or Turrets described.  their movable Turrets were very famous: for they were built in some safe place out of danger, and with wheels put under them were driven to the walls of the town. These turrets were of two sorts, either great or little: the lesser sort are described by Vitruvius to be sixty cubits high, and the square side seventeen cubits; the breadth at the top was a fifth part of the breath at the base, and so they stood sure without any danger of falling. The corner pillars were at the base nine inches square, and six inches at the top: there were commonly 10 stories in these little turrets, and windows in every story. The greater sort of towers were 120 cubits high, and the square side was 24 cubits, the breadth at the top was a fifth part of the base; and in every one of these were commonly 200 stories. There was not one and the same distance kept between the stories; for the lowest commonly was 7 cubits and 12 inches high, the highest story 5 cubits, and the rest 4 cubits and a third. In every one of these stories were soldiers and engines, ladders and casting bridges, by which they got upon the wall and entered the town. The forepart of these turrets was covered with iron and wet cover, to save them from fire. The soldiers that removed the tower to and fro, were always within the square thereof, and so they stood out of danger. The new waterwork by Broken-wharfe in London much resembleth one of these towers.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
UPon the building of these mighty engines, it was no marvel if the Suessones submitted themselves to such powerful industry. For whatsoever is strange and unusual, doth much affright the spirits of an enemy, & breed a motion of distrust & diffidency, when as they find themselves ignorant of such warlike practices: for novelty always breedeth wonder; in as much as the true reasons and causes being unknown, we apprehend it as divers from the usual course of things, and so stand gazing at the strangeness thereof: and wonder, as it addeth worth to the novelty, so it inferreth diffidency, and so consequently fear, the utter enemy of martial valour.    

Chap. VIII.  
Caesar carrieth his Army to the Territories of the Bellovaci, Ambiani and the Nervii.  
CAesar taking for pledges the chiefest of their City, 
Caesar.  and amongst the rest king Galba's own two sons, upon the delivery of all their Arms received the Suessones to mercy: and from thence led his Army against the Bellovaci; 
The Bellovaci taken to mercy.  who having conveyed both themselves and their goods into the town called Bratuspantium, and understanding that Caesar was come within five mile of the place, all the elder sort came forth to meet him, signifying by the stretching forth of their hands, and by their suppliant words, that they yielded themselves up to Caesar's disposal, and would no longer bear arms against the people of Rome. And so again when he was come near the town, and had there set down his army, the very boys and women appearing upon the walls with extended hands (as their custom is) besought sought peace of the Romans. For these Divitiacus became a mediator, who after the Belgae had broken up their Camp, had dismissed his Heduan forces and was returned to Caesar. The Hedui, saith he, have always found in the Bellovaci a faithful and friendly disposition to their State: and if they had not been betrayed by their nobility (who made them believe that the Hedui were brought in bondage by the Romans, and suffered all villainy and despite at their hands) they had never withdrawn themselves from the Hedui, nor consented to conspire against the Romans. The authors of this counsel perceiving into what great misery they had brought their country, were fled into Brittany: wherefore not only the Bellovaci, but the Hedui also in their behalf besought him to use his clemency towards them. Which thing if he did, it would very much greaten the esteem & authority of the Hedui amongst the Belgae, who formerly in their wars had recourse to them for supplies and assistance. Caesar, in regard of the Hedui and Divitacus, promised to receive them to mercy; but for as much as the State was very great, and more populous and powerful than other towns of the Belgae, he demanded six hundred hostages. Which being delivered and their armour brought out of the town, he marched from thence into the coast of the Ambiani: 
The Ambiani yield up themselves.  who without further linger, gave both themselves and all that they had into his power. Upon these bordered the Nervii; 
The Nervii.  of whom Caesar found thus much by inquiry, That there was no recourse of Merchants unto them, neither did they suffer any ●●ine, or what thing else might tend to riot, to be brought into their country: for they were persuaded that by such things their courage was much abated, and their virtue weakened. Further, he learned that these Nervii were a savage people, and of great valour; often accusing the rest of the Belgae for yielding their necks to the Roman yoke, openly affirming that they would neither send Ambassadors, nor take peace upon any condition.  
Caesar having marched three day's journey in their country, understood that the river 
* Sambre near Namur.  Sabis was not passed ten miles from his camp; and that on the further side of this river all the Nervii were assembled together, and there attended the coming of the Romans. With them were joined the At●ebates and Veromandui, whom they had persuaded to abide the same fortune of war with them. Besides they expected a power from the Aduatici. The women and such as were unmeet for the field, they bestowed in a place unaccessible for any Army, by reason of fens and bogs and marshes. Upon this intelligence, Caesar sent his discoverers and Centurions before to choose out a fit place to incamp in.  
Now whereas many of the surrendered Belgae and other Galls were continually in the Roman Army, certain of these (as it was afterward known by the captives) observing the order which the Romans used in marching, came by night to the Nervii, and told them that between every legion went a great sort of carriages; and that it was no matter of difficulty, as soon as the first legion was come into the camp, and the other legions yet a great way off, to set upon them upon a sudden before they were disburdened of their carriages, and so to overthrow them: which legion being cut off and their stuff taken, the rest would have small courage to stand against them. It much furthered this advice, that forasmuch as the Nervii were not able to make any power of horse, but what they did they were wont to do with foot, that they might the better resist the cavalry of their borderers, whensoever they made any road into their marches, their manner was to cut young trees half asunder, and bowing the tops down to the ground, plashed the boughs in breadth, and with thorns and briers planted between them they made them so thick, that it was impossible to see through them, so hard it was to enter or pass through them: so that when by this occasion the passage of the Roman Army must needs be hindered, the Nervii thought the foresaid counsel not to be neglected.  
The place which the Romans chose to incamp in was a hill of like level from the top to the bottom, at the foot whereof ran the river Sabis: and with the like level on the other side rose another hill directly against this, to the quantity of two hundred paces; the bottom whereof was plain and open, and the upper part so thick with wood, that it could not easily be looked into. Within these woods the ●ervians kept themselves close: and in the open ground, by the river side, were only seen a few troops of horse, and the river in that place was about three foot deep.  
CAESAR'S march where the Enemy was nearer at hand▪  

OBSERVATION.  
THis treacherous practice of the surrendered Belgae hath fortunately discovered the manner of Caesar's march, 
The manner of the Roman march.  as well in safe passages, as in dangerous and suspected places: which is a point of no small consequence in martial discipline, being subject to so many inconveniences, and capable of the greatest art that may be showed in managing a war. Concerning the discreet carriage of a march, by this circumstance it may be gathered that Caesar principally respected safety, and secondly conveniency. 
The two respects which Caesar had in ordering a m●r●h.  If the place afforded a secure passage, and gave no suspicion of hostility, he was content in regard of conveniency, to suffer every legion to have the oversight of their particular carriages, 
1 Safety.  and to insert them among the troops, 
2 Conveniency.  that every man might have at hand such necessaries as were requisite, either for their private use or public discipline. But if he were in danger of any sudden attempt, or stood in hazard to be impeached by an enemy, he then omitted convenient disposition in regard of particular use, as disadvantageous to their safety; and carried his legions in that readiness, that if they chanced to be engaged by an enemy, they might without any alteration of their march or encumbrance of their carriages, receive the charge in that form of battle as was best approved by their military rules, and the ancient practice of their fortunate progenitors.  
The old Romans observed likewise the same respects: for in unsafe and suspected places they carried their troops again quadrato, 
Agmen quadratum.  in a square march, which, as Livy seemeth to note, was free from all carriage and impediments which might hinder them in any sudden alarm. Neither doth that of 
* Lib. 8. de bell. Gall.  Hirtius any way contradict this interpretation, where he saith that Caesar so disposed his troops against the Bellovaci, that three legions marched in front, and after them came all the carriages, to which the tenth legion served as a rearward; and so they marched pene agmine quadrato almost in a square march. 
* 60. Epist.  Seneca in like manner noteth the safety of agmen quadratum, where he saith that where an enemy is expected, we ought to march agmine quadrato ready to fight. The most material consequence of these places alleged is, that as oft as they suspected any onset or charge, their order in a march little or nothing differed from their usual manner of imbattelling; and therefore it was called agmen quadratum or a square march, inasmuch as it kept the same disposition of parts as were observed in quadrata Acie, in a square body. For that triple form of embattling which the Romans generally observed in their fights, having respect to the distances between each battle, contained almost an equal dimension of front and file: and so it made Aciem quadratam a square body; and when it marched, Agmen quadratum a square march.  
Polybius expresseth the same in effect, 
Lib 6.  as often as the place required circumspection; but altereth it somewhat in regard of the carriages: for he saith that in time of danger, especially where the country was plain and champain, and gave space and free scope to clear themselves, upon any accident the Romans marched in a triple battle of equal distance one behind another, every battle having his several carriages in front. And if they were by chance attacked by an enemy, they turned themselves according to the opportunity of the place either to the right of left hand; and so placing their carriages on the one side of their Army, they stood imbattelled ready to receive the charge.  
The contrary form of marching, where the place afforded more security, and gave scope to conveniency, 
Agmen longum.  they named agmen longum a long march or train; when almost every maniple or order had their several carriages attending upon them, and strove to keep that way which they found most easy both for themselves and their impediments. Which order of march as it was more commodious than the former in regard of particularity, so was it unsafe and dangerous where the enemy was expected: 
Lib. 5. de bello Gall.  and therefore Caesar much blamed Sabinus and Cotta for marching, when they were deluded by Ambiorix, longissimo agmine in a very long train; as though they had received their advertisements from a friend, and not from an enemy.  
And albeit our modern wars are far different in quality from them of ancient times, 
The use that may be made of this, in our modern wars.  yet in this point of discipline they cannot have a more perfect direction then that which the Romans observed, as the two poles of their motions, Safety and Conveniency: whereof the first dependeth chiefly upon the provident disposition of the leaders; and the other will easily follow on, as the commodity of every particular shall give occasion.  
Concerning safety in place of danger, what better course can be taken then that manner of imbattelling, which shall be thought most convenient if an enemy were present to confront them? for a well-ordered march must either carry the perfect form of a battle, or contain the distinct principles and elements thereof, that with little alteration it may receive that perfection of strength which the fittest disposition can afford it. First therefore a prudent and circumspect Leader, that desireth to frame a strong and orderly march, is diligently to observe the nature and use of each weapon in his Army, how they may be placed for greatest use and advantage, both in respect of their different and concurring qualities, as also in regard of the place wherein they are managed: and this knowledge will consequently infer the best and exactest disposition of imbattelling, as the said forces are capable of; which, if it may be observed in a march, is no way to be altered. But if this exactness of imbattelling will not admit convenient carriage of such necessary adjuncts as pertain to an Army, the inconvenience is to be relieved with as little alteration from that rule, as in a wary judgement shall be found expedient; that albeit the form be somewhat changed, yet the principles and ground, wherein their strength and safety consisteth, may still be retained.  
Neither can any man well descend to more particular precepts in this point: he may exemplify the practices of many great and experienced commanders, what sort of weapon marched in front, and what in the rearward, in what part of the Army the Munition marched, and where the rest of the carriage was bestowed, according as their several judgements thought most expedient in the particular nature of their occurrences. But the issue of all will fall out thus; that he that observed this rule before prescribed, did seldom miscarry through an unsafe march. Let a good Martia list well know their proper use in that diversity of weapons in his Army, how they are serviceable or disadvantageous, in this or that place, against such or such an Enemy; and he will speedily order his battle, dispose of his march, and bestow his carriages, as shall best fall out both for his safety and conveniency.  
Caesar's custom was to send his Cavalry and light-armed footmen before the body of his Army, both to discover and impeach an Enemy; for these troops were nimble in motion and fit for such services: but if the danger were greater in the rearward then in the front, the horsemen marched in the tail of the Army, and gave security where there was most cause of fear. But if it happened that they were found unfit to make good the service in that place, as oftentimes it fell out, and especially in Africa against the Numidians; he than removed them as he best found it convenient, and brought his legionary soldiers, which were the sinews and strength of his forces, and marched continually in the bulk of the Army, to make good that which his horsemen could not perform. And thus he altered the antique prescription and uniformity of custom, according as he found himself best able to disadvantage an Enemy, or make way to victory.    

Chap. IX.  
The Romans begin to fortify their camp: but are interrupted by the Nervii. Caesar maketh haste to prepare his forces to battle.  
THe Roman horsemen, 
Caesar.  with the slingers and archers, passed over the river, and encountered the Cavalry of the Enemy: who at first retired back to their companies in the wood, and from thence sallied out again upon them; but the Romans durst not pursue them further than the plain and open ground. In the mean time the six legions that were in front, having their work measured out unto them, began to fortify their camp. But as soon as the Ne●vii perceived their former carriages to be come in sight, which was the time appointed amongst them to give the charge, as they stood imbattelled within the thicket, so they rushed out with all their forces, and assaulted the Roman horsemen: which being easily beaten back, the Nervii ran down to the river with such an incredible swiftness, that they seemed at the same instant of time to be in the woods, at the river, and charging the legions on the other side: For with the same violence having passed the river, they ran up the hill to the Roman camp, where the soldiers were busied in their entrenchment. Caesar had all parts to play at one instant: the flag to be hung out, by which they gave the soldier's warning to take Arms, the battle to be proclaimed by sound of trumpet, the soldiers to be recalled from their work, and such as were gone far off to get turf and matter for the rampire, to be sent for, the battle to be ordered his men to be encouraged, and the sign of battle to be given: the most of which were cut off by shortness of time, and the sudden assault of the Enemy.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
AS the Romans excelled all other nations in many good customs, 
The descript on of the Roman Camp with all the parts belonging unto it.  so especially in their camp-discipline they strove to be singular: for it seemed rather an Academy, or a City of civil government, than a camp of soldiers; so careful were they both for the safety, and skilful experience of their men at Arms. For touching the first, they never suffered their soldiers to lodge one night without a camp, wherein they were enclosed with ditch and rampire, as in a walled town: neither was it any new invention or late found out custom in their State, but in use amongst the ancient Romans, and in the time of their kings. Their manner of encamping was included within these circumstances.  
Porta Praetoria THE ROMAN CAMP Porta Dceumana  
The General's tent being thus placed, 
The lodging of the legions.  they considered which side of the pavilion lay most commodious for forage and water, and on that side they lodged the legions, every legion divided one from another by a street or lane of fifty foot in breadth; and according to the degree of honour that every legion had in the Army, so were they lodged in the camp, either in the midst which was counted most honourable, or towards the side which was of meaner reputation. And again, according to the place of every cohort in his legion, so was it lodged nearer the pavilion of the Emperor, towards the heart of the camp; and so consequently every maniple took place in the cohort, distinguishing their preeminence by lodging them either toward the middle or to the outsideward, according as they distinguished the place of their legions. There went a street of fifty in breadth overthwart the midst of all the legions, 
Quintana.  which was called Quintana, for that it divided the fifth cohort of every legion from the sixth.  
Between the tents of the first maniples in every legion and the Praetorium, there went a way of a hundred foot in breadth throughout the whole camp, 
Principia.  which was called Principia; in this place the Tribunes sat to hear matters of justice, the soldiers exercised themselves at their weapons, and the leaders and chief commanders frequented it is as a public place of meeting; and it was held for a reverend and sacred place, and so kept with a correspondent decency. On either side the Emperor's pavilion, in a direct line to make even and strait the upper side of the Principia, the Tribunes had their Tents pitched, 
The tents of the Tribunes.  every Tribune confronting the head of the legion whereof he was Tribune: above them, towards the head of the camp, were the Legates and Treasurer: the upper part of the camp was strengthened with some select cohorts and troops of horse, according to the number of legions that were in the Army.  
Polybius describing the manner of encamping which the Romans used in his time, when as they had commonly but two legions in their Army, with as many associates, placeth the Ablecti and Extraordinarii, which were select bands and companies, in the upper part of the camp, and the associates on the outside of the legions.  
The ditch and the rampire that compassed the whole camp about, 
The space between the tents and the rampire.  was two hundred foot distant from any tent: whereof Polybius giveth these reasons; first, that the soldiers marching into the camp in battle array, might there dissolve themselves into maniples, centuries and decuries, without tumult or confusion; for order was the thing which they principally respected, as the life and strength of their martial body. And again, if occasion were offered to sally out upon an Enemy, they might very conveniently in that spacious room put themselves into companies and troops: and if they were assaulted in the night, the darts and fireworks which the Enemy should cast into their camp, would little indamage them, by reason of the distance between the rampire and the tents.  
Their tents were all of skins and hides, held up with props, and fastened with ropes: there were eleven soldiers, as Vegetius saith, in every tent, 
Contubernium.  and that society was called Contubernium, of whom the chiefest was named Decanus, or Caput Contubernii.  
The ditch and the rampire were made by the legions, 
The ditch and the rampire.  every maniple having his part measured out, and every Centurion overseeing his Century; the approbation of the whole work belonged to the Tribunes. Their manner of entrenching was this: the soldiers being girt with their swords and daggers, digged the ditch about the camp, which was always eight foot in breadth at the least, and as much in depth, casting the earth thereof inward; but if the enemy were not far off, the ditch was always eleven or fifteen or eighteen foot in latitude and altitude, according to the discretion of the General: but what scantling soever was kept, the ditch was made directis lateribus, that is, as broad in the bottom as at the top. The rampire from the brim of the ditch was three foot in height, and sometimes four, made after the manner of a wall, with green turfs cut all to one measure, half a foot in thickness, a foot in breadth, and a foot and a half in length. But if the place wherein they were encamped would afford no such turf, they then strengthened the loose earth which was cast out of the ditch with boughs and faggots, that it might be strong and well-fastened. The rampire they properly called Agger: 
Agger.  the outside whereof, which hung over the ditch, they used to stick with thick and sharp stakes, fastened deep in the mound, that they might be firm; and these for the most part were forked stakes; which made the rampire very strong, and not to be assaulted but with great difficulty. Varro saith that the front of the rampire thus stuck with stakes, 
Vallum.  was called vallum a varicando, for that no man could stride or get over it.  
The camp had four gates: the first was called praetoria Portae, 
Praetoria porta.  which was always behind the Emperor's tent; and this gate did usually look either toward the east, or to the Enemy, or that way that the Army was to march. The gate on the otherside of the camp opposite to this, was called Portae Decumana, 
Portae Decumana.  a decimis cohortibus; for the tenth or last Cohort of every legion was lodged to confront this gate: by this gate the soldiers went out to fetch their wood, their water, and their forage, and this way their offenders were carried to execution. The other two gates were called Portae principales, 
Portae principales.  forasmuch as they stood opposite to either end of that so much respected place which they called principia, 
Laeva Dextra.  only distinguished by these titles, laeva principalis and dextra, the left and the right-hand principal gate. All these gates were shut with doors, and in standing Camps fortified with Turrets, upon which were planted Engines of defence, as Balistae, Catapulta, Tolenones, and such like.  
The Romans had their summer Camps, which they termed Aestiva, and their winter Camps, which they called Hiberna, 
Castra Aestiva.  or Hibernacula. Their summer camps were in like manner differenced, according to the time which they continued in them. For if they remained in a place but a night or two, they called them Castra or Mansiones; but if they continued in them any long time, they called them Aestivas or Sedes: And these were more absolute, as well in regard of their tents, as of their fortification, than the former wherein they stayed but one night. The other which they called Hiberna had great labour and cost bestowed upon them, 
Hiberna.  that they might the better defend them from the winter season. Of these we read, that the tents were either thatched with straw, or roofed with boards, and that they had their armoury, hospital, and other public houses. These camps have been the beginning of many famous towns, especially when they continued long in a place, as oftentimes they did, upon the banks of Euphrates, Danow, and the Rhine. The order which they always observed in laying out their Camp was so uniform, and well known to the Romans, that when the Centurions had limited out every part, and marked it with different ensigns and colours, the Soldiers entered into it as into a known and familiar City; wherein every society or small contubernie knew the place of his lodging: and which is more, every particular man could assign the proper station of every company throughout the whole Army.  
The use and commodity of this encamping I briesly touched in my first book: 
The commodity of this encamping.  but if I were worthy any way to commend the excellency thereof to our modern Soldiers, or able by persuasion to restablish the use of encamping in our wars, I would spare no pains to achieve so great a good, and vaunt more in the conquest of negligence, then if myself had compassed a new-found-out means: and yet reason would deem it a matter of small difficulty, to gain a point of such worth in the opinion of our men, especially when my discourse shall present security to our forces, and honour to our leaders, majesty to our Armies, and terror to our enemies, wonderment to strangers, and victory to our nation. But sloth hath such interest in this age, that it commendeth vainglory and foolhardiness, contempt of virtue and derison of good discipline, to repugn the designs of honour, and so far to overmal●●reason, that it suffereth not former harms to bear witness against error, nor correct the ill achievements of ill directions: and therefore ceasing to urge this point any further, I will leave it to the careful respect of the wise.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
THe fury of the Enemy and their sudden assault so disturbed the ceremonies which the Roman discipline observed, 
The ceremonies which they used in their preparation to battle.  to make the Soldiers truly apprehend the weight and importance of that action, which might cast upon their state either sovereignty or bondage, that they were all for the most partomitted: notwithstanding they are here noted under these title; the first was vexillum proponendum, quod erat insigne cum ad Arma concurri oporteret, the hanging out the flag, which was the sign for betaking themselves to their arms: for when the General had determined to fight, he caused a scarlet coat or red flag to be hung out upon the top of his tent, that by it the Soldiers might be warned to prepare themselves for the battle; and this was the first warning they had; which by a silent aspect presented blood and execution to their eyes, as the only means to work out their own safety, and purchase eternal honour. The second was Signum tuba dandum, the proclaiming the battle by sound of trumpet: this warning was a noise of many trumpets, which they termed by the name of classicuma calando, which signifieth calling; for after the eye was filled with species suitable to the matter intended, they then hasted to possess the ear, and by the sense of hearing to stir up warlike motions, and fill them with resolute thoughts, that no diffident or base conceits might take hold of their minds. The third was milites cohortandi, the encouraging of the soldiers: for it was thought convenient to confirm this valour with motives of reason, which is the strength and perfection of all such motions. The use and benefit whereof I somewhat enlarged in the Helvetian war, and could afford much more labour to demonstrate the commodity of this part, if my speech might carry credit in the opinion of our soldiers, or be thought worthy regard to men so much addicted to their own fashions. The last was signum dandum, the sign giving; which, as some think, was nothing but a word, by which they might distinguish and know themselves from their enemies. Hirtius in the war of afric saith, that Caesar gave the word Felicity; Brutus and Cassius gave Liberty; others have given Virtus, Deus nobiscum, Triumphus Imperatoris, and such like words, as might be ominous to a good success.  
Besides these particularities, the manner of their delivery gave a great grace to the matter. And that was distinguished by times and cues; whereof Caesar now complaineth, that all these were to be done at one instant of time: for without all controversy, there is no matter of such consequence in itself, but may be much graced with ceremonies and compliments, which like officers or attendants add much respect and majesty to the action; which otherwise being but barely presented, appeareth far meaner and of less regard.    

CHAP. X.  
The battle between Caesar and the Nervii.  
IN these difficulties two things were a help to the Romans: 
Caesar.  the one was the knowledge and experience of the soldiers; for by reason of their practice in former battles, they could as well prescribe unto themselves what was to be done, as any other commander could teach them. The other was, that notwithstanding Caesar had given commandment to every Legate, not to leave the work or forsake the legions until the fortifications were perfected; yet when they saw extremity of danger, they attended no countermand from Caesar, but ordered all things as it seemed best to their own discretion. Caesar having commanded such things as he thought necessary, ran hastily to encourage his soldiers, and by fortune came to the tenth legion; where he used no further speech, then that they should remember their ancient valour, have courageous hearts, and valiantly withstand the brunt of their enemies. 
And therefore I rather take it be something else than a word.  And forasmuch as the enemy was no further off, than a weapon might be cast to encounter them, he gave them the sign of battle: and hastening from thence to another quarter, he found them already closed and at the encounter. For the time was so short and the enemy so violent, that they wanted leisure to put on their headpieces, or to uncase their targets: so that what part they lighted into from their work, or what ensign they first met withal, there they stayed; lest in seeking out their own companies, they should lose that time as was to be spent in fight. The Army being imbattelled rather according to the nature of the place, the declivity of the hill, and the brevity of time, then according to the rules of art; as the legions encountered the enemy in divers places at once, the perfect view of the battle being hindered by those thick hedges before spoken of, there could no succours be placed any where; neither could any man see what was needful to be done: and therefore in so great uncertainty of things, there happened divers casualties of fortune.  
The soldiers of the ninth and tenth legion, as they stood in the left part of the Army, casting their piles with the advantage of the hill, did drive the Atrebates, breathless with running and wounded in the encounter, down into the river; and as they passed over the water, slew many of them with their swords. Neither did they stick to follow after them over the river, and adventure into a place of disadvantage, where the battle being renewed again by the Enemy, they put them to flight the second time. In like manner two other legions, the eleventh and the eighth having put the Veromandui from the upper ground, fought with them upon the banks of the river; and so the front and the left part of the camp was well-near left naked. For in the right cornet were the twelfth and seventh legions, whereas all the Nervii, under the conduct of Boduognatus, were heaped together; and some of them began to assault the legions on the open side, and other some to possess themselves of the highest part of the camp.  
At the same time the Roman horsemen, and the light-armed footmen that were intermingled amongst them, and were at first all put to flight by the Enemy, as they were entering into the camp, met with their enemies in the face, and so were driven to fly out another way. In like manner the pages, and soldiers boys, that from the Decumane port and top of the hill had seen the tenth legion follow their enemies in pursuit over the river, and were gone out to gather pillage, when they looked behind them, and saw the enemy in their camp, betook them to their heels as fast as they could. At the same time rose a great hubbub and outcry of those that came along with the carriages, who being extremely troubled and dismayed at the business, ran some one way and some another. Which accident so terrified the horsemen of the Treviri (who for their prowess were reputed singular amongst the Galls, and were sent thither by their State to aid the Romans) first when they perceived the Roman camp to be possessed by a great multitude of the Enemy, the legions to be overcharged and almost enclosed about, the horsemen, slingers, and Numidians to be dispersed and fled, that without any further expectation they took their way homeward, and reported to their State that the Romans were utterly overthrown, and that the Enemy had taken their carriages.  
Caesar departing from the tenth legion to the right cornet, finding his men exceedingly overcharged the ensigns crowded together into one place, and the soldiers of the twelfth legion so thick thronged on a heap, that they hindered one another; all the Centurions of the fourth cohort being slain, the ensign-bearer killed, and the ensign taken, and the Centurions of the other cohorts either slain, or sore wounded; amongst whom Pub. Sextus Baculus, the Primipile of that legion, a valiant man, so grievously wounded that he could scarce stand upon his feet; the rest not very forward, but many of the hindmost turning tail and forsaking the field; the Enemy 〈◊〉 the other side giving no respite in front, although he fought against the hill, nor yet sparing the open side, and the matter brought to a narrow issue, without any means or succour to relieve them: he took a target from one of the hindmost soldiers, (for he himself was come thither without one) and pressing to the front of the battle, called the Centurions by name, and encouraging the rest, commanded the ensigns to be advanced toward the enemy, and the Maniples to be enlarged, that they might with greater facility and readiness use their swords.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
THis Publius Sextus Baculus was the chiefest Centurion of the twelfth legion, 
The place and offices of 〈◊〉 Primipile.  being the first Centurion of that Maniple of the Triarn that was of the first Cohort in that legion: for that place was the greatest dignity that could happen to a Centurion; and therefore he was called by the name of Centurio primipili, or simply Primipilus, and sometimes Primiopilus, or Primus Centurio. By him were commonly published the mandates and edicts of the Emperor and Tribunes: and therefore the rest of the Centurions at all times had an eye unto him; and the rather for that the eagle, which was the peculiar ensign of every legion, was committed to his charge and carried in his Maniple. Neither was this dignity without special commodity, as may be gathered out of divers Authors. We read farther, that it was no disparagement for a Tribune, after his Tribuneship was expired, to be a Primipile in a legion; notwithstanding there was a law made, I know not upon what occasion, that no Tribune should afterward be Primipile. But let this suffice concerning the office and title of P. S. Baculus.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
ANd here I may not omit to give the Target any honour I may: 
The Target described.  and therefore I will take occasion to describe it in Caesar's hand, as in the place of greatest dignity, and much honouring the excellency thereof. Polybius maketh the Target to contain two foot and an half in breadth, overthwart the convex surface thereof, and the length four foot, of what form or fashion soever they were of: for the Romans had two sorts of Targets amongst their legionaries; the first carried the proportion of that figure which the Geometricians call Oval, a figure of an unequal latitude, broadest in the 〈◊〉, and narrow at both the ends like unto an egg, described in plano: the other sort was of an equal latitude, and resembled the fashion of a gutter-tile, and thereupon was called Scutum imbricatum. The matter whereof a target was made was a double board, one fastened upon another with lint and Bulls glue, and covered with an Ox hide, or some other stiff leather; the upper and lower part of the target were bound about with a plate of iron, to keep it from cleaving; and in the midst there was a boss of iron or brass, which they called Umbo. Romulus brought them in first among the Romans, taking the use of them from the Sabines. The wood whereof they were made was for the most part either sallow, alder, or figtree: 
Lib. 16. cap. 40.  whereof Pliny giveth this reason; forasmuch as these trees are cold and waterish, and therefore any blow or thrust that was made upon the wood, was presently contracted and shut up again. But forasmuch as the Target was of such reputation among the Roman Arms, and challenged such interest in the greatness of their Empire, let us enter a little into the consideration of the use & commodity thereof; which cannot be better understood then by that comparison which Polybius hath made between the weapons of the Romans and the Macodonians: and therefore I have thought good to insert it in these discourses. And thus it followeth.  
Of the difference of the Roman and Macedonian Weapons.  
I Promised in my sixth book that I would make a comparison between the weapons of the Romans and Macedonians: and that I would likewise write of the disposition of either of their Armies, how they do differ one from another; and in what regard the one or the other were either inferior or superior: which promise I will now with diligence endeavour to perform. And forasmuch as the Armies of the Macedonians have given so good testimonies of themselves by their actions, by overcoming the Armies as well of Asia as of Greece, and that the battles of the Romans have conquered as well those of Africa, as all the Eastern countries of Europe; it shall not be amiss, but very profitable, to search out the difference of either; especially seeing that these our times have not once, but many times seen trial both of their battles and forces: that knowing the reason why the Romans do overcome, and in their battle carry away the better, we do not as vain men were wont to do, attribute the same to fortune, and esteem them without reason happy victors; but rather looking into the true causes, we give them their due praises, according to the direction of reason and sound judgement. Concerning the battles between Hannibal and the Romans, and concerning the Romans losses, there is no need that I speak much. For their losses are neither to be imputed to the defect of their Arms, or disposition of their Armies; but to the dexterity and industry of Hannibal. But we have entreated thereof when we made mention of the battles themselves; and the end itself of that war doth especially confirm this our opinion: for when they had gotten a Captain equal with Hannibal, even consequently he with all his victories vanished. And he had no sooner overcome the Romans, but by and by rejecting his own weapons, he trained his Army to their weapons: and so taking them up in the beginning, he continued them on unto the end.  
And Pyrrhus in his war against the Romans did use both their weapons and order, & made as it were a medley both of the cohort and phalanx: but notwithstanding it served him not to get the victory, but always the event by some means or other made the same doubtful: concerning whom it were not unfit that I should say something, lest in being altogether silent, it might seem to prejudice this mine opinion. But notwithstanding I will hasten to my purposed comparison.  
Now touching the phalanx, if it have the disposition and forces proper to it, nothing is able to oppose itself against it, or to sustain the violence thereof; as may easily by many documents be approved. For when an armed man doth stand firm in the space of three foot in so thick an array of battle, and the length of their pikes being according to the first basis or scantling sixteen foot, but according to the true and right conveniency of them fourteen cubits, out of which are taken four allowed for the space between the left hand, which supporteth the same, and the butt end thereof, whiles he stands in a readiness to attend the encounter; being thus ordered, I say, it is manifest that the length of ten cubits doth extend itself before the body of every armed man, where with both his hands he doth advance it ready to charge the Enemy. By which means it followeth that some of the pikes do not only extend themselves before the second, third, and fourth rank, but some before the foremost, if the phalanx have his proper and due thickness, according to his natural disposition, both on the sides and behind: as Homer maketh mention when he saith, that one target doth enclose and fortify another; one head-piece is joined to another, that they may stand united & close together.  
These circumstances being rightly and truly set down, it must follow that the pikes of every former rank in the phalanx do extend themselves two cubits before each other, which proportion of difference they have between themselves: by which may evidently be seen the assault and impression of the whole phalanx, what it is, and what force it hath, consisting of sixteen ranks in depth or thickness. The excess of which number of ranks above five, forasmuch as they cannot commodiously couch their pikes without the disturbance of the former, the points of them not being long enough to enlarge themselves beyond the foremost ranks, they grow utterly unprofitable, and cannot man by man make any impression or assault: but serve only by laying their pikes upon the shoulders of those which stand before them, to sustain and hold up the sways and giving back of the former ranks which stand before them, to this end, that the front may stand firm and sure; and with the thickness of their pikes they do repel all those darts, which passing over the heads of those that stand before, would annoy those ranks which are more backward.  
And farther, by moving forward with the force of their bodies, they do so press upon the former, that they do make a most violent impression. For it is impossible that the foremost ranks should give back.  
This therefore being the general and particular disposition of the phalanx, we must now speak on the contrary part touching the properties and differences, as well of the Arms, as of the whole disposition of the Roman battle. For every Roman soldier for himself and his weapon, is allowed three foot to stand in, and in the encounter are moved man by man, every one covering himself with his target, and mutually moving whensoever there is occasion offered. But those which use their swords, do fight in a more thin and distinct order; so that it is manifest that they have three foot more allowed them to stand in both from shoulder to shoulder, and from back to belly, that they may use their weapons with the better commodity. And hence it cometh to pass that one Roman soldier taketh up as much ground, as two of those which are to encounter him of the Macedonian Phalanx: so that one Roman is as it were to oppose himself against ten pikes, which pikes the said one soldier can neither by any agility come to offend, or else at handy blows otherwise annoy: And those which are behind him are not only unable to repel their force, but also with conveniency to use their own weapons. Whereby it may easily be gathered, that it is impossible that any battle being assaulted by the front of a phalanx, should be able to sustain the violence thereof, if it have his due and proper composition.  
What then is the cause that the Romans do overcome, and that those that do use the phalanx are void of the hope of victory? Even from hence, that the Roman Armies have infinite commodities, both of places and of times to fight in. But the phalanx hath only one time, one place, and one kind whereto it may profitably apply itself: so that if it were of necessity that their enemy should encounter them at that instant, especially with their whole forces, it were questionless not only not without danger, but in all probability likely that the phalanx should ever carry away the better. But if that may be avoided, which is easily done, shall not that disposition than be utterly unprofitable, and free from all terror? And it is farther evident that the phalanx must necessarily have plain and champain places, without any hindrances or impediments, as ditches, uneven places, valleys, little hills and rivers; for all these may hinder and disjoin it. And it is almost impossible to have a Plain of the capacity of twenty stadia, much less more, where there shall be found none of these impediments. But suppose there be found such places as are proper for the phalanx: if the Enemy refuse to come unto them, and in the mean time spoil and sack the Cities and country round about, what commodity or profit shall arise by any Army so ordered? for if it remain in such places, as hath been before spoken of, it can neither relieve their friends, nor preserve themselves. For the convoys which they expect from their friends are easily cut off by the Enemy, whiles they remain in those open places.  
And if it happen at any time that they leave them upon any enterprise, they are then exposed to the Enemy. But suppose that the Roman Army should find the phalanx in such places, yet would it not adventure itself in gross at one instant, but would by little and little retire itself; as doth plainly appear by their usual practice. For there must not be a conjectur of these things by my words only, but especially by that which they do. For they do not so equally frame their battle, that they do assault the Enemy altogether, making as it werebut one front: but part make a stand, and part charge the Enemy, that if at any time the Phalanx do press them that come to assault them and be repelled, the force of their order is dissolved. For whether they pursue those that retire, or fly from those that do assault them, these do disjoin themselves from part of their Army; by which means there is a gap opened to their Enemies, standing and attending their opportunity: so that now they need not any more to charge them in the front, where the force of the phalanx consisteth, but to assault where the breach is made, both behind and upon the sides. But if at any time the Roman Army may keep his due propriety and disposition, the phalanx by the disadvantage of the place being not able to do the like, doth it not then manifestly demonstrate the difference to be great between the goodness of their disposition, and the disposition of the phalanx?  
To this may be added the necessities imposed upon an Army: which is, to march through places of all natures, to encamp themselves, to possess places of advantage, to besiege, and to be besieged; and also contrary to expectation sometimes to come in view of the Enemy. For all these occasions necessarily accompany an Army, and oftentimes are the especial causes of victory, to which the Macedonian phalanx is no way fit or convenient; forasmuch as neither in their general order, nor in their particular disposition, without a convenient place, they are able to effect any thing of moment: but the Roman Army is apt for all these purposes. For every soldier amongst them being once armed and ready to fight, refuseth no place, time nor occasion; keeping always the same order, whether he fight together with the whole body of the Army, or particularly by himself man to man.  
And hence it happeneth, that as the commodity of their disposition is advantageous, so the end doth answer the expectation.  
These things I thought to speak of at large, because many of the Grecians are of an opinion that the Macedonians are not to be overcome. And again, many wondered how the Macedonian phalanx should be put to the worse by the Roman Army, considering the nature of their weapons.  
Thus far goeth Polybius in comparing the weapons and embattelling of the Romans, with the use of Arms amongst the Macedonians: wherein we see the Pike truly and exactly ordered, according as the wise Grecians could best proportion it with that form of battle, which might give most advantage to the use thereof: so that if our squadrons of Pikes jump not with the perfect manner of a phalanx, (as we see they do not) they fall so much short of that strength, which the wisdom of the Grecians and the experience of other nations imputed unto it. But suppose we could allow it that disposition in the course of our wars, which the nature of the weapon doth require; yet forasmuch as by the authority of Polybius, the said manner of imbattelling is tied to such dangerous circumstances of one time, one place, and one kind of fight, I hold it not so profitable a weapon as the practice of our times doth seem to make it, especially in woody countries, such as Ireland is, where the use is cut off by such inconveniences as are noted to hinder the managing thereof. And doubtless, if our Commanders did but consider of the incongruity of the Pike and Ireland, they would not proportion so great a number of them in every company as there is; for commonly half the company are Pikes, which is as much as to say in the practice of our wars, that half the Army hath neither offensive nor defensive weapons, but only against a troup of horse. For they seldom or never come to the push of pike with the foot companies, where they may charge and offend the enemy: and for defence, if the enemy think it not safe to buckle with them at hand, but maketh more advantage to play upon them afar off with shot, it affordeth small safety to shake a long pike at them, and stand fair in the mean time to entertain a volley of shot with the body of their battalion. As I make no question but the pike in some services is profitable, as behind a rampire, or at a breach; so I assure myself there are weapons, if they were put to trial, that would countervail the pike, even in those services wherein it is thought most profitable.  
Concerning the Target, we see it take the hand, in the judgement of Polybius, of all other weapons whatsoever, as well in regard of the divers and sundry sorts of imbattelling, as the quality of the place wheresoever: for their use was as effectual in small bodies and centuries, as in gross troops and great companies; in thin and spacious imbattelling, as in thick-thronged Testudines.  
Neither could the nature of the place make them unserviceable; for whether it were plain or covert, level or unequal, narrow or large, if there were any commodity to fight, the target was as necessary to defend as the sword to offend: besides the conveniency which accompanieth the target in any necessity imposed upon an Army, whether it be to march through places of all natures, to make a fast march, or a speedy retreat, to incamp themselves, to possess places of advantage, to besiege and to be besieged, as Polybius saith, with many other occasions which necessarily accompany an Army. The use of this weapon hath been too much neglected in these later ages, but may be happily renewed again in our Nation, if the industry of such as have laboured to present it unto these times in the best fashion, shall find any favour in the opinion of our Commanders. Concerning which target I must needs say thus much, that the light target will prove the target of service, whensoever they shall happen to be put in execution: for those which are made proof are so heavy and unwieldy (although they be somewhat qualified with such helps as are annexed to the use thereof) that they overcharge a man with an unsupportable burden, and hinder his agility and execution in fight with a weight disproportionable to his strength. For our offensive weapons, as namely the Harquebusiers and Musketeers, are stronger in the offensive part, than any arms of defence, which may be made manageable and fit for service. Neither did the Romans regard the proof of their targets further than was thought fit for the ready use of them in time of battle, as it appeareth in many places both in the Civil wars, and in these Commentaries: for a Roman Pile hath oftentimes darted through the Target, and the body of the man that bore it, and fastened them both to the ground; which is more than a Musket can well do, for the bullet commonly resteth in the body. And although it may be said that this was not common, but rather the effect of an extraordinary arm; yet it serveth to prove that their targets were not proof to their offensive weapons, when they were well delivered, and with good direction. For I make no doubt but in their battles there were oftentimes some hindrances, which would not suffer so violent an effect as this which I speak off: for in a volley of shot we must not think that all the bullets fly with the same force, and fall with the like hurt; but as Armour of good proof will hardly hold out some of them, so slender Arms, and of no proof, will make good resistance against others. And to conclude, in a battle or encounter at hand, a man shall meet with more occasions suiting the nature and commodity of this light Target, than such as will advantage the heavy Target of proof, or countervail the surplus of weight which it carrieth with it.  
Some men will urge, that there is use of this Target of proof in some places and in some services: which I deny not to those that desire to be secured from the extremity of peril. But this falleth out in some places, and in some particular services; and hindereth not but that the universal benefit of this weapon consisteth in the multitude of light Targeteers, who are to manage the most important occasions of a war.  
Thus much I am further to note concerning the sword of the Targeteers, that according to the practice of the ●mans, it must always hang on the right side; for carrying the Target upon the left arm, it cannot be that the sword should hang on the left side, but with great trouble and annoyance. And if any man say, that if it hang on the right side it must be very short, otherwise it will never be readily drawn out: I say, that the sword of the Targeteers, in regard of the use of that weapon, aught to be of a very short scantling, whenas the Targetier is to command the point of his sword within the compass of his Target, as such as look into the true use of this weapon will easily discover. But let this suffice concerning the use of the Pike and the Target.    

Chap. XI.  
The battle continueth, and in the end Caesar overcometh.  
AT the presence of their General the soldiers conceived some better hopes; 
Caesar.  and gathering strength and courage again, when as every man bestirred himself in the sight of the Emperor, the brunt of the enemy was a little stayed. Caesar perceiving likewise the seventh legion, which stood next unto him, to be sore over-laid by the enemy, commanded the Tribunes by little and little to join the two legions together, and so by joining back to back, to make two contrary fronts; and being thus secured one by another from fear of being circumvented, they began to make resistance with greater courage. In the mean time the two legions that were in the rearward to guard the carriages, hearing of the battle, doubled their pace, and were descried by the enemy upon the top of the hill. Titus Labienus, having won the Camp of the Nervii, and beholding from the higher ground what was done on the other side of the river, sent the tenth legion to help their fellows: who understanding by the horsemen and Lackeys that fled in what case the matter stood, and in what danger the Camp, the legions, and the General was, made all the haste they possibly could. At whose coming there happened such an alteration and change of things, that even such as were sunk down through extreme grief of their wounds, or leaned upon their Targets, began again to fight afresh; and the Pages and the boys perceiving the enemy amazed, ran upon them unarmed, not fearing their weapons.  
The horsemen also striving with extraordinary valour to wipe away the dishonour of their former flight, thrust themselves in all places before the legionary soldiers. Howbeit the Enemy in the utmost peril of their lives showed such manhood, that at fast as the foremost of them were overthrown, the next in place bestrid their carcases, and fought upon their bodies: and these being likewise overthrown, and their bodies heaped one upon another, they that remained possessed themselves of that Mount of dead carcases, as a place of advantage, and from thence threw their weapons, and intercepting the piles returned them again to the Romans.  
By which it may be gathered that there was great reason to deem them men of haughty courage, that durst pass over so broad a River, climb up such high rocks, and adventure to fight in a place of such inequality; all which their magnanimity made easy to them. The battle being thus ended, and the Nation and name of the Nervii being well-near swallowed up with destruction the elder sort with the women and children, that before the battle were conveyed into Lands and Bogs, when they heard thereof, and saw now that there was nothing to hinder the conqueror, nor any hope of safety to the conquered, by the consent of all that remained alive sent Ambassadors to Caesar, and yielded themselves to his mercy; and in laying open the misery of their State affirmed, that of six hundred Senators they had now left but three, and of sixty thousand fight men, there was scarce five hundred that were able to bear Arms. Caesar, that his clemency might appear to a distressed people, preserved them with great care, granting unto them the free possession of their towns and country, and straight commanding their borderers not to offer them any wrong or injury at all.  

OBSERVATION.  
ANd thus endeth the relation of that great and dangerous battle, 
Lib. de Militia Ju. Cae.  which Ramus complaineth of as a confused narration, much differing from the direct and methodical file of his other Commentaries. But if that rule hold good which learned Rhetoricians have observed in their Oratory, That an unperfect thing ought not to be told in a perfect manner; then by Ramus leave, if any such confusion do appear, it both savoureth of eloquence, and well suiteth the turbulent carriage of the action, wherein order and skill gave place to Fortune, and providence was swallowed up with peradventure. For that which H●rtius saith of the overthrow he gave to Pharnaces, may as well be said of this, that he got the victory, plurimum adjuvante deorum benignitate, qui cum omnibus belli casibus intersunt, tum praecipue iis quibus nihil ratione potuit administrari, by the very great favour and assistance of the gods; who as they give aid in all cases of war, so especially in those where reason and good skill are at a loss. For so it fell out in this battle, and the danger proceeded from the same cause that brought him to that push in the battle with Pharnaces: for he well understood that the Nervii attended his coming on the other side the river Sabis: Neither was he ignorant how to fortify his Camp in the face of an enemy without fear or danger, as we have seen in his war with Ariovistus; when he marched to the place where he purposed to incamp himself with three battles, and caused two of them to stand ready in Arms to receive any charge which the enemy should offer to give, that the third battle in the mean time might fortify the Camp. Which course would easily have frustrated this stratagem of the Nervii, and made the hazard less dangerous: but he little expected any such resolution, so contrary to the rules of Military discipline, that an enemy should not stick to pass over so broad a river, to climb up such steep and high Rocks, to adventure battle in a place so disadvantageous, and to hazard their fortune upon such inequalities. And therefore he little mistrusted any such unlikely attempt, wherein the enemy had plotted his own overthrow, if the legions had been ready to receive them.  
Which may teach a General that which Caesar had not yet learned, that a Leader cannot be too secure in his most assured courses, nor too careful in his best advised directions; considering that the greatest means may easily be prevented, and the safest course weakened with an unrespected circumstance: so powerful are weak occurrences in the main course of the weightiest actions, and so infinite are the ways whereby either wisdom or fortune may work. Neither did this warm him to provide for that which an enemy might do, how unlikely soever it might seem unto him; as appear by that accident in the battle with Pharnaces. Which practice of attempting a thing against reason and the art of war, hath found good success in our modern wars, as appeareth by the French histories: notwithstanding it is to be handled sparingly, as no way favouring of circumspect and good direction, forasmuch as Temeritas non semper felix, Rashness does not always speed well, as Fabius the great answered Scipio.  
The chiefest helps which the Romans found, were first the advantage of the place; whereof I spoke in the Helvetian war. Secondly, the experience which the soldiers had got in the former battles, which much directed them in this turbulent assault; wherein they carried themselves as men acquainted with such casualties. Lastly, the valour and undaunted judgement of the General, which overswaied the peril of the battle, and brought it to so fortunate an end. Wherein we may observe, that as in a temperate course, when the issue of the battle rested upon his directions, he wholly intented wariness and circumspection: so in the hazard and peril of good hap, he confronted extremity of danger with extremity of valour, and overtopped fury with a higher resolution.    

Chap. XII.  
The Aduatici betake themselves to a strong hold, and are taken by Caesar.  
THe 
* Either Douai or Bolda● in Brabant.  Aduatici beforementioned coming with all their power to aid the Nervii, 
Caesar.  and understanding by the way of their overthrow, returned home again; and forsaking all the rest of their Towns and Castles, conveyed themselves and their wealth into one strong and well-fortified town, which was compassed about with mighty rocks and steep downfalls, saving in one place of two hundred foot in breadth, where there was an entry by a gentle and easy ascent: which passage they had fortified with a double wall of a large altitude, and had placed mighty great stones and sharp beams upon the walls, ready for an assault. This people descended from the Cimbri and Teutoni, who in their journey into Italy, left such carriages on this side of the Rhine, as they could not conveniently take along with them, and 6000 men to look to them: who, after the death of their fellows, being many years disquieted by their neighbours, sometimes invading other States, and sometimes defending themselves, at length procured a peace, and chose this place to settle themselves in.  
At the first coming of the Roman Army, they sallied out of the town, and made many light skirmishes with them: but after that Caesar had drawn a rampire about the town of twelve foot in height, fifteen miles in compass, and had fortified it with Castles very thick about the town, they kept themselves within the wall. And as they beheld the Vines framed, the Mount raised, and a tower in building afar off; at first they began to laugh at it, and with scoffing speeches from the wall, began to ask with what hands, and with what strength, especially by men of that stature (for the Romans were but little men in respect of the Galls) a tower of that huge massy weight should be brought unto the walls. But when they saw it removed, and approaching near unto the town (as men astonished at the strange and unaccustomed sight thereof) they sent Ambassadors to Caesar to entreat a peace, with this message; They believed that the Romans did not make war without the special assistance of the Gods, that could with such facility transport engines of that height, and bring them to encounter at hand, against the strongest part of their town: and therefore they submitted both themselves and all that they had to Caesar's mercy, desiring one thing of him earnestly, which was, that if his goodness and clemency (which they had heard so high praises of) had determined to save their lives, he would not take away their Arms from them; forasmuch as all their neighbours were enemies unto them, and envied at their valour; neither were they able to defend themselves, if they should deliver up their Armour: so that they had rather suffer any inconvenience by the people of Rome, then to be butcherly murdered by them, whom in former time they had held subject to their command.  
To this Caesar answered; that he would save the City rather of his own custom, then for any desert of theirs, so that they yielded before the Ram touched the wall; but no condition of remedy should be accepted without present delivery of their Arms: for he would do by them as he had done by the Nervii, and give commandment to their neighbours, that they should offer no wrong to such as had commended their safety to the people of Rome. This answer being returned to the City, they seemed contented to do whatsoever he commanded them: and thereupon casting a great part of their Armour over the wall into the ditch, insomuch as they filled it almost to the top of the rampire, and yet (as afterward was known) concealing the third part, they set open the gates, and for that day carried themselves peaceably. Towards night Caesar commanded the gates to be shut, and the soldiers to be drawn out of the town, lest in the night the townsmen should be any way injured by them. But the Aduatici, having consulted together before (forasmuch as they believed that upon their submission the Romans would either set no watch at all, or at the least keep it very carelessly) partly with such Armour as they had retained, and partly with targets made of bark, or wrought of wicker, which upon the sudden they had covered over with Leather, about the third watch, where the ascent to our fortifications was easiest, they issued suddenly out of the town with all their power: but signification thereof being presently given by fires, as Caesar had commanded, the Romans hasted speedily to that place. The Enemy fought very desperately, as men in the last hope of their welfare, incountering the Romans in a place of disadvantage, all their hopes now lying upon their valour: at length, with the slaughter of four thousand, the rest were driven back into the town. The next day, when Caesar came to break open the gates, and found no man at defence, he sent in the soldiers, and sold all the people and spoil of the town: the number of persons in the town amounted to fifty three thousand bondslaves.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
IN the surprise attempted by the Belgae upon Bibract, I set down the manner which both the Galls and the Romans used in their sudden surprising of a town: whereof if they failed (the place importing any advantage in the course of war) they then prepared for the siege in that manner as Caesar hath described in this place. They environed the town about with a ditch and a rampire, 
Circumvallatio.  and fortified the said rampire with many Castles and Fortresses, erected in a convenient distance one from another; and so they kept the town from any foreign succour or relief: and withal secured themselves from sallies, or other stratagems which the townsmen might practise against them. And this manner of siege was called circumvallatio; 
In the seventh Commentary.  the particular description whereof I refer unto the history of Alesia, where I will handle it according to the particulars there set down by Caesar.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
THe Ram, 
Aries, or the Ram.  which Caesar here mentioneth, was of greatest note amongst all the Roman Engines, and held that place which the Canon hath in our wars. Vitruvius doth attribute the invention thereof to the Carthaginians, who at the taking of Cadiz, 
Cales.  wanting a fit instrument to raze and overthrow a Castle, they took a long beam or timber-tree, and bearing it upon their arms and shoulders, with the one end thereof they first broke down the uppermost rank of stones; and so descending by degrees they overthrew the whole tower. The Romans had two sorts of Rams; the one was rude and plain, the other artificial and compound: 
Aries simplex.  the first is that which the Carthaginians used at Cadiz, and is portrayed in the column of Tra●an at Rome.  
The compound Ram is thus described by Josephus; 
Aries composita.  A Ram, saith he, is a mighty great beam, like unto the mast of a ship, and is strengthened at one end with a head of iron fashioned like unto a Ram, and thereof it took the name. This Ram is hanged by the midst with ropes unto another beam, which lieth cross a couple of pillars: and hanging thus equally balanced, it is by force of men thrust forwar and recoiled backward, and so beateth upon the wall with his iron head: neither is there any tower so strong, or wall so broad, that is able to stand before it.  
The length of this Ram was of a large scantling; for Plutarch affirmeth that Antony in the Parthian war had a Ram fourscore foot long. And Vitruvius saith that the length of a Ram was usually one hundred and six, and sometimes one hundred and twenty; and this length gave great strength and force to the engine. It was managed at one time with a whole Century or order of soldiers; and their forces being spent, they were seconded with another Century; and so the Ram played continually upon the wall without intermission. Josephus saith that Titus, at the siege of Jerusalem, had a ram for every legion. It was oftentimes covered with a Vine, that the men that managed it might be in more safety. It appeareth by this place, that if a town had continued out until the ram had touched the wall, they could not presume of any acceptation of rendry; forasmuch as by their obstinacy they had brought in peril the lives of their enemies, and were subdued by force of Arms, which affordeth such mercy as the Victor pleaseth.   

THE THIRD OBSERVATION.  
THe Aduatici, as it seemeth, were not ignorant of the small security which one State can give unto another, that commendeth their safety to be protected by it: for as Architas the Pythagorean saith, A body, a Family, and an Army are then well governed, when they contain within themselves the causes of their safety; so we must not look for any security in a State, when their safety dependeth upon a foreign protection. For the old saying is, that Neque murus, neque amicus quisquam teget, quem propria arma non texere, Neither walls nor friends will save him, whom his own weapons do not defend. Although in this case the matter was well qualified by the majesty of the Roman Empire, and the late victories in the continent of Gallia; whereof the Hedui with their associates were very gainful witnesses: but amongst kingdoms that are better suited with equality of strength and authority, there is small hope of safety to be looked for, unless the happy government of both do mutually depend upon the safety of either Nation, For that which Polybius observed in Antigonus king of Macedonia, taketh place for the most part amongst all Princes; that Kings by nature esteem no man either as a friend or an enemy, but as the calculation of profit shall find them answerable to their projects. And chose it cutteth off many occasions of practices and attempts, when it is known that a State is of itself able and ready to resist the designs of foreign enemies, according to that of Manlius; Ostendite modo bellum, pacem habebitis: videant vos paratos ad vim, jus ipsi remittent, Do but show them war, and you shall have peace: let them see you are provided to repel force, and they will do you nothing but right.   

THE FOURTH OBSERVATION.  
THe manner of signifying any motion or attempt by fire, 
To give notice of an Alarm by fire.  was of great use in the night season, where the fortification was of so large an extension: for fire in the night doth appear far greater than indeed it is; forasmuch as that part of the air which is next unto the fire, as it is illuminated with the light thereof, in a reasonable distance cannot be discerned from the fire itself, and so it seemeth much greater than it is in substance. And chose in the day time it showeth less than it is; for the clear brightness of the air doth much obscure that light which proceedeth from a more gross and material body: and therefore their custom was to use fire in the night, and smoke in the day, suiting the transparent middle with a contrary quality, that so it might more manifestly appear to the beholder.   

THE FIFTH OBSERVATION.  
ANd albeit after the victory, the Romans inflicted divers degrees of punishment, according to the malice which they found in an enemy; yet as Flavius Lucanus saith in Livy, 
Lib. 25.  there was no Nation more exorable, nor readier to show mercy then the Romans were. 
The punishments which the Romans laid upon a conquered Nation.  The punishments which we find them to have used towards a conquered Nation were these; either they punished them by death, or sold them for bondslaves sub corona, or dismissed them sub jugum, or merced them in taking away their territories, or made them tributary States.  
Of the first we find a manifest example in the third of these Commentaries, where Caesar having overthrown the Veneti by sea, inasmuch as they had retained his Ambassadors by force, contrary to the law of Nations, he put all the Senate to the sword, and sold the rest sub corona.  
Festus saith that an enemy was said to be sold sub corona, inasmuch as the captives stood crowned in the Marketplace where they were set out to sale: as Cato saith in his book De re militari, Ut populus sua opera potius ob rem bene gestam coronatus supplicatum eat; quam re male gesta coronatus vaeneat; That the people may rather for well performing go to supplicate crowned, then for ill performance be sold crowned. And Gellius affirmeth the same thing, but addeth also another reason, forasmuch as the soldiers that kept them while they were in selling, encircled them round about to keep them together; and this round-about-standing was called corona. Festus saith that oftentimes they used a spear, and therefore they were said to be sold sub hasta: forasmuch as amongst the Greeks, by the spear or pike was signified the power of Arms, and majesty of Empires.  
When they dismissed them sub jugum, their order was to erect three trees like a pair of gallows, under which they caused all the captives to pass, as a sign of bondage: for they had so conquered them by force of Arms, that they laid upon their neck the yoke of thraldom.  
Livy saith that Quintius the Dictator dismissed the Aequos' sub jugum; and this jugum was made of three spears, whereof two were stuck upright in the ground, and the third was tied overthwart them. The soldiers that passed sub jugum were ungirt, and their weapons taken from them, as Festus saith.  
Sometimes again they took away their lands and territories, and either sold it for money, and brought it into the treasury, or divided the land amongst the Roman people, or let it out to farmerent: of all which Livy hath many pregnant examples.  
Of the second sort, the selling of the Veii in his fifth book, and of 7000 Samnites in his ninth book. Of the third, that remarkable example of passing the two Consuls T. Veturius Calvinus, and Spurius Postumius, with the Legates, Tribunes, and whole Roman Army sub jugum, by Caius Pontius leader of the Samnites, in his ninth book. Of the fourth, in all kinds thereof frequently through his history.    

Chap. XIII.  
Crassus taketh in all the maritime Cities that lie to the Ocean: the legions carried into their wintering Camps.  

Caesar.  THe same time Pub. Crassus, whom he had sent with one legion to the Veneti, Unelli, Osis●●●, Curiosolitae, Sesuvii, Aulerci, and Rhedones, being the maritime Cities that lay to the Ocean, advertised him that all those States had yielded themselves to the people of Rome. The wars being thus ended, and all Gallia being settled in peace, there went such a fame of this war among other barbarous people, that from Nations beyond the Rhine there came Ambassadors to Caesar, offering both hostages, and obedience to whatsoever he commanded them. But Caesar, forasmuch as he then hasted into Lombardie, after he had placed his legions in their wintering Camps, willed them to repair unto him again in the beginning of the next Summer. He himself therefore, after he had first disposed his army into winter-quarters amongst the Carnutes, Andes, and Turones, city's next to those places where his wars had been, took his journey forthwith for Italy. 
Of this supplication I ●ill speak in the latter end of the fourth book.  For these things, upon the sight of Caesar's Letters, a general supplication was proclaimed in Rome for fifteen days together: which honour before that time had happened to no man.    

The third Commentary of the wars in GALLIA.  
The Argument.  
THis Commentary beginneth with an Accident which happened in the latter end of the former Summer, wherein the Belgae had so lean a harvest: and then it proceedeth to the war between Caesar and the Veneti; Crassus and the Aquitanis; Titurius Sabinus and the Curiosolitae; and Titus Labienus with the Treviri.  

CHAP. I.  
Sergius Galba being sent to clear the passage of the Alps, is besieged by the Seduni and Veragri.  
Caesar taking his journey into Italy, 
Caesar.  sent Sergius Galba with the twelfth legion and part of the horsemen unto the Nantuates, Veragri and Seduni, whose territories are extended from the river Rhone and the lake Lemanus, unto the tops of the highest Alps, The end of this voyage was chiefly to clear the Alps of thiefs and robbers, that lived by the spoil of Passengers that travailed between Italy and Gallia. Galba having order, if he found it expedient, to winter in those parts, after some fortunate encounters, and the taking of some Castles and holds. Ambassadors coming to him from round about, and giving hostages for their fidelity he concluded a peace, and resolved to place two cohorts of his legion amongst the Nantuates, and himself to winter with the other cohorts in a town of the Veragri named Octodurus. This town being sited in a narrow valley, and encircled about with mighty high hills, was divided by a river into two parts; whereof he gave one part to the Galls, and the other he chose for his wintering Camp, and fortified it about with a ditch and a rampire. After he had spent many days of wintering, and given order that corn should be brought thither for provision; he had intelligence upon a sudden, that the Galls in the night time had all left that part of the town that was allotted unto them; and that the hills which hung over the valley wherein the town stood, were possessed with great multitudes of the Seduni and Veragri. The reasons of this sudden commotion were chiefly the paucity of the Roman forces, not making a complete legion, forasmuch as two cohorts wintered amongst the Nantuates; besides many particular soldiers that were wanting some being gone to fetch in provisions, and others upon other necessary occasions. And besides their being thus contemptible in regard of themselves, the place afforded such advantage, that they were persuaded by reason of the steep declivity of the hill, that the Romans would not endure the brunt of the first assault. Besides this, it grieved them exceedingly to have their children taken from them under the title of hostages; and the Alps, which nature had exempted from habitation, & placed as bounds between two large kingdoms, to be seized upon by the Roman legions, not for their passage so much, as for their perpetual possession, & to be united to their Province.  
Upon these advertisements Galba; not having as yet finished the fortification of his Camp, nor sufficiently made provision of corn and forage for the winter season, in that he little feared any motion of war, being secured of their amity and obedience, both by hostages and rendry, presently called a Council of war, to determine what course was best to be taken. In which Council the minds of many were so amazed with the terror of so unexpected a danger, when they beheld the hills pestered with armed soldiers, the passages taken and intercepted by the Enemy, and no hope left of any succour or relief, that they could think of no other way for their safety, then leaving behind them their baggage and impediments, to sally out of their Camp, and so to save themselves by the same way they came thither. Notwithstanding the greater part concluded to refer that resolution to the last push, and in the mean time to attend the fortune of the event, and defend the Camp.  

OBSERVATION.  
Which advise although at this time it sorted to small effect, yet it better suited the valour of the Romans, and savoured more of tempered magnanimity then that former hazard, which argued the weakness of their minds, by their overhasty and too forward resolution. For as it imported greater danger, and discovered a more desperate spirit, to break through the thickest troops of their enemies, and so by strong hand to save themselves by the help of some other fortune; so it manifested a greater apprehension of terror, and a stronger impression of fear, which can afford nothing but desperate remedies: for desperate and inconsiderate rashness riseth sooner of fear, then of any other passion of the mind. But such as beheld the danger with a less troubled eye, and qualified the terror of death with the life of their spirit, reserving extremity of help to extremity of peril, and in the mean time attended what chances of advantage might happen unto them upon any enterprise the enemy should attempt; they, I say, so gave greater scope to Fortune, and enlarged the bounds of changing accidents.    

CHAP. II.  
The enemy setteth upon the wintering Camp: Galba overthroweth them.  
THe Council being dismissed, 
Caesar.  they had scarce time to put in execution such things as were agreed upon for their defence, but the enemy, at a watchword given, assaulted the Camp on all sides with stones and darts, and other casting weapons. The Romans at first when their strength was fresh, valiantly resisted the brunt of the charge; neither did they spend in vain any weapon which they cast from the rampire; but what part soever of their camp seemed to be in greatest danger, and want of help, thither they came with succour and relief. But herein they were overmatched; for the enemy being spent and wearied with fight, whensoever any of them gave place and forsook the battle, there were always fresh combatants to supply it. But the Romans, by reason of their small number, had no such help: for their extremity in that point was such, that no man was permitted neither for weariness nor wounds to forsake his station, or abandon his charge. And having thus fought continually the space of six hours when both strength & weapons wanted, the enemy persisting with greater fury to fill the ditch, & break down the rampire, & their hopes relying upon the last expectation, P. S. Bacu. the Primipile of that legion, whom we said to be so sore wounded in the Nervian battle, and Caius Volusenus Tribune of the soldiers, a man of singular courage and wisdom, ran speedily to Galba and told him, that the only w●y of safety was to break out upon the enemy, and to try the last refuge in that extremity. Whereupon they called the Centurions, and by them admonised the soldiers to surcease a while from fight, and only to receive such weapons as were cast into the Camp; and so to rest themselves a little and recover their strength: and then at a watchword to sally out of their Camp, and lay their safety upon their valour. Which the soldiers executed with such alacrity and courage of spirit, that breaking out at all the gates of the Camp, they gave no leisure to the enemy to consider what was done, nor to satisfy his judgement touching so unexpected a novelty. And thus Fortune being suddenly changed, the Romans encompassing those who came with full expectation of spoiling their camp, slew more than the third part of thirty thousand, and put the rest to flight, not suffering them to stay upon the hills near about them. Having thus overthrown the enemies whole strength, and taken their arms, they drew again into their quarters.  

OBSERVATION.  
WHich strange alteration lively describeth the force of novelty, 
The force of novelty, turning the fortune of a battle.  and the effectual power of unexpected adventures: for in the first course of their proceeding, wherein the Romans defended the Camp, and the Galls charged it by assault, the victory held constant with the Galls, and threatened death and mortality to the Romans. Neither had they any means to recover hope of better success, but by trying another way; which so much the more amazed the Galls, in that they had vehemently apprehended an opinion of victory, by a set fight continuing the space of six hours, without any likelihood of contrariety or alteration. Which practice of frustrating a design intended by an indirect and contrary answer, served the Romans oftentimes to great advantage; as besides this present example, in this commentary we shall afterward read, how Titurius Sabinus defeated the Unelli with the same stratagem, and overthrew them by eruption and sallying out, when they expected nothing but a defensive resistance from the rampire. From whence a Commander may learn to avoid two contrary inconveniences, according as the quality of the war shall offer occasion: first (if other things be answerable, which a judicious eye will easily discover) that a sally made out at divers ports of a hold, will much mitigate the heat of a charge, and control the fury of an Enemy. And on the other side, he that besiegeth any place, what advantage soever he hath of the defendant, may much better assure himself of good fortune, if he appoint certain troops in readiness to receive the charge of any eruption, that the rest that are busily employed in the assault may provide to answer it without disorder or confusion. Which order if the Galls had taken, they had not in likelihood so often been deceived.    

CHAP. III.  
Galba returneth into the Province: the Vnelli give occasion of a new war.  
AFter this battle, 
Caesar.  Galba unwilling to try fortune any further, and considering that he had met with businesses which he never dreamt of when first he came thither to quarter, especially finding himself in want both of corn and forage, having first burned the town, the next day he returned towards the Province, and without let or resistance brought the legion safe into the Nantuates, and from thence to the 
* Savoyards.  Allobroges, and there he wintered.  
After these things were dispatched, Caesar supposing for many reasons that all Gallia was now in peace, and that there was no further fear of any new war, the Belgae being overthrown, the Germans thrust out, and the Seduni amongst the Alps subdued and vanquished, in the beginning of the winter was gone into Illyricum, having a great desire to see those nations. But there grew a sudden tumult and dissension in Gallia upon this occasion: Pub. Crassus wintering with the seventh legion in Anjou near unto the Ocean, and finding scarcity of corn in those parts, he sent out the Prefects of the horsemen and Tribunes into the next cities to demand corn, and other provisions for his legion: of whom Titus Terrasidius was sent unto the 
* Le Perche.  Unelli, Marcus Trebius to the 
* Cornoaille in Bretaigne. 〈◊〉  Curiosolitae, Q. Velanius and Titus Silius to the 
* Vannes.  Veneti. These Veneti were of greatest authority amongst all the maritime nations in that coast, by reason of their great store of shipping, with which they did traffic in Brittany, and exceeded all their neighbour States in skill and experience of seafaring matters; having command of as many ports as lay to those seas, and the most part of such as used those seas tributaries to their State. These Veneti first adventured to retain Silius and Velanius, hoping thereby to recover their hostages which they had given to Crassus. The finitimate Cities induced by their authority and example, (as indeed the resolutions of the Galls are sudden and hasty) for the same reason laid hold upon Trebius and Terrasidius; and sending speedy ambassages one unto another, conjured by their princes and chiefest magistrates to do nothing but by common consent, and to attend all the same event of fortune; soliciting also other cities and States, rather to maintain that liberty which they had received of their Ancestors, then to endure the servile bondage of a stranger.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
THe circumstance in this history which noteth the sudden breaking out of wars, 
The weakness of our judgement in●eg●●rd of the knowledge of 〈…〉  when the course of things made promise of peace, showeth first, what small assurance our reason hath of her discourse in calculating the nativity of After-chances: which so seldom answer the judgement we give upon their beginnings, that when we speak of happiness, we find nothing but misery; and chose, it goeth often well with that part which our Art hath condemned to ill fortune. And therefore I do not marvel, if when almost all nations are at odds, and in our best conceits threaten destruction one to another, there happen a sudden motion of peace: or if peace be in speech, soothing the world with pleasing tranquillity, and through the uncertainty of our weak probabilities, promise much rest after many troubles; there follow greater wars in the end then the former time can truly speak of. Which being well understood, may humble the spirits of our haughty politicians, that think to comprehend the conclusions of future times under the premises of their weak projects, and predestinate succeeding ages according to the course of the present motion: when an accident so little thought of shall break the main stream of our judgement, and falsify the Oracles which our understanding hath uttered. And it may learn them withal, how much it importeth a wise commander to prevent an evil that may cross his design, (how unlikely soever it be to happen) by handling it in such manner as though it were necessarily to confront the same. For then a thing is well done, when it hath in itself both the causes of his being, and the direct means to resist the repugnancy of a contrary nature: and so hap what will, it hath great possibility to continue the same.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
THis practice of the Veneti may instruct a circumspect Prince in cases of this nature, to have a more watchful eye over that Province or city which shall be found most potent and mighty amongst the rest, then of any other inferior State of the same nature and condition: for as example of itself is of great authority, 
The Authority of example.  making improbabilities seem full of reason, especially when the intention shall sympathise with our will; so when it shall happen to be strengthened with powerful means, and graced with the Act of superior personages, it must needs be very effectual to stir up men's minds to approve that with a strong affection, which their own single judgement did no way allow of. And therefore equality bringeth this advantage to a Prince, which difference cannot afford, that albeit example do set on foot any rebellious motion, yet no supereminency shall authorize the same.    

CHAP. FOUR  
Caesar having advertisement of these new troubles, hasteth into Gallia, and prepareth for the war.  
ALL the maritime States being by this means drawn into the same conspiracy, 
Caesar.  they sent an embassage unto Crassus in the name of them all, that if he would have his men again, he must deliver up the hostages which he had taken from them. Whereof Caesar being certified by Crassus, inasmuch as he was then a great way distant from his Army, he commanded Galleys and ships of war to be built upon the river 
* Lig●ris.  Loire, which runneth into the Ocean, and that Gallie-men, Mariners, and ship-masters should be mustered in the Province: which being speedily dispatched, as soon as the time of the year would permit him, he came into Gallia. The Veneti and the rest of the confederacy understanding of Caesar's arrival, and considering how heinous a fact they had committed, in detaining the Ambassadors and casting them into irons, whose name is held sacred and inviolable amongst all nations; prepared accordingly to answer so eminent a danger, and especially such necessaries as pertained to shipping and sea-fights.  

THE OBSERVATION.  
FRom hence I may take occasion briefly to touch the reverend opinion which all nations, 
The grounds of that reverend opinion which is held of Ambassadors.  how barbarous soever, have generally conceived of the quality and condition of Ambassadors: and what the grounds are of this universally received custom, which in all ages and times hath held authentical. And first we are to understand that all mankind (as endued with the same nature and properties) are so linked together in the strict alliance of humane society, that albeit their turbulent and disagreeing passions (which in themselves are unnatural, as proceeding from corruption and defect) drive them into extreme discord and disunion of spirit, and break the bonds of civil conversation, which otherwise we do naturally affect; yet without a necessary intercourse and traffic of society, we are not able to keep on foot the very discord itself in terms of reason and orderly proceeding, but all parts will be blended with disordered confusion and go to wrack, for want of these mutual offices performed by messengers: so straight are the bonds of Nature, and so powerful are the laws which she enacteth. And therefore if it were for no other end which might sort to the benefit of either party, (as there are many good uses thereof) yet to hold up the quarrel and keep it from falling, making war according to the grounds of reason, the intercourse of messengers is not to be interrupted, nor their persons to be touched with hateful violence: but that which the common reason of nations hath mad● a law, aught as religiously to be observed as an Oracle of our own belief. Secondly, forasmuch as the end of war is, or at the least should be, peace, which by treaty of mutual messenger's is principally to be confirmed, to the end that no people may seem so barbarous as to maintain a war which only intendeth blood, and proposeth as the chiefest object the death and mortality of mankind, no way respecting peace and civil government; such as refuse the intercourse of messengers, as the means of amity and concord, are justly condemned in the judgement of all nations as unworthy of humane society. Last of all, it is an injury of great dishonour, and deserveth the reward of extreme infamy, to revenge the master his quarrel upon a servant, and punish Ambassadors for the faults of their State: considering that their chiefest duty consisteth in the faithful relation of such mandates as they have received; which may as well tend to the advancement and honour of that City to which they are sent, as to the dishonour and ruin of the same, whereof the messengers take no notice. And therefore whether we desire war or peace, the free liberty & holy order of Ambassadors is reverently to be respected, and defended from brutish and unnatural violence.    

CHAP. V.  
The proceedings of either party in the entrance of this war.  
THe Veneti conceived great hope of their enterprise, 
Caesar.  by reason of the strength of their situation: forasmuch as all the passages by land were broken and cut off with arms and creeks of the sea; and on the other side navigation and entrance by sea was so troublesome and dangerous, in that the Romans were altogether unacquainted with the channels and shelves of the coast, and there were so few ports. Neither did they think that the Roman Army could long continue there without corn, which was not to be had in those quarters. And if it happened that the course of things were carried contrary to this probable expectation, yet they themselves were strong in shipping, whereas the Romans had none at all: Neither had they knowledge of the flats and shallows, Ports and Islands of that coast where they were to fight. And to conclude, they should find the use of Navigation in that narrow sea to be far different from that which they were accustomed unto in the vast and open Ocean. In this resolution they fortified their towns, 
Lendriguer.  stored them with provision, 
Lisieux.  and brought all their shipping to Vannes, 
Nantes.  against whom Caesar (as it was reported) would begin to make war, 
Auren be.  taking the Osismi, 
Le●●do●●.  Lexovii, 
Cities in Little Britain.  Nannetes, Ambialites, Morini, Menapii, Diablintres, as consorts and partakers in this quarrel. Notwithstanding these difficulties, many motives stirred up Caesar to undertake this war: as namely the violent detaining of the Roman knights; their rebellion after they had yielded themselves by rendry, and given hostages of their loyalty; the conspiracy of so many Cities, which being now neglected, might afterward incite other nations and States to the like insolency. And therefore understanding that almost all the Galls were inclining to novelty and alteration, and of their own nature were quick and ready to undertake a war; and further, considering that all men by nature desired liberty, and hated the servile condition of bondage, he prevented all further insurrections of the other States with the presence of the Roman forces in several places at once; and sent Titus Labienus with the Cavalry unto the 
* Triers.  Treviri, that bordered upon the Rhine: to him he gave in charge to visit the men of Rheims and the rest of the Belgae, to keep them in obedience; and to hinder such forces as might peradventure be transported over the river by the Germans, to further this rebellious humour of the Galls. He commanded likewise Pub. Crassus with twelve legionary cohorts and a great part of the horse to go into Aquitane, lest there might come any aid from those nations, & such considerable forces join together. He sent also Q. Titurius Sabinus with three legions unto the Lexovii, Curiosolitae, and Unelli, to disappoint any practice which rebellioks minds might intend. And making D. Brutus chief Admiral of the navy, & of those French ships which he had got together from the Pictones, Santones, & other provinces which continued quiet & obedient, he gave him in charge to make towards Vannes with what speed he could: and he himself marched thitherward with the foot forces.  

THE OBSERVATION.  
IN the first book I observed the authority which the Roman Leaders had to undertake a war, without further acquainting the Senate with the consequence thereof: in this place let us observe the care and circumspection which the Generals had, who did not undertake a troublesome and dangerous war upon a humour, or any other slender motion; but diligently weighing the circumstances thereof, and measuring the peril and hazard of the war, with the good and consequence of the effect, informed their judgements of the importance of that action, and so tried whether the benefit would answer their labour. And thus we find the reasons particularly delivered that moved Caesar first to undertake the Helvetian war; and then the causes which drew him on to the quarrel with Ariovistus; then followeth the necessity of that war with the Belgae; and now the motives which induced him to this with the maritime Cities of Bretagne; and so consequently of his passage into Germany, or what other enterprise he attempted: which he layeth down as the grounds and occasions of those wars, and could not be avoided but with the loss and dishonour of the Roman Empire.  
Further, let us observe the means he used to prevent the inclination of the Galls, and to keep them in subjection and peaceable obedience, by sending his men into divers quarters of that Continent, and so settling the wavering disposition of the further skirts with the weight of his Army, and the presence of his legionary soldiers, which he sent ready to stifle all motions of rebellion in the beginning, that they might not break out to the prejudice and diminution of the Roman Empire, and the good success of his proceedings: besides the advantage which he gained in the opinion of the Enemy; whom he so little feared concerning the upshot of that quarrel, that he had dispersed t●e greatest part of his Army upon other services, the rest being sufficient to end that war.    

CHAP. VI  
The manner of their shipping, and their sea-sight.  
THe situation of almost all these Cities was such, 
Caesar.  that being built in points & promontories, they could not at full sea, which happened always twice in 12 hours, be approached by foot-forces nor yet with shipping; for again in an ebb the vessels were laid on the groun● and so left as a prey to the enemy. And if the Romans went about to shut out the sea with mounts which they raised equal to the walls of the town, and were at the point of entering and taking it; yet the townsmen having such store of shipping, would easily convey both themselves and their carriages into the next towns, and there help themselves with the like advantage of place. And thus they deluded Caesar the greatest part of the summer: for the Roman fleet by reason of continual winds and foul weather, durst not adventure to put out of the river Loire into so vast a sea, wherein the havens and roads were few, and far distant one from another, and the tides great. The shipping of the Galls was thus built and rigged: the keel was somewhat flatter then the Romans shipping, the better to bear the ebbs and shallows of that coast: the fore-deck was altogether erect and perpendicular; the poop was made to bear the hugeness of the billows and the force of the tempest. And in a word they were altogether built for strength: for the ribs and seats were made of beams of a foot square, fastened with iron pins of an inch thick: in stead of cables they used chains of iron; and raw hides and skins for sails, either for want of linen, or ignorant of the use thereof, or because sails of linen would hardly serve to carry ships of that burden, or endure the tempestuousness of those seas, and the violence of the winds.  
The meeting and conflict of the Roman navy with this kind of ships was such, that they only excelled them in celerity and speedy nimbleness with force of oars; but in all other things, either concerning the nature of the place, or the dangers of the foul weather, were far inferior unto them: for the strength of them was such that they could neither hurt them with their beak-heads, nor cast a weapon to any purpose into them by reason of their altitude, and high-built bulks. And if any gust chanced in the mean time to rise, that forced them to commit themselves to the mercy of the weather, their shipping would better bear the rage of the sea, and with greater safety shelter itself amongst flats and shallows, without fear of rocks or any such hazard: of all which chances the Roman navy stood continually in danger.  

OBSERVATION.  
ANd here let it not seem impertinent to the argument which we handle, 
The causes of the ebbing and flowing of the sea.  considering the general use which we Islanders have of navigation, briefly to set down the most eminent causes of the flowing and ebbing of the sea, as far forth as shall seem necessary to the knowledge of a soldier: which albeit they may fall short of the true reasons of this great secret: yet forasmuch as they stand for true principles of regularity, and well-approved rules in our Art of navigation, let us take them for no less than they effect, and give them that credit in our imagination, which tract of time hath gained to those forged circles in the heavens: that albeit their chiefest essence consisteth in conceit and supposal; yet forasmuch as they serve to direct our knowledge to a certainty in that variety and seeming inconstancy of motion, we esteem of them as they effect, and not as they are.  
Considering then the globe of the world, as it maketh a right sphere (for in that position the Naturalists chiefly understand celestial influence to have operation in this liquid element of the water) it is divided by the Horizon and Meridian into four quarters: the first quarter is that between the east horizon and the noon meridian, which they call a flowing quarter; the second from the noon meridian to the west horizon, which they make an ebbing quarter; the third from the west horizon to the midnight meridian, which they likewise call a flowing quarter; and again from the midnight meridian to the east horizon, the second ebbing quarter: And so they make two flowing quarters, and two ebbing quarters of the whole circuit of heaven. The instruments of these sensible qualities and contrary effects are the sun and the moon, as they are carried through these distinct distinct parts of the heaven. And although experience hath noted the moon to be of greatest power in watery motions; yet we may not omit to acknowledge the force which the sun yieldeth in this miracle of nature.  
First therefore we are to understand, that when the moon or the sun begin to appear above the right horizon, and enter into that part of the heaven which I termed the first flowing quarter, that then the sea beginneth to swell: and as they mount up to their meridian altitude, so it increaseth until it come to a high flood. And again, as those lights passing the meridian decline to the west, and run the circuit of the ebbing quarter, so the water decreaseth and returneth again from whence it came. Again, as they set under the west horizon, and enter into the second flowing quarter, so the sea beginneth again to flow, and still increaseth until they come to the point of the night meridian: and then again it refloweth, according as the sun and moon are carried in the other ebbing quarter from the night meridian to the west horizon.  
And hence it happeneth that in conjunction or new of the moon, 
Spring-tides.  when the sun and the moon are carried both together in the same flowing and ebbing quarters, that then the tides and ebbs are very great: and likewise in opposition or full of the moon, when these lights are carried in opposite quarters, which we have described to be of the same nature, either ebbing or flowing, that then in like manner the tides are great: forasmuch as both these Planets, through the symbolising quarters wherein they are carried, do join their forces to make perfect this work of Nature in the ebbing and flowing of the Sea. And chose in a quadrate aspect (as the Astronomers call it) or quarter age of the moon, whenas the moon is carried in a flowing quarter, and at the same instant the sun doth happen to be in an ebbing or decreasing quarter, as the course of Nature doth necessarily require, then are the tides lessened, as daily experience doth witness.  
And forasmuch as both the right horizon and the meridian also divide every diurnal circle, which either the sun or the moon make in their revolutions, into equal parts; it followeth that every tide is continually measured with the quantity of six hours: and therefore that which Caesar here saith must needs be true, that in the space of twelve hours there are always two high tides. And lest any man should imagine that every inland City standing upon an ebbing and flowing river, may take the computation of the tide according to this rule; let him understand that this which I have delivered is to be conceived principally of the sea itself, and secondarily of such ports and havens as stand either near or upon the sea: but where a river shall run many miles from the sea, and make many winding Meanders before it come to the place of calculation, it must needs lose much of this time before mentioned. And thus much I thought convenient to insert in these discourses touching the ebbing and flowing of the sea, as not impertinent to martial knowledge.  
Concerning the shipping of the Romans, 
The manner of their shipping.  whereof posterity hath only received the bare names, and some few circumstances touching the manner of their Equipage, the Critics of these times have laboured to set forth a fleet answerable to that which the terms and title mentioned in history seem to report: but yet the gain of their voyage doth not answer their charge. For many men rest unsatisfied, first touching the names themselves, whereof we find these kinds;  

Names  
Longas.  
Onerarias.  
Actuarias.  
Triremes.  
Quadriremes.  
Quinqueremes.   
The first we may understand to be Galleys or ships of service; the second ships of burden; the third ships that were driven forward with force of oars; and the rest sounding according to their Names, for I dare not entitle them with a more particular description. Now whether these Names Longas and Actuarias, were a several sort of shipping by themselves, or the general Names of the Quadriremes, Triremes and Quinqueremes, forasmuch as every kind of these might be called both Longas and Actuarias; as it yet remaineth in controversy, so it is not much material to that which we seek after. But that which most troubleth our sea-Criticks is, in what sense they may understand these vocabularies, Triremes, Quadriremes, and Quinqueremes: whether they were so termed in regard of the number of rowers or watermens that haled continually at an oar, as the custom of the Galleys is at this day; or otherwise, because a Trireme had three orders of oars on either side, a Quadrireme four, and a Quinquereme sive, whereof they took their distinction of Names.  
Such as hold that a Trireme had on each side three ranks of oars, and so consequently of a Quadrireme and Quinquereme, 
Lib. 28.  allege this place of Livy to make good their opinion. In the wars between Rome and Carthage, Laelius meeting with Asdrubal in the straits of Gibralta, each of them had a Quinquereme and seven or eight Triremes a piece: the current in that place was so great that it gave no place to Art, but carried the vessels according to the fall of the Billow: in which uncertainty the Triremes of the Carthaginian closed with the Quinquereme of Laelius; which either because she was pondere tenacior, as Livy saith, or otherwise for that pluribus remorum ordinibus scindentibus vertices, facilius regeretur, in regard of the plurality of banks of oars which resisted the billow and steamed the current, she sunk two of the Triremes, and so got the victory. From hence they prove that a Quinquereme had plures remorumordines then a Trireme had; and therefore it took the name from the plurality of banks of oars, and not from the number of men that rowed at an oar.  
But the contrary opinion doth interpret Ordo remorum to be a couple of oars one answering another on each side of the vessel, which we call a pair of oars: So that a Quinquereme being far greater and longer than a Trireme, had more pairs of oars than a Trireme had, and those oars were handled with five men at one oar, according to the use of our Galleys at this day.  
But to leave this, 
The manner of sea-sights.  and come to their manner of sea-sights: we must understand that the Romans wanting the use of Artillery, and managing their shaps of war with force of oars, failed not to make use of their Art in their conflicts and encounters by sea: for all their ships of service, which we term men of war, carried a strong beak-head of ●●on, which they called rostrum, with which they ran one against another, with as great violence and fury as their oars could carry them. And herein Art gave great advantage; for he that could best skill to turn his ship with greatest celerity, and so frustrate an offer, or with speedy and strong agitation follow an advantage, commonly got the victory.  
In the battle which D. Brutus had with the Massilians, 
Lib. 2. de bello civili.  we read that two Triremes charging the Admiral wherein Brutus was, one at the one side and the other at the other, Brutus and his Mariners so cunningly handled the matter, that when they should come to the hurt, they speedily in a trice of time wound themselves from between them, and the two Triremes met with such a career one against another, that one broke her beak-head, and the other split with the blow.  
For this skill and fortune withal Euphranor; the Rhodian was of great fame in Caesar's time although his end found too true the saying of the Historian, that whom Fortune honoureth with many good haps, she oftentimes reserveth to a harder destiny; as other seamen besides Euphranor can truly witness.  
This first brunt being ended, when they came to grapple and boarding one of another, than the art and practices of their land services came in use: for they erected turrets upon their decks, and from them they sought with engines and casting-weapons, as slings, arrows, and piles; and when they entered, they fought with sword and target. Neither did the legionary soldier find any difference when he came to the point between their fight at sea and that at land; saving that they could not be martialled in troops and bands, in regard whereof the sea-service was counted more base and dishonourable; and the rather, inasmuch as it decided the controversy by slings and casting-weapons, which kind of fight was of less honour than buckling at handy-blowes.    

CHAP. VII.  
The battle continueth: and Caesar overcometh.  
THe Romans having taken one town after another, 
Caesar.  the enemies still conveyed themselves to the next; so that Caesar deeming it but lost labour, whilst he could neither hinder their escape, nor do them any mischief, resolved to wait the coming of his navy. Which was no sooner arrived, but the enemy descrying it, presently made out 220 sail of ships wel-appointed and furnished in all respects to oppose them. Neither did Brutus the Admiral, nor any Tribune or Centurion in his navy know what to do, or what course of fight to take: for the shipping of the Galls was so strong, that the beak-head of their Quinqueremes could perform no service upon them; and although they should raise turrets according to their use, yet these would not equal in height the poup of the Enemies shipping; so that therein also the Galls had advantage. For as the Romans could not much annoy them with their weapons, in regard they lay so low under them; so on the contrary their darts must needs fall with great advantage upon the Romans. Yet one thing there was amongst their provisions which stood them in great stead: for the Romans had provided great sharp hooks or sickles, which they put upon great and long poles; these they fastened to the tackling which held the main-yard to the mast; and then haling away their ship with force of Oars, they cut the said tackling, and the main-yard fell down. Whereby the Galls, whose only hope for their navy consisted in the sails and tackling, lost at one instant both their sails and the use of their shipping: And then the controversy fell within the compass of valour, wherein the Romans exceeded the Galls; and the rather, inasmuch as they fought in the sight of Caesar and the whole Army, no valiant act could be smothered in secret; for all the hills and cliffs which afforded near prospect into the sea, were covered with the Roman Army.  
Their main-yards being cut down, and the Romans (though every ship of theirs had two or three of the enemies about it) endeavouring with great fury to board them, failed not to take many of their ships: which the Galls perceiving, and finding no remedy nor hope of resistance, began all to fly, and turning their ships to a fore-wind, were upon a sudden so becalmed, that they were able to make no way at all. Which fell out very fitly for the Romans, who now fight ship to ship easily took them, insomuch that of so great a navy very few (through the help of the evening) escaped to land, after they had fought the space of eight hours: with which battle ended the war with the Veneti, and the rest of the maritime nations. For all sort of people both young and old, in whom there was either courage, counsel, or dignity, were present at this battle, and all the shipping they could possibly make was here engaged, taken and lost; so that such as remained knew not whither to go, nor how to defend their towns any longer; and therefore yielded themselves to Caesar: towards whom he used the greater severity, that he might thereby teach all other barbarous people not to violate the law of nations by injurying Ambassadors: for he slew all the Senate with the sword, and sold the people for bondslaves.  

THE OBSERVATION.  
IN this battle I chiefly observe the good fortune which usually attendeth upon industry: 
The force of industry  for amongst other provisions which the diligence of the Romans had furnished out to the use of this war, they had made ready these hooks, not for this intent wherein they were employed, but at all occasions and chances that might happen, as serviceable compliments rather than principal instruments: and yet it so fell out, that they proved the only means to overthrow the Galls. Which proveth true the saying of Caesar, that industry commandeth fortune, and buyeth good success with extraordinary labour: for industry in action is as importunity in speech, which forceth an assent beyond the strength of reason, and striveth through continual pursuit, to make good the motives by often inculcations; and at length findeth that disposition which will easily admit whatsoever is required. In like manner diligence and laboursome industry, by circumspect and heedful carriage, seldom fail either by hap or cunning to make good that part whereon the main point of the matter dependeth. For every action is entangled with many infinite adherents, which are so interessed in the matter, that it succeedeth according as it is carried answerable to their natures. Of these adherents, some of them are by wisdom foreseen, and directed to that course which may fortunate the action; the rest being unknown, continue without either direction or prevention, and are all under the regiment of fortune; forasmuch as they are beyond the compass of our wisest reach, and in the way either to assist or disadvantage. Of these industry hath greatest authority, inasmuch as she armeth herself for all chances, whereby she is said to command fortune.    

Chap. VIII.  
Sabinus overthroweth the Vnelli 
* La Perch● , with the manner thereof.  
WHile these things happened in the state of Vannes, 
Caesar.  L. Titurius Sabinus entereth with his forces into the confines of the Unelli. Over these Viridovix ruled, who was at present made commander in chief of all the revolted cities, which furnished him with a great & potent army. Besides this the 
* Roan.  Aulerci, 
* Eureux.  Eburonices, and Lexovii having slain their Senate, because they would not countenance the war, shut their gates, and joined with Viridovix. Also there came great multitudes to them out of Gallia, men of broken fortunes, thiefs and robbers, whom the hope of prey and spoil had made to prefer the wars before husbandry and day-labour. Sabinus encamping himself in a convenient place, kept his soldiers within the rampire. But Viridovix being lodged within less than two miles of Sabinus his camp, brought out his forces daily, and putting them in battle gave him opportunity to fight if he would: which Sabinus refused in such sort, that he began not only to be suspected by the Enemy of cowardice, but to be taunted with the reproachful speeches of his own soldiers. The opinion of his being fearful thus settled in the minds of the enemy, he used all means to increase it, and carried it so well, that the Enemy durst approach the very rampire of the Camp. The colour that he pretended was, that he thought it not the part of a Legate, in the absence of the General, to sight with an Enemy of that strength, but upon some good opportunity, or in a place of advantage. In this general persuasion of fear, Sabinus chose out a subtle-witted Gall, an auxiliary in his army, whom he persuaded with great rewards and further promises to fly to the Enemy, and there to carry himself according to the instructions which he should give him. This Gall coming as a revolter to the Enemy, laid open unto them the fear of the Romans; the extremity that Caesar was driven into by the Veneti; and that the night following Sabinus was about to withdraw his forces secretly out of his camp, and to make all the haste he could to relieve Caesar. Upon which advertisement, they all cried out with one consent, that this opportunity was not to be omitted; but setting apart all other devises, they would go and assault the Roman camp. Many circumstances persuaded the Galls to this resolution: as first the lingering and doubt which Sabinus had made, when he was offered battle; secondly, the intelligence which this fugitive had brought; thirdly, the want of victuals, wherein they had been negligent and unadvisedly careless; fourthly, the hope they conceived of the war of Vannes; and lastly, for that men willingly believe that which they would have come to pass. The force of these motives was so strong, that they would not suffer Viridovix nor the rest of the Captains to dismiss the Council, until they had yielded that they should take Arms, and go to the Roman Camp. Which being granted, they gathered rubbish and faggots to fill up the ditch; and with cheerful hearts, as though the victory were already gotten, they marched to the place where Sabinus was encamped; which was the top of a hill, rising gently from a level▪ the quantity of one thousand pases. Hither the Galls hasted with all expedition: and to the intent the Romans might not have so much time as to put on their Armour, the Galls for haste ran themselves out of breath.  
Sabinus encouraging his soldiers, gave the sign of battle; and sallying out at two several gates of his Camp upon the enemy, who were hindered with their loads of rubbish, it fell out that through the opportunity of the place, the weariness and unexperience of the Enemy, the valour of the Roman soldier, and their exercise informer battles, that the Galls could not endure the brunt of the first encounter, but presently betook themselves to flight. Ours being fresh and lusty pursued after and slew great numbers of them: then chase their horse, suffered very few of them to save themselves by flight. And so it happened, that at one time Sabinus had news of the overthrow at Sea, and Caesar of Sabinus victory by Land. Upon these victories all the Cities and States yielded themselves to Titurius: for as the Galls are prompt to undertake a war; so are they weak in suffering, and impatient of the consequents and calamities thereof.  

OBSERVATION.  
THis practice of a counterfeit fear was often put in use by the Roman Leaders, 
The use which the Romans made of a counterfeit fear.  as well to disappoint the expectation of an Enemy, as to draw them into an inconvenience, and so to defeat them of their greatest helps in time of battle. Caesar coming to succour the camp of Cicero, 
Lib. 5.  made such use of this Art, that he put to rout a great Army of the Galls with a handful of men: which I will refer unto the place where it is particularly set down by Caesar.  
The chiefest thing in this place which brought them to their overthrow was disappointment: for it is a thing hardly to be digested in businesses of small consequence, to be frustrated of a settled expectation, when the mind shall dispose herself to one only intent, and in the upshot meet with a counterbuff to cross her purposes, and so defeat her of that hope which the strength of her reason hath entertained: how much more than in things of such importance, when we shall proceed in a course of victory, and humour our conceits with that we wish and would have to happen, and in the end meet either with bondage or death, must our best wits be appalled, having neither respite nor means to think how the evil may be best prevented? Which the wise Romans well understood, and counted it no dishonour to be reproached with shameful cowardice, by such as knew not the secrets of wisdom; while they in the mean time foresaw their good fortunes, shrouded under the cloak of a pretended distrust.  
Let these examples instruct a Leader so to take the opportunity of any such fortune, that in the execution he omit not the chiefest points of order and discipline, as well for the better effecting of the design, as for his own safety, and the security of his Army. For order is as the sinews and strength of martial discipline, uniting the particular members into the firm composition of a wel-proportioned body: and so it maketh it more powerful than any number of disunited parts, how able or infinite soever.  
I might here allege infinite examples to confirm this truth: but let the battle of Dreux serve for all; wherein the Protestants, overcharging the Catholic Army, followed the retreat so hard, that they quickly became Masters of the field; and then neglecting martial discipline, fell in confusedly with the broken multitude, to make the victory more glorious by slaughter and mortality. The Duke of Guise all this while budged not a foot; but in unexampled patience kept his regiment close together, and would not suffer them to rescue their General that was taken, until the regiment of the Prince of Condie was likewise dispersed and broken: and then perceiving no difference of order between the victor Protestant and the vanquished Catholic, he dissolved that terrible cloud that had hung so long in suspense, and so changed the fortune of the day, that he took the chiefest of their Prince's prisoners, with little or no loss of his own men: So powerful is order in the deeds of Arms, and of such consequence in obtaining victory. And thus we have first seen the inconveniences which a counterfeit fear, well dissembled, may cast upon a credulous and unadvised enemy, when pretence and appearance hath brought them into an error, which their own credulity doth afterward avouch: and secondly, what strength and safety consisteth in order; and how powerful it is to throw down, and to set up.    

CHAP. IX.  
The proceedings of Crassus in Aquitanie.  
AT the same instant of time it happened also, 
Caesar.  that Pub. Crassus' coming into Aquitania (which both in regard of the large extension of the Country, as also for the multitude of the inhabitants, was named the third part of Gallia) and considering that he was to make war in those parts where L. Valerius Praeconius the Legate was slain, and the Army overthrown, and where Lucius Manlius was fain to fly, with the loss of his carriages; he thought that his affairs required no mean diligence: and therefore having made provision of Corn, and mustered many Auxiliary forces, and 
* Evocati.  sent for many valiant and prudent men by name from Tolouse, Carcasone, and Narbone, cities bordering upon the province, he carried his Army into the confines of the Sontiates. Which was no sooner known, but they levied great forces both of horse and foot, and with their horse, in which their principal strength consisted, charged upon the Romans in their march: which being easily repelled, as ours followed the retreat, suddenly the infantry of the Galls showed itself in a Valley as it lay in ambush. These setting upon the Romans renewed the battle, and there the fight continued hot a long time. The Sontiates being animated with the former victories, saw all the hope of Aquitanie rely upon their virtue; and the Romans on the other side desired to show what they were able to do of themselves, without their grand Captain, and under the conduct of a young soldier. At length the enemy overwaged with prowess, and wearied with wounds, betook themselves to flight; of whom the Romans slew a great number, and then marched directly to the town of the Sontiates, and laid siege unto it: the siege grew hot, the Romans approaching the walls with vines, turrets, and mounts. The townsmen defended themselves sometimes by sallying out, sometimes by undermining the mounts and fortifications, wherein the Aquitanis are very skilful. But when they perceived the industry of the Romans to exceed all that they were able to do, they entreated Crassus to accept their rendry. Which being granted, and all the Army intending the delivery of their Arms, Adcantuanus their chief Magistrate fled out in the mean time at another port of the City, with six hundred devoted companions, whom they called Soldurii; whose manner is to enjoy all good things in common with those whom they have chosen for their friends; and if any misfortune befall them, either to die with them, or presently kill themselves: neither was it ever known in the memory of man, that any of them refused to die when his friend was slain. But as they attempted to escape, the soldiers that kept that part of the fortification, as they signified his evasion by a clamour and shout, the rest betook themselves to Arms, and so after a sharp conflict repelled him again into the town; where he desired to be taken in the number of the submissive multitude; which was granted. Crassus, having taken hostages of them, went into the confines of the Vocates and Tarusates.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
THese skilful and experienced men which Crassus sent for out of all the Cities in Aquitani●, 
Evocati.  were those whom the Romans called Evocati, such as were free from warfare, and exempted by their laws from giving their names in musters, either by reason of their years, or the magistracy which they had born, or for some other causes which gave them that privilege: and in that regard were sent for by Letters, entreating their assistance in the carriage of that war, as men well acquainted with the nature of such businesses. Their places were nothing inferior to the Centurions for advise and direction, although they had no part in command or authority.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
IN this fight we may further observe their manner of defence against Mounts and Cavalieroes; which we find chiefly to be Mines. Josephus in the Jewish war saith, that the Romans having raised an exceeding high mount, the Jews undermined the same with such Art, that as they digged underneath, they supported the Mount with huge props and planks that it might not shrink: and watching a time of greatest advantage, they set all the timber-work which underpropped the mount on fire; which taking fire with the help of Brimstone and Pitch, the Mount fell upon a sudden, to the great terror & amazement of the Romans.  
At the siege of Avaricum, 
Lib. 7. de Bello Gall.  we find how the Galls by undermining did take the earth from the Mount, as fast as it was carried unto it by the Romans; and so kept it from rising, and made it uneffectuall. But if it were for the most part made of wood, or other combustible matter, they sought then by all means to burn it; as it happened at the siege of Massilia: and oftentimes when both burning and undermining failed, they confronted it with another Mount within the walls, to disappoint the disadvantage by equal contesting of it, and so made it unprofitable.  
Concerning Mines, thus much may I say without prejudice to that Art, that the chiefest points to be respected are these: First, the true distance to a designed place; which is best got by instrument, and help of Geometry, where other marks of certainty are wanting. Secondly, the direction of the Mine, that we may not err in our course which the Compass affordeth. Thirdly, the strengthening of the Mine with timber-work, if need require. Lastly, the countermining and crosse-meeting. All which parts have very many circumstances, and require a larger discourse than may be thought pertinent for this place.   

THE THIRD OBSERVATION.  
THe strange contract between these Soldurii and their Chieftain may well deserve a place amongst these observations, especially considering the obligatory conditions which either party stood bound to observe: for the Captain was to make his Soldurii partakers of all his happiness in this life, in regard whereof they were to take ●ar● of whatsoever ill chance or disaster should happen to befall him. If death, which is the last end of all sensual misery, took hold of their head, these devoted were tied voluntarily to follow him the selfsame way: neither in any memory was there (saith he) ever man found that refused to die, if he to whom he was devoted chanced to be slain. Which bloody league of amity as it was repugnant to the course of Nature, multiplying particular destiny to a general calamity; so was it dangerous in a wel-ordered State, if the Ringleader were either ambitious, or sought to practise any thing contrary to good government: for he himself would presume much upon the assistance of his Soldurii; and they on the other side must needs wish well to his attempts, that were so interessed in his life and death.    

CHAP. X.  
The Galls raise new forces against Crassus.  
THe barbarous Galls were much troubled, 
Caesar.  that a town of that strength both by nature and art should so soon be taken; and therefore they sent Ambassadors into all quarters, conjured one with another, confirmed their covenants with mutual hostages, and levied what power they were able to make; sending for aid out of Spain, and from other States that bordered upon Aquitanie. At the coming of these forces they began to make war with a great power, and with many soldiers of great fame: for they appointed such Leaders as had seen the experience of Sertorius his wars, and were great in the opinion of men for their skill and knowledge in the Art Military. These, according to the custom of the people of Rome, began to take places of advantage, to fortify their Camp, and to intercept the Romans from free passage of convoys, and necessary intercourses. Which when Crassus perceived, and considering withal that his own forces were so few that he could not well dismember them upon any service or advantage, and that the enemy went out at his pleasure, kept the passages, and left notwithstanding a sufficient garrison in his Camp, by which means corn and provision would in time grow scarce with him, whilst the enemy waxed every day stronger; he thought it his best course not to linger any longer, but presently to give them battle.  
The matter being referred to a Council of war, when he understood that all men were of the same opinion, he appointed the next day to give them battle: and in the dawning putting his men in a double battle, and placing the auxiliary forces in the midst, he attended to see what the enemy would do. The Galls, although they were persuaded that they might adventure battle, both in regard of their multitude and ancient prowess of war, as also in respect of the paucity of the Romans; yet they thought it better to block up the passages, and so cut off all carriages and convoys of corn, and so the victory would follow without bloodshed: and if the Romans for want of Corn should offer to make a retreat, they would then set upon them as they marched, wearied with travel, heavily laden with their burdens, and dejected in their spirits. This resolution being approved by the whole Council of the Galls, when the Romans imbattelled their forces, they kept their men within their Camp.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
THis Sertorius had followed the faction of Marius and Cinna, 
Sertorius.  and when Sylla had overthrown both the elder and younger Marius, he fled into Spain, and there maintained the quarrel on foot against Pompey and Metellus, and overthrew them in many battles: but in the end was treacherously slain by Perpanna at a banquet. He was a man of great spirit, and of admirable dispatch; and under him were these Captains brought up which Caesar commendeth for their skill in Arms.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
IN histories propounding to our consideration the deeds and monuments of former ages, we may observe two especial means which the great Commanders of the world have entertained to achieve victory, 
Two means to achieve victory and to overmaster our enemies.  and overmaster their enemies: the first by cunning and wise carriage of a matter before it come to trial by blows; the second by forceable means and waging of battle: the one proceeding from wisdom and the better faculties of the soul; and the other depending upon the strength and ability of the body.  
Concerning the first, it hath ever been held more honourable, as better suiting the worth of the spirit and the divine essence of our nature, so to direct the course of an action, that the adverse part may be weakened by wit, and prevented in the projects of their better fortunes by anticipation of means and occasions, and so through advantages taken from their own proceedings, to be driven to that exigent which may determine of the controversy before they come to blows, and conclude the matter by terms of Art taken from the directions of good providence. For to speak a truth, the action of battle, as it is the last part in that faculty, so it is the worst in regard of Christian duty, and better fitteth the progeny of Lamech his second wife (which the Divines do note to be born to the ruin and destruction of mankind) than the children of grace, 
Tuba 〈◊〉 by war, and Naamah by the flood.  whose joy consisteth in peace and love.  
Caesar in the first of the civil wars respected the same thing, but from other grounds: for having shut up Afranius and Petreius in a place of disadvantage, so as he might have cut them off without further trouble; yet forasmuch as he foresaw the victory coming towards him without blow or wound, he thus answered his Captains that were earnest upon the enemy; Cur, etiam secundo praelio, aliquos ex suis amitteret? cur vulnerari pateretur optime de se meritos milites? cur denique fortunam periclitaretur? Why should he lose any of his soldiers in battle, though he got the day? why should he suffer those to be wounded who had deserved so highly at his hands? or why should he hazard his good fortune? And this course did these Galls take which under Sertorius had learned the Roman Art, and the Roman industry: and were now become so expert, that they had almost beaten the Romans at their own weapon.  
This first means is principally to be embraced, as the safest way in these uncertain and casual events: for that which resteth upon corporal strength, and maketh execution the means to a conclusion, is very terrible even to the better party, full of hazard, and of little certainty. For it were a miracle of Fortune never heard of yet, so to carry a battle upon what advantage or means soever, that the victor Army should buy so great a fortune without bloodshed or loss of men; and erect a Trophy to Honour at the sole cost of the Enemy, without loss or expense of his own treasure.  
And for the uncertainty in a battle, who knoweth not what infinite chances and changes may happen in every small moment of time, to turn the fortune of the day to this or that party, and make both sides unconstant in their affections, by presenting them interchangeably with hope and fear, joy and sorrow? And therefore Caesar thought it not best to tempt the waywardness of Fortune, when by other means he might obtain his desires.  
This, I say, is chiefly to be embraced, if our means will afford us that happiness: but howsoever I hold it wisdom so to entertain this course of victory, that we omit not the chiefest helps of furtherance when it cometh to blows; but to think of this conquest by art and wit, as necessary if our means will serve us to compass it; & of the other, as necessary whether we will or no: for the history maketh it plain, that when Brutus found himself destitute of means to undertake that course of victory which proceedeth from providence and discreet carriage, he then betook himself necessarily to the later, and by the help of battle sought to free himself from those disadvantages into which the Galls had brought him.   

THE THIRD OBSERVATION.  
I Observe further out of this place, that what course soever be taken, a discreet Leader will not easily forgo an advantage without great assurance of a better fortune, 
Not to forgo an advantage.  nor change the certainty of a benefit upon probabilities of other hopes, until it have paid him the interest of his expectation, and wrought that effect which it promised to perform. For so he might forgo his fortune, by presuming too much upon the favour of future chances, which are often seen to cross our purposes, rather than to further the way which is taken.   

THE FOURTH OBSERVATION.  
FUrther I observe this double battle to be answerable to the paucity of the Roman forces: for their usual manner was to make a triple battle, that the first might have a second and a third help; but where their number would not afford that commodity, they then made two battles, that there might be the succour of a second supply. But they never fought with one single battle, for aught that may be gathered by their histories.   

THE FIFTH OBSERVATION.  
THe last thing which I observe is the place where Crassus bestowed the Auxiliary forces, 
The place where suspected forces are best bestowed in battle.  in the disposition of his troops to battle, which is here said to be in mediam Aciem; for as their Armies were divided into three battles, so every battle was divided into three parts, the two cornets and the battle, wherein these Auxiliary forces were in this service bestowed: of these he afterward saith, that inasmuch as he durst not put any confidence in them, he commanded them to serve the Romans in time of battle with stones and weapons, and to carry earth and turf to the Mount. The reason why suspected troops are placed in the battle, rather than in either of the cornets, is, for that the battle hath not such scope to fling out, or take advantage of place to do mischief, as the cornets have: for wheresoever there have been set battles fought, the strength of their Army consisted always in the cornets, as the two principal instruments of the battle; and as long as these stood sound, the victory went always certain on that part; for the cornets both kept the enemy from encompassing about the body of their Army, and had the advantage also of charging upon the open side of their adversary.  
At the battle of Cannae, Hannibal put the weakest of his forces in the battle, and advancing them towards the enemy left the two cornets behind: so that when the enemy came to charge upon the battle, they easily beat them back, and as they followed the retreat fell in between the two cornets, wherein the strength of the Army consisted; and being by them encompassed on each side, were defeated and overthrown. And thus we see the advantage which a General hath when his two cornets stand firm, although the battle shrink in the encounter. Hannibal in the battle he had with Scipio in afric placed the Strangers in the front and in the rearward; according peradventure as he found their number, and the use of their Arms: which are circumstances to be considered in this case, and depend rather upon the judgement of a General, then of any prescription that can be given in this matter.    

CHAP. XI.  
Crassus taketh the Camp of the Galls: and with their overthrow endeth that war.  
Crassus' understanding their drift, 
Caesar.  and finding his men cheerful and willing to fight, the whole army crying out that they would stay no longer, but immediately set upon the enemies in their camp, encouraged his soldiers, and to the contentment of all men went directly to the place where they were lodged: and as some began to fill up the ditch, and others with casting weapons to beat the Galls from the rampire, he commanded the Auxiliary forces, of whom he had no great assurance, to bring stones and weapons to the soldiers that fought, and to carry earth and turf to the Mount, that so they might make a show of fight. And on the other side, as the enemy began valiantly to make resistance, & to cast their weapons from the higher ground to the great hurt of the Roman soldier; the horsemen in the mean time riding about the Camp of the Galls, brought word to Crassus, that the rampire at the Decumane port was not fortified with such diligence as they found it in other places, but would admit an easy entrance. Crassus' dealt earnestly with the Commanders of the horse to encourage their men with great promises and rewards, and instructed them what he would have done. They, according to their instructions, took four cohorts that were left in the Camp fresh and no way tired, and carrying them a further way about, that they might not be discovered by the Enemy, while all men's eyes and minds were intent upon the fight, they speedily came to the place of the fortifications which the horsemen had found to be weak; which being easily broken down, they had entered the Camp before the Enemy either saw them or could tell what was done. And then a great clamour and shout being heard about that place, the Roman legions renewing their force, as it falleth out always in hope of victory, began to charge them afresh with great fury. The Galls being circumvented on each side, and despairing of their safety, casting themselves over the rampire, sought by flight to escape the danger. But forasmuch as the Country was open and champain, the horsemen pursued them with that execution, that of fifty thousand which came out of Aquitanie and Spain, there scarce remained the fourth part.  
Upon the news of this fight the most part of the Aquitanis yielded to Caesar, and of their own accord gave him hostages: amongst these were the Tarbelli, Bigerriones, Preciani, Vocates, Tarusates, Elusates, Garites, Ausci, Garumni, Sibutzates, and Cocasates. Only some few that lived farther off, trusting upon the coming on of winter, held off and did not submit themselves.  

OBSERVATION.  
FRom this place Brancatio taketh occasion to dispute, 
Lib. 3.  how an Enemy that is strongly encamped, 
Avertimen. to secundo.  and for some advantage will not remove, may be dislodged whether he will or no. A point of great consequence in matter of war, and therefore deserveth due consideration. Concerning which he layeth this down for a maxim, that all sorts and strong holds are taken by the foot; and that camps and lodgings are taken by the head. By which is meant, that he who purposeth to win a fortress well manned and provided, must first get the foot, and take hold of the ditch, and then seize himself upon the rampire, and so get the place: for he saith that mounts and eminent elevations are of little use against fortresses or sconces, unless they over-top them; which may be easily prevented, by raising the parapet of the fortress in front, and the curtain in slank, according as the enemy shall carry his mounts aloft; and so they shall never come to over-top the holds. But all Camps and lodgings are taken by the head; that is, by mounts and elevations, which by the advantage of their height command the champain: for he holdeth it impossible to raise a mount within the Camp in so short a time, to contest that which the enemy shall make without.  
This foundation being laid, he proceedeth to discover a way how to raise a mount, maugre the enemy, which shall dislodge them by force of Artillery, or murder them all within their trenches. And this he taketh from Caesar at the siege of Gergobia. 
Lib. de bello Gallico.  The substance of the matter consisteth in a double d●tch, running like unto the line which the 〈◊〉 call Helicall. By this double ditch he maketh his approach to any place of most advantage, where he may in a night raise a mount high enough for the ordinance to play upon any quarter of the Camp. The censure of this practice I refer to our judicious soldiers, who may, if it please them, take a better view of the particularities of this stratagem in Brancatio himself. Thus much I dare affirm in the behalf of these works, that they were of high esteem amongst the Romans, whom daily experience and exigents of hazard had taught to 〈…〉 the readiest means both for security and victory. And if our soldiers could be brought to 〈◊〉 the commodity of these works, either by persuasion or impulsion, it were the best part of their warlike practices: but our men had 〈◊〉 upon desperate adventures, and seek victory in the jaws of death, then to clear all hazard with pains and diligence.    

CHAP. XII.  
Caesar undertaketh the war with the Menapii and Morini.  
AT the same time also, 
Caesar.  although the Summer was almost at an end, yet forasmuch as all Gallia was in peace, and the 
* Throne.  Morini only with the 
* Cl●ve and 〈◊〉.  Menapii stood out in Arms, and had never either sent Ambassador, or otherwise treated of Peace; Caesar thinking that war might quickly be ended, led his Army into their Country. At his coming he found them to carry their wars far otherwise then the rest of the Galls had done: for understanding that the greatest Nations of Gallia, which had waged battle with the Romans, were beaten and overthrown; and having whole continents of woods and bogs in their territories, they conveyed both themselves and their goods into those quarters. Caesar coming to the beginning of the woods, began to fortify his Camp, not discovering any enemy near about him; but as his men were dispersed in their charges, they suddenly sallied out of the woods, and assaulted the Romans; but being speedily driven in again, with the loss of many of them, as the Romans followed them far into the woods, they had some few of their men slain.  
The time that remained Caesar resolved to spend in cutting down the woods: and lest the soldiers might be taken unawares while they were busied in that work, he caused them to place all the trees which they cut down on either side of the Army, that they might serve for a defence against sudden assaults. A great quantity of ground was thus rid within a few days, so that their goods and cattle was ta●en by the Romans: but they themselves were fled into thicker woods. At which time there happened such a continual rain, as forced them to leave off the work; and the soldiers could no longer endure to lie in scents of skins: and therefore Caesar, after he had wasted and spoiled their Country, burned their towns and their houses, carried back his Army, and placed them amongst the Aulerci, Lexovii, & in other cities to winter in, which were subdued in the late wars.  

OBSERVATION.  
THe Irish rebels having the like commodity of woods and bogs, do entertain the like course of war as the Morini did with Caesar. The means which he used to disappoint them of that practice was, to cut down the woods; which if it be thought monstrous in this age, or ridiculous to our men of war, let them consider that the Roman discipline wrought greater effects of valour, then can be made credible by the use of these times. For besides their exquisite discipline, which of itself was able to frame patterns of unexampled magnanimity, their industry was admirable in the execution thereof, and carried it with such uncessant travel, that the soldiers thought it great happiness when they came to wage battle with the Enemy; and could have means to quit their continual travel with the hazard of their lives.  
Neither let it seem strange that the Romans undertook to cut down the woods; but rather let us admire their facility in so difficult a task: for as the history witnesseth, magno spacio paucis diebus confecto, incredibili celeritate, a great quantity of ground was rid in a few days, with incredible speed. And after the woods were cut down, they took more pains in placing it on each side of the legions to hinder any sudden assault, than they did in cutting it down: which deserveth as great admiration as the former part. There is another place in the sixth book of these Commentaries, which expresseth more particularly the nature of such wars, and may serve to acquaint us with that which Caesar did in these difficulties.  
The Eburones, or the men of Liege, had the like commodity of woods and bogs, and made use of them in the war they had with Caesar. The matter, saith he, required great diligence, not so much in regard of the peril of the whole Army (for there could no danger come from an enemy that was frighted and dispersed) as the safety of every particular soldier, which in part did pertain to the welfare of the whole Army. For the desire of a booty carried many of the soldiers far from the body of the Army; and the woods being full of unknown and secret passages, would not suffer them to go either thick together, or close imbattelled. If he desired to have the war ended, and the race of those wicked men to be rooted out, he must of force make many small companies, and divide his men into many bodies: but if he would have the Maniples to keep at their Ensigns, as the discipline and custom of the Roman Army required, than the place was a shelter and defence to the enemy. Neither did they want courage to lay Ambushments, and to circumvent such as they found alone straggling from their companies. In these difficulties there was as much done as diligence could do, providing rather to be wanting in the offensive part (although all men's minds were set on fire with revenge) then to hurt the enemy with the loss of the Roman soldier. Caesar sent messengers to the bordering States, to come out and sack the Eburones, and they should have all the prey for their labour: that the life of the Galls rather than his legionary soldiers, might be hazarded in those woods; as also that with so great a multitude, both the race and name of that people might be quite extinguished.  
There are many particularities in this relation which concern the true motion of the Irish wars, which may be better observed by such as know those wars by experience, then by myself that understand them only by relation: and therefore to prevent such exceptions as my rule shall make of the parallel in these two cases, I will leave it to be done by themselves. And thus endeth the third Commentary.     

The fourth Commentary of the wars in GALLIA.  
The Argument.  
THe Usipetes and Tenchtheri are driven to seek new seats in Gallia; they drive the Menapii out of their territories: but in the end are overthrown by Caesar. That war being ended, he maketh a bridge upon the Rhine, and carrieth his Army over into Germany. He taketh revenge upon the Sicambri; and giveth liberty to the Ubii: returneth into Gallia, and carrieth his Army over into Brittany; with the occurrences of that war.  

CHAP. I.  
The Vsipetes 
* Those of Zutphen.  and Tenchtheri 
* Of Hassia.  bring great multitudes of people over the Rhine into Gallia. The nature of the Suevi.  
THe winter following, 
Caesar.  Pompey and Crassus being Consuls, the Usipetes and Tenchtheri, two Germane nations, passed over the Rhine with great multitudes of people, not far from the place where it falleth into the sea. The reason of their slitting was, the ill entreaty which for many years together they had received of the Suevi, the greatest and warlikest nation amongst the Germans. For these Suevi had one hundred Cantons or shires, which yearly furnished their wars with a thousand men apiece; and kept as many at home to maintain both themselves and their Armies abroad: and these the year following were in Arms, and the other stayed at home and performed the like duty; and so by this means they all continued their experience both of tillage and matter of war. No man had any ground proper to himself, neither might they abide longer than a year in one place. They lived chiefly upon cattle and milk, and used much hunting; which was the cause (what through the quality of their diet, their continual exercise, and liberty of life, being never brought up to any calling or tied to any discipline, nor urged to any thing against their disposition) that they were strong and of a large stature: and they had used themselves so to it, that they never cared for any clothing in the coldest place they came in, more than skins and hides, which covered but part of their body, the rest being naked: and they wash their bodies usually in the rivers. They have merchants that frequent their ports, not so much to bring them any commodities from abroad, as to buy the prey and spoil they take in war. And whereas the Galls take much delight in oxen and other beasts, and stick not to give any price for them; the Germans care not for the bringing of them amongst them, but rather use their own misshapen ugly cattle, which by daily inuring they bring to perform any service. Their horsemen oftentimes in time of battle forsook their horse, and fought on foot; their horses being taught to stand still in one place, that when they would they might return unto them. Neither was there any thing accounted more base, or useless in the course of their life, then to use furniture for horses: and therefore they would adventure to charge upon great troops of horse that used Equipage, with a few of their own quality. They admitted no wine to be brought in unto them, lest it might effeminate their warlike inclination, or make them unapt for labour. The greatest honour in their opinion was, to have then bordering Territories lie waste and desolate: for so it would be thought that many States together could not resist their conquering valour: and it was reported that the country lay waste from the Suevi one way six hundred miles together.  

THE OBSERVATION.  
BY this practice of the Suevi it appeareth how little a naked resolution of valour availeth, when it wanteth the ornaments of moral 〈◊〉 and civil discretion, to make use of that greatness which prowess hath obtained: for notwithstanding that they were a nation both warlike and of good ability, they were so vainly carried on with a conceit of manhood, that it sorted to no other end then to maintain barbarism at home, and desolation abroad; whereas true valour is always subordinate to the preservation of Commonweals, and is as the defensive Arms of civil society. Which I have the rather noted, inasmuch as it resembleth an humour that aboundeth in this age, especially in the particular behaviour of our young Gallants; whose naked valour revealing itself only in the lie and in the stab, for want of other assistant virtues to temper the heat of so brittle a metal, leadeth them into such inconveniences and disordered actions, that it changeth the nature thereof into giddy-headed rashness; and in lieu of virtue's guerdon, is repaied with irrision.    

CHAP. II.  
The motives inducing the Vsipetes to come over the Rhine into Gallia.  
NExt unto these Suevi inhabited the Ubii, 
Caesar.  a very ample and potent State: and through their intercourse and traffic with merchants, being seasoned also with the manners of the Galls their neighbours, somewhat more civil than the rest of the Germans. With these the Suevi had often waged battle: and albeit they could not expel them out of their country, forasmuch as their State was very great and populous; yet by continual incursions they brought them under, and much weakened their estate. In the same case were the Usipetes and Tenchtheri before mentioned: for having made head against the Suevi for many years together, they were constrained in the end to forsake their possessions, and wandering the space of three years through the Continent of Germany, at last they arrived where the 
* Geldres and Cleve.  Menapii inhabited the banks on either side the river Rhine: who being terrified with the arrival of such a multitude, forsook all their dwellings beyond the river, and planted themselves on this side of the water, to hinder the Germans from further passage.  
The Usipetes with their associates having tried all means, and not finding themselves able to pass over by force for want of boats, nor by stealth by reason of the diligent watch of the Menapii, feigned a retreat to their old habitation: and after three day's journey, their horsemen in one night speedily returned again, and slew the Menapii both unguarded and unprovided, For they upon the departure of the Germans, feared not to return over the river into their towns and houses. These being slain and their shipping taken, they got over the river before the rest of the Menapii had any notice of their coming: by which means they easily dispossessed them of their dwelling places, and lived that winter upon the provision they found there.  
Caesar understanding of these things, and fearing the weakness of the Galls, inasmuch as they are sudden and quick in their resolutions, and withal desirous of novelty, he durst no way trust their unconstancy: for it was their practice and custom to stay travellers and passengers, and inquire of them what they either heard or knew concerning any thing that had happened; and the common people would flock about Merchants in fairs and markets, and learn of them whence they came, and what news they brought from thence: and by these rumours and hearsayes they directed the main course of their actions; whereof they could not but soon repent themselves, being grounded upon such weak intelligence as was usually coined to please the multitude. Which custom being known, Caesar to prevent a greater war, hasted to his Army sooner than he was wont to do.  

OBSERVATION.  
SUch as have spent their time in the contemplation of Nature, and have made diligent search of the temperature and quality of climates and nations, have all with one consent made Choler the Regent of the French complexion; distinguishing the people with such attributes as the said humour usually breedeth. Neither have these conditions which Caesar so long ago observed in the ancient Galls, any disresemblance from that which the learned of this age have delivered concerning the nature of the said inhabitants; but that irresolute constitution, which breeds such novelties and contrarieties of actions, continueth the same unto these times in the inhabitants of that country, notwithstanding the alteration of customs and people, or what else so long a time hath changed: which argueth the unresistable power of celestial influence, establishing an uniformity of nature, according as the site of the place lieth capable of their powerful aspect.  
The reason of the diversity in the temperature of nations which are differenced by North and South, is not without apparent cause attributed to their propinquity or distance from the course of the sun, which distinguisheth by heat and cold the Northern and Southern climates of the earth, and separateth the inhabitants thereof by the dominion of their active qualities. But the reason why two Nations which are both in the same climate, and under the same parallel, receiving the virtue of the celestial bodies by the same downfall and rebound of their beams, being differenced only by East and West, are so much disunited in nature, and so unlike in disposition, is not so apparent: whether it be, as some have imagined, forasmuch as the all-inclosing sphere, which remaineth quiet and immovable above the circuit of the first motor, hath his parts diversely distinguished with variety of properties, which by continual reference and mutual aspect are imprinted in the correspondent quarters of the earth, and so keep a perpetual residency of one and the same quality in one and the same place, and make also the variety of fashions in such parts as otherwise are equal favourites of the heaven's majesty, by receiving an equal measure of light, heat and virtue; or whether the said quarters of the earth are in themselves diversely noted with several qualities, which appropriate the selfsame influence to their particular nature, and so alter it into many fashions; or whether there be some other unknown cause: I will leave every man to satisfy himself with that which seemeth most probable unto him, and proceed to the discovery of this choleric passion. Wherein I will endeavour to show how impatiency, sudden resolution, and desire of novelty, are natural adjuncts of this humour. And if Caesar made use of this Philosophy in the managing of that war, let it not be thought impertinent to the knowledge of a General to enter into the consideration of this learning. Wherein first I must lay for a maxim that which long experience hath made authentical, that the motions of the mind are either quick or slow, according as the complexion is tempered either with heat or cold: for as the phlegmatical humour is of a moist, cold and heavy nature, begetting weak and gross spirits, and benumbing the instruments with a liveless disability; so is the motion of the internal faculties proceeding likewise after a slow manner, according to the quality of the instruments whereby it moveth: and therefore men of this waterish constitution are no way apt to receive an impression, nor to entertain any sensible apprehension, unless it be beaten into them with often and strong repetitions; and then also they proceed as slowly in discoursing of the consequence, and linger in the choice of their resolutions. On the contrary part, this flava bilis, being of a hot piercing nature, and resembling the active virtue of the fire, doth so purify the instruments of sense, and quicken the spirits with the vivacity of motion, that they take the first impression as perfectly, as if it had been oftentimes presented unto them with many strong circumstances. And thence it happeneth, that inasmuch as the Species is so readily received, and possesseth the apprehending faculty with such facility of entrance, that it moveth the other powers of the soul with as great efficacy at the first conception, as if it had been brought in with troops of probabilities, and strengthened with manifest arguments of undoubted truth. It followeth therefore (by reason of the subtle and fit disposition of the instruments, which proceedeth from heat the chiefest quality in choler) that the object is at the first moment so strongly settled in the first receiving faculty, that the other powers of the mind with as great speed manifest their offices concerning the apprehension, and deliver a sentence answerable to the strength of the first conception: which maketh them so impatient of delay, and so suddenly to alter their former resolutions, not suffering the discursive power to examine the substance thereof by conference of circumstances, nor to give judgement according to the course of our intellectual court. It behoveth therefore every man in that unsteady disposition, especially in matter of moment, to be suspicious of his own credulity, and not to give place to resolution, before his judgement be informed by discourse of the strength or weakness of the conceived opinion.  
But to leave these speculative meditations to Philosophers of learned conceit; forasmuch as the right use of passions is either true wisdom, or cometh nearest to the same; I will only touch in a word what degree of choler best befitteth a soldier, or how it availeth or disadvantageth in matter of war. And first it cannot be denied, that there is almost no passion that doth more eclipse the light of reason, or sooner corrupteth the sincerity of a good judgement, than this of anger which we now speak of: Neither is there any motion that more pleaseth itself in his own actions, or followeth them with greater heat in the execution. And if the truth chance to show itself, and convince a false pretended cause as the author of that passion, it oftentimes redoubleth the rage even against truth and innocency. Piso condemned a soldier for returning from foraging without his companion, being persuaded that he had slain him: but at the instant of the execution the other that was missing returned, and with great joy of the whole Army they were carried to the General, thinking to have much gratified him with the manifestation of the truth: but he through shame and despite, being yet in the torture of his wrath, redoubled his anger, and by a subtlety which his passion furnished him withal, he made three culpable for that he found one innocent; the first because the sentence of death was passed against him, and was not to be recalled without the breach of law: the second for that he was the cause of the death of his companion: and thirdly the executioner, for not obeying his commandment.  
Concerning matter of war, as it consisteth of differenced parts, so hath choler divers effects. In case of discourse and consultation, whenas the powers of the mind ought to be clear of all violent affections, it greatly darkeneth the understanding, and troubleth the sincerity of a good judgement, as Caesar noted in his speech to the Senate concerning Catiline: 
Sallust.  and therefore a Commander must by all means endeavour to avoid even the least motions of so hurtful a passion, and season his affections with that gravity and constancy of spirit, that no turbulent disposition may either hinder his understanding, or withhold his will from following that course, which reason appointeth as the best means to a fortunate success; always remembering that all his actions are presented upon a stage, and pass the censure of many curious beholders, which applaud grave and patient motions, as the greatest proof of true wisdom, and disallow of passionate and headstrong affection, as derogating from the sincere carriage of an action, how just soever otherwise it seemeth.  
Concerning execution and fury of battle, I take anger to be a necessary instrument to set valour on foot, and to overwage the difficulties of terror with a furious resolution: for considering that the noblest actions of the mind stand in need of the impulsions of passions, I take anger to be the fittest means to advance the valiant carriage of a battle; for as fear is treacherous and unsafe, so anger is confident and of an unquencheable heat. And therefore a Commander ought by all means to suggest matter of anger against an Enemy, that his men may behold them with a wrathful regard, and thirst after the day of battle, to satisfy their fury with the blood of their adversaries. If any urge that it hath been heretofore observed of the Galls, that in the beginning of a battle they were more than men, and in the later end they were less than women; and therefore a choleric disposition is not so fit for service, as we seem to make it: I answer, that there is a difference between a disposition to choler, such as was observed in the Galls, and the passion of anger well kindled in the mind: for the first is subject to alteration and contrariety of actions; but the other is furious, invincible, never satisfied but with revenge. And so that of Aristotle is proved true, that anger serveth oftentimes as a weapon to virtue: whereunto some answer very pleasantly, saying, it is a weapon of a strange nature; for we do manage other weapons, and this doth manage us; our hand guideth not it, but it guideth our hand; it possesseth us, 
Tacit.  & not we it, as it happened in the reign of Tiberius amongst the mutinous legions at Vetera: 
1. Annal.  and therefore a Commander ought to take great heed, whom he maketh the object of that anger which kindleth in his Army. For as it is a passion of terrible execution, and therefore needeth to be wisely directed; so is it dangerous in regard of obedience, which was the only thing which Caesar required in his soldiers.  
But to leave this hasty matter, and fall nearer that which we seek after: I may not omit the Prognostication which Caesar made of the consequence of this accident, by the natural disposition of the people; the event whereof proved the truth of his predictions: which showeth what advantage a learned General that hath been somewhat instructed in the school of Nature, hath gained of him whom only experience hath taught the active rudiments of the war, and thinketh of no further lession in that art, then that which the office of a Sergeant or Lancepresado containeth.    

CHAP. III.  
Caesar cometh to his Army, marcheth towards the Germans, and by the way treateth of conditions of Peace.  
CAesar being come to his Army, 
Caesar.  found that to have happened which he before suspected: for some of the States of Gallia had sent messengers unto the Germans, to leave the banks of Rhine, and to come further into the Continent, where they should find ready whatsoever they desired. Whereupon the Germans began to make further incursions, and to waste the land as far as the confines of the 
* Liege.  Eburones and the Condrusi, who were under the protection of the Treviri. The Princes of the Galls being called together, Caesar thought it best to dissemble what he had discovered concerning their revolt; and confirming their minds with an approbation of their loialty, he commanded certain troops of horse to be levied, and resolved to make war upon the Germans: and having made provision of corn, he directed his march towards them. From whom, as he was on the way within a few day's journey of their Camp, he received this message: The Germans as they were not willing to make war upon the Romans first, so they would not refuse to make trial of their manhood if they were justly provoked; for their ancient custom was to answer an Enemy by force, and not by treaty: yet thus much they would confess, that they came thither very unwillingly, being driven by violence out of their possessions. If the Roman people would accept of their friendship, and either give them territories to inhabit, or suffer them to keep that which they had got by the law of Arms, they might prove profitable friends unto them. They only yielded to the Suevi, to whom the Gods in feats of Arms were inferior; any other Nation they would easily conquer.  
To this Caesar answered what he thought fit; but the purport of his speech was, That he could not make any league with them if they continued in Gallia: neither was it probable that they that could not keep their own, would get possessions out of other men's hands: Gallia had no vacant place to entertain so great a multitude: but if they would they might find a welcome amongst the 
* Co●o●ia Agrippina.  Ubii, whose agents were at that instant in his Camp, complaining of the injury of the Suevi, and desiring aid against them; thus much he himself would entreat of the Ubii. The messengers went back with these Mandates, promising within three days to return again to Caesar: in the mean time they desired him not to bring his Army any nearer their quarters. Which request Caesar denied. For understanding that a few days before a great part of their Cavalry were passed over the Mosa to the Ambivariti, there to pillage and get provisions, he suspected that this delay imported nothing more than the return of their horsemen.  
The river Mosa hath its rise from the mount Vogesus in the dominions of the Lingones, and having run far, it receives the river 
* Wael.  Walis, which is a part of the Rhine: these two joining make the island of the Batavi: fourscore miles below which it falleth into the sea. The Rhine ariseth amongst the Lepontii, a people inhabiting the Alps; and after a tedious course through the Nantuates, Helvetii, Sequani, Mediomatrices, Triboci and Treviri, drawing near the sea, it divides into several branches, and so makes many considerable islands, most of which are inhabited by savage and barbarous people, some whereof live only upon fish and the eggs of birds: after this the river empties itself at several mouths into the Ocean.  
When Caesar was come within twelve miles of their Camp, their Ambassadors returned, and meeting him on the way, entreated him earnestly to march no further towards them. But being denied of their suit, they besought him to send to those troops of horse which marched before the Army, that they should not fight nor make any hostile encounter; and that he would give them leave to send messengers to the Ubii: of whose entertainment they would willingly accept, if the Princes and Senate would swear faith and safe continuance unto their people: neither would they require more than three days to negotiate this business. Caesar conceived this entreaty to import nothing else then the return of their horsemen that were absent in pillage, whom they expected within three days; notwithstanding he promised them to march but four miles further that day, to a convenient watring-place, and bade that a considerable number of them should come thither to him next day, that he might know what they desired: in the mean time he sent to the Commanders of the horse that were before, not to provoke the Enemy to fight; and if they were set upon, to sustain the charge until he came nearer with the Army.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
FIrst, we may observe his dissembling of the practice of the Galls with the Germans; and the encouragement which he gave them in a faithful and loyal affection to the people of Rome, when he himself knew they had started from that duty which both their honour and a good respect of their friends required: for he well understood that his presence did take away all scruple of any further motion in that kind; and therefore to have objected unto them their errors, had not been to heal, but to discover their wound. Only he took the way to cut off their hopes of any practices which they might attempt against the Roman people; and held them in the mean time in the appearance of faithful friends, that they might not be discouraged by the detection of their revolt.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
SEcondly, upon this resolution that there was no league to be made with the Germans if they continued on this side the Rhine, we may observe how he entertained a treaty of peace, with such consents and denials, as might manifest his readiness to further what he made show of, and not weaken the means of his best advantage. For as he was content they should take a quiet farewell of Gallia, and plant themselves in the possessions of the Ubii; so was he loath to yield to any condition which might disadvantage his forcible constraint, or weaken his command, if persuasion failed: for he well knew that powerful means to effect that which he required, would further the course of a peaceable conclusion, and carry more authority in a parley, than any other motive how reasonable soever.  
Moreover we may observe how careful he was not to impose upon the Germans a necessity of fight; 
Vincitur haud gratis jugulo qui provocat hostem.  but opened a passage (by propounding unto them the association of the Ubii) by which they might avoid the hazard of battle. Which thing was always observed by Commanders of ancient times, who diligently searching into the nature of things, found that neither of those noble instruments whereby man worketh such wonders (I mean the hand and the tongue) had ever brought so many excellent works to that type of perfection, unless they had been forced thereunto by necessity: and therefore we are wisely to handle the course of our actions, lest while we stand too strict upon a violent guard, we give occasion to the Enemy, by the way of Antiperistasis, to redouble his strength, and so furnish him with that powerful engine, which Vetius Mescius calleth ultimum and maximum telum, the last and greatest weapon; the force whereof shall better appear by these examples.  
Some few of the Samnites, 
Liv. lib. 9  contrary to the articles of peace between them and the Romans, having made incursions into the territories of the Roman confederates, the Senate of that State sent to Rome to excuse the fact, and to make offer of satisfaction. But being rejected, Claudius Pontius General of their forces, in an excellent Oration which he made, showed how the Romans would not hearken to peace, but chose rather to be revenged by war; and therefore necessity constrained them to put on Arms: Justum est bellum (saith he) quibus necessarium; & pia arma quibus nulla nisi in Armis spes est, That war is just which is necessary; and it is piety in those men to take up arms, who have no hope but in taking up arms. The issue thereof was, that the Samnites entrapped the Romans in a place of advantage, so that they were forced upon dishonourable terms to save their lives, as it is at large in the ninth book of Livy.  
Caius Manlius conducting the Roman legions against the Veii, 
Liv. lib. 7.  part of the Veian Army had entered the Roman Camp; which Manlius perceiving, he hasted with a band of men to keep the breach, and to shut in the Veii: which they no sooner perceived, but they fought with that rage and fury that they slew Manlius; and had overthrown the whole Camp, had not a Tribune opened them a passage by which they fled away.  
In like manner Camillus, the wisest of the Roman Captains, being entered into the City of the Veii, that he might take it with greater facility, and disarm the Enemy of that terrible weapon of necessity, he caused it to be proclaimed, that no Veian should be hurt that was found unarmed. Whereupon every man cast away his weapon, and so the town was taken without bloodshed.  
Let a soldier therefore take such hold of occasions and opportunities as are offered unto him, that in time of battle he may seem to cast necessity upon his own cause, and retain it in his pay: considering how the power thereof altereth the works of Nature, and changeth their effects into contrary operations; being never subject to any ordinance or law, and yet making that lawful which proceedeth from it.    

CHAP. FOUR  
The Germans, contrary to their own request made to Caesar, set upon the Roman horsemen, and overthrow them.  
NOtwithstanding the Germans request concerning the truce, 
Caesar.  assoon as they saw the Roman horsemen, which were in number five thousand (whereas the Germans had not above eight hundred horse, those that went over the Mosa to forage not being yet returned) they charged upon the Romans not expecting any hostile encounter, inasmuch as their Ambassadors were newly departed from Caesar, and had obtained that day of truce: but being set upon, they made what resistance they could. The Germans, according to their usual custom, forsook their horse, and fight on foot ran our horses into the bellies, and overthrew many of our men, so that they easily put the Romans to flight; who never looked back, until they came into the sight of the legions. In that battle were slain 74 Roman horsemen, & amongst the rest Piso an Aquitane, a valiant man, and born of noble parentage, whose grandfather was the chief ruler in his city, and called friend by the Roman Senate. This Piso seeing his brother compassed about by the enemy, broke in upon them and rescued him: but having his horse wounded under him in the action, and being dismounted, he fought stoutly on foot, till such time as the enemy hemmed him in, and gave him in, and gave him several wounds; then he fell down. Which his brother seeing afar off (for he had left the battle) he clapped spurs to his horse, and rushing upon the throng to rescue him, was there slain.  
After this battle Caesar thought it not safe either to hearken to any conditions, or to receive any message from them that by fraud and deceit had sought for peace, and meant nothing but war: And to attend any longer until their horsemen returned, was but to give them that advantage against him, especially considering the weakness of the Galls, amongst whom the Germans by this battle had gained great reputation; and therefore he durst not give them space to think upon it.  

OBSERVATION.  
THis cunning of the Germans offereth occasion to speak somewhat concerning that main controversy of policy, which is, whether the actions of Princes and great Commanders are always to be attended with integrity and faithful accomplishment thereof. Wherein I will only set down such arguments and grounds of reason, which virtue and moral honesty on the one part, (for we will make it no question to a Christian mind) and the daily practice of Statesmen on the other side, allege to make good their contrary assertions.  
The great Politicians of the world, that commend virtue in a show, and not in esse and being, and study to maintain their states only with humane reason, not regarding the authority of divine ordinance, set this down as a maxim in their Art; That he that is to negotiate a matter, and meaneth to bring it to an end sorting to his contentment, must in all respects be like qualified, both in judgement and disposition, as the party is with whom he dealeth: otherwise he cannot be sufficiently prepared to hold himself strong in the matter, which he undertaketh. For a wrestler that cometh with mere strength to encounter another that hath both strength and cunning, may beshrew his strength that brought him thither, to be cast by skill, and be laughed at as an unworthy Champion for serious sports: in like manner in this universal confusion of infidelity, wherein subtlety flieth at so high a pitch, he that thinketh with simplicity of spirit to wind through the labyrinths of falsehood, and avoid the snares of deceit, shall find himself too weak for so difficult a task, and beshrew his honesty, if he regard his commodity. For it is the course that every man taketh which must bring us to the place to which every man goeth: and he that opposeth himself against the current of the world, may stand alone in his own conceit, and never attain that which the world seeketh after. Forasmuch therefore as craft and deceit are so general, it behoveth a man of public negotiations to carry a mind apt and disposed to these qualities. This was signified by that which ancient writers report of Achilles, who was sent to Chiron the Centaur, half a man and half a beast, to be instructed in the rudiments of Princely carriage; that of the brutish part he might learn to strengthen himself with force and courage, and of the humane shape so to manage reason, that it might be a fit instrument to answer or prevent whatsoever man's wit might forge to overthrow it. Neither ought a private man to wonder at the strangeness of these positions, considering that the government of kingdoms and Empires is carried with another bias, then that which concerneth particular affairs in a wel-ordered State: wherein truth-breakers and faithless dissemblers are worthily condemned, inasmuch as they necessarily enforce the ruin thereof. But these that sit at the helm of government, and are to shape the course of a State according to the variation of times and fortunes, derive their conclusions from other principles, whereof inferior subjects are no more capable than men are able to understand the works of the Gods: and therefore they are called arcana imperii, secrets of State, to be reverenced rather than looked into.  
To conclude, the affairs of particular persons are of so short extension, and encircled in so small a compass, that a mean capacity may easily apprehend the advantages or inconveniences which may ensue upon the contract; and therefore it is requisite they should stand to the adventure, and their judgement is worthily taxed with the loss: but the businesses of the Commonweal are both subject to so many casualties of fortune, and rely upon such unexpected accidents, that it is impossible for any spirit, how provident soever, to foresee the issue in that variety of chances. Besides that every particular subject is much interessed in the fortune of the event, and may justly challenge an alteration of the intended course, rather than suffer shipwreck through the error of their Pilot: And so the safety of the State doth balance out the loss of credit in the Governor.  
On the other side, such as zealously affect true honour, affirm virtue to be the same both in Prince and people; neither doth condition of state or calling, or the quality of public or private businesses alter the nature and essence of goodness: for to deprive the tongue of truth and fidelity were to break the bond of civil society, which is the basis and ground-plot of all States and Commonweals. They do not deny but that a wise Prince may so carry a treaty, that he may seem to affect that most which he lest intendeth; or answer doubtfully concerning the propositions; and that he may use with great honour the practices and stratagems of war, when the fortune of both parties consisteth upon their own industry: but to break any covenants agreed upon may well get a kingdom, but never honourable reputation.  
And thus they contend concerning the means whereby a State is continued in happy government: whereof thus much I dare say by the warrant of this History, that he who fal●●fieth his word upon advantage, howsoever he regardeth his honour, had need to pay them home in regard of his own safety: for if they once recover the loss, and get any advantage against those truth-breakers, they will find as little favour as the Germans did with Caesar.    

CHAP. V.  
Caesar marcheth directly to the Camp of the Germans, and cutteth them all in pieces, and so endeth that war.  
Upon these considerations, 
Caesar.  Caesar manifesting his resolution to the Legates and Questor, there happened a very fortunate accident. For the next day very early in the morning, most of the Princes and chiefest of the Germans came unto Caesar into his Camp, to excuse their fraudulent practice, and withal to continue their petition of truce. Whereof Caesar was exceeding glad, and caused them to be kept in hold; and at the same instant brought his Army out of the Camp, commanding his horsemen to follow the legions, because they had been daunted with so late an overthrow: And making a triple battle, marched speedily eight miles, and so came upon the Germans before they had notice what had happened. Who being terrified with our sudden arrival, and the departure of their own leaders, knew not whether it were their best course to bring forth their forces, or defend their Camp, or otherwise to seek their safety by flight. Which tumult and fear was no sooner perceived by the Roman soldiers, but calling to mind their perfidious treachery, they broke into the Camp, and were at first a little resisted. In the mean time the women and children (for they had brought all they had over the Rhine) fled every one away: which Caesar perceiving sent his horsemen to pursue them. The Germans hearing the clamour and scr●echings behind their backs, and seeing their friends pursued and slain, did cast away their weapons, forsake their ensigns, and fled out of the Camp: and coming to the confluence of the Maze and the Rhine, such as had escaped cast themselves into the river; where what through fear, weariness, and the force of the water, they were all drowned. In this conflict the Romans lost not a man. The number of the enemy was 430000, with women and children. To them whom he had retained in his Camp, he gave leave to depart: but they fearing the cruelty of the Galls for the mischief they had done them, desired that they might continue with the Romans: which Caesar agreed unto.  

OBSERVATION.  
THis relation affordeth little matter of war, but only a severe revenge of hateful treachery: notwithstanding I will hence take occasion to discover the offices of the Quaestor and the Legates; and show what place they had in the Army. And first concerning the Quaestor, we are to understand that he was elected by the common voice of the people, in the same Court which was called to create the General. His office was to take charge of the public treasure, whether it came out of their A●rarium for the pay of the Army, or otherwise was taken from the enemy.  
Of him the soldiers received their stipend, both in corn and money: and what other booties were taken from the enemy, he either kept them or sold them for the use of the Commonweal.  
The Legates were not chosen by the people, but appointed by the Senate, as Assistants and Coadjutors to the Emperor for the public service, and were altogether directed by the General, in whose absence they had the absolute command: and their number was for the most part uncertain, but proportioned according to the number of legions in the Army.    

CHAP. VI  
Caesar maketh a bridge upon the Rhine, and carrieth his Army over into Germany.  
THe Germane war being thus ended, 
Csar  Caesar thought it necessary to transport his Army over the Rhine into the Continent of Germany for many causes: whereof this was not the least, that seeing the Germans were so easily persuaded to bring their Colonies and their vagrant multitudes into Gallia, he thought good to make known unto them, that the Roman people could at their pleasure carry their forces over the Rhine into Germany. Moreover, those troops of horse which were absent at the late overthrow of the Germans, being gone as I said before for spoil and provision over the Mosa, after they saw their friends overthrown, were fled into the confines of the Sicambri, and joined with them. To whom when Caesar sent Messengers to demand them to be sent unto him, they answered that the Roman Empire was limited by the Rhine: and if the Germans were interdicted Gallia, why should Caesar challenge any authority in their quarters? Lastly the Ubii, who amongst all the rest of the Germans had only accepted of Caesar's friendship, and given pledges of their fidelity, had made earnest suit unto him to send them aid against the Suevi; or at the least to transport his Army over the Rhine: that would serve their turns, that would be help and encouragement enough to them; for the name and opinion of the Roman Army was so great, and of such fame, what with Ariovistus overthrow, and this last service, that it sounded honourable amongst the farthest Nations of Germany, so that it was the greatest safety to have them their friends. For these reasons Caesar resolved to pass the Rhine; but to carry his Army over by boat was neither safe, nor for his own honour, nor the majesty of the people of Rome. And albeit it seemed a matter of great difficulty, by reason of the breadth, swiftness and depth of the river, to make a bridge: yet he resolved to try what he could do, otherwise he determined not to pass over at all. And so he built a bridge after this manner.  
At two foot distance he placed two trees of a foot and half square, sharpened at the lower end, and cut answerable to the depth of the river: these he let down into the water with engines, and drove them in with commanders, not perpendicularly after the fashion of a pile, but gablewise, and bending with the course of the water: opposite unto these he placed two other trees, joined together after the same fashion, being forty foot distant from the former, by the dimension between their lower parts in the bottom of the water, and reclining against the course of the river. These two pair of couples thus placed he joined together with a beam of two foot square, equal to the distance between the said couples, and fastened them at each end on either side of the couples with braces and pins: whereby the strength of the work and nature of the frame was such, that the greater the violence of the stream was, and the faster it fell upon the timber-work▪ the stronger the bridge was united in the couple and joints. In like manner he proceeded with couples and beams, until the work was brought unto the other side of the river: and then he laid strait planks from beam to beam, and covered them with hurdles; and so he made a floor to the bridge. Moreover on the lower side of the bridge he drove down supporters, which being fastened to the timber-work▪ did strengthen the bridge against the force of the water: and on the upper side of the bridge, at a reasonable distance, he placed piles to hinder the force of trees or boats, or what else the enemy might cast down to trouble the work or hurt the bridge. Within ten days that the timber began to be cut down and carried▪ the work was ended, and the Army transported. Caesar leaving a strong garrison at either end of the bridge, went into the confines of the Sicambri. In the mean time Ambassadors came to him from many cities desiring peace and the friendship of the Romans: whom Caesar answered courteously, and required hostages of their fidelity.  

OBSERVATION.  
IT shall not be amiss to enter a little into the consideration of this bridge, as well in regard of the ingenious Architecture thereof, as also that we may somewhat imitate Caesar; whom we may observe to insist with as great plenty of wit and eloquence, in presenting unto us the subtlety of his invention in such manner of handiworks, as upon any other part of his actions; as this particular description of the bridge may sufficiently witness: besides the fortifications at Alesia, and the intrenchments in Brittany, for the safety of his shipping, with many other works, which he might well record as the greatest designs of an heroic spirit, and the wonderful effects of magnanimous industry, that succeeding ages might not boast either of Art or prowess which his virtue had not expressed, or otherwise might wonder at that worth which they themselves could not attain unto. And to that purpose he entertained Vuruvius the Father of Architecture, and as worthily to be imitated in that faculty, as his Master Caesar is in feats of Arms. By whose example a great Commander may learn, how much it importeth the eternity of his fame to beautify his greatest designs with Art, and to esteem of such as are able to entreat the Mathematical Muses to show themselves under the shape of a sensible form; which albeit, through the rudeness of the matter, fall far short of the truth of their intellectual nature, yet their beauty expresseth such a majesty of Art, that no time will suffer the memory thereof to perish.  
The workmanship of this bridge consisted chiefly in the oblique situation of the double posts, whereof the first order bending with the stream, and the lower rank against the stream, when they came to be coupled together with overthwart beams, which were fastened in the couple with braces which he nameth Fibulas, the more violent the stream fell upon the work, the faster the joints of the building were united, as may better appear by a model of that making, then can be expressed by any circumstance of words.  
I might hence take occasion to speak of the diversity of bridges, and of the practices which antiquity hath devised to transport Armies over Rivers: but inasmuch as it is a common subject for all that undertake this Military task, 
Lib. de Machin.  and hath been handled by Lapsius upon the occasion of this bridge, I will refer the Reader to that place; and only note the singular disposition of this action, inasmuch as Caesar made the means correspondent to that end which he intended. For considering that the chiefest end of his passage was, to let the Germans understand that the power of the Roman Empire was not bounded with the Rhine, and that a river could not so separate their territories, but that they were able to join both the Continents together, and make a common roadway where it seemed most unpassable: he thought it best to pass over his Army by a bridge, that so the Germans might know the power of his forces, and also conceit their Territories as united unto Gallia, or to be united at the pleasure of the Romans with a firm Isthmus, and plain passage by foot, which in times past had always been separated by a mighty river. Neither would a transportation by boat have wrought that effect, forasmuch as the daily use thereof was so familiar to the Germans, that it nothing altered their imagination of an unaccessible passage: but when they saw so strange a thing attempted, and so suddenly performed, they would easily understand that they were not so far off, but that they might be overtaken, and so direct their demeanour accordingly.  
Let this suffice therefore to prove that a passage over a river by a bridge is more honourable, safe, and of greater terror to the enemy, than any other way that can be devised; especially if the river carry any depth, such as the Rhine is: otherwise, if it have either shallows or fords, whereby men may wade over without any great encumbrance, it were but lo●● labour to stand about a bridge, but rather to think of it as of a place encumbered with such hindrances as men often meet with in a march.    

CHAP. VII.  
Caesar taketh revenge upon the Sicambri: giveth liberty to the Ubii; and returneth again into Gallia.  
THe Sicambri understanding that Caesar was making a bridge over the Rhine, 
Caesar.  prepared themselves to fly; and at the persuasion of the Usipetes & Tenchtheri forsook their country, and conveyed themselves and their possessions into woods and solitary Deserts. Caesar continuing a few days in their quarters, having set on fire their villages and houses, and burned up their Corn and provision, came to the Ubii, promising them aid against the Suevi: by whom he understood, that assoon as the Suevi had intelligence that he went about to make a bridge, calling a Council, according to their manner, they sent unto all quarters of their State, that they should forsake their towns, and carry their wives and children and all that they had into the woods; and that all that were able to bear Arms should make head in one place, which they appointed to be the midst of their Country; and there they attended the coming of the Romans, and were resolved in that place to give them battle. Which when Caesar understood, having ended all those things in regard whereof he came into Germany, which was chiefly to terrify the Germans, to be revenged upon the Sicambri, to set the Ubii at liberty; having spent in all eighteen days beyond the Rhine, and done enough as well in regard of his own honour, as the good of the commonweal, he returned into Gallia, and broke up the bridge.   

CHAP. VIII.  
Caesar thinketh of a voyage into Brittany: he enquireth of Merchants concerning the nature of that people.  
ALthough the Summer was almost spent, 
Caesar.  and that in those parts the winter hastened on a pace, inasmuch as all Gallia inclineth to the North; notwithstanding he resolved to go over into Brittany, forasmuch as he understood that in all the former wars of Gallia, the Enemy had received most of their supply from thence. And although the time of the year would not suffer him to finish that war; yet he thought it would be to good purpose, if he went only to view the Island, to understand the quality of the inhabitants, and to know their coast, their ports, and their landing-places, whereof the Galls were altogether ignorant; for seldom any man but merchants did travel unto them. Neither had they discovered any thing but the sea-coast, and those regions which were opposite unto Gallia. And therefore calling merchants together from all quarters, he neither could understand of what quantity the Island was; what nations, or what power they were that inhabited ●t; what use or experience of war they had; what laws or customs they used; nor what havens they had to receive a navy of great shipping.  

OBSERVATION.  
AS the Germans had oftentimes stirred up motions of rebellion amongst the Galls, by sending their superfluous multitudes into their kingdom; so the Britan's had upheld most of their wars, by furnishing them with such supplies as from time to time they stood in need of. So that if Caesar or the Roman people would rest secure of their quiet and peaceable government in Gallia, as they had chastised the insolency of the Germans, and sent them back again with greater loss than gain; so was it necessary to make the Britan's know, that their assistance in the war of Gallia would draw more businesses upon them then they were well able to manage. For as I have noted in my former discourses, the causes of an unpeaceable government are as well external and foreign, as internal and bred in the body; which need the help of a Physician to continue the body in a perfect state of health, & require as great a diligence to qualify their malicious operations, as any internal sickness whatsoever.  
In the second Commentary I briefly touched the commodity of good discovery: but because it is a matter of great consequence in the fortunate carriage of a war, I will once again by this example of Caesar remember a General not to be negligent in this duty. Suetonius in the life of our Caesar reporteth, that he never undertook any expedition, but he first received true intelligence of the particular site and nature of the Country, as also of the manners and quality of the people; and that he would not undertake the voyage into Brittany, until he had made perfect discovery by himself of the magnitude and situation of the Island. Which Suetonius might understand by this first voyage, which Caesar would needs undertake in the later end of a Summer, although it were, as he himself saith, but to discover.  
It is recorded by ancient Writers, that those demigods that governed the world in their time, gave great honour to the exercise of hunting, as the perfect image of war in the resemblance of all parts, and namely in the discovery and knowledge of a Country; without which all enterprises, either of sport in hunting, or earnest in wars, were frivolous and of no effect. And therefore Xenophon in the life of Cyrus showeth, that his expedition against the King of Armenia was nothing but a repetition of such sports as he had used in hunting. Howsoever, if the infinite examples registered in history, how by the dexterity of some Leaders it hath gained great victories, and through the negligence of others irrecoverable overthrows, are not sufficient motives to persuade them to this duty; let their own experience in matters of small moment manifest the weakness of their proceedings, when they are ignorant of the chiefest circumstances of the matter they have in hand. But let this suffice in the second place to prove the necessity of good discovery, and let us learn of Caesar what is principally to be inquired after in the discovery of an unknown country: as first, the quantity of the land; secondly, what Nations inhabit it; thirdly, their use of war; fourthly, their civil government; and lastly, what Havens they have to receive a Navy of great shipping. All which circumstances are such principal Arteries in the body of a State, that the discovery of any one of these demands would have given great light concerning the motion of the whole body.    

CHAP. IX.  
Caesar sendeth C. Volusenus to discover the coast of Brittany; and prepareth himself for that voyage.  
CAesar sent out Caius Volusenus with a Galley to discover what he could concerning these things, 
Caesar.  with charge that having made perfect discovery, he should return again unto him as speedily as might be: he himself marching in the mean time with all his forces unto the 
* 〈…〉 Monstr●ul.  Morini; forasmuch as from thence lay the shortest cut into Brittany. Thither he commanded that ships should be brought from all the maritime Cities of that quarter, and namely that fleet which he had built the year before for the war at Vannes. In the mean time his resolution being known, and carried into Brittany by Merchants and others, many private States of that Island sent Ambassadors unto him, promising him hostages of their loyalty, and signifying their readiness to submit themselves to the Roman Empire. To these he made liberal promises, exhorting them to continue in that obedience; and so sent them back again. And with them he sent Comius, whom he had made King of Arras, whose wisdom and virtue he held in good account, and whom he took to be faithful to him, and of great authority in those Regions. To him he gave in charge to go to as many of the States as he could, and persuade them to accept of the friendship of the Roman Empire, and acquaint them that Caesar himself would presently follow after.  
Volusenus having taken what view of the Country he could (for he durst not go on shore to commit himself to the barbarism of the enemy) after five days returned to Caesar, and related unto him all that he had discovered. Whilst Caesar stayed in those parts for the furnishing of his fleet, the Morini sent messengers unto him, excusing themselves for their former faults, that being a rude and barbarous people, and altogether unacquainted with our customs, they had made war against the people of Rome; and withal manifesting their readiness to obey his commands.  
Caesar not willing to leave any enemy behind him, or to engage in a new war at this time of the year, or to neglect his voyage into Brittany for such small matters, willingly accepted of their submission, having first received many hostages of them: and having made ready eighty ships of burden, which he thought sufficient to transport two legions, he divided the Galleys to the Quaestor, the Legates, and the Commanders of the horse. There were also eighteen ships of burden more, which lay wind-bound at a Port eight miles off, and them he appointed for the horsemen. The rest of the Army he committed to Q. Titurius Sabinus and Luc. Aurunculcius Cotta, commanding them to go to the confines of the Menapii, & into those parts of the Morini who had sent no Ambassadors to him: and appointed P. Sulp. Rufus a Legate to keep the Port with a sufficient garrison.   

CHAP. X.  
Caesar faileth into Brittany, and landeth his men.  
THese things being thus dispatched, 
Caesar.  having a good wind, in the third watch he put out to Sea, commanding his horsemen to ●mbark themselves at the further Port and follow him; which was but slowly performed. He himself arrived upon the coast about the fourth hour of the day, where he found all the Cliffs possessed with the forces of the enemy. The nature of the place was such, that the hills lay so steep over the sea, that a weapon might easily be cast from the higher ground upon the lower shore: and therefore he thought it no fit landing-place; notwithstanding he cast anchor until the rest of the Navy were come up unto him.  
In the mean time calling a Council of the Legates and Tribunes, he declared unto them what advertisements he had received by Volusenus, and told them what he would have done; and withal admonished them that the course of Military affairs, and especially Sea matters, that had so sudden and unconstant a motion, required all things to be done at a beck, and in due time. The Council being dismissed, having both wind and tide with him, he weighed anchours, and sailed eight miles from that place, unto a plain and open shore.  
The Britain's perceiving the Romans determinations, sent their horse and chariots (which they commonly use in war) before, & the rest of their forces followed after to the place where the Romans intended to land. Caesar found it exceeding difficult to land his men for these respects: the ships were so great that they could not be brought near unto the shore; the soldiers in strange and unknown places, having their hands laden with great and heavy weapons, were at one instant to go out of the ship, to withstand the force of the billow, and to fight with the enemy; whereas the Britain's either standing upon the shore, or making short sallies into the water, did boldly cast their weapons in known and frequented places, and managed their horses accustomed to such services.  
The Romans being terrified with these things, and altogether unskilful of this kind of fight, did not use the same courage as they were wont to do in land-services. Which when Caesar perceived, he caused the Galleys, that were both strange to the Britain's, & readier for use, to be removed from the sh●ps of burden, and to be rowed up and down, and laid against the open side of the enemy; that from thence with slings, engines, and arrows, the Enemy might be beaten up from the water side: which stood the Romans in good stead. For the Britain's being troubled with the strangeness of the Galleys, the motion of their Oars, and the unusual kind of engines, were somewhat dismayed, and began to retire back, and give way to the Romans. But the soldiers still linger, and especially for fear of the depth of the sea, the Eagle-bearer of the tenth legion desiring the Gods that it might fall out happily to the legion, If you will, saith he, forsake your Eagle, O ye soldiers, and betray it to the enemy; for mine own part, I will do my duty both to the Commonweal and to my Imperator. And hav●ng spoken this with a loud voice, he cast himself into the Sea, and carried the Eagle towards the Enemy. The Romans exhorting one another not to suffer such a dishonour to be committed, they all leapt out of the ship: which when others that were near at hand perceived, they followed them with as great alacrity, and pressed towards the enemy to encounter with them.  
The fight on both parts was very eager: the Romans (not being able to keep any order of battle, nor to get any firm footing, nor to follow their Ensigns, forasmuch as every man kept with those Ensigns which he first met withal) were wonderfully troubled. But the Enemy acquainted with the flats and shallows, as they beheld them from the shore to come single out of their ships, putting spurs to their horse, would set upon them encumbered and unprepared, and many of them would over-lay a few: others would get the advantage of the open side, and cast their weapons amongst the thickest troops of them. Which when Caesar perceived, he caused the shipboats and smaller vessels to be manned with soldiers; and where he saw need of help, he sent them to rescue such as were overcharged.  
Assoon as the Romans got footing on the firm land, they made head together and charged the enemy, and so put them to flight: but they were not able to follow them, nor take the Island at that time, for want of horsemen, which thing was only wanting to Caesar's wont fortune.  

THE FIFTH OBSERVATION.  
UPon this circumstance of landing, I may justly take occasion to handle that controversy which hath been often debated by our English Captains; which is, whether is be better in question of an invasion, and in the absence of our shipping, to oppose an enemy at his landing upon our Coast, or quietly to suffer him to set his men on shore, and retire our forces into some inland place, and there attend to give him battle. It seemeth that such as first set this question on foot, and were of an opinion that we ought not by any means to encounter an enemy at his landing, for so we might much endanger ourselves and our Country, did ground themselves upon the authority of Monsieur de Langey not observing the difference between an Island and a Continent. For where he setteth down that position, he plainly aimeth at such Princes as border one upon another in the same Continent: but where their territories are disjoined by so great a bar as the Ocean, & they have not such means to surprise one another, it were mere folly to hold good that rule, as shall better appear by the sequel of this discourse. Wherein I will first lay down the reasons that may be urged to prove it unsafe to oppose an enemy at his landing, not as being urged by that party (for I never heard any probable motive from them which might induce any such opinion) but set down by such as have looked into the controversies, both with experience and good judgement.  
And first it may be objected, that it is a hard matter to resist an enemy at his landing, as well in regard of the uncertainty of place, as of time: for being ignorant in what place he will attempt a landing, we must either defend all places of access, or our intentions will prove more frivolous; and to perform that, it is requisite that our defensive forces be sufficient according to the particular quality of every place subject to danger: which, considering the large extension of our maritime parts, and the many landing-places on our Coast, will require a greater number of men than this Island can afford. And although it could furnish such a competent number as might seem in some sort sufficient, yet the uncertainty of the time of the enemy's arrival would require that they should be lodged either upon, or near the places of danger many days at least, if not many weeks, before the instant of their attempt; which would exhaust a greater mass of Treasure, then could be well afforded by the State.  
Secondly, it may be objected that all our landing-places are of such disadvantage for the defendants, that it were no safety at all to make head against him at the landing: for inasmuch as such places are open and plain, they yield no commodity to shelter the defendants from the fury of the artillery, wherewith the Enemy will plentifully furnish their long boats and landing vessels; which beating upon the beach (for most of our landing-places are of that quality) will so scatter them, that no man shall be able to endure the inconvenience thereof.  
The third objection may arise from the disparity both of numbers, and condition of the forces of either party. For the first, it must needs be granted that the defendants, being to guard so many places at once, cannot furnish such numbers to every particular place for defence, as the assailants may for offence.  
Concerning the quality of the forces, it is without question that a great and potent Prince (for such a one it must be that undertaketh to invade the territories of so absolute and well-obeyed a Princess as her Majesty is) would draw out the 〈◊〉 of his soldiery wheresoever; besides the ga●●ant troops of voluntaries which do commonly attend such services. Now these being h●s qualified and drawn into one head, and being to make as it were but one body, how can it be reasonably imagined (the time and place of their attempt being uncertain) that the defendants should equal them with forces of like virtue and experience.  
These are the reasons which may be drawn from the disadvantage which they have that go about to oppose an enemy at his landing: the rest that have been urged by such as maintain ●his opinion, are either 〈◊〉 to the question, or taken altogether from false grounds. But before I proceed to the answer of these reasons, I will ●ay this down for a principle, That it is impossible for any foreign Prince, how puissant soever, to make such a preparation as shall be fitting to invade a State so populous, and respective of their Sovereign (notwithstanding the pretences devised to dissemble the same) but it must of necessity be discovered before it can be made able to put any thing in execution: which I might enlarge by particularising the infinite equipage which is required for so great a fleet. But I will rest myself in the example of the year eighty eight, which proveth the discovery of the pretended invasion before it could come to execution.  
Concerning therefore the first objection, 
Answer to the first objection.  it cannot indeed be denied but the place of the enemies landing will be doubtful, and therefore our ●●re must generally extend itself to all places of access: but that our defensive forces are not sufficient in a competent manner to guard all such places, according as the necessity of them shall require, that is the point in question.  
To prove that our forces are sufficient, we must necessarily enter into particularities, wherein I will take Kent for a precedent, as not altogether unacquainted with the state thereof; which, if I deceive not myself, is a shore of as large extension upon the maritime parts as any other within this kingdom. For the breadth thereof enlarging itself from the point of N●sse by lid, which is the uttermost skirt upon the coast of Sussex, unto Margate upon the coast of Essex, is by computation about twenty four miles: but notwithstanding this large circuit, who knoweth not that the sixth part thereof is not subject to the landing of such an enemy as we speak of; partly in regard of the hugeness of the cliffs, which do enclose a great part of that skirt, and partly in regard that much of that quantity which may be landed upon hath such eminent and difficult places near adjoining, as an Army that should put itself there on shore, should find itself, being opposed but by a small force, so streightened, as they would not easily find a way out, without apparent ruin of their whole forces.  
Further, it cannot be denied but that generally along the coast of Kent there are so many rocks, shelves, flats, and other impediments, that a Navy of great ships can have no commodity to anchor near the shore; and for the most part the coast lieth so open to the weather that the least gale of wind will put them from their Anchor: all which particularities duly considered, it will appear that this large sk●●t of Kent will afford a far lesser part fit for the landing of an Army, than was thought of at the first. And were it that so public a treatise as this is would admit with good discretion such an exact relation as falleth within my knowledge concerning this point, I would undertake to make it so evident, by the particular description both of the number, quantity, and quality of the places themselves, as no man of an indifferent judgement would imagine our forces to be insufficient to afford every of them such a safe and sure guard, as shall ●e thought requisite for the same. But forasmuch as it is unfitting to give such particular satisfaction in this public discourse, give me leave, submitting myself always to better judgements, to give a general taste of that means as would secure all places with a competent number of men.  
Having showed you before the circuit of the maritime parts of Ke●t, I would observe this order: first, to make a triple division of all such forces as shall be appointed for this service; as for example, I will suppose the number to be twelve thousand, of which I would lodge three thousand about the point of Nesse, and three thousand about Margate, and six thousand about F●ulks●on, which I take to be as it were the centre; for my greatest care should be so to dispose of them, as they might not only succour one another in the same shire, but as every shire Lordereth one upon another, so they should mutually give help one unto another, as occasion should be offered: as if the enemy should attempt a landing about Nesse, not only the six thousand lodged as before should march to their succours, but such also of the Sussex forces as were near unto that part, and so likewise of the ●est. By which you may see, how great a force would in few hours ●e assembled for the renforcing of any of these out-skirts; and the rather, forasmuch as the one half of the whole forces are thus lodged in the centre of the Shire, which is nearer to all parts then any other place whatsoever. There would also in the quartering of them an especial care ●e had to the places of danger, as might be answerable to the importance thereof: for my meaning is not to lodge them close together, but to stretch them out along the coast by regiments and companies, as the Country might afford best opportunity to entertain them.  
Now concerning the later part of this objection, which urgeth the uncertainty of time when the enemy shall make his approaches, I hold it most requisite that our defensive forces should be drawn into a head, before the enemy should be discovered near our coast, ready to put himself on shore: for it were a gross absurdity to imagine that companies could upon such a sudden be assembled, without confusion; and make so long a ma●ch, with such expedition as the necessity of the occasion would require. Now, for that husbanding respect of her Majesty's 〈◊〉, which ●s urged to such extremity, as it would be unsupportable for this State to ●e●r, as I doubt not but good intelligence would much qualify that supposed immoderate expense; so I assure myself, that men of ●ound judgement will deem it much out of season to dispute about unnecessary thrift, when the whole kingdom is brought in question of being made subject to a stranger.  
Ut jugule●● homines surgunt de nocte latrones:  
Non experg●scer●s, ut te ●psum serves?  
Thiefs rise by night to cut the throats of men.  
Wilt not thou then arise to save thyself?  
The enemy (peradventure) hath kept thirty thousand men in pay two months before, to make havoc of our Country, and to ●ring us into perpetual thraldom; shall we 〈◊〉 it much to maintain sufficient forces upon 〈◊〉 Coast, to assure ourselves that no such 〈◊〉 shall enter into our Country? The 〈◊〉 of this charge would be qualified by our good 〈◊〉, which would proportion our attendance with the necessity which is imposed upon us to be careful in businesses of this nature. Let this suffice therefore to prove that our forces are sufficient to keep the Sea-coast, and that the uncertainty of time when the enemy will make his attempts, ought not to hinder us from performing that duty which the care and respect of our Prince and Country imposeth upon every good subject; which is the substance of the first reason which I set down in the beginning of this discourse.  
Now concerning the second reason, 
The answer to the second reason.  which urgeth the disadvantage of the place in regard of the fury of the Enemy's artillery; true it is, that such places as yield the Enemy commodity of landing are for the most part plain and open, and afford naturally no covert at all. What then? shall a soldier take every place as he findeth it, and use no Art to qualify the disadvantages thereof? Or shall a man forgo the benefit of a place of advantage, rather than he will relieve with industry the discommodity of some particular circumstance? I make no question but an ingenious Commander, being in seasonable time lodged with convenient forces upon any of those places, yea upon the beach itself, which is as unapt to make defensible as any place whatsoever, would use such industry as might give sufficient security to his forces, and over-weigh the Enemy with advantage of place; especially considering that this age hath afforded such plentiful examples of admirable inventions in that behalf. But this cannot be done, if our forces do not make head before the instant of the Enemy's attempt, that our Commanders may have some time to make ready store of Gabio●s, and hand-baskets, with such movable matter as shall be thought fit for that service.  
Neither let this trouble any man; for I dare avouch it, that if our forces are not drawn into a head before the Enemy be discovered upon the Coast, although we never mean to oppose their landing, but attend them in some inland place to give them battle, our Commanders will be far to seek of many important circumstances, which are requisite in a matter of that consequence. And therefore let us have but a reasonable time to bethink ourselves of these necessaries, and we will easily overcome all these difficulties, and use the benefit of the firm land to repel an Enemy, weakened with the Sea, tossed with the billow, troubled with his weapons, with many other hindrances and discouragements, which are presented unto him both from the Land and the Sea. He that saw the landing of our forces in the Island of Fiall in the year ninety seven, can somewhat judge of the difficulty of that matter: for what with the working of the Sea, the steepness of the Cliffs, and the troublesomeness of their Arms, the soldiers were so encumbered, that had not the Enemy been more than a coward, he might well with two hundred men have kept us from entering any part of that Island.  
Concerning the third Objection, 
The answer to the third reason.  this briefly shall be sufficient, that we are not so much to regard that our forces do equal them in number, as to see that they be sufficient for the nature of the place, to make it good against the Enemies landing: for we know that in places of advantage and difficult access, a small number is able to oppose a great; and we doubt not but, all circumstances duly considered, we shall proportionably equal the Enemy both in number and quality of their forces: always presupposed, that our State shall never be destitute of sufficient forces trained and exercised in a competent manner, to defend their Country from foreign Enemies. For the neglect thereof were to draw on such as of themselves are but too forward to make a prey of us, and to make us unapt not only to oppose an Enemies landing, but to defend ourselves from being overrun, as other Nations living in security without due regard thereof have been.  
And thus much concerning the answer to those three reasons, which seem to prove that an Enemy is not to be resisted at his landing. Now if we do but look a little into the discommodities which follow upon the landing of an Enemy, we shall easily discover the dangerousness of this opinion: as first, we give him leave to live upon the spoil of our Country; which cannot be prevented by any wasting, spoiling, or retiring of our provisions, in so plentiful a Country as this is, especially considering that we have no strong towns at all to repose ourselves upon. Whereof we need no further testimony than is delivered unto us out of the seventh book of these Commentaries, in that war which Caesar had with Vercingetor●x.  
Secondly obedience, which at other time is willingly given to Princes, is greatly weakened at such times; whereby all necessary means to maintain a war is hardly drawn from the subject. Thirdly, opportunity is given to malcontents and ill-disposed persons either to make head themselves, or to fly to the Enemy. Fourthly, 'tis madness to adventure a kingdom upon one stroke, having it in our disposition to do otherwise: with many other disadvantages which the opportunity of any such occasion would discover.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
THe word Imperator, 
Of the name Imperator.  which the Eagle-bearer attributeth to Caesar, was the greatest title that could be given to a Roman Leader: and as Zo●aras in his second Tome saith, was never given but upon some great exploit, and after a just victory obtained▪ and then in the place where the battle was fought, and the Enemy overthrown, the General was saluted by the name of Imperator with the triumphant shout of the whole Army; by which acclamation the soldiers gave testimony of his worth, and made it equivalent with the most fortunate Commanders.  
This Ceremony was of great antiquity in the Roman Empire, 
3. Ann●l.  as appeareth by many Histories, and namely by Tacitus, where he saith that Tiberius gave that honour to Blesus, that he should be saluted Imperator by the legions; which he showeth to be an ancient dignity belonging to great Captains, after they had foiled the Enemy with an eminent overthrow. For every victory was not sufficient whereby they might challenge so great an honour, but there was required (as it seemeth) a certain number of the Enemies to be slain. Appian in his second book saith, that in old time the name of Imperator was never taken but upon great and admirable exploits: but in his time ten thousand of the Enemy being slain in one battle was a sufficient ground of that honour. 
Phil. 14.  Cicero saith that two thousand slain in the place, especially of Thracians, Spaniards or Galls, 
Lib. 2 epist. 9  did worthily merit the name of Imperator. Howsoever, it seemeth by the same Author that there was a certain number of the Enemy required to be slain, where he saith, See just a victoria Imperatorem appellatum, that he was called Imperator upon a due and full victory.    

CHAP. XI.  
The Britan's make peace with Caesar, but break it again upon the loss of the Roman shipping.  
THe Britan's being overthrown in this battle, 
Caesar.  assoon as they had recovered their safety by flight, they presently dispatched messengers to Caesar to entreat for peace, promising hostages, and obedience in whatsoever he commanded. And with these Ambassadors returned Comius of Arras, whom Caesar had sent before into Brittany, and whom the Britan's at his first landing with Caesar's mandates, had seized upon and thrown into prison; but after the battle they released him, and becoming now suitors for peace, threw all the blame thereof upon the multitude, excusing themselves as ignorant of it, and so desiring to be pardoned. Caesar complained; that whereas they sent unto him into Gallia to desire peace, notwithstanding at his coming they made war against him without any cause or reason at all; but excusing it by their ignorance, he commanded hostages to be delivered unto him: which they presently performed in part, and the rest being to be set further off, they promised should likewise be rendered within a short time. In the mean while they commanded their people to return to their possessions, and their Rulers and Princes came out of all quarters to commend themselves and their States to Caesar. The peace being thus concluded, four days after that Caesar came into Brittany, the eighteen ships which were appointed for the horsemen, put out to sea with a gentle wind: and approaching so near the coast of Brittany, that they were within view of the Roman Camp, there arose such a sudden tempest, that none of them were able to hold their course; but some of them returned to the port from whence they came, other some were cast upon the lower part of the Island, which lieth to the Westward, and there casting anchor took in so much water, that they were forced to commit themselves again to the sea, and direct their course to the coast of Gallia. The same night it happened that the moon being in the full, the tides were very high in those seas; whereof the Romans being altogether ignorant, both the Galleys that transported the army which were drawn up upon the shore were filled with the tide, and the ships of burden that lay at anchor were shaken with the tempest. Neither was there any help to be given unto them; so that many of them were rend and split in pieces, and the rest lost both their anchours, cables and other tackling, and by that means became altogether unserviceable. Where at the whole Army was exceedingly troubled; for there was no other shipping to recarry them back again, neither had they any necessaries to new furnish the old; and every man knew that they must needs winter in Gallia, forasmuch as there was no provision of corning those places where they were. Which thing being known to the Princes of Brittany, that were assembled to confer of such things as Caesar had commanded them to perform, when they understood that the Romans wanted both their horsemen, shipping and provision of corn, and conjecturing of the paucity of their forces by the small circuit of their Camp, (that which made it of less compass then usual being, that Ca●sar had transported his soldiers without such necessary carriages as they used to take with them;) they thought it their best course to rebel, and to keep the Romans from corn and convoys of provision, and so prolong the matter until winter came on. For they thought that if these were once overthrown and cut off from returning into Gallia, never any man would afterward adventure to bring an Army into Brittany. Therefore they conspired again the second time, and conveyed themselves by stealth out of the Camp, and got their men privily out of the fields, to make head in some convenient place against the Romans.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
COncerning the ebbing and flowing of the sea, and the causes thereof, it hath already been handled in the second book: to which I will add thus much, as may serve to show how the Romans became so ignorant of the springtides, which happen in the full and new of the Moon. It is observed by experience, that the motion of this watery element is altogether directed by the course of the moon; wherein she exerciseth her regency according as she findeth the matter qualified for her influence. And forasmuch as all mediterranean seas, and such gulfs as are enclosed in sin●es and bosoms of the earth, are both abridged of the liberty of their course, and through the smallness of their quantity, are not so capable of celestial power as the Ocean itself; it consequently followeth that the Tuscan seas, wherewith the Romans were chiefly acquainted, were not so answerable in effect to the operation of the moon as the main sea, whose bounds are ranged in a more spacious circuit, and through the plenteous abundance of his parts, better answereth the virtue of the Moon. The Ocean therefore being thus obedient to the course of the celestial bodies, taking her course of slowing from the North, falleth with such a current between the Orcadeses and the main of Norvegia, that she filleth our channel between England and France with great swelling tides, and maketh her motion more eminent in these quarters then in any other parts of the world. And hence it happeneth that our river of Thames, lying with her mouth so ready to receive the tide as it cometh, and having withal a plain leveled belly, and a very small fresh current, taketh the tide as far into the land as any other known river of Europe. And for this cause the Romans were ignorant of the springtides in the full of the moon.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
SUch as either by their own experience, or otherwise by observation of that which history recordeth, are acquainted with the government of Commonweals, are not ignorant with what difficulty a nation that either hath long lived in liberty, or been governed by Commanders of their own choosing, is made subject to the yoke of bondage, or reduced under the obedience of a stranger. For as we are apt by a natural inclination to civil society; so by the same nature we desire a free disposition of ourselves and possessions, as the chiefest end of the said society: and therefore in the government of a subdued State, what loss or disadvantage happeneth to the Victor, or how indirectly soever it concerneth the bond of their thraldom, the captive people behold it as a part of their adversaries overthrow; and conceive thereupon such spirits as answer the greatness of their hope, and sort with the strength of their will, which always maketh that seem easy to be effected which it desireth. And this was the reason that the Britan's altered their resolution of peace, upon the loss which the Romans had received in their shipping.    

CHAP. XII.  
Caesar new tri●ameth his late shaken navy: the Britan's set upon the Romans as they harvested; but were put off by Caesar.  
CAesar, 
Caesar.  although he had not discovered their determination, yet conjecturing of the event by the loss of his shipping, and by their delay of giving up hostages, provided against all chances: for he brought corn daily out of the fields into his Camp; and took the hulls of such Ships as were most dismembered, and with the timber and brass thereof he mended the rest that were beaten with the tempest, causing other necessaries to be brought out of Gallia. Which being handled with the great industry and travel of the Soldiers, he lost only twelve ships, and made the other able to abide the Sea.  
While these things were in action, the seventh legion being sent out by course to fetch in corn, and little suspecting any motion of war, as part of the soldiers continued in the field, and the rest went & came between them and the Camp, the station that watched before the gate of the Camp gave advertisement to Caesar, that the same way which the legion went there appeared a greater dust than was usually seen. Caesar suspecting that which indeed was true, that the Britan's were entered into some new resolution, he took those two cohorts which were in station before the port, commanding other two to take their place, and the rest to arm themselves, and presently to follow him; and went that way where the dust was descried. And when he had marched some distance from the Camp, he saw his men overcharged with the Enemy, and scarce able to sustain the assault, the legion thronged together on a heap, and weapons cast from all parts amongst them. For when they had harvested all other quarters, there remained one piece of corn, whither the Enemy suspected the Romans would at last come, and in the night time conveyed themselves secretly into the woods, where they continued until the Romans were come into the field: and as they saw them disarmed, dispersed, and occupied in reaping, they suddenly set upon them, and slaying some few of them, routed the rest, and encompassed them about with their horsemen and Chariots. Their manner of fight with Chariots was, first to ride up and down, and cast their weapons as they saw advantage; and with the terror of their horses and rattling of their wheels to disorder the companies; and when they had wound themselves between any troops of horse, they forsook their Chariots, and fought on foot: in the mean time the guiders of their chariots would drive a little aside, and so place themselves, that if their masters needed any help, they might have an easy passage unto them. And thus they performed in all their fights both the nimble motion of horsemen, and the firm stability of footmen; & were so ready with daily practice, that they could stay in the declivity of a steep hill, & turn short or moderate their going as it seemed best unto them, and run along the beam of the coach & rest upon the yoke, or harness of their horses, & return as speedily again at their pleasure. The Romans being thus troubled, Caesar came to rescue them in very good time: for at his coming the Enemy stood still, & the soldiers gathered their spirits unto them, & began to renew their courage that was almost spent. Caesar taking it an unfit time either to provoke the Enemy or to give him battle, continued a while in the same place, & then returned with the legions into the Camp. While these things were a doing, and the Romans thus busied, the Britan's that were in the field conveyed themselves all away.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
BY this we plainly find that there were usually two cohorts (which according to the rate of one hundred and twenty in a maniple amounted to the number of 720. men) which kept the day-watch before the gate of the Camp, and were always in readiness upon any service. The commodity whereof appeareth by this accident: for considering that the advertisement required haste and speedy recourse, it greatly furthered their rescue, to have so many men ready to march forward at the first motion, that they might give what help they could until the rest of their fellows came in.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
THeir manner of fight with Chariots is very particularly described by Caesar, and needeth not to be stood upon any longer: only I observe that neither in Gallia, nor any other country of Europe, the use of Chariots is ever mentioned; but they have ever been attributed as a peculiar fight unto the Eastern Countries, as suitable to the plain and level situation of the place, whereof we find often mention in the Scripture. Which may serve for an argument of Geoffrey of Monmouth, to prove the Britan's descent from Troy in Asia, where we likewise find mention of such Chariots.   

THE THIRD OBSERVATION.  
THirdly, we may observe the discreet and moderate temper of his valour, and the means he used to make his soldiers confident in his directions: for notwithstanding the Britan's had exceedingly urged him to make hazard of a present revenge; yet finding it an unfit time, (inasmuch as his men had been somewhat troubled with the fury of the Britan's) he thought it best to expect some other opportunity. And again, to avoid the inconveniences of a fearful retreat, he continued a while in the same place, to embolden his men with the sight of the Enemy. And this manner of proceeding wrought a full persuasion in his soldiers that his actions were directed with knowledge, and with a careful respect of their safety: which gave his men resolution when they were carried upon service, being assured that what service soever they were employed upon was most diligently to be performed, as a matter much importing the fortunate issue of that war: whereas if they had perceived that headstrong fury (which carrieth men on with a desire of victory, and never looketh into the means whereby it may be obtained) had directed the course of their proceedings, they might with reason have drawn back from such employments, and valued their safety above the issue of such an enterprise. And hence ariseth that confident opinion which the soldiers have of a good General; which is a matter of great importance in the course of war.    

CHAP. XIII.  
The Britan's make head with their forces; and are beaten by Caesar: his return into Gallia.  
AFter this for many days together there followed such tempests and foul weather, 
Caesar.  that both the Romans were constrained to keep their Camp, and the Britan's were kept from attempting any thing against them. But in the mean time they sent messengers into all quarters, publishing the small number of the Roman forces, and amplifying the greatness of the booty, and the easy means offered unto them of perpetual liberty, if they could take the Roman Camp. Shortly upon this, having gathered a great company both of horse & foot, they came to the place where the Romans were encamped. Caesar (although he foresaw the event by that which before had happened, that if the Enemy were beaten back, he would avoid the danger by flight) yet having some thirty horse, which Comius of Arras had carried with him at his coming into Brittany, he imbattelled his legions before his Camp, and so gave them battle. The Enemy not being able to bear the assault of the Roman soldiers, turned their backs and fled: the Romans followed them as far as they could by running on foot, and after a great slaughter, with the burning of their towns far and near, they returned to their Camp. The same day the Britan's sent messengers to Caesar to entreat for peace; whom he commanded to double their number of hostages, which he commanded to be carried into Gallia. And forasmuch as the Aequinoctium was at hand, he thought it not safe to put himself to the sea in winter with such weak shipping: and therefore having got a convenient time he hoist sail a little after midnight, and brought all his ships safe unto the Continent. Two of these ships of burden, not being able to reach the same haven, put in somewhat lower into the land: the soldiers that were in them which were about three hundred being set on shore, and marching towards their Camp, the Morini, with whom Caesar at his going into Brittany had made peace, in hope of a booty, first with a few of their men stood about them, commanding them upon pain of death to lay down their weapons: and as the Romans by casting themselves into an Orb began to make defence, at the noise and clamour amongst them there were suddenly gathered together about six thousand of the Enemy. Which thing being known, Caesar sent out all the horsemen to relieve them. In the meantime the Romans sustained the force of the Enemy, and fought valiantly about the space of four hours; and receiving themselves only some few wounds, they slew many of the Enemy. As soon as the Roman horsemen came in sight, the Enemy cast away their weapons and fled, and a great number of them fell by the horsemen.  

OBSERVATION.  
OF all the figures which the Tactici have chosen to make use of in military affairs, the circle hath ever been taken for the fittest to be applied in the defensive part, as enclosing with an equal circuit on all parts whatsoever is contained within the circumference of that Area: and therefore Geometry termeth a circumference a simple line, forasmuch as if you alter the site of the parts, and transport one arch into the place of another, the figure notwithstanding will remain the same, because of the equal bending of the line throughout the whole circumference. Which property as it proveth an uniformity of strength in the whole circuit, so that it cannot be said that this is the beginning or this is the end, this is front or this is flank: so doth that which Euclid doth demonstrate in the third of his Elements, concerning the small affinity between a right line and a circle (which being drawn to touch the circumference, doth touch it but in a point only) show the greatness of this strength in regard of any other line, by which it may be broken. Which howsoever they seem as speculative qualities, conceived rather by intellectual discourse then manifested to sensible apprehension; yet forasmuch as experience hath proved the strength of this figure in a defensive part, above any other manner of imbattelling, let us not neglect the knowledge of these natural properties, which discover the causes of this effect: neither let us neglect this part of military knowledge, being so strong a means to maintain valour, and the sinew of all our ability: for order correspondent to circumstances is the whole strength and power of an Army. Neither aught there any action in a wel-ordered discipline to be irregular, or void of order. And therefore the Romans did neither eat nor sleep without the direction of the Consul, or chief Commander; otherwise their valour might rather have been termed fury then virtue: but when their courage was ranged with order, and disposed according to the occurrences of the time, it never failed as long as the said order continued perfect.  
It appeareth therefore how important it is for a Commander to look into the diversity of orders for imbattelling, and to weigh the nature thereof, that he may with knowledge apply them to the quality of any occasion. The Romans termed this figure Orbis, which signifieth a round body both with a concave and a convex surface: in resemblance whereof I understand this Orb of men imbattelled to be so named; which might peradventure consist of five, or more, or fewer ranks, enclosing one another after the nature of so many circles described about one Centre; so that either the midst thereof remained void, or otherwise contained such carriages and impediments, as they had with them in their march. This form of imbattelling was never used but in great extremity: for as it was the safest of all other, so it gave suspicion to the soldiers of exceeding danger, which abated much of their heat in battle; as will hereafter appear by the testimony of Caesar himself in the fifth Commentary, upon the occasion which happened unto Sabinus and Cotta.    

CHAP. XIIII.  
THe next day Caesar sent Titus Labienus a Legate, 
Caesar.  with those legions which he had brought out of Brittany, against the revolted Morini; who having no place of refuge because their bogs and fens were dried up, where they had sheltered themselves the year before, they all fell under the power of his mercy. Q. Titurius and A. Cotta the Legates, who had led the legions against the Menapii, after they had wasted their fields, cut up their corn, burned their houses (for the Menapii were all hid in thick woods) returned to Caesar. These things being thus ended, Caesar placed the wintering Camps of all his legions amongst the Belgae; to which place two only of all the Cities in Brittany sent hostages unto him, the rest neglecting it. These wars being thus ended, upon the relation of Caesar's letters, the Senate decreed a supplication for the space of twenty days.  

OBSERVATION.  
IN the end of the second Commentary we read of a supplication granted by the Senate for fifteen days; which was never granted to any man before that time since the first building of the City: but forasmuch as in this fourth year of the wars in Gallia it was augmented from fifteen unto twenty days, I thought it fit to refer the handling thereof unto this place. We are therefore to understand, that whensoever a Roman General had carried himself well in the wars, by gaining a victory, or enlarging the bounds of their Empire, that then the Senate did decree a supplication to the gods in the name of that Captain. And this dignity was much sought after: not only because it was a matter of great honour, that in their names the Temples of their gods should be opened, and their victories acknowledged with the concourse and gratulation of the Roman people; but also because a supplication was commonly the forerunner of a triumph, which was the greatest honour in the Roman government: 
Lib. 15. ●a● Cicero.  And therefore Cato nameth it the prerogative of a triumph. And Livy in his 26 book saith that it was long disputed on in the Senate, how they could deny one that was there present to triumph, whose absence they had honoured with supplication and thanksgiving to the gods for things happily effected. The manner of the Ceremony was, that after the Magistrate had publicly proclaimed it with this form or stile, quod bene & feliciter rempublicam administrasset, that he had happily and successfully administered the affairs of the common-weal, the Roman people clothed in white garments and crowned with garlands, went to all the Temples of the gods, and there offered sacrifices, to gratulate the victory in the name of the General. In which time they were forbidden all other businesses but that which pertained to this solemnity. It seemeth that this time of supplication was at first included within one or two days at the most, as appeareth by Livy in his third book, where he saith that the victory gained by two several battles was spitefully shut up by the Senate in one day's supplication; the people of their own accord keeping the next day holy, and celebrating it with greater devotion than the former.  
Upon the victory which Camillus had against the Veii there were granted four days of supplication; to which there was afterward a day added, which was the usual time of supplication unto the time that Pompey ended the war which they called Mithridaticum, when the usual time of five days was doubled and made ten, and in the second of these Commentaries made fifteen, and now brought to twenty days. Which setteth forth the incitements and rewards of well doing, which the Romans propounded both at home & abroad to such as endeavoured to enlarge their Empire, or manage a charge to the benefit of their Commonwealths. And thus endeth the fourth Commentary.     

The fifth Commentary of the wars in GALLIA.  
The Argument.  
CAesar causeth a great navy to be built in Gallia: he carrieth five legions into Brittany, where he maketh war with the Britan's on both sides the river Thames. At his return into Gallia most of the Galls revolt; and first the Eburones, under the conduction of Ambiorix, set upon the Camp of Q. Titurius the Legate, whom they circumvent by subtlety, and then besiege the Camp of Cicero: but are put by, and their Army overthrown by Caesar.  

CHAP. I.  
Caesar returneth into Gallia: findeth there great store of shipping made by the soldiers, and commandeth it to be brought to the haven Itius.  
Lucius' Domitius and Appius Claudius being Consuls, Caesar at his going into Italy from his winter-quarters (which he yearly did) gave order to the Legates to build as many ships that winter as possibly they could, & to repair the old; commanding them to be built of a lower pitch than those which are used in the mediterranean sea, for the speedier lading and unlading of them, and because the tides in these seas were very great: and forasmuch as he was to transport great store of horse, he commanded them to be made flatter in the bottom than such as were usual in other places, and all of them to be made for the use of Oars, to which purpose their low building served very conveniently. Other necessaries and furniture for rigging he gave order to have brought out of Spain. Caesar, after an assembly of the States in Lombardy, went presently into Illyricum, where he heard that the Pirustae infested the province by their incursions. Assoon as he came thither he levied soldiers, and appointed them a rendezvous. Which the Pirustae hearing of, they sent ambassadors presently to him, excusing the business as not done by public consent, and expressing a readiness to make any satisfaction that should be demanded. Caesar having heard their message, appointed them to give hostages, and to bring them by such a day, or else they must expect notbing but war and ruin to their city. Hostages were brought by the appointed time; whereupon Caesar deputed certain to arbitrate differences between the cities, and to punish as they saw cause for it. These things being over, he returned forthwith into Lombardy, and thence to his army in Gallia.  

THE OBSERVATION.  
THis Itius Portus Floide thinketh to be Calais; others take it to be Saint Omer: partly in regard of the situation of the place, which being in itself very low, hath notwithstanding very high banks, which encompass the town about, and in times past was a very large haven. To this may be added the distance from this town to the next Continent of the Island of Brittany, which Strabo maketh to contain 320. stadia; which agreeth to the French computation of 13. leagues: Caesar maketh it thirty miles. This is the haven which Pliny calleth Britannicum portum Morinorum.    

CHAP. II.  
Caesar preventeth new motions amongst the Treviri, and goeth to his navy. Dumnorix refuseth to accompany him into Britain: his flight and death.  
CAesar leaving soldiers enough to do that business, himself marched with four legions and eight hundred horse into the country of the Treviri, in regard they neither came to the assembly of States, nor were obedient to his commands, and were farther reported to solicit the Germans beyond the Rhine to new commotions. This city was the most powerful of all Gallia for matter of horse, having likewise a great force of foot, and lying so conveniently upon the Rhine for assistance: wherein there was at th●s time a contention betwixt Induciomarus and Cingetorix who should be chief ruler. Cingetorix, as soon as he heard of the coming of Caesar with his army, came in to him, assuring him of the fidelity of his party, and their constancy to the friendship of the people of Rome; discovering withal unto him the present proceedings amongst the Treviri. On the contrary Induciomarus gathered together what horse and foot he could, resolving upon nothing else then war: securing all the old and young folk not fit to bear arms in the wood Arduenna, which is a very large wood, beginning at the Rhine, and running through the middle of the Treviri, to the borders of the people of Rheims. While things were thus preparing, divers of the chief of the city, some through the favour they bore to Cingetorix, others affrighted at the coming of our army, came forth to Caesar; and since they could not do it for the whole city, they endeavoured to make every man his own peace. Induciomarus seeing this, and fearing to be left at last alone, sent Ambassadors to Caesar, excusing what he had done in not coming to him, which he sa●d was done only to keep the city the better in obedience; for if all the nobility should have left it, the common people would have been apt to have made new troubles: that the city was now at his command, and if Caesar would give leave, he was ready to wait upon him in his camp, and to lay the lives and fortunes of himself and the whole city at his feet. Caesar, albeit he well knew why all this was spoken, as also what had put him besides his former resolution, yet rather than spend the summer in those parts, having all things in readiness for his British war, he commanded Induciomarus to come to him, and bring two hundred hostages with him. Induciomarus did as Caesar commanded, and withal brought along with him his son and all that had any near relation unto him: whom Caesar bade be of good cheer, and exhorted to continue firm in his duty and fidelity. After this calling to him the chief of the Treviri man by man, he reconciled them to Cingetorix, as well looking at the desert of the man himself, as at his own interest and advantage, to have such a man bear the chief sway in his city, who had expressed so notable affection and goodwill towards him in this business. It troubled Induciomarus not a little to find his respect and authority thus impaired; insomuch that he who before was no friend to us, being vexed at this became a bitter enemy.  
Things thus settled here, Caesar came with his legions back to the port called Itius: where he understood that forty ships which were built amongst the Meldae were hindered by tempests that they could not keep their course, but were forced back from whence they came; the rest were well provided and ready to set sail. Hither also were gathered all the cavalry in France, to the number of four thousand, and the chief men of every city: some few of which, whose fidelity Caesar had had experience of, he intended to leave at home; and to take the rest along with him for hostages, lest in his absense they should begin any new stirs in Gallia.  
Amongst the rest was Dumnorix the Heduan formerly mentioned. Him of all the rest Caesar intended to take with him, knowing him to be a man desirous of change, greedy of rule, a man of courage and resolution, and one of greatest authority amongst the Galls. Besides this, Dumnorix had given out at a meeting of the Hedui, that Caesar had conferred upon him the government of the city: which much troubled the Hedui, yet they durst not send any man to Caesar to hinder or revoke it. This Caesar came to hear of. When he saw he must go with the rest, first he besought with all the intreatyes he could that he might stay in Gallia; alleging one while that he was afraid of the sea, having as yet never been used to sailing, another while that he had some religious accounts that kept him here. When he perceived this would not serve his turn, but go he must, he began to deal with the rest of the chief men of the Galls, taking them man by man, & persuading them to continue in their own country; telling them that it was not without ground Caesar went about to despoil Gallia thus of its nobility, his drift being to carry them over into Britain and there murder them, whom he was afraid to put to death amongst their friends at home. He went farther, to engage them to fidelity, and to tie them by oath to proceed upon joint consultation to the acting of what should be thought of most concernment and behoof for the good of Gallia. These things were by divers persons related to Caesar: who as soon as he knew thereof, in regard of the great respect he bore to the Heduan State, he resolved by all means possible to curb and deter Dumnorix from those courses: & in regard that he saw him thus to increase in his madness, he thought it seasonable to prevent his endamaging either the Commonwealth or himself. So staying in the place where he was about twenty five days, the Northwest wind (a wind that usually blows in those parts) all that while hindering his putting to sea; he made it much of his business to keep Dumnorix quiet, and yet at the same time to spy out the whole drift of his designs. At last the wind and weather serving, he commanded his soldiers and horsemen on shipboard. And whilst every man's mind was taken up about this, Dumnorix with the rest of the Heduan horsemen, unknown to Caesar, had left the camp, and were marching homewards. Which when Caesar heard, he stopped his voyage, and letting every thing else alone, sent a great part of his cavalry to attach him, and bring him back, with command that if he stood upon his defence and did not readily obey, they should dispatch him. For he could not believe that this man could mean any good to him if he once got home, since he made so light of his commands when present with him. The horse having overtaken him, he stood upon his guard and made resistance, imploring also the aid of those that were with him; still crying out, that he was a Freeborn man and of a Free city. Whereupon they, as they were commanded, hemmed him in, and so killed him: the Heduan horsemen returning every man to Caesar.   

CHAP. III.  
Caesar saileth into Britain: landeth his forces, and seeketh the enemy.  
CAesar having prepared all things in readiness, 
Caesar.  he left Labienus in the Continent with three legions, and two thousand horse, both to keep the haven and make provision of corn, and also to observe the motion of the Galls, and to do according as he saw time and occasion, and with five legions, and the like number of horse as he left in the continent, about sunset he put out to sea with a soft southwind, which continued until midnight; & then ceasing he was carried with the tide until the morning; when he perceived that the Island lay on his left hand: and again as the tide changed, he laboured by rowing to reach that part of the Island where he had found good landing the year before. Wherein the soldiers deserved great commendation; for by strength and force of Oars, they made their great ships of burden to keep way with the Galleys. About high noon they arrived in Brittany with all their ships: neither was there any Enemy seen in that place: but as afterward Caesar understood by the Captives, the Britan's had been there with a great power, but being terrified with the infinite number of shipping which they discovered from the shore (for with the ships of provision, and private vessels which several persons had for their own convenience, there were in all above either hundred) they forsook the shore, and hid themselves in the upland country. Caesar having landed his men, and chosen a convenient place to incamp, assoon as he understood by the captives where the enemy lay, in the third watch of the night he marched towards them; leaving ten cohorts and three hundred horse under Quintus Atrius for a garrison to his shipping: which he the less feared, because it lay at anchor in a soft and open shore. He marched that night about twelve mile before he found the Enemy. The Britan's sending out their horse and chariots to a river that ran between them and the Romans, and having the advantage of the upper ground, began to hinder the Romans and to give them battle: but being beaten back with our horsemen, they conveyed themselves into a wood. The place was strongly fortified both by Art and Nature, and made for a defence (as it seemeth) in their civil wars: for all the entrances were shut up with great trees laid overthwart the passages. And the Britan's showed themselves out of the wood but here and there, not suffering the Romans to enter the fortification. But the soldiers of the seventh legion, with a Testudo which they made, and a mount which they raised, took the place, and drove them all out of the woods, without any loss at all, saving some few wounds which they received. But Caesar forbade his men to follow after them with any long pursuit, because he was both ignorant of the place, and a great part of that day being spent, he would employ the rest thereof in the fortification of his Camp.  

OBSERVATION.  
CAesar having taken what assurace of peace he could with the Galls, both by carrying the chiefest of their Princes with him, and by leaving three legions in the Continent to keep the vulgar people in obedience; he embarked all his men at one place, that they might be all partakers of the same casualties, and take the benefit of the same adventures: which being neglected the year before, drew him into many inconveniences for want of horse, which being embarked at another Haven, met with other chances, and saw other fortunes, and never came to him into Brittany. The place of landing in this second voyage was the same where he landed the year before; and by the circumstances of this history, may agree with that which tradition hath delivered of Deal in Kent, where it is said that Caesar landed. In the first year we find that he never removed his Camp from the sea shore, where he first seated himself; although his men went out to bring in corn, as far as they might well return again at night: but now he entered further into the Island, and within twelve miles' march came unto a river, which must needs be that of Canterbury, which falleth into the Sea at Sandwich.  
In that he saith that the garrison of his shipping consisted of ten Cohorts, which I have said to be a legion: we must understand that Caesar left not an entire legion in that garrison; but he took ten cohorts out of his whole forces, peradventure two out of every legion, and appointed them to take the charge of his shipping.    

CHAP. IU.  
Caesar returneth to his Navies, to take order for such losses as had happened by tempest the night before.  
THe next day early in the morning he divided his forces into three companies, 
Caesar.  & sent them out to pursue the enemy: but before they had marched any far distance, and came to have the rearward of the Enemy in view, there came news from Q. Atrius, with whom he left the ten cohorts, and the charge of the shipping, that the night before there was such a tempest at sea, that the whole Navy was either fore beaten, or cast on shore; and that neither anchor nor cable could hold them, nor yet the Sailors endure the force of the weather: and that there was great loss in the shipping, by running against one another in the violence of the tempest.  
Upon these news Caesar caused the legions to be called back again, and to cease for that time from following the enemy any further. He himself returned to the navy; where he found that to be true which he had heard, and that about forty ships were lost, and the rest not to be repaired but with great industry and pains. First therefore he chose shipwrights and carpenters out of the legions, and caused others to be sent for out of Gallia, and wrote to Labienus to make ready what shipping he could. And although it seemed a matter of great difficulty and much labour, yet he thought it best to hale up all the ships on shore, and to enclose them within the fortification of his camp. In this business he spent ten days, without intermission either of night or day, until he had drawn up the ships, and strongly fortified the camp; leaving the same garrison which was there before, to defend it.  

THE OBSERVATION.  
WHerein we may behold the true image of undaunted valour, & the horrible industry (as Tully termeth it) which he used to prevent Fortune of her stroke in his business, and comprehend casualties and future contingents within the compass of order, and the bounds of his own power; being able in ten day's space to set almost eight hundred ships from the hazard of wind & weather, & to make his Camp the Road for his Navy, that so he might rest secure of a means to return at his pleasure.    

CHAP. V.  
The Britan's make Cassivellaunus General in this war. The Island, and the manners of the people described.  
CAesar returning to the place from whence he came, 
Caesar.  found far greater forces of the Britan's there assembled than he left when he went to the Navy: and that by public consent of the Britan's the whole government of that war was given to Cassivellaunus, whose kingdom lay divided from the maritime States with the river Thames, beginning at the sea, and extending itself four score miles into the Island. This Cassivellaunus made continual war with his neighbour States: but upon the coming of the Romans they all forgot there homebred quarrels, and cast the whole government upon his shoulders, as the fittest to direct in that war.  
The inner part of Brittany is inhabited by such as memory recordeth to be born in the Island; and the maritime coast by such as came out of Belgia, either to make incursions or invasions; and after the war was ended they continued in the possessions they had gained, and were called by the name of the cities from whence they came. The country is very populous, and well inhabited with houses, much like unto them in Gallia. They have great store of cattle; and use brass for money, or iron rings weighed at a certain rate. In the mediterranean parts there is found great quantity of Tyn, and in the maritime parts, iron; but they have but little of that: their brass is brought in by other Nations. They have all sorts of trees that they have in Gallia, excepting the Fig and the Beech. Their religion will not suffer them to eat either Hare, Hen, or Goose; notwithstanding they have of all sorts, as well for novelty as variety. The Country is more temperate, and not so cold as Gallia. The Island lieth trianglewise; whereof one side confronteth Gallia, of which side that angle wherein Kent is, the usual place of landing from Gallia, pointeth to the East, and the other angle to the South. This side containeth about 500 mile. Another side lieth toward Spain and the West, that way where Ireland lieth, being an Island half as big as England, and as far distant from it as Gallia. In the midway between England and Ireland lieth an Island called Mona, besides many other smaller Lands; of which some write, that in Wintertime for thirty days together they have continual night: whereof we learned nothing by inquiry; only we found by certain measures of water, that the nights in England were shorter than in the Continent. The length of this side, according to the opinion of the inhabitants, containeth seven hundred miles. The third side lieth to the North and the open sea, saving that this angle doth somewhat point towards Germany. This side is thought to contain eight hundred miles. And so the whole Island containeth in circuit 2000 miles. Of all the inhabitants they of Kent are most courteous and civil; all their Country bordering upon the sea, and little differing from the fashion of Gallia. Most of the inland people sow no Corn, but live with milk and flesh, clothed with skins, & having their faces painted with a blue colour, to the end they may seem more terrible in sight: they have the hair of their head long, having all other parts of their body shaved saving their upper lip. Their wives are common to ten or twelve, especially brethren with brethren, & parents with children; but the children that are born, are put unto them unto whom the mother was first given in marriage.  

OBSERVATION.  
IN the descriptions of the ancient Britan's we may first observe their pedigree, according to the Heraldry of that time: wherein we must understand, that in those ages the Nations of the world thought it no small honour to derive their descent from a certain beginning, and to make either some of their Gods, or some man of famous memory the Father of that progeny, and founder of their State; that so they might promise a fortunate continuance to their government, being first laid and established by so powerful a means. But if this failed, they then bragged of antiquity, and cast all their glory upon the fertility of their soil, being so strong and fruitful that it yielded of itself such a people as they were. And so we read how the Athenians, forasmuch as they were ignorant from whence they came, beware an Oaken leaf, in token that they were bred of the earth where they dwelled. And hereupon also grew the controversy between the Egyptians and the Scythians concerning antiquity: wherein the Egyptians seemed to have great advantage, because of the fertility and heat of of their country; whereas the Scythians inhabited a cold climate, unfruitful, and an enemy to generation. Of this sort were the Britan's that inhabited the mediterranean part of the Island: who not knowing from whence they came, nor who first brought them thither, satisfied themselves with that common received opinion, that they were born and bred of the earth. The sea-coast was possessed by such as came out of the Continent, and retained the names of the Cities from whence they came, as a memorial of their progenitors.  
The form of the Island is very well described, and measured out according to the scale of our modern Geographers. For concerning the difference of longitude between the Eastern angle of Kent, and the furthest point of Cornwall, they make it eight degrees; which in a manner jumpeth with Caesar's dimensuration. The other sides are somewhat longer: and therefore Tacitus in the life of Agricola, compareth it to a Carpenter's Axe, making that side which bordereth upon France to resemble the edge, and the other two sides to incline by little and little one towards another, and so make the Island narrower at the top, according to the form of that instrument. He setteth down the whole compass of the Island, according to the manner of the ancient Geographers; who by the quantity of the circuit did usually judge of the content: not considering that the Area of every figure dependeth as well on the quantity of the angle, as the length of the side.  
Concerning the temperature of Brittany in regard of the cold Winters in France, we must understand that Brittany hath ever been found of a more temperate constitution in regard of sharp and cold winters, than any other country lying under the same parallel: Whether the cause thereof may be imputed to the continual motion of the sea about the Island, which begetteth heat, as some have imagined; or to the site thereof in regard of other Continents from whence the wind always riseth, & carrieth with it the nature of the Country by which it passeth; (& so the Island having no other Continent lying North to it, from whence the wind may rise, but all for the most part upon the South, hath no such cold winds to distemper it, as other parts of Germany, which are under the same parallel: but the Southern wind, which is so frequent in Brittany, tempereth the air with a mild disposition, and so keepeth it warm; or whether it bosom other unknown cause, our Philosophers rest unsatisfied. But as touching Gallia it may be said, that forasmuch as it beareth more to the South than this Island doth, the air thereof (by reason of the continual heat) is of a far purer disposition; and so pierceth more than this grosser air of Brittany, and carrieth the cold further into the pores; and so seemeth sharper, and of a far colder disposition.  
This Island which Caesar nameth Mona, is known at this time by the name of Man, and lieth between Cumberland and Ireland. Ptolemy calleth it Monaeda. Tacitus calleth Anglesey by the name of Mona, peradventure from the nomination of the Britan's, who called it Tyrmon, the land of Mon.  
Concerning those places where the night continueth in the midst of winter for thirty days together, they must be sited 6. degrees beyond the circle Arctic, and have a day in summer of like continuance, according to the rules of Astronomy. In that he found the nights in Brittany shorter than in the Continent, we must understand it to be only in summer: for the more oblique the horizon is, the more uneven are the portions of the diurnal circles which it cutteth; and the nearer it cometh to a right horizon, the nearer it cometh to an equality of day and night: and hence it happeneth, that in summer time, the nights in France are longer than here in England; and in winter, shorter. The like we must understand of all Southern and Northern Countries.  
To conclude, I may not omit the civility of the Kentish men, and their courteous disposition above the rest of the Britan's, which must be imputed to that ordinary course which brought civility unto all other Nations: of whom such as were first seated in their possessions, and entertained society, were the first that brought in civil conversation, and by little and little were purified, and so attained to the perfection of civil government. So we find that first the Assyrians and Babylonians (as nearest to the Mountains of Armenia where the Ark rested, and people first inhabited) reduced their States into Commonweals or Monarchies of exquisite government, flourishing with all manner of learning and knowledge; when as yet other Countries lay either waste, or overwhelmed with Barbarism. From thence it flowed into Egypt; out of Egypt into Greece; out of Greece into Italy; out of Italy into Gallia; and from thence into England: where our Kentish men first entertained it, as bordering upon France, and frequented with Merchants of those Countries.    

CHAP. VI  
Divers skirmishes between the Romans and the Britan's.  
THe Cavalry of the enemy and their chariots gave a sharp conflict to the Roman horsemen in their march: 
Caesar.  but so that the Romans got the better every way, driving them with great slaughter to the woods and hills, and losing also some of their own men, being too venturous in the pursuit. The Britan's after some intermission of time, when the Romans little thought of them, and were busied in fortifying their Camp, came suddenly out of the woods, and charged upon those that kept station before the Camp. Caesar sent out two the chiefest cohorts of two legions, to second their fellows. These two cohorts standing with a small alley between them, the other that were first charged being terrified with that strange kind of fight, boldly broke through the thickest of the enemy, & so retired in safety to their fellows. That day Quintus Laberius Durus, a Tribune of the soldiers, was slain. The Britan's were repelled with more cohorts, which Caesar sent to second the former. And forasmuch as the fight happened in the view of all the Camp, it was plainly perceived that the legionary soldiers, being neither able for the weight of their Armour to follow the enemy as he retired, nor yet daring to go far from their several Ensigns, was not a fit adversary to contest this kind of enemy: and that the horsemen likewise fought with no less danger, inasmuch as the enemy would retire back of purpose, and when they had drawn them a little from the legions, they would then light from their chariots, and encounter them with that advantage which is between a footman and a horseman. Furthermore, they never fought thick and close together, but thin, and at great distances, having stations of men to succour one another, to receive the weary, and to send out fresh supplies.  

OBSERVATION.  
UPon this occasion of their heavy Armour, I will describe a Legionary soldier in his complete furniture, that we may better judge of their manner of warfare, and understand wherein their greatest strength consisted. And first we are to learn, that their legionary soldiers were called milites gravis armaturae, soldiers wearing heavy Armour, to distinguish them from the Velites, the Archers, Slingers, and other light-armed men. Their offensive Arms were a couple of Piles, or as some will but one Pile, and a Spanish sword, short and strong, to strike rather with the point then with the edge. Their defensive Arms were a helmet, a corslet, and boots of brass, with a large Target; which in some sort was offensive, in regard of that umbo which stuck out in the midst thereof. The Pile is described at large in the first book, and the Target in the second. The sword, as Polybius witnesseth, was short, two-edged, very sharp, and of a strong point. And therefore Livy in his 22. book saith, that the Galls used very long swords without points; but the Romans had short swords, readier for use. These they called Spanish swords, because they borrowed that fashion from the Spaniard. The old Romans were so girt with their swords, as appear by Polybius, and their monuments in Marble, that from their left shoulder it hung upon their right thigh, contrary to the use of these times; which, as I have noted before, was in regard of their target, which they carried on their left arm. This sword was hung with a belt of leather, beset with studs, as Varro noteth. 
Lib. ●.  And these were their offensive weapons.  
Their Helmet was of brass, 
Plin. lib. 10  adorned with three Ostrich feathers of a cubit in length; by which the soldier appeared of a larger stature, and more terrible to the Enemy, as Polybius saith in his sixth book. Their breastplate was either of Brass or Iron, jointed together after the manner of scales, or plaited with little rings of Iron: their boots were made of bars of brass, from the foot up to the knee. And thus were the legionary soldiers armed, to stand firm, rather than to use any nimble motion, and to combine themselves into a body of that strength, which might not easily recoil at the opposition of any confrontment: for agility standeth indifferent to help either a retreat or a pursuit; and nimble-footed soldiers are as ready to fly back, as to march forward; but a weighty body keepeth a more regular motion, and is not hindered with a common counterbuff. So that whensoever they came to firm buckling, and felt the enemy stand stiff before them, such was their practice and exercise in continual works, that they never fainted under any such task, but the victory went always clear on their side. But if the enemy gave way to their violence, and came not in but for advantage, and then as speedily retired before the counterbuff were well discharged, then did their nimbleness much help their weakness, and frustrate the greatest part of the Roman discipline. This is also proved in the overthrow of Sabinus and Cotta, where Ambiorix finding the inconvenience of buckling at handy-blowes, commanded his men to fight a far off; and if they were assaulted, to give back, and come on again as they saw occasion: which so wearied out the Romans that they all fell under the execution of the Galls. Let this suffice therefore to show how unapt the Romans were to fly upon any occasion, when their Armour was such that it kept them from all starting motions, and made them suitable to the stayed and well assured rules of their discipline, which were as certain principles in the execution of a standing battle; and therefore not so fit either for a pursuit, or a flight.  
Concerning the unequal combat between a horseman and a footman, it may be thought strange that a footman should have such an advantage against a horseman, being overmatched at least with a Sextuple proportion both of strength and agility: but we must understand that as the horse is much swifter in a long career, so in speedy and nimble turning at hand, wherein the substance of the combat consisteth, the footman far exceedeth the horseman in advantage, having a larger mark to hit by the Horse, than the other hath. Besides the horseman engageth both his valour and his fortune in the good speed of his horse, his wounds and his death do consequently pull the rider after, his fear or fury maketh his master either desperate or slow of performance, and what defect soever ariseth from the horse, must be answered out of the honour of the rider. And surely it seemeth reasonable, that what thing soever draweth us into the society of so great a hazard, should as much as is possible be contained in the compass of our own power.  
The sword which we manage with our own hand affordeth greater assurance than the harquebuse, wherein there are many parts belonging to the action, as the powder, the stone, the spring, and such like; whereof if the least fail of his part, we likewise fail of our fortune. But how probable soever this seemeth, this is certain, that in the course of the Roman wars the horse were ever defeated by the foot, as is manifestly proved in the first of these books.    

CHAP. VII.  
Caesar giveth the Britan's two several overthrows.  
THe next day the Enemy made a stand upon the hills a far off from the camp, 
Caesar.  and showed themselves not so often; neither were they so busy with our horsemen as they were the day before. But about noon, when Caesar had sent out three legions and all his cavalry to get forage, under the conduction of Caius Trebonius a Legate, they made a sudden assault upon the foragers, and fell in close with the Ensigns & the legions. The Romans charged very fiercely upon them, and beat them back: neither did they make an end of following them, until the horsemen trusting to them, put them all to flight, with the slaughter of a great number of them; neither did they give them respite either to make head, to make a stand, or to forsake their chariots.  
After this overthrow all their Auxiliary forces departed from them; neither did they afterward contend with the Romans with any great power. Caesar understanding their determination, carried his Army to the river Thames, and so to the confines of Cassivellaunus; which river was passable by foot but in one place only, and that very hardly. At his coming he found a great power of the Enemy to be imbattelled on the other side, and the bank fortified with many sharp stakes, and many other also were planted covertly under the water. These things being discovered to the Romans by the Captives and fugitives, Caesar putting his horse before, caused the legions to follow suddenly after: who notwithstanding they had but their heads clear above the water, went with that violence, that the enemy was not able to endure the charge, but left the bank, and betook themselves to flight.  

OBSERVATION.  
THis attempt of Caesar seemeth so strange to Brancatio, that he runneth into strange conclusions concerning this matter: as first, that he that imitateth Caesar may doubt of his good fortunes; for his proceeding in this point was not directed by any order of war: and that a great Commander hath nothing common with other Leaders: but especially he crieth out at the baseness of the Britan's, that would suffer themselves so cowardly to be beaten. But if we look into the circumstances of the action, we shall find both Art and good direction therein: for being assured by the fugitives that the river was passable in that place, and in that place only, he knew that he must either adventure over there, or leave Cassivellaunus for another Summer, which was a very strong inducement to urge him to that enterprise. The difficulty whereof was much relieved by good direction, which consisted of two points; First, by sending over the horsemen in the front of the legions, who might better endure the charge of the enemy than the footmen could, that were up to the neck in water; and withal to shelter the footmen from the fury of the Enemy.  
Secondly, he sent them over with such speed, that they were on the other side of the water before the enemy could tell what they attempted: for if he had lingered in the service, and given the enemy leave to find the advantage which he had by experience, his men had never been able to have endured the hazard of so dangerous a service. It is hard to conjecture at the place where this service was performed; for since the building of London bridge, many fords have been scoured with the current and fall of the water, which before that time carried not such a depth as now they do.    

CHAP. VIII.  
The conclusion of the British war. Caesar returneth into Gallia.  
CAssivellaunus having no courage to contend any longer, 
Caesar.  dismissed his greatest forces, and retaining only four thousand chariots, observed our journeys, keeping the wood-Countries, and driving men and cattle out of the fields into the woods, where he knew the Romans would come: and as their horse strayed out either for forage or booty, he sent his chariots out of the woods by unknown ways, and put their horsemen to great peril: in regard whereof the horsemen durst never adventure further than the legions, neither was there any more spoil done in the Country, then that which the legionary soldiers did of themselves.  
In the mean time, the Trinobantes, being almost the greatest State of all those Countries (from whom Mandubratius had fled to Caesar into Gallia, for that his father Imanuentius holding the kingdom, was slain by Cassivellaunus) sent Ambassadors to Caesar, to offer their submission, and to entreat that Mandubratius might be defended from the oppression of Cassivellaunus, & sent unto them to take the kingdom. Caesar having received from them forty pledges, & Corn for his Army, sent Mandubratius unto them. The Trinobantes being thus kept from the violence of the soldiers, the Cenimagni, Seguntiaci, Ancalites, Bibroci and Cassi yielded themselves to Caesar. By these he understood that Cassivellaunus his town was not far off, fortified with woods & bogs, & well stored with men & cattle. The Britan's call a town, a thick wood enclosed about with a ditch and a rampire, made for a place of retreat, when they stood in fear of incursions from the borderers. Thither marched Caesar with his Army, & found it well fortified both by Art and Nature: & as he assaulted it in two several places, the enemy unable to keep it, cast himself out of the town by a back way: and so he took it. Where he found great store of cattle, and slew many of the Britan's.  
While these things were a doing, Cassivellaunus sent messengers into Kent, which as was said lies upon the sea, and wherein there were four several Kings, Cingetorix, Carvilius, Taximagulus and Segonax: them he commanded with all the power they could make to set upon the camp where the Navy was kept. The Kings coming to the place were overthrown by a sally which the Romans made out upon them, many of them being slain, and Lugotorix a great commander taken prisoner. This battle concurring with the former losses, and especially moved thereunto with the revolt of the forenamed cities, Cassivellaunus entreated peace of Caesar by Comius of Arras. Caesar being determined to winter in the Continent, for fear of sudden commotions in Gallia, and considering that the Summer was now far spent, and might easily be lingered out, he commanded pledges to be brought unto him, and set down what yearly tribute the Britan's should pay to the Romans; giving withal a strict charge to Cassivellaunus to do no injury either to Mandubratius or the Tribonantes. The hostages being taken, he carried back his Army to the sea, where he found his shipping repaired: which as soon as he had caused to be set afloat, in regard partly of the great number of prisoners he had, and that some of his ships were cast away, he determined to carry his Army over at twice. And so it happened, that of so great a fleet, at so many voyages, neither this year nor the year before there was not any one ship missing which carried over our soldiers: only of those which were to be sent back to him after they had landed the first half, and those which Labienus caused afterwards to be made, threescore in number, few could make to the place, the rest were all kept back. Which Caesar having for some time expected in vain, and fearing that the time of year would not long serve for sailing, for the Equinoctial was at hand; was forced to dispose his soldiers closer and in less room. So taking the opportunity of a calm sea, he set sail about the beginning of the second watch, and came to land by break of day, his whole fleet arriving in safety.  

OBSERVATION.  
ANd thus ended the war in Brittany: which affordeth little matter of discourse, being indeed but a scambling war, as well in regard of the Britan's themselves, who after they had felt the strength of the Roman legions, would never adventure to buckle with them in any standing battle; as also in regard there were no such towns in Brittany as are recorded to have been in Gallia, which might have given great honour to the war, if there had been any such to have been besieged and taken in by Caesar.  
And although Tacitus saith that Brittany was rather viewed then subdued by Caesar, being desirous to draw that honour to his father in law Agricola; yet we find here that the Trinobantes, which were more than either the skirt or the heart of Brittany (for our Historians do understand them to have inhabited that part which lieth as far as Yorkshire and Lancashire) were brought under the Roman Empire by Caesar: who was the first that ever laid tribute upon Brittany in the behalf of the people of Rome; or cast upon them the heavy name of a subdued people.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
BUt lest I may seem negligent in these occurrences of Brittany, as not deeming the alteration happening in this Island by the power of Rome worthy due memory; I will briefly set down the state thereof from this Area, during the lives of the twelve Emperors.  
julius Caesar's next successors, first Augustus and then Tiberius, thought it policy to restrain the infinite desire of enlarging the Roman Empire, & so left this entrance into Brittany unseconded. Caius is said to have had a meaning to invade it, but did nothing. Claudius' transported legions and aides, and first sent Aulus Plautius' Governor, and after him Ostorius, who overthrew king Caradocus in battle, and showed him at Rome to Claudius, to Agrippina, 
Tacit. 12. Annal.  and the Lords of the Senate: who affirmed the sight to be no less honourable than when P. Scipio showed S●phaces, or L. Paulus Perses. Him Didius Gallus succeeded, who being old and full of honour, thought it sufficient to keep that which his predecessors had gotten. Next unto Didius came Veranius, only memorable in dying the first year of his Propraetorship: but Suetonius Paulinus following, got a great name, first by invading Anglesey, strong with inhabitants, and a receptacle for fugitives; secondly, by overthrowing Boadicea Queen of the Iceni, in a battle comparable to the victories of old times: wherein fourscore thousand Britan's were slain, with the loss of four hundred Roman soldiers. But being thought to be oversevere, he left his charge to Petronius Turpilianus; who composing former troubles with a milder carriage, was succeeded by Trebellius Maximus; whose easy course of government taught the Britan's good manners, and made the soldiers first wanton with ease, and then mutinous: which by his gentle entreaty being ended without bloodshed, he left his place to Vectius Bolanus, of like looseness of discipline, but in stead of obedience got much good will. The errors of these three soft Propraetors were holpen by Petilius Caerealis, a great Commander, and worthy his place; he subdued the brigants, and left the place to julius Frontinus, who with no less happiness vanquished the Silureses. The last was Agricola, fortunate in divers battles against the Britan's, and as unhappy in his reward; for Domitian maligning his honour, first discharged him of his place, and then, as it is thought, poisoned him. And this was the state of Brittany under the twelve Emperors.    

CHAP. IX.  
Caesar disposeth his legions into their wintering Camp, and quieteth the Carnutes.  
AFter he had put his ships in harbour, 
Caesar.  and held a Council of the Galls at 
* Either Cambray, Amien●, or S. Quintin.  Samarobrina; forasmuch as that year, by reason of the drought, there was some scarcity of corn in Gallia, he was constrained to garrison his Army, and to disperse them into more cities than he had done the years before. And first he gave one legion to Caius Fabius, to be led among the Morim; another to Quintus Cicero, to be carried to the Nervii; another to L. Roscius, to be conducted to the Essui; a fourth he commanded to winter amongst the men of Rheims, in the marches of the Treviri, under T. Labienus; three he placed in Belgium, with whom he sent Mar. Crassus his Quaestor, L. Munatius Plancus and C. Trebonius, Legates; he sent one legion, that which he had last enrolled beyond the river Po in Italy, with five cohorts, unto the Eburones, the greatest part of whose country lieth between the Maze and the Rhine, and was under the command of Ambiorix and Cativulcus; with them he sent Q. Titurius Sabinus and Lucius Aurunculeius Cotta. By distributing his legions in this manner, he thought to remedy the scarcity of corn; and yet the garrisons of all these legions, excepting that which Roscius carried into a quiet and peaceable part, were contained within the space of one hundred miles. And until his legions were settled, and their wintering camps fortified, he determined to abide in Gallia.  
There was amongst the Carnutes a man of great birth called Tasgetius, whose ancestors had born the chief rule in their State. This man, for his singular prowess and good will towards him, for he had done him very good service in all his wars, Caesar restored to the dignity of his forefathers. Before he had reigned three years, his enemies with the complotment of divers of his citizens killed him in the open streets: which thing was complained of to Caesar. Who fearing in regard so many men had a hand in it, lest that the city should by their instigation revolt, commanded L. Plancus immediately to march with his legion thither from his quarters in Belgium, and there to winter: and whomsoever he could learn to be the ringleaders in the death of Tasgetius, he should take hold of them, and send them to him. Mean while Caesar had notice from all his Legates and Quaestors to whom he had delivered his legions, that they were settled in winter garrisons, and their garrisons fortified.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
I Have heard it oftentimes contradicted by some that understand not the weight of a multitude, when it was said, that an Army keeping head continually in one part of a kingdom, was more burdensome to the Commonwealth in regard of the expense of victuals, then when it was dispersed into particular Cities and Families, before the time of the master and enrolment: for, say they, in the general account of the public weal it differeth nothing, whether a multitude of 30000. men be maintained with necessary provisions in one entire body together, or dispersed particularly throughout every part of the Country; forasmuch as every man hath but a competent quantity allotted unto him, which he cannot want in what sort or condition of life soever he be ranged: neither doth the charge of a multitude grow in regard they are united together, but in regard they amount to such a multitude wheresoever. But such as look into the difference with judgement, shall find a marvellous inequality, both in regard of the portion of victuals which is spent, and the means whereby it is provided: for first we must understand, that an Army lying continually in one place, falleth so heavy upon that part that it quickly consumeth both the fat and the flesh, (as they say) and leaveth nothing unspent, which that part can afford them; and without further supply of provisions would in a small time come to utter destruction. This want then must be relieved by taking from the plenty of other bordering quarters, to furnish the wants of so great a multitude: wherein there cannot be observed that proportion of moderate taking, to victual the Army with a sufficient competency, but the partial respect which the purveiours and victuallers will have to their private commodity, will quickly make an inconvenience either in the country from whence it is taken, or in the Army for which it is provided, according as the error may best advantage their particular, what discipline soever be established in that behalf. Whereas on the contrary part, when every particular man of that multitude shall be billetted in a several family, throughout all parts of the kingdom, the charge will be so insensible in regard of the expense of the said families, that the country will never feel any inconvenience. And if every householder that had received into his house one of the said Army, should give a true account of that which riseth above his ordinary expense by the addition of one man, it would fall far short of that treasure which is necessarily required to maintain the said number of men united together into one body.  
Neither doth the difference consist in the quantity of victuals which every man hath for his portion, whether they be dispersed or united; but in the manner of provision, and the means which is used to maintain them: wherein every master or steward of a family endeavoureth to make his provisions at the best hand, and so to husband it that it may serve for competency, and not for superfluity; and by that means the general plenty of the country is maintained, and the commonwealth flourisheth by well-directed moderation. But in the victualling of an Army there is no such respect had which may any way advantage the public good; for there the gain of the purveiour riseth by expense and superfluous wasting, rather than by thrift and saving frugality: and so the commonwealth is weakened by the ill-husbanding of that great portion of victual which is allowed for so great a multitude. And if they should have such variety of viands in an Army as they have when they are in several families, it were impossible it should continue any time together. And therefore the Romans, notwithstanding the exactness of their discipline, could afford their Armies no other provision but corn and lord, as well in regard of the commodity which that kind of diet afforded them in the course of their wars, as also for the good of that country wherein they were resident. And if it so fell out, that the extremity of the season, or any other cause had brought a dearth into the land, there was no readier way to help that inconvenience, then by dispersing their Armies into divers quarters; which Caesar disposed with that care, that they might be as near together as they could.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
COncerning the choice of their soldiers and their manner of enrolment, I had rather refer the Reader to Polybius, then enter into the particular discourse of that action; which was carried with such gravity and religious ceremonies, as might best serve to possess their minds of the weight and consequence of that business. But forasmuch as the largeness of their Empire and the necessity of their occasions would not admit that the enrolment should still be made at Rome amongst the citizens, as it appeareth by this legion which was enrolled beyond the river Po, it consequently followeth, that such Ceremonies which were annexed to the place, were altogether omitted: and therefore I cannot speak of that which the old Romans did in that part of their discipline, as a thing continued unto Caesar's time. But he that desireth to see the manner of their choice, with such compliments as might add both a reverend respect and a Majesty to the work, let him read Polybius of that argument.    

CHAP. X.  
Ambiorix attempteth to surprise the Camp of Sabinus and Cotta; and failing, practiseth to take them by guile.  
FIfteen days after the legions were settled in their wintering-camps, 
Caesar.  there began a sudden tumult and rebellion by the means of Ambiorix and Cativulcus, who having received Sabinus and Cotta into their confines, and brought them in corn to the place where they lay; at the inducement of Induciomarus of Triers, they stirred up their people to rebellion: and suddenly surprising those that were gone abroad to get wood, came with a great power to assault the camp. But when our men had took Arms, and were got up upon the rampire, and had overmatched them in a skirmish of horse, which made a sally out of the camp upon the Galls; Ambiorix despairing of good success, withdrew his men from the assault: and then after their manner they cried unto us, that some of our company should come and speak with them, for they had somewhat to discover touching the public state, whereby they hoped all controversies might be ended. Whereupon Caius' Carpineius a Roman horseman, and one of Titurius his familiar friends, and one Q. Junius a Spaniard, who divers times before had been sent by Caesar to Ambiorix, were sent out to treat with them. Ambiorix first acknowledged himself much indebted to Caesar for many courtesies; in that by his means he was freed from a pension which he paid to the Aduatici; and for that both his own son and his brother's son, whom the Aduatici had held in prison under the name of hostages, were by Caesar released and sent home again. And touching the assault of the camp, he had done nothing of himself, but by the impulsion of the State; among whom such was his condition, that the people had as great authority over him, as he himself had in regard of the people: who were likewise enforced to this war, because they could not withstand the sudden insurrection of the Galls, whereof his small means might be a sufficient argument. For his experience was not so little, to think himself able with so small a power to overthrow the people of Rome; but it was a general appointment throughout all Gallia, upon this day to assault all Caesar's garrisons, to the end that one legion might not give relief unto another. Galls could not easily deny the request of Galls, especially when it concerned their public liberty. Now having satisfied that duty which he owed to his Country, he had respect to Caesar & his benefits; in regard whereof he admonished them, and prayed Titurius for the hospitality that had been between them, that he would look to the safety of himself and his soldiers. There was a great number of Germans that had already passed the Rhine, and would be here within two days: and therefore let them adv●se themselves, whether they thought it good before the next borderers perceived it, to depart with their soldiers out of their wintering-places either to Cicero or Labienus, of whom the one was not passed fifty mile off, and the other a little further. For his own part he promised them thus much, and confirmed it by oath, that they should have sa●e passage through his territories; for so he should both do a pleasure to his country in disburthening it of garrisons, and show himself thankful to Caesar for his benefits. This speech being ended Ambiorix departed, and Carpineius and Junius made report thereof to the Legates.  

OBSERVATION.  
LEander his counsel, to use the Fox's skin where the Lions faileth, doth show that the discourse of our reason is sooner corrupted with error, than the powers of our body are overcome with force. For oftentimes the mind is so disquieted with the extremity of perturbation, that neither the apprehension can take sound instructions, nor the judgement determine of that which is most for our good; but according as any passion shall happen to reign in our disposition, so are we carried headlong to the ruin of our fortune, without sense of error, or mistrust of well-succeeding: whereas the body continueth firm in his own strength, and is subject only to a greater weight of power, by which it may be subdued and overthrown. It behoveth us therefore to take good heed, that our surest hold be not unfastned by the subtlety of the Fox, when it hath continued firm against the force of the Lion: and that the treachery of the spirit do not disadvantage those means, which either our own power or opportunity hath gained in our actions. Wherein a Commander cannot have a better rule for his direction, then to beware that violence of passion do not hinder the course of sound deliberation: and withal to be jealous of whatsoever an Enemy shall, either by speech or action, seem to thrust upon him, how colourable soever the reasons may be which are alleged to induce him thereunto. For first, if the mind be not conf●●med by the virtue of her better faculties to resist the motion of fruitless apprehensions, it may easily be seduced (either by fear or vain imagination, diffident conceptions or over-easy credulity, with many other such disturbing powers) from that way which a good discretion, and an understanding free from passion would have taken.  
First therefore I hold it necessary to have the consistory of our judgement well settled with a firm resolution, and with the presence of the mind, before we enter into deliberation of such things as are made happy unto us by good direction. And then this, amongst other circumstances, will give some help to a good conclusion, when we consider how improbable it is that an Enemy, whose chiefest care is to weaken his adversary, and bring him to ruin, should advise him of any thing that may concern his good; unless the profit which he himself shall thereby gather, do far exceed that which the contrary part may expect.  
I grant that in civil wa●s, where there are many friends on either party, and have the adverse cause as dear unto them as their own, there are oftentimes many advertisements given, which proceed from a true and sincere affection, and may advantage the party whom it concerneth, as well in preventing any danger, as in the furtherance of their cause; and therefore are not altogether to be neglected, but to be weighed by circumstances, and accordingly to be respected; whereof we have many pregnant examples in the civil wars of France, & particularly in Monsieur l● No● his discourses: but where there are two Armies, different in nation, language and humour, contending for that which peculiarly belongeth unto one of them, where care to keep that which is dearest unto them possesseth the one, and hope of gain stirreth up the other, there is commonly such an universal hatred between them, that they are to look for small advantage by advertisements from the enemy. Which if the Romans had well considered, this subtle Gall had not dispossessed them of their strength, nor brought them to ruin.    

CHAP. XI.  
The Romans call a council upon this advertisement, and resolve to depart, and join themselves to some other of the Legions.  
THe Romans being troubled at the suddenness of the matter, 
Caesar.  albeit the things were spoken by an Enemy, yet they thought them no way to be neglected; but especially it moved them, for that it was incredible that the Eburones, being base and of no reputation, durst of themselves make war against the people of Rome. And therefore they propounded the matter in a council: wherein there grew a great controversy among them. L. Aurunculeius, and most of the Tribunes, and Centurions of the first orders, thought it not good to conclude of any thing rashly, nor to depart out of their wintering-camps without express commandment from Caesar; forasmuch as they were able to resist never so great a power, yea even of the Germans, having their garririsons well fortified: an argument whereof was, that they had valiantly withstood the first assault of the Enemy, and given them many wounds. Neither wanted they any victuals; and before that provision which they had was spent, there would come succour from other garrisons and from Caesar. And to conclude, what was more dishonourable or ●avoured of greater inconstancy, then to consult of their weightiest affairs by the advertisement of an Enemy? Titurius urged vehemently to the contrary, that it then would be too late for them to seek a remedy, when a greater power of the Enemy, accompanied with the Germans, were assembled against them; or when any blow were given to any of the next wintering-camps. He took Caesar to be gone into Italy; for otherwise the Carnutes would not have adventured to kill Tasgetius, neither durst the Eburones have come so proudly to the camp. Let them not respect the author, but the thing itself: the Rhine was not far off, and he knew well that the overthrow of Ariovistus, and their former victories were grievous to the Germans. The Galls were vexed with the contumelies they had received, being brought in sub●ection to the Roman Empire, and having lost their former reputation in deeds of Arms.  
And to conclude, who would imagine that Ambiorix should enterprise such a matter without any ground or certainty thereof? but howsoever things stood, his counsel was sure and could bring no harm: for if there were no worse thing intended, they should but go safely to the next garrisons; or otherwise, if the Galls conspired with the Germans, their only safety consisted in celerity. As for the counsel of Cotta and such as were of the contrary opinion, what expectation could be had thereof? wherein if here were not present danger, yet assuredly famine was to be feared by long siege. The disputation being thus continued on either part, and Cotta with the Centurions of the first orders earnestly repugning it; Do as please you, since you will needs have it so, saith Sabinus, (and that he spoke with a loud voice, that a great part of the soldiers might well hear him) for I am not he that most feareth death among you: let these be wise; and if any mischance happen unto them, they shall ask account thereof at thy hands, inasmuch as if thou wouldst let them, they might join themselves within two days to the next garrisons, and with them sustain what chance soever their common destiny should allot them, and not perish with famine and sword, like a people cast off and abandoned from their fellows. After these words they began to rise out of the Council; but hold was laid upon them both: entreaty was made that they would not by their dis●ension and obstinacy bring all unto a desperate hazard; the matter was all one whether they went or stayed, so that they all agreed upon one thing; whereas in disagreeing there was no liklihood of well doing. The disputation was prolonged until midnight; at length Cotta yielded, and the sentence of Sabinus took place. And thereupon it was proclaimed that they should set forth by the break of day. The rest of the night was spent in watching. Every soldier sought out what he had to carry with him, and what he should be constrained to leave behind him of such necessaries as he had prepared for winter. All things were disposed in such sort, to make the soldiers believe that they could not stay without danger, and that the danger might be augmented by wearying the soldiers with watching.  

OBSERVATION.  
BY the resolution in this disputation it appeareth how little a grave and wise deliberation availeth, when it is impugned with the violence of passion, according to the truth of my former observation: for the matter was well reasoned by Cotta, and his positions were grounded upon things certain, and well known to the whole Council; and yet the fear of Sabinus was such, that it carried the conclusion by such supposed assertions as the quality of his passion had ratified for true principles; being grounded altogether upon that which the Enemy had suggested, and not upon any certain knowledge of the truth. Neither is it often seen when a Council disputeth upon matters of such consequence, that their deliberations are altogether clear from such troublesome motions, but that it will somewhat incline to the partiality of a strong affection; so powerful is passion in the government of the soul, and so interessed in the other faculties. And this is one cause of the uncertainty of man's judgement, from whence all contrary & different opinions do arise. Neither is this so strange a matter, that a council of war should so much vary in case of deliberation, when as many especial points of military discipline remain yet undecided, having the authority of the great Commanders of all ages to ratify the truth on either part; whereof I could allege many examples. But concerning the issue and event of our deliberations, what can be more truly said then that of the Poet?  
Et male consultis pretium est prudentia fallax,  
Nec fortuna probat causas sequiturque merentes;  
Sed vaga per cunctos nullo discrimine fertur.  
Sciliee●●st aliud quod nos cogatque regatque  
Majus, et in proprias ducat mortalia leges.  
Notwithstanding, forasmuch as our wisdom is not so subject to fortune, but that it may comprehend within itself the good direction of most of the occurrences which fall within the course of our business▪ or if we must needs miscarry, yet it somewhat helpeth our ill fortune to think that we went upon best probabilities; it shall not be amiss to set down some rules for the better directing of a mature consultation. Wherein we are to understand that as all our knowledge ariseth from some of our senses, and our senses comprehend only particularities, which being carried unto the apprehension are disposed into forms and degrees, according as they either concur or disagree in their several properties; from whence there arise intellectual notions, and rules of Art, wherein the science of the said particulars consisteth: so he that intendeth to debate a matter with sound deliberation, must descend from confused conceptions and a knowledge in general, to the exact distinction of particular parts, which are the occurrences to be directed, and the material substance of every action. He therefore that can give best direction, either by experience or judicious discourse, concerning such particularities as are incident to the matter propounded, can best advise which is the safest way to avoid the opposition of contradicting natures. But to make this somewhat plainer, I will allege two examples: the one modern in case of consultation; the other ancient, and may seem not so pertinent to this matter, in regard it is a mere Apology: yet forasmuch as it freely censureth the quality of particular circumstances, it may give great light to that which we seek after.  
The modern example is taken out of Guicerardin, 
Lib. 9  from the wars which Lewis the French King had with the Pope and the Venetians, concerning the State of Ferrara and the Duchy of Milan: wherein there arose a controversy among the French Captains, whether it were better to go directly to seek the Enemy, who albeit they were lodged in a strong and secure place, yet there was hope that with the virtue of Arms and importunity of artillery they might be dislodged, and driven to retreat; or otherwise to take the way either of Modena or Bolognia, that so the Enemy for fear of losing either of those towns might quit their hold, and by that means Ferrara should be freed from the war. Monsieur Chaumont the General of the French inclined to the former advice: But Trivulce, a man of great authority and experience, having been an executioner in 18. battles, reasoned thus in particulars to the contrary. We debate (saith he) to go seek the Enemy to fight with him; and I have always heard great Captains hold this as a firm principle, Not to attempt the fortune of a battle, unless there be either an offer of an especial advantage, or otherwise compulsion by necessity. The rules of war give it to the enemy that is the invader, and hath undertaken the conquest of Ferrara, to seek to assail and charge us; but to us, to whom it is sufficient to defend ourselves, it cannot be but impertinent to undertake an action contrary to all direction and discipline of war. I am of opinion, which is confirmed by evident reason, that there is no possibility to execute that devise but to our harms and disadvantage: for we cannot go to their camp but by the side of a hill, a straight and narrow way, where all our forces cannot be employed; and yet they with small numbers will make resistance, having the opportunity of the place favourable to their virtues. We must march by the rising of a hill, one horse after another, neither have we any other way to draw our Artillery, our baggage, our carts and bridges, but by the straight of the hill: and who doubteth not but in a way so narrow and cumbrous, every artillery, every cart, or every wheel that shall break will stay the Army a whole hour at the least? By which impediments every contrary accident may put us to disorder. The Enemy is lodged in covert, provided of victuals and forage; and we must incamp all bare and naked, not carrying with us that which should serve for our necessary nouriture, but expect the things to come after, which in reason ought to go with us. To attempt new enterprises, whereof the victory is less certain than the peril, is contrary to the gravity and reputation of a Leader; and in actions of the war, those enterprises are put to adventure that are done by will and not by reason. Many difficulties may compel us to make our abode there two or three days; yea the snows and reins, joined with the extremity of the season, may suffice to detain us: how shall we then do for victuals and forages? What shall we be able to do in the wars, wanting the things that should give us strength and sustenance? what is he that considereth not how dangerous it is to go seek the Enemy in a strong camp, and to be driven at one time to fight against them & against the discommodity of the place? If we compel them not to abandon their camp, we cannot but be enforced to retire; a matter of great difficulty in a country so wholly against us, and where every little disfavour will turn to our great disadvantage, etc.  
And thus proceeded that grave discourse, in the discovery of the particular occurrences incident to that enterprise; which being laid open to their confused judgements, did manifestly point at the great disadvantages which were to be undergone by that attempt.  
The other example is of more antiquity, taken out of Tacitus, 
Annal. ●.  and concerneth the arraignment of certain Senators for the friendship that had passed between Sejanus and them. Amongst whom M. Terentius thus answered for himself, according as it hath of late been published by translation.  
It would be peradventure less behooveful for my estate to acknowledge, then to deny the crime I am charged with: but hap what hap may, I will confess that I have been Sejanus friend, and that I desired so to be, and that after I had obtained his friendship I was glad of it. I had seen him joint-officer with my father in the government of the praetorian cohort, and not long after in managing the City affairs, and matters of war: his kinsmen and allies were advanced to honour: as every man was inward with Sejanus, so he was graced by Caesar: and chose such as were not in his favour lived in fear, and distressed with poverty. Neither do I allege any man for an example of this; all of us who were not privy to his last attempts, with the danger of my only estate I will defend: not Sejanus the Vulsiniensis, but a part of the Claudian and julian family, which by alliance he had entered into. Thy son in law, Caesar, thy companion in the Consulship, and him who took upon him thy charge of administering the Commonwealth, we did reverence and honour. It is not our part to judge of him whom thou dost exalt above the rest, nor for what considerations: to thee the highest judgement of things the gods have given, and to us the glory of obedience is left. We look into those things which we see before our eyes, whom thou dost enrich, whom thou dost advance to honours, who have greatest power of hurting or helping; which Sejanus to have had no man will deny. The Prince's hidden thoughts, or if he go about any secret drift it is not lawful to sound, and dangerous; neither shalt thou in the end reach unto them. Think not only, Lords of the Senate, of Sejanus last day; but of sixteen years▪ in which we did likewise fawn upon and court Satrius and Pomponius; and to be known unto his freed men and partners was reckoned for a high favour. What then? shall this defence be general, and not distinguished, but a confusion made of times past and his later actions? No: but let it by just bounds and terms be divided: let the treasons against the Commonwealth, the intentions of murdering the Emperor be punished; but as for the friendships, duties, pleasures and good turns, the same end shall discharge and quit thee, O Caesar, and us.  
The constancy of this Oration prevailed so much, that his Accusers were punished with exile. And thus we see how particularities decide the controversy, and make the way plain to good direction.    

CHAP. XII.  
The Romans take their journey towards the next legion; and are set upon by the Galls.  
AS soon as the daylight appeared, 
〈◊〉  they set forth of their Camp (like men persuaded that the counsel had been given them not by an Enemy, but by Ambiorix an especial friend) with a long-tailed march, and as much baggage as they were able to carry. The Galls understanding of their journey by their noise and watching in the night, secretly in the woods some two miles off laid an Ambuscado in two several places of advantage, and there attended the coming of the Romans: and when the greatest part of the troops were entered into a valley, suddenly they showed themselves on both sides the vale, pressing hard upon the rearward, and hindering the foremost from going up the hill, and so began to charge upon the Romans in a place of as great disadvantage for them as could be. Then at length Titurius, as one that had provided for nothing beforehand, began to tremble, ran up and down, and disposed his cohorts, but so fearfully and after such a fashion, as if all things had gone against him; as it happeneth for the most part to such as are forced to consult in the instant of execution.  

OBSERVATION.  
IT now plainly appeareth by this negligent and ill-ordered march, and the unlooked for encounter which the Galls gave them, that fear had ratified in the judgement of Sabinus the smooth suggestion of Ambiorix, with an approbation of a certain truth; and laid that for a principle, which a discourse free from passion would have discerned to be but weak, and of no probability: which so much the more amazed Titurius, by how much his apprehension had erred from the truth, and betrayed good counsel to a course full of danger; which, as Caesar noteth, must needs fall upon such, as are then to seek for direction when the business requireth execution. I have handled already the inconveniences of disappointment, and therefore at this time will but bring it only into remembrance, that we may take the greater care to prevent an accident of that nature: wherein as the best remedy for an evil is to foresee it, according to the saying, Praevisa pereunt mala, evil foreseen fall of themselves; so the greatest mischief in an evil is when it cometh unthought of, and besides our expectation, for than it falleth upon us with a supernatural weight, and affrighteth the mind with a superstitious astonishment, as though the divine powers had prevented our designments with an irremediable calamity, and cut off our appointment with a contrary decree: although peradventure the thing itself carry no such importance, but might be remedied, if we were but prepared with an opinion that such a thing might happen.  
It were no ill counsel therefore, what resolution soever be taken, to make as full account of that which may fall out to cross our intentions, as that which is likely to happen from the direction of our chiefest projects; and so we shall be sure to have a present mind in the midst of our occasions, and feel no further danger than that which the nature of the thing enforceth.    

CHAP. XIII.  
The Romans cast themselves into an Orb, and are much discouraged.  
BUt Cotta, 
C●●sar.  who had before thought that these things might happen by the way, and for that cause would not be the author of the journey, was not wanting in any thing that concerned their common safety: for both in calling upon the soldiers and encouraging them, he executed the place of a Commander; and in fight, the duty of a soldier. And when they found that, by reason of the length of their troup, they were not able in their own persons to see all things done, and to give direction in every place; they caused it to be proclaimed, that they should all for sake their baggage, and ●ast themselves into an Orb. Which direction although in such a case it be not to be reproved, yet it fell out ill favouredly: for it both abated the courage of the Romans, & gave the Enemy greater encouragement, inasmuch as it seemed that that course was not taken but upon a great fear and in extremity of peril. Moreover it happened, as it could not otherwise choose, that the soldiers went from their Ensigns, to take from the carriages such things as were most dear unto them: and there was nothing heard amongst them but clamours and weep. But the Barbarous Galls were not to learn how to carry themselves. For their Commanders caused it to be proclaimed, that no man should stir out of his place; for the prey was theirs, and all that the Romans had laid apart was reserved for them: and therefore let them suppose that all things consisted in the victory. The Romans were equal to the Galls both in number of men and valour; and albeit they were destitute of good Captains and of good fortune, yet they reposed in their manhood all the hope of their safety: and as often as any cohort issued out, they failed not to make a great slaughter of the Enemy on that part.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
I Have already handled the nature of an Orb, with such properties as are incident to a Circle; wherein I showed the conveniency of this figure, in regard of safe and strong imbattelling. I will now add thus much concerning the use thereof, that as it is the best manner of imbattelling for a defensive strength, and therefore never used but in extremity; so we must be very careful that the sudden betaking of ourselves to such a refuge do not more dismay the soldiers, than the advantage of that imbattelling can benefit them. For unless a Leader be careful to keep his men in courage, that their hearts may be free from despair and amazement, what profit can there arise from any disposition or body soever, when the particular members shall be senseless of that duty which belongeth unto them? For order is nothing but an assistance to courage, giving means to manage our valour with advantage. In the war of afric we rea●, that Caesar's legions being encircled about with great multitudes of enemies, were forced to make an Orb; but he quickly turned it to a better use, by advancing the two Cornets two contrary ways; and so divided the Enemy into two parts, and then beat them back, to their great disadvantage.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
I Need not stand upon this order which the Galls here took concerning pillage, that no soldier should forsake his station, or disrank himself in hope of spoil; which is a thing that from the very infancy of wars hath often changed the fortune of the day, and sold the honour of a public victory for private lucre and petty pilfering. Amongst other examples, let that which Guicciardine reporteth of the battle of Taro suffice to warn a well-directed Army, 
Lib. 20  as well by the good which Charles the eighth of that name King of France received at that time, as by the loss which the Italians felt by that disorder, not to seek after pillage until the victory be obtained.   

THE THIRD OBSERVATION.  
THe insufficiency of these Commanders, whereof Caesar now complaineth as the only want which these Romans had to clear themselves of this danger, bringeth to our consideration that which former times have made a question; which is, Whether is were the virtue of the Roman Leaders, or the valour of their soldiers, that enlarged their Empire to that greatness, and made their people and Senate Lords of the world. Polybius weighing the causes of a victory which the Carthaginians gained of the Romans, by the counsel and good direction of one Zantippus a Grecian, having before that time received divers overthrows during the time of those wars in afric; concludeth that it was more in the worthiness of the Commanders, then in any extraordinary virtue of the soldiers, that the Romans achieved so many conquests. And besides the present example of Zantippus, he confirmed his opinion with the proceedings of Hannibal; who from the beginning of the second Punic war, still gained of the Roman Empire, enlarging the territories of Carthage, and straightening the jurisdiction of mighty Rome, until it had got a Leader matchable to that subtle Carthagiman, and found a Scipio to confront their Hannibal. To this may be added that famous battle between the old Romans and the last Latins; wherein both parties were equally balanced, both in number and quality of their soldiers, having both the same Arms, the same use of their weapons, and the same discipline, as if it had been in a civil war. Neither could Fortune tell by the presence of their Armies where to bestow her favour, or where to show her disdain; but that the worthiness of the Roman Leaders brought the odds in the trial, and made Rome great with the ruin of the Latins. Whereby it appeareth how much it importeth the whole fortune of the Army, to have a Leader worthy of the place which he holdeth: forasmuch as nothing doth make a greater difference of inequality between two equal Armies, than the wisdom and experience of a grave Commander, or the disability of an unskilful Leader; which are so powerful in their several effects, that there is greater hope of a herd of Hearts led by a Lion, then of so many Lions conducted by a Hart.    

CHAP. XIV.  
Ambiorix directeth the Galls how they might best fight with advantage, and frustrate the weapons of the Roman soldiers.  
THe which thing when Ambiorix perceived, 
Caesar.  he commanded his men to throw their casting weapons afar off, and keep themselves from coming near at hand, and where the Romans charged them to give way, for that by reason of the lightness of their arms and their daily exercise the Romans could do them no harm: and again, as they saw them ret●re to their Ensigns, then to pursue them. Which commandment was so diligently observed by the Galls, that as oft as any cohort sallied out of the Orb to give an assault, the Enemy gave back as fast as they could; and in the mean time there was no help but that part must be left naked and open to the inconvenience of casting weapons: and again, as they retired to their place, they were circumvented, as well by them that had given place unto them, as by such as stood next about them. And if they went about to keep their ground, they could neither help themselves by their manhood, nor standing thick together avoid the darts that such a multitude cast upon them. A●d yet notwithstanding these inconveniences, besides the wounds which they had received, they stood still at their defence; and having so spent the greatest part of the day (for they had fought eight hours together) they committed nothing dishonourable, or unworthy of themselves.  

THE OBSERVATION.  
I Have spoken already of the manner of the Roman fight, consisting altogether in good disposition of imbattelling, and in firm standing, and buckling at handy-blowes: as may appear by this circumstance, where Ambiorix forbiddeth his men to buckle with them, but to give back and follow on again, as the lightness of their Arms gave them opportunity. In like manner in the first book of the civil wars, in the battle between Caesar and Afranius, it appeareth that Caesar his soldiers were bound to keep their array, not to leave their Ensigns, nor without a weighty occasion to forsake their stations appointed them: whereas the Afranians fought thin and scattered here and there; and if they were hard laid unto, they thought it no dishonour to retire and give back, as they had learned of the Portugals and other Barbarous Nations.    

CHAP. XV.  
The Romans are overthrown.  
THen T. Baluentius, who the year before had been primipile of that legion, 
Caesar.  a valiant man and of great authority, had both his thighs darted through with a javelin; and Q. Lucanius, of the same order, valiantly fight to succour his son, was slain; and L. Cotta the Legate, as he busily encouraged all the cohorts and centuries, was wounded in the mouth with a sling. Titurius moved with these things, as he beheld Ambiorix afar off encouraging his men, sent C●. Pompeius' unto him, to entreat him that he would spare h●m and his soldiers. Ambiorix answered, that ●f he were desirous to treat, he might: for he hoped to obtain so much of the people, to save the soldiers; but for himself, he should have no harm at all: for the assurance whereof he gave him his faith. Titurius imparted the matter to Cotta, and that if he liked that they two should goout of the battle, and have conference with Ambiorix, he doubted not but to obtain of him the safety of themselves and their soldiers. Cotta absolutely denied to go to an armed enemy, and continued resolute in that opinion. Titurius commanded such Tribunes and Centurions as were present to follow him; and when he came near to Ambiorix, being commanded to cast away his arms, he obeyed, and willed those that were with him to do the same. In the mean time while they treated of the conditions, and Ambiorix began a solemn protestation of purpose, Titurius was by little and little encompassed about and slain, Then, according to their custom, they cried victory; and taking up a howling, charged the Romans with a fresh assault, and routed their troops. There L. Cotta fight valiantly was slain, & the most part of the soldiers with him. The remnant retired into their camp; amongst whom L. Petrosidius the Eagle-bearer, when he saw himself overcharged with enemies, threw the Eagle within the rampire, and fight with a great courage before the Camp was slain. The rest with much ado endured the assault until night: and in the night, being in despair of all succour, slew themselves every man. A few that escaped from the battle came by unknown ways through the woods to Labienus, and certified him how all things had fallen out.  

OBSERVATION.  
ANd thus have we heard of the greatest loss that ever fell at any one time upon Caesar his Army, from the time that he was first Proconful in Gallia, unto the end of his Dictatorship. For in the two overthrows at Dyrrach●um he lost not above 1000 men, and in that at Gergovia not so many: but here fifteen cohorts were cut in pieces, which amounted to the number of 7000 men or thereabouts. Which maketh cowardice and ill direction the more hateful, in regard that the great victory which his valour obtained in Pharsalia cost him but the lives of two hundred men.  
The resolution of such as returned to the Camp witnesseth the exceeding valour of the Roman soldier, if a valiant Leader had had the managing thereof; or if Cotta alone had been absolute Commander, there had been great hope of better fortune in the success. But here it happened as it commonly doth, that where there are many that are equal sharers in the chief authority, the direction for the m●st part followeth him that is more viole●t in opinion then the rest: which being a property rather of passion then of judicious discourse, forceth a consent against the temperate opposition of a true discerning understanding. And so consequently it falleth out, that one coward having place and authority in the Council, doth either infect or annihilate the sound deliberations of the rest of the Leaders: for his timorousness flieth always to extremities, making him rash in consultation, peremptory in opinion, and base in case of peril; all which are enemies to good direction, and the only instruments of mischieving fortune.    

CHAP. XVI.  
Ambiorix hasteth to besiege Cicero, and stirreth up the Aduatici, the Nervii, and so raiseth a great power.  
AMbiorix took such spirits unto him upon this victory, 
Caesar.  that with his horsemen he went immediately unto the Aduatici, being the next borderers upon his kingdom, without intermission of night or day, commanding his footmen to follow him. The Aduatici upon his opening the matter being stirred up to commotion, the next day after he came to the Nervii, exhorting them not to let slip this occasion of recovering to themselves perpetual liberty, and revenging them of the Romans for the wrongs they had received. He told them that two Legates were already slain, and a great part of the Army overthrown: it was now no great matter suddenly to surprise the legion that wintered with Cicero; to the performance whereof the offered himself to be their assistant. These remonstrances easily persuaded the Nervii; and therefore they dispatched speedy messengers to the Centrones, Grudii, Levaci, Pleumosii and Gorduni, who were all under their dominion, and raised very great forces; and ●ith them they hasted to the camp where Cicero wintered, before any inkling of the death of Titurius was brought unto him.  

OBSERVATION.  
THe ambitious and working spirit of Ambiorix, that could attempt to raise the baseness of a small and ignoble State to so high a point of resolution, that they durst adventure upon the Roman legions, being settled in the strength of their Empire by the memory of so many victories in Gallia, wanted now no means to make an overture to a universal commotion, propounding liberty and revenge to the Galls (two the sweetest conditions that can happen to a subdued people) if they would but stretch out their hands to take it, and follow that course which his example had proved sure and easy. Which may serve to show, that he that will attempt upon doubtful and unsafe Principles, will take great advantage from a probable entrance, and make a small beginning a sufficient means for his greatest designs.    

CHAP. XVII.  
Cicero defendeth his Camp from the surprise of the Nervii, and prepareth himself against a Siege.  
IT happened to Cicero also (as it could not otherwise choose) that many of the soldiers that were gone into the woods for timber and munition, 
Caesar.  were cut off by the sudden approach of the Enemy's horsemen. These being circumvented, the Eburones, Nervii, and Aduatici, with all their confederates and client's begins to assault the Camp. The Romans betook them speedily to their weapons, and got upon the ramp●er. With much ado they held out that day: for the Galls trusted much upon celerity; hoping if they sped well in that action, to be victors ever after.  
Cicero dispatched letters with all speed to Caesar, promising great rewards to him that ●●ould carry them: but all the ways were so fore-laied that the Messengers were taken. In one night there was built in t●e camp one hundred and twenty towers, of such timber as was brought in for fortification; and whatsoever wanted of the rest of the work was perfected.  
The enemy the next day with a far greater power assaulted the Camp, and filled up the d●tch. ●he Romans made the like defence as they had done the day before; the like was continued divers days after. The Romans made no intermission of their work at any part of the night, nor gave any rest either to the sick or the wounded. Whatsoever was needful for the next day's assault, was provided in readiness the night before: a great number of stakes hardened in the fire were prepared, and many mural piles were made; the towers were 〈◊〉 in their stories; Pinnacles and Parapets ●ere set up of hurdles; and Cicero himself being sickly and of a weak constitution, took not so much leisure as to rest himself in the night time: so that the soldiers of their own accord compelled him by entreaty to spare himself.  

OBSERVATION.  
THis Q. Cicero is said to be the brother of Marcus 〈◊〉 the famous Orator, and to him were the letters sent which are found in his ●pistles directed Quinto fratri. In this action 〈◊〉 carriage deserved as great reputation in the true censure of honour, as ever his brother did for his eloquence pro Rostris. And if it had been the 〈◊〉 fortune to h●ve performed the like service. 〈…〉 ●ave made it the greatest exploit that ever● 〈◊〉 had achieved by arms. Wherein particularly may be commended the diligence and industry which was used, in raising so many 〈◊〉 in so small a time; for providing the 〈◊〉 before such things as were necessary for the next day's defence; for making so many stakes hardened in the end with fire for the defence of the rampire; and for the store of these mural p●les, which resembled the form of the ordinary pile, but were far greater and weightier, in regard they were to be cast from the rampire; which gave them such advantage by reason of the height, that being cast by a strong and well practised arm, they were very effectual and of great terror.    

CHAP. XVIII.  
The Nervii propound the same things to Cicero which Ambiorix had done to Sabinus; but are reject  
THen the Princes and chief Commanders of the Nervii, 
Caesar.  which had any entrance of speech and cause of acquaintance with Cicero, signified their desire to speak with him. Which being granted, they propounded the same things which Ambiorix had used to deceive Sabinus; all Gallia were in Arms; the Germans were come over the Rhine; Caesar and the rest were besieged in their wintering-camps; Sabinus and his men were cut in pieces; and for the more credit to it they show him Ambiorix. They said, they were much deceived if they expected any help from those who were at present scarce able to help themselves. Notwithstanding they carried this mind to Cicero and the people of Rome, that they refused nothing but their wintering among them, which they would not suffer to be made a common practice. They might depart in safety whither they would, without disturbance or fear of danger. Cicero only made this answer; That it was not the custom of the people of Rome to take any article or condition from an armed Enemy; but if they would lay their Arms aside, let them use his furtherance in the matter, and send some to negotiate it with Caesar: there was great hope, in regard of his justice and equity, that they should not return unsatisfied.  

OBSERVATION.  
THe first attempt which Ambiorix made upon the Camp of Sab●nus and Cotta was but short; but here, what with the pride of the former victory, and the great multitude of the assailants, they continued it longer, in hope to carry it by assault. For the first assault of a place, especially when it cometh by way of surprise, is of greater hope to the assailant, and of greater danger to the defendant, than such as afterward are made in the sequel of the war: for after the first brunt the heat of the enemy is much abated, as well through the nature of a hot desire, which is most violent in the beginning, and afterward groweth cold and remiss, as also with the harms and peril which they meet with in the encounter; and on the contrary side, the defendants having withstood the first fury, wherein there is most terror and distrust, grow more confident and better assured of their manhood, and in experience of their strength stand firm against any charge whatsoever.    

CHAP. XIX.  
The Nervii besiege Cicero with a ditch and a rampire, and work means to set fire on their Tents.  
THe Nervii disappointed of this hope, 
Caesar.  carried a ditch and a rampire round about the camp: the rampire was eleven foot high, and the ditch fifteen foot deep: which they had learned of the Romans, partly by being conversant among them certain years before, and partly by the prisoners and captives which they had taken. But they had no iron tools fit for that purpose, but were driven to cut up turf with their swords, and gather earth with their hands, and carry it away with their Mantles and Gaberd●nes. Whereby may be gathered what a multitude of men there were at the siege; for in less than three hours they finished the fortification of fifteen miles in circuit. The days following the enemies built towers to the height of the rampire, prepared great hooks and strong penthouses, or safegards of boards and timber, according as the captives had given them instruction. The seventh day of the siege being a very windy day, they cast hot bullets of clay out of slings, & burning darts upon the cabins of the Romans, which after the manner of the Galls were thatched with straw. These cabins were quickly set on fire, which by the violence of the wind was carried over all the camp. The enemy pressing forward with a great clamour, as though the victory were already gotten, began to bring their Turrets and Testudines to the rampire, and to scale it with ladders. But such was the valour of the Roman soldiers, that albeit they were scorched on all sides with fire, and overcharged with multitude of weapons, and saw all their wealth burned before their face; yet no man forsook the rampire, or scarce looked back at that which had happened, but they all fought valiantly, and with an 〈◊〉 courage. ●his was the sorest day the Romans had, and yet it had this issue, that a very great number of the enemies were slain and wounded; for they ha● so thronged themselves under the rampire, that the hindmost hindered the foremost from retiring back. The flame at length abating, and the enemies having brought on one of their towers to the very works, the Centurions of the third cohort drew back themselves and their men from the place where they stood, and with signs and voices called to the enemies to enter if they thought good: but none of them durst approach. Then did they by casting stones from all parts beat them from the works, and set their tower on fire.  

OBSERVATION.  
THis one example may serve to show the excellency of the Roman discipline, and the wisdom of the first founders of that Art. For they perceiving that the fortune of wars consisted chiefly in the mastering of particular occurrences, trained their soldiers in that form of discipline as might struggle with inconveniences, and strong oppositions of contradicting accidents; and so overwage all difficulties and hindrances with a constant perseveration and a courage invincible. For the great attempting spirit of an ambitious Commander, that seeketh to overtop the trophies of honour with the memory of his exploits, will quickly perish by his own direction, if the instruments of execution be weaker than the means which lead him to his designments. For where the weight is greater than the strength, the engine will sooner break than lift it up. Let a discreet Leader therefore so level his thoughts, that his resolution may not exceed the ability of his particular means: but first let him be well assured what his soldiers can do, before he resolve what he will do: or otherwise let him so enable them by discipline and instructions, according to the example of the old Romans, that their worth may answer the height of his desires, and follow his aspiring mind with a resolution grounded upon knowledge and valour; and so making their ability the ground of his designs, he shall never fail of means to perform what he intendeth. The want of this consideration hath within these late years repaied our Commanders in many parts of Christendom with loss and dishonour, when as they have measured the humour of their poor needy and undisciplined soldier by the garb of their ambitious thoughts, and so laid such projects of difficulty, as were very unsuitable in the particularity of occurrences to that which their soldiers were fit to execute.    

CHAP. XX.  
The emulation between two Centurions, Pulfio and Varenus, with their fortunes in the encounter.  
THere were in that legion two valiant men, 
Caesar.  Titus Pulfio and L. Varenus, Centurions, coming on apace to the dignity of the first orders. These too w●re at continual debate which of them should be preferred one before another, and every year contended for place of preferment with much strife and emulation. Pulfio, at a time that the fortification was very sharply assaulted, called to Varenus, and asked him why he now stood doubtful; or what other place he did look for to make trial of his manhood. This is the day, says he, that shall decide our controversies. And when he had spoken these words, he went out of the fortification; and where he saw the Enemy thickest, he fiercely set upon them. Then could not Varenus hold himself within the rampire, but for his credit sake followed after in a reasonable distance. Pulfio cast his pile at the enemy, and struck one of the multitude through that c●me running out against him. He being slain, the enemies cover him with their shields, and all cast their weapons at Pulfio, giving him no respite or time of retreat. Pulfio had his target struck through, and the dart stuck fast in his girdle. This chance turned aside his scabbard, and hindered his right hand from pulling out his sword; in which disadvantage the enemy pressed hard upon him. Varenus came and rescued him. Immediately the whole multitude, thinking Pulfio to be slain with the dart, turned to Varenus: who speedily betook him to his sword, and ca●e to handy-strokes; & having slain one, he put the rest somewhat back. But as he followed overhastily upon them, he fell down. Him did Pulfio rescue being circumvented and in danger: & so both of them, having slain many of the enemy, retired to their Camp in safety, to their great honour. Thus Fortune carried as well the contention, as the encounter of them both, that being Enemies, they nevertheless gave help to save each others life, in such sort as it was not to be judged which of them deserved greatest honour.  

OBSERVATION.  
CAesar inserteth▪ this accident of the two Centurions, as worthy to be related amongst the deeds of Arms contained in these Commentaries. Wherein we are first to observe the grounds of this quarrel, which was their continual strife for place of preferment, which they sought after, by showing their valour in time of danger, and approving their worth by the greatness of their desert: a contention worthy the Roman discipline, & may serve for a pattern of true honour full of courage, accomplished with virtue. For these Simultates which desire of honour had cast between them, brought forth emulation, which is the spurr of virtue, far from enmity or hateful contention: for the difference between these two qualities is, that enmity hunteth after destruction, & only rejoiceth in that which bringeth to our adversary utter ruin, dishonour, or ill achievement; but emulation contendeth only by well deserving to gain the advantage of another man's fame, that useth the same ●eans to attain to the like end; and is always mixed with love, in regard of the affinity of their affections, and the sympathy of their desires, not seeking the overthrow of their Competitour, but succouring him in time of danger, and defending him from foul and unfortunate calamity, that he may still continue to show the greatness of his worth, by the opposition of inferior actions, which are as a lesser scantling of desert to measure the estimation of the others honour.  
A virtue rare and unknown in these days, and would hardly find subjects to be resident in, if she should offer her help in the course of our affairs, or sue to be entertained by the crooked dispositions of our times: For we can no sooner conceive the thoughts that breed emulation, but it turneth presently to hatred, which is followed to the uttermost of our malice, and resteth better satisfied with the miserable end of our opposed partner, then with thousand of Trophies deservedly erected to our honour. Which maketh me wonder, when I look into the difference of these and those ages, whether it were the discipline of that time which brought forth such honest effects of virtue, to their glory and our ignominy, having learned better rules than were known unto them; or whether the world weakened with age, want strength in these times to bring forth her creatures in that perfection as it did in those days; or what other cause hath made our worst affections so violent, and our better faculties so remiss and negligent, that virtue hath no part in us but words of praise, our whole practice being consecrated to actions of reproach. The injuries, murders, scandalous carriages of one towards another, which in these days are so readily offered and so impatiently digested, will admit no satisfaction but private combat; which in the first Monarchies was granted only against strangers & foreign enemies, as the only objects of Arms and wrath, and capable of that justice which the private sword should execute: for they well perceived that these single battles were as sparkles of civil discord, and intestine wars; although not so apparent in the general view of their State, yet as odious in particular, and as dishonourable to good government. And if there were a true record of such as have been either slain or wounded within these forty years, either in this kingdom, or in France, or in Germany, by this licentious and brutish customs, I make no question but they would amount to a number capable of that fearful stile which is attributed to civil wars.  
Neither is there any law, how rigorous or hard soever, that can give relief to this disorder, but the restraint will draw on as great enormities, and as intolerable in a good government. 〈◊〉 King of the Lumbards' for●ade his subjects this manner of combat: but shortly after he was constrained to recall the Edict for the avoiding of greater evils; although he protested the thing to be both inhuman and barbarous. The like Edict was published in France by Philip the Fair; but was within two years revoked again at the instant request of his Subjects, in regard of the murders and assasinats committed in that kingdom.  
The only remedy that I find to take effect in this case, was that of late time which the Prince of Melphe in Pi●mo●t invented to prevent this evil: for perceiving how ordinary quarrels and bloodshed were in his camp, he assigned a place between two bridges for the performance of the Du●ilum, with this charge, that he that had the w●●st should always be slain, & cast from the bridge into the water. The danger joined with dishonour (which by this Decree attended such as undertook private combat) made the soldier's wiser in their carriage, and put an end to their sedition and civil discords. But that which is yet worst of all is, that custom hath now made it so familiar, that every 〈◊〉 seemeth sufficient to call the matter to a private combat: a cross look calleth another man's honour in question; but the word Lye is of as great consequence as any stab or villainy whatsoever. Whereat we may well wonder, how it happeneth that we feel ourselves so much exasperated at the reproach of that vice which we so ordinarily commit: for in the custom of these times, to cast upon us the Lie is the greatest in jury that words can do unto us; and yet there is nothing more frequent in our mouth. It may be a property in our nature, to stand chiefly in the defence of that corruption unto which we are most subject.  
I speak not this to qualify the foulness of this vice; for I hold a Liar to be a monster in nature, one that contemneth GOD, and feareth man, as an ancient Father saith: but to show the crookedness of our disposition, in disdaining to acknowledge that fault which we so commonly commit. But I would fain learn when honour first came to be measureD with words: for from the beginning it was not so. Caesar was often called to his face thief and drunkard, without any further matter: and the liberty of invectives which great personages used one against another, as it began, so it ended with words. And so I think our Lie might too; for I take him that returneth the Lie, and so letteth it rest until further proof, to have as great advantage in the reputation of honour as the former that first gave the disgrace.    

CHAP. XXI.  
Ci●●ro findeth means to advertise Caesar of this Accident; who hasting, raiseth the siege, and putteth the Enemy to a great ●laughter.  
AS the siege grew daily hotter a●d sharper, 
Caesar.  and specially for that a great part of the soldiers were laid up with wounds, and the matter brought into a few men's hands that were able to make any defence; so they sent out Letters and Messengers the more often to Caesar: of whom some were taken, and in the sight of our soldiers tortured to death. There was one within the place besieged of the Nation of the Nervii, called Vertico, of honest parentage, who in the beginning of the siege had fled to Cicero, and carried himself faithfully in that service. This man did Cicero choose, persuading him with hope of liberty, and other great rewards, to carry Letters to Caesar: which he took, and having t●ed them up in his Dart, traveled as a Gall amongst the Galls, without any suspicion, and so came to Caesar. Of whom he understood how dangerously Cicero and the legion was beset.  
Caesar having received those Letters about the eleventh hour of the day, dispatched presently a Messenger to M. C●assus the Treasurer in the country of the Bellovaci, twenty five miles off, commanding the legion to set out at midnight, and speedily to come unto him. Crassus' set out and came along with the Messenger. He sent another Post to C●ius Fabius the Legate, to bring that legion to the confines of the Atrebates, through which he was to pass. And wrote in like manner to Labienus, that if it stood with the conveniency of the State, he should bring his legion to the territories of the Nervii: for the rest of the Army that were further off he thought good not to expect. He drew four hundred horse or thereabouts from the nearest wintering-Camps. And being advertised about the third hour (by the forerunners) of Crassus coming, he marched that that day twenty miles.  
He made Crassus' Governor of Samarobrina, 
Cambray.  & gave him one legion for the defence thereof; in regard that the baggage of the whole Army, the hostages of the Provinces, the public transactions and Letters, together with all the Corn which he had got for the provision of the Winter, was left in that place. Fabius, according to his directions, without any delay met him with his legion.  
Labienus understanding of the death of Sabinus, and the slaughter of the Cohorts, & knowing also that the whole forces of the Treviri were marching toward him, doubted that if his setting forward out of his winter station should seem as a stealing away, he should not be able to undergo the charge of the enemy, whom a late victory had made insolent: and therefore informed Caesar by his Letters, what danger it would be to draw the legion from their wintering-camp; relating what had happened amongst the Eburones, & how that all the forces of the Treviri, both horse and foot, lay but three miles distant from his Camp.  
Caesar allowing of these reasons, howsoever his hope of three legions was fallen unto two, yet his whole trust was in celerity, as the only means of all their safeties: and so by great journeys came into the confines of the Nervii; where he understood by the Captives how matters passed with Cicero, and what danger he was in. At what time he persuaded a certain horseman of the Galls, by great rewards offered unto him, to carry a Letter unto Cicero; which he sent writ in Greek Characters, lest his purposes should be discovered, if the Letter had been intercepted: advising, that if he could not come to his presence, he should tie it to the string of a Dart, and so cast it into the fortifications. He advertised them by his Letter that he was on the way with the legions, and would be there instantly to raise the siege, exhorting him to persevere in his wont gallantry. The Gall fearing some danger, followed the directions, and cast it into the works by a Dart; which fell by chance upon a turret, and there stuck two days before it was perceived: the third day a soldier finding it, took it down and brought it to Cicero; who read it publicly in the assembly of the soldiers, and put them all into exceeding great joy. And at the same time the smoke of their fires began a far off to be discovered; which put them out of all doubt of the approach of the legions.  
The Galls being advertised thereof by their Discoverers, left the siege, and made towards Caesar with all their power; which consisted of 60000 men or thereabouts▪ Cicero finding himself at liberty, sought out the same Vertico before mentioned, to carry Letters to Caesar; advising him to be wary and diligent in his passage: signifying by those Letters that the enemy had left the siege, & turned all his forces towards him. Which Letters being brought unto Caesar about midnight, he certified his party of the contents thereof, and prepared them by encouragement to fight. The next day as soon as it began to be light he removed his Camp; & having marched about four miles, he discovered the multitude of the enemy beyond a great Valley and a River. It was a matter of exceeding danger to give battle to so great a number in a place of disadvantage: and forasmuch as he knew that Cicero was freed of the siege, he thought he might the better forbear to make such haste; and thereupon sat down, and in as indifferent a place as he could choose fortified his Camp. Which being of itself very little, as not having scarce seven thousand men, and those without any carriages; yet he lessened it as much as he could by narrowing the usual streets there of, to the end he might the better defend it, if happily the enemy might be drawn to engage himself seriously in any attempt upon the same. In the mean time having sent out Discoverers into all parts, he informed himself which way he might most conveniently pass over the valley.  
The same day, after small encounters of the Cavalry at the water, either party contained themselves within their fortifications: the Galls, as expecting greater forces, which were not yet come; and Caesar, that by a counterfeit fear he might draw the Enemy to the place where he was lodged on this side the valley, and so strike the battle before his Camp; and if he could not bring it so about, then upon discovery of the ways, to pass the valley and the river with less danger. As it began to be daylight the Cavalry of the enemy came near unto the Camp, and began to skirmish with our horsemen. Caesar of set purpose commanded the horsemen to fall back, and to betake themselves into the Camp: and withal to fortify their camp on all sides with a higher rampire, to stop up the Gates; and in doing of these things to carry themselves tumultuously, and with a feigned show of great fear. With which inducements the enemy was so drawn on, that he brought over all his forces, and imbattelled them in an unequal and disadvantageous place. Our men being drawn from the rampire (to make the matter more apparent) they were emboldened to come nearer, and to cast weapons from all parts into our works: sending Heralds round about with Proclamation, That if any Gall or Roman would come over unto them before the third hour, he should be taken into their safe protection; but after that time there was no hope of any such reception. And they did so contemn our party, that whereas the Ports were shut up for a show with a single row of turfs, to the end they might appear to be made up in such manner that they could not be broken open; some of them began to break down the rampire with their hands, and others to fill up the ditches.  
Which Caesar perceiving, sallied out at all the Ports at once; and sending out the Cavalry, put the enemy so suddenly to flight, that not one of them resisted by way of fight: insomuch as he slew a great number of them, and put them all besides their Arms. But because he feared to follow them far, in regard of the woods and bogs that lay in their passage, (being unwilling to hazard himself upon the least occasion of danger) he returned with all his forces in safety, and the selfsame day came to Cicero. Where he admired the towers, the mantlets and works which were begun and prepared by the enemy: and drawing out the legion, he found that the tenth man had not escaped without wounds. By all which circumstances he understood, with what danger and valour the business had been carried. He commended Cicero and the legion according to their merit; calleth out by name such Centurions and Tribunes of the soldiers, as by testimony of Cicero were found to have deserved extraordinarily in that service; informed himself by the captives of the certainty of Sabinus & Cotta's misfortune. The next day he spoke publicly to the soldiers, opened the particulars of that matter, and then seasoned them with comfort and encouragement; showing that the loss which happened through the fault and temerity of a Legate, was to be born with better patience: and the rather forasmuch as by the assistance of the immortal Gods, and by their own virtue, the loss was redeemed in such a fashion, as neither the enemy did long joy it, nor themselves were long afflicted with grief for the same.  

OBSERVATION.  
THe passages in this Chapter are of great variety, and do give occasion of much discourse. But that which is most remarkable is, that to exceed in forces and troops of men, may be a means to bring a party to an overthrow: for an extraordinary power doth always beget an opinion sorting to their own desires, and can hardly think of any other end than that which s●●●th with security and victorious success; which being crossed in any material circumstance, and put besides the course of their intendments, whereby they fail of what they expected, doth consequently draw all the other way, and changeth hope into mishap: as it fared here with the Galls upon Caesar's sudden sallying out of the Camp.    

CHAP. XXII.  
The commotions of the States of Gallia▪ Induciomarus attempting great matters, is slain, and the Country quieted.  
IN the mean time the report of Caesar's victory was carried to Labienus with incredible speed, 
Caesar.  through the country of those of Rheims: insomuch as being fifty miles distant from that place where Cicero wintered, and that the overthrow was given about three of the clock in the afternoon, there was a shout at the Camp-gate before midnight; whereby the men of Rheims congratulated Labienus for that victory. The fame whereof being carried to the Treviri, Induciomarus, that purposed the next day to besiege Labienus, fled in the night time, and carried all his forces back to the Treviri. Caesar remanded Fabius with his legion into their winter stations: He himself with three legions determined to winter about Samarobrina. And forasmuch as there were such commotions throughout all Gallia, himself resolved to abide with the Army all the winter. For upon the news of the overthrow of Sabinus, almost all the States of Gallia did enter into a consultation of war; sent Messengers and Ambassadors into all parts, to make overtures for future resolutions, and to understand in what place the war might best be set on foot; holding their conventicles by night in secret and desert places: in such manner as there passed not a day during all that winter which brought not some new care or trouble to Caesar, whilst he was daily advertised of new meetings and conspiracies amongst the Galls.  
Amongst others he had intelligence from L, Roscius the Leg ate, whom he had set over the thirteenth legion, that great forces of those States and Cities of the Galls that are called Armoricae were assembled together to fight against him, 
Brittany.  and were come within eight miles of his camp: but understanding of Caesar's victory, they fell back in such a fashion as though they meant to fly away. But Caesar having called unto him the Princes and chief men of every State, terrifying some, as seeming to understand their complotments, and persuading others, kept a great part of Gallia in obedience. Howbeit the Senones (a strong people, and of great authority amongst the Galls) went about by a public decree to kill Cavarinus, whom Caesar had set to be king over them; (whose brother Moritasgus at Caesar's coming into Gallia, and whose ancestors formerly were possessed of that kingdom) which he perceiving fled away, and was prosecuted to the very borders, and so driven as well out of his private house as of his kingdom. And having sent Ambassadors to Caesar to satisfy him herein; whereas he commanded the whole Senate to come unto him, they refused to obey his warrant. So much it prevailed amongst barbarous people, that there were some found that durst avouch the undertaking of a war. Which made such an alteration in the minds of all men, that besides the Hed●i and the State of Rheims, whom Caesar had in great favour and respect, (the one for their ancient and perpetual fidelity to the people of Rome, and the other for their late services in the war of Gallia) there was almost no State free from suspicion. Insomuch as I know not well whether it may not be wondered at or no, as well for many other reasons, as specially for that they greatly grieved, that they who excelled all other nations in deeds of arms, had now lost their reputation so far, as they were forced to bear the yoke of the people of Rome.  
The Treviri and Induciomarus lost no time of all that winter, but sent Commissioners beyond the Rhine, soliciting the cities, and promising moneys, with confident aslurance that the greatest part of our Army was already cut off, and that which was left was but a small remainder of the same: and yet for all that no people of the Germans could be persuaded to pass the Rhine. For having twice made trial to their cost, in the war of Ariovistus, and in the passage of the * 
Franckfort.  Tenchtheri, they would tempt Fortune no further.  
Induciomarus cast down from his hope, did notwithstanding train and gather forces, got horses from the bordering States, and with great rewards drew unto him banished and condemned men from all parts of Gallia; and did thereby get such an opinion throughout all that Continent, that Ambassadors came flocking unto him from all quarters, and sought his favour both in publ●ck and private. When he understood that men made to him of their own accord, and that on the one side the Senones and Carnutes were instigated with a remembrance of their offences, and on the other side the Nervii and Aduatici made provision of war against the Romans, and that he should not want voluntary forces, if he did but once go out of his confines; he gave order to call a Council of Arms: which according to the manner of the Galls, was always the beginning of a war, being such as constrained all the men that were of years, by the common law of the land, to assemble together in Arms: and he that came last, was in the sight of all the rest put to death with exquisite torture. In that Council he took order to proclaim Cingetorix the chief of the other faction, and his son in law, (who, as we have before declared, had followed Caesar, and not left him in any of those services) a Traitor to the State, and that his goods should be confiscated.  
That being done, he published in the Council, that he was sent for by the Senones and the Carnutes, and many other States of Gallia: whether he meant to go through the territories of the inhabitants of Rheims; and that he would harry and waste their country. But first his purpose was to take the camp of Labienus, and accordingly gave order what he would have done. Labienus being in a camp exceedingly fortified, as well by Nature as by Art, did not fear any danger that might happen to himself or the legion; but rather studied not to let pass any occasion to carry the matter handsomely and to purpose. And therefore being advertised by Cingetorix and his allies, what speech Induciomarus had delivered in the Council, he sent Messengers to all the confining cities, and commanded horsemen to be sent unto him by a certain day.  
In the mean time Induciomarus rid up and down almost every day with all his cavalry under his camp; sometimes to view the site thereof, otherwhile to parley, or else to terrify the soldier: and his horsemen for the most part would cast their weapons within the rampire. Labienus kept all his men within the fortifications, and did what he could to make the enemy believe that he was sore afraid. And as Induciomarus came daily with greater contempt to the camp, one night having taken in the cavalry of the bordering cities, which he had formerly sent for, he kept all his party (by good guarding) within his camp with such diligence, that their reception could not possibly be bruited abroad, or carried to the Treviri. In the mean time Induciomarus, according to his wont custom, approached near the camp, and there spent a great part of the day: the horsemen cast their weapons, and with words of high reproach called out our men to fight; without any word given in answer by them. And a little before the evening, as they dispersed themselves and departed, upon a sudden Labienus let out all the cavalry at two Ports, commanding them that after the Enemy was put to slight (which he saw would necessarily happen) that every one should make after Induciomarus; and that no man should so much as wound any other enemy, before they saw him slain; being very unwilling to give him time to escape, while the soldiers were engaged with the rest: and propounded great rewards to them that slew him. He sent out also several cohorts to assist the horse. Fortune made good that direction: for as all made after one, induciomarus was surprised in the ford of a River, and slain, and his head was brought back into the camp. The horsemen returning, slew as many of the rest as they could take. This thing being known, all the forces of the Eburones and Nervii which were met together departed home; and after that time Caesar had Gallia better settled in quietness.  

OBSERVATION.  
AS the misfortune which befell Sabinus and Cotta put all Gallia into troubles and commotions; so the head of Induciomarus reduced all into peace. According as it is said of the Spaniard, that in some cases one man is worth a thousand.  
And thus endeth the fifth Commentary.     

The sixth Commentary of the wars in GALLIA.  
The Argument.  
THis Summer's Commentary setteth forth the malice of an enemy that refuseth open encounter, but keeping himself in the fastness of his holds, forceth the adverse party either to leave him untouched, or to seek him out upon disadvantage: together with such casualties annexed to the matter, as the power of fortune doth commonly intermingle with such occurrences: as also the manners and fashions of life then in use amongst the Germans and Galls.  

CHAP. I.  
Caesar fearing a greater commotion in Gallia, mustereth more forces.  
CAESAR for many reasons expecting greater troubles in Gallia, 
Caesar.  appointed M. Silanus, C. Antistius Reginus, and T. Sextius, Legates in his army, to make a new choice, and muster up more soldiers; and withal he entreated Cneius Pompeius' Proconsul, forasmuch as he continued at the city about public businesses, that he would recall to their ensigns, and send unto him such soldiers as were before discharged of the Consul's oath: for he thought it very material for the future time to the opinion of the Galls, when they should see Italy so mighty, that if they had received any loss by the casualtyes of war, they could not only in a short time make a supply thereof, but augment their army with greater forces. Which when Pompey had granted, both for the good of the commonwealth and Caesar's friendship, the choice being speedily by his ministers performed, before the winter was ended three legions were enrolled and brought unto him, whereby the number of cohorts were doubled which were lost with Q. Titurius: and withal he made experience both by the speed and by the forces, what the wealth and discipline of the people of Rome could do.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
NOtwithstanding any former purpose, I will begin this Commentary with the manner of the choice which the Romans used when they mustered soldiers for an intended war: and will lay it first down as the basis and groundsil of all military architecture, and carried by them with such a ceremonious and grave respect, as might best express the seriousness of the action, and make the soldiers understand what consequence the sequel imported. Polybius, who only remaineth of them that have written of the ancient fashion of the Roman war, amongst other parts of their discipline, hath left unto posterity a compendious relation of their musters and enrolments, which with the help of other histories may be thus understood.  
Upon the choice of their Consuls in the beginning of every year, 
Polyb.  their custom was to enrol four legions, 
Lib. 6.  two for either Consul. At which enrolment they first chose fourteen Tribunes out of the body of their Gentlemen, whom they called Equites. These fourteen were such as had served five years in the wars, whereby they became eligible of that dignity. And again, they chose ten other Tribunes out of the Commonalty, being such as had seen ten years' service: grounding this custom upon another law, which commanded the Equites to serve ten, and the Pedites or Commons twenty whole years before they could be freed and discharged from the wars. And therefore according to the proportion of their stipendiary time, as the Equites were admitted Tribunes at five years, so were the legionary footmen at ten, as at half their complete time of serving in the wars. The general respect which the Romans had in the choice of every particular man, from the highest to the lowest, was included in the circumstances of their age, and of their wealth. The age which they deemed fit to endure the labours of war, was from seventeen to six and forty, for so saith Tubero concerning the first limit of military ability, that Servius did enrol soldiers from the age of seventeen years, adjudging such to be sit for the service of the Commonweal. And Censor●nus expresseth the second with an etymology of the name, where he saith, that men were called Juvenes unto the age of forty six years, Quod rempublicam in re militari possint juvare, because till then they were able to help and serve their country in war. In this ability of years we are to understand that the law required every man to perfect the complete number of twenty years' stipend; if there were occasion of so many wars in that space of nine and twenty years, which is comprehended between seventeen and forty six. The wealth, which is the second circumstance that made men capable of military dignity, was necessarily required to amount to the value of Drachmas quadringentas, as Polybius saith, which by the Latin phrase was termed quaterna millia aeris: 
Thirteen pounds sterling, or thereabouts.  such as were not worth so much, were neglected in this choice, and reserved for sea-service: neither was it lawful for any man to attain to any office or magistracy within the city, until he had merited ten years' stipend. Upon a resolution to make an enrolment, which was almost every year, the Consuls did proclaim a day when all men of military age were to present themselves. Upon which day the Roman youth being assembled in the city, and then in the Capitol, the fourteen Tribunes elected out of the body of the Equites, divided themselves according as they were chosen by the people into four parts; forasmuch as in former time the whole forces of their Empire consisted of four legions or regiments, whereof I have discoursed at large in the former book. And the four Tribunes first chosen were allotted to the first legion, the three next to the second legion, the four other to the third, and the three last to the fourth. In like manner the ten Tribunes which were taken out of the common body of the people, divided themselves into four parts: and the two first chosen were enrolled in the first legion, the three next in the second legion, the two following in the third legion, and the three last in the fourth. By which ingenious and discreet allotment it came to pass that the communality were intermingled in the government of their Armies with the Gentlemen, in such an excellent mixture, that the Equites were either superior or equal to the Plebeii; notwithstanding that every legion had an equal number of Tribunes. The election being thus far carried, the Tribunes of every legion sat them down by themselves: the people being divided first into their Tribes, and then into their classes and centuries, casting lots which Tribe should be taken; and out of that Tribe whereon the lot fell they drew fou● men, as equal as they could both in age and habitude, who being brought forth, the Tribunes of the first legion made the first choice of one of those four; then the Tribunes of the second legion had their choice, they of the third legion took the next, and the fourth had the last man. And again out of the same Tribe were other four chosen; and then the Tribunes of the second legion began first to make their choice, and so consequently the first legion had the last man. Again four other being chosen, the Tribunes of the third legion had the first election, and in that course the second legion had the last man. And by this alternate and successive election it came to pass, that every legion was equally compounded both in quality and in number. The enrolment proceeding in this manner until their numbers were full; the Tribunes of every legion assembled their several troops together, and took one out of every regiment, and gave an oath unto him that he should execute and obey, according to his power, whatsoever was commanded him by his General: the rest being particularly called, were sworn to keep the same oath which their foreman had taken. And thus we see both who were the electors, who were eligible, and the manner of their choice. Wherein we may observe what means they used to engage every particular man with an interest in the general cause: for they thought it not sufficient to force men out by public authority, and to bind them si●mply to that service by the mandates of their Empire, considering the labours and difficulties of war, which oftentimes are able to dull the edge of the greatest spirit, and to cause omissions of duty in the most honest and obedient minds; but they tied them likewise with such particular respects, as did both concern the possessions of their fortune, and the religion of their soul. For it is observed concerning man's actions, that unless the mind do faithfully affect the execution, it may be carried with such a perfunctory service, as shall betray the true intent to no effect, and deceive the end of that which was promised by designment. And therefore they refused to enrol any man that had not a convenient proportion of wealth, to maintain a steadfast and well-resolved courage, and to settle the motions of a staggering mind, when they bethought themselves that the public duties wherein they were engaged, were the defensive powers of their Empire, and the means whereby the public weal continued happy: and so by consequence their private fortunes were assured from violence, and preserved only by an effectual observance of their military discipline. I grant that it is not altogether wealth that doth grace & formalize the actions of men; for in some cases penury and want makes men more valorous, according to the answer which a soldier once made to Lucullus:  
Ibit eo quo vis, 
Horace.  qul zonam perd●dit, inquit.  
Whither you will he'll go who's lost his purse.  
Notwithstanding, forasmuch as the public cause is either misprised or well affected, according as it doth concern every man in particular; as who will doubt of the uttermost diligence of those Mariners, that have their vessel fraught with their own goods? or chose, who will blame a mercenary Pilot for making peace with death, with the loss of other men's merchandise? for Patria est ubicunque bene est, That's a man's country where he is well, as one truly saith; and the estimation we have of this life is entertained only by the benefits we hold by our life: therefore it much importeth a State to have such Agents to negotiate the public businesses, as are engaged in the same by the interest of their own particular. Neither was it sufficient in that government to choose men of ability both i● their body and in their substance, but they found it necessary to bind their conscience with a religious consecration, and to swear a faithful obedience to their General, which with the reverence of the place, being the Capitol, and other ceremonies of majesty attending the enrolment, doth manifestly show how much the Romans imputed to this part of their discipline, being the foundation of the sequel of that action.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
SEcondly, 
Reinforcing of troops decayed.  I observe the benefit which an opulent and able State may make of any loss or misfortune received by an enemy: which consisteth chiefly in the reinforcing, or, if it may be, in the redoubling of such troops as the casualties of war have consumed. For it much abateth the spirit of a people, and turneth the pride of a victory into discouragement and faintness of heart, when they see their best and most fortunate endeavours achieve nothing but a reiteration of their labours, and are driven to begin again that work which with much difficulty and hazard they had once overcome. For it is the end that maketh any labour to be undertaken, being a otherwise nothing but a pain of the body & vexation of the spirit. And herefore when it shall be found either circular, or of many confrontments, before it can answer the designments of our mind, we choose rather to forgo that contentment which the accomplishment of our desires would afford us, then to buy it with such a measure of trouble, as exceedeth that which the proportion of our means seemeth able to effect. In regard whereof the ancient sages of the world made a task of this quality to be one of Hercules labours, by feigning the serpent Hydra to be of this nature, that when one head was smitten off, two other heads grew out presently from the same stump: and so his labour multiplied his travel, and his valour increased the difficulty of his work. It was Caesar's custom in other cases, to have such a beginning of strength at his first entrance into a war, as by continuance might be augmented, and rather increase then decay upon the resistance of an enemy. So he began the war in Gallia with six legions, continued it with eight, and ended it with ten: he began the civil war but with one legion; he arrived at Brundisium with six; he followed Pompey into Greece with fifteen thousand foot and five thousand horse; and ended that war with two and twenty thousand foot and a thousand horse. He began the war at Alexandria with three thousand two hundred foot, and ended it with six legions. He began the war in afric▪ with six, and ended it with eight legions. And thus he imitated natural motion, being stronger in the end then in the beginning, and made his army as a plant like to grow great, and sprout out into many branches, rather than to die or decay for want of strength or fresh reinforcing.    

CHAP. II.  
The Treviri solicit the Germans and some of the States of Gallia. Caesar carrieth four legions into the territories of the Nervi●.  
INduciomarus being slain, 
Caesar.  as is related in the former book, the 
* Part of the Diocese of Colen.  Treviri gave the government unto his kinsfolk: who intermitted no time to solicit their borderers with the Germans, and to promise's them money for the wars. When they could not prevail with their neighbours, they tried those that were farther off: and having ●ou●d som● that harkened to their designs, they confirmed their league with a mutual oath, giving pledges for assurance of money, and withal they drew Amoiorix into their society and consederation. Which things being known, Caesar perceiving the preparations which in every part were made for war, the 
a To arm▪  Nervii, 
b 〈◊〉.  Aduatici, and the 
c 〈◊〉.  Menapii, with all the Germans on the other side of the Rhine to be in arms, the Senones not to come being summoned, but to be in council with the 
* 〈◊〉.  Carnutes and their bordering States, the Germans to be solicited with often Embassages from the Treviri; he held it best to think of war sooner than heretofore he was accustomed. And therefore before the winter was ended, with four legions that lay next together, he entered suddenly upon the confines of the Nervii, and having taken a great number of men and cattle, before they could either make head or fly away, he distributed the booty to the soldiers, wasted the country, caused the people to come in, and to give pledges unto him. That business being speedily ended, he brought the legions back again into their wintering camps.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
THis exemplary course of proceeding in punishing some one for the offences of many, 
Exemplary justice.  hath ever been held the best means to repress rebellious and factious motions, as well amongst particular subjects which do conspire against the common Policy of a State, as also of such inferior Cities and States as shall entertain a confederacy prejudicial to the sovereignty of an Empire: for in all such combinations the undertakers are ever more confident in the assistance and mutual encouragement of each others assent and forwardness, then in the strength of their own particular means. For the mind propounding a course contrary to a virtuous direction, is always suspicious and mistrustful of the issue: for as honest motions and conceptions of the heart are attended with assurance, so doth diffidency wait upon indirect and perfidious designments▪ And thence it happeneth that when the inward thoughts can afford no means of emboldening, they commonly rely upon each others example, and do make the action to appear honest unto themselves, forasmuch as so many associates do approve it. For the prevention whereof in the Continent of Gallia, Caesar first laid a heavy hand upon the Nervii, being well assured, that as rebellious motions are strengthened and drawn on by the mutual example of conspiring members, so they may be weakened and extinguished by the exemplary ruin and subversion of some one or more of the said members, which is as forcible to dissuade as the other to encourage: suiting right with the tenor of Justice, which ought to be carried in such sort against offenders, that by the punishment of some few the fear may touch all. According as the Poet describeth the nature and effect of thunder; 
Ipse Pater media nimborum in nocte corusca  
Fulmina molitur d●●xtra, quo maxima motu  
Terra tremit, fugere ferae, & mortalia corda  
Per gentes humilis statuit pavor; ille flagranti  
Aut Athon, aut Rhodopea, aut alta Ceraunia dextra  
Dejicit.—  The whole earth trembled, but one hill only smoked for it.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
SEcondly, I observe the respect which Caesar had to the extraordinary labour of his soldiers: 
Upon extraordinary service, the soldier extraordinarily rewarded.  fore whereas they were drawn out of their wintering-camps before winter was ended, and were carried unseasonably upon a service, he rewarded them with the booty and spoil of the enemy, contrary to the ordinary course of the Roman warfare, which reserved either all or the most part thereof for the public Treasury, and left the soldier to his stipendiary entertainment. Which is a point very observable in the carriage of a war: wherein are required as well eminent and extraordinary attempts, as common and usual duties, and in the judgement of a wise Commander are thought worthy their answerable rewards. At the siege of Gergovia, as it followeth in the seventh Commentary, L. Fabius a Centurion told his companions, that the booty and pillage which he had got at the taking of Avaricum would not suffer any man to get up upon the wall before himself. And so for the most part it falleth out, that honourable attempts being honourably rewarded, do as seed sown in good ground, multiply the increase of like virtuous actions. And this was one principal means which he used to give courage and valour to his soldiers; as when he went to get Spain from Pompey and that faction, 
Lib. 1. civil. bell.  he borrowed money of the Tribunes & Centurions, & gave it in largess to the soldiers, whereby he gained (as he saith) two advantages, quod pignore animos Centurionum devinxit, & largitione redemit militum voluntates, for he engaged the Centurions to him whilst he had this pledge from them, and by his largesse purchased the good will of the soldiers.    

CHAP. III.  
Caesar summoneth a general Council, and carrieth his army against the Senones.  
A General Councillor meeting of all the States of Gallia being summoned, 
Caesar.  according to his first resolution, in the beginning of the Spring, whereas all the rest saving the Senones, Carnutes, and Treviri made their appearance; he conceived of it as the beginning of war and defection, and thereupon setting all other things aside, he transferred the Council to the city of Paris in the confines of the Senones, which in the time of their fathers had united their State unto them, but were held clear of this confederacy. This thing being published from the Tribunal, the same day he carried the Legions against the Senones, and by great journeys came into their country. His coming being known, Acco the chiefest author of that rebellion commanded the multitude to go into cities and towns of defence: but as they endeavoured, before it could be accomplished, news was brought that the Romans were already come; whereby they necessarily left off their purpose, and sent Ambassadors to Caesar to entreat for favour. They used the mediation of the Hedui, whose State had of old time been in faith and league with the Romans. Caesar at the suit of the Hedui did willingly afford them pardon, and accepted their excuse, forasmuch as he judged the summer time fitter to be spent in the war which was coming on him, rather than in matter of question and judgement: and having commanded an hundred pledges, he delivered them to be kept by the Hedui. The Carnutes likewise sent messengers and pledges, and by the entreaty of the men of Rheims, whose clients they were, received the same answers. Caesar ended the Council, and commanded horsemen to be sent him from all the States of Gallia.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
IT shall not seem impertinent to the Reader, that I take occasion here to say somewhat touching the use and benefit of this Parliament or Councell-generall, 
The benefit and use of ●ouncel● and Parliaments.  wherein all the states of Gallia, or at the least such as did acknowledge the Roman sovereignty, presented their fealty, and were mutual witnesses of each others allegiance. Concerning which we are to understand, that as all natural bodies have a transitory being, depending upon motion and function of parts; so specially States and Commonweals, as sympathising with natural causes, have no certain continuance in one and the same being, but are subject to the alteration of time and fortune, and do pass the ages of a natural life, from infancy growing to better strength, until it come to the best perfection which years can afford it, and then decaying again by like degrees, even to the period and death of that policy. For remedy whereof, and for the prevention of any weakening disease which might infect either the whole powers of the body, or so possess any part thereof, as it might thereby prove either dangerous or unprofitable, amongst other helps, these counsels and meetings have been thought necessary; wherein every particular State and city had some of their society present, as well to open their grievances, if any were, and to seek ease and relief by way of treaty and dispute, as also to receive such directions and mandates as the wisdom of the Prince should think meet for their government. For as this common council or general assembly may well be termed the pulse of a politic body, whereby the true state and temperature thereof is discerned: so is it also as a treaty or parley, and a renewing of the conditions of peace between the head and the members; where sovereignty and obedience being mutually propounded, do concur in the establishing of true and perfect government. And this is that which the Politicians of later time do in their writings call the reducing of a common-weal to the first beginning: for the noisome and superfluous humours being by this means purged and abated, the body of the public weal is refined into such true and natural elements, and settled in that disposition of health as may give great hope of long continuance. Besides this use and benefit of these assemblies, there were many necessary businesses concluded, and many things agreed unto, serving to the maintenance of war against parties and factions; as namely the levi●s and supplies of horse and foot, granted by this Council as a subsidy, which in the Roman army received stipend and pay by the name of Auxiliary or associate forces, whereof we read in many places of these Commentaries, and particularly in this book. But the Romans used specially the service of their horsemen, as the flower of their strength, and far exceeding their foot companies in execution of arms and use of war, wherein the Galls have ever challenged a preeminence before other their neighbour nations, and have continued the same reputation even unto this time. 
The French are better horsemen than footman.  Whether it be in regard of the nimble and quick motions of their spirits, which are better suited with the swift and speedy execution of horse, then with any readiness which their own strength can afford them, or what other cause it hath, I know not: but this I am sure of, that as the world taketh notice of their hot fantasies, so would the French be reckoned the best horsemen of any other nation. The last saying which I observe concerning this council is, the time wherein it was summoned, which was the beginning of the Spring, rather than any other part of the year, whereof there is this reason; that if any State neglected the summons, and refused to make their appearance according to custom, the summer time coming on, gave good means to the Roman legions to punish the insolency of such a contempt: as it happened in this place to the Senones, Carnutes and Treviri, whose absence from this meeting was a sufficient argument to Caesar of their rebellion, and deserved the reward of open revolt.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
THe second thing which I will briefly observe in this Chapter, 
Not to misspend the time in unnecessary services.  is the pardon which Caesar willingly gave the Senones at the mediation of the Hedui; not so much for the respect he bore unto the Hedui, although they had of long time performed good service to the Roman Empire, and were found more faithful than all the States of Gallia; (howbeit I doubt not but that he was glad of that occasion to gratify the Hedui;) but as a master in that faculty, well knowing what best suited with the public profit in all times and seasons, he would not misspend the summer in questions and dispute concerning former errors, which might better be remembered upon other occasions, but rather in prosecuting war against other special revolters, as a matter more behooveful to the advancement of the Empire, and best fitting the time of summer. For in following a business, there is nothing more available to a fortunate issue, then to be able to distinguish of the validity of the parties, and to discern which hath most interest in the bulk of the matter, that so we may not be mistaken in our designs, but follow that course as shall most advantage our purpose. And here a General is to take special care, that no humorous respect do hinder that resolution which true judgement approveth: for oftentimes it falleth out that either particular profit, delighting pleasures, desire of revenge, or some other unseasonable affection doth so entangle them in their proceedings, as they never attain to the main drift of the action: and this is called stumbling by the way.    

CHAP. IU.  
Caesar intendeth the war of the Treviri.  
THis part of Gallia being quieted, he bent his whole mind to make war against the Treviri and Ambiorix, 
Caesar.  commanding Cavarinus with the cavalry of the Senones to go along with him, lest any tumult should happen in his absence, either through his discontentment, or the malice of the State. These things being thus determined, forasmuch as he well kne● that Ambiorix would not come to blows in open fight, he endeavoured by what means he could to understand his other purposes. The Menapii were neighbour-borderers upon the confines of the Eburones, enclosed about with a defence of bogs and woods; and only they of all the states of Gallia had never sent to Caesar touching any contract of peace: of them Ambiorix was received and had familiar entertainment. And further he understood that by the means of the Treviri the Germans were brought to a contract of friendship with him also. These helps he thought were fit to be taken from Ambiorix, before he set upon him with open war; lest despairing of his safety, he should either hide himself amongst the Menapii, or be compelled to fly over the Rhine to the Germans. In this resolution he sent the baggage of the whole army with a convoy of two Legions to Labienus, who was then in the territories of the Treviri, and he himself with five expedite and unburthened Legions made towards the Menapii. They having made no head, but trusting to the strength of the place, ●led into the woods and bogs, and carried all they had with them. Caesar dividing his forces to C. Fabius a legate, and M. Crassus' the treasurer, having made speedy provision of bridges, did set upon them in three parts, and burnt houses and villages, and took great numbers of men and cattle, whereby the Menapii were constrained to send to Caesar for peace. He having taken pledges of them, assured them that he would esteem them as enemies, if they did either receive Ambiorix into their country, or any messengers from him. The matter being thus compounded, he left among them Comius of Arras with certain horse, as a garrison to that place, and he himself made towards the Treviri.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
HEnce we may observe, that as it falleth out in other things for the most part, so specially in matter of war there is such a medley and interlacing of material circumstances with the body of the action, that commonly one business begets another. Caesar's chief design at this time was the war against Ambiorix and the Treviri: but considering the contract and league between them and the Menapii, he would not prosecute the war of the Treviri, until he had taken away that assistance, and left them in the nakedness of their own strength. Wherein we may first observe what opinion Caesar held of allies and associates, 
Caesar's opinion of allies and associates.  or any other that gave help or assistance to an enemy: for besides this particular, we may read in the fourth Commentary, that the chiefest cause that moved him to take the voyage into Britain was, for that the Britan's had underhand given succour and assistance to the Galls; a matter not to be neglected in his judgement, whether it were in regard of any friendship or good respect which they bore unto the Galls, or otherwise to keep the Romans occupied there, that they in the mean time might live quietly at home, which I need not here dispute: but the matter proveth itself plainly by Caesar's own confession, that the continual supplies sent from Britain were a sufficient cause to move him to that war. And as it followeth in this Commentary concerning the self same matter, the only cause that drew him to pass the Rhine the second time into Germany, was the succours which the Germans had formerly sent to the Treviri; according to reason in cases of other natures, that he that will extinguish a lamp, must not suffer an addition of oil, nor admit the influence of lesser streams when he goeth about to dry up the greater river. But that which was the occasion of this business, and might have challenged the first place in this discourse, was, for that Caesar was almost assured that Ambior●x would not be brought to a trial of battle; and therefore he laboured to understand his other projects. From whence a Commander may receive direction what course to hold in a refusal of open encounter: for as the art and sleight of war is to subdue an enemy so are there more ways and means to effect that purpose, then by waging battle; as I have discoursed at large in the third Commentary: 
Chap. 10.  whereunto I may add thus much, which is generally observed in the carriage of great and eminent Commanders, that such as failed in matter of negotiation, and wanted dexterity in managing the course of their business, (notwithstanding any fortune or singularity in striking a battle,) did never attain to firm and permanent honour. If any man be desirous to descend into particulars, let him look into the lives of king Pyrrhus, Demetrius, Hannibal, and Ca●us Mar●us, whose later ends, or shutting up of their lives, were not answerable to their excellency in deeds of arms, for want of that judicial disposition of their business which Caesar might boast of, of whom it may be truly said that (notwithstanding the many battles which he fought, yet) he did plura consilio, quam vigerere, do more by his head then his hand.    

CHAP. V.  
Labienus overthroweth the T●eviri by a guile.  
WHile Caesar 
Caesar.  was about these things, the T●eviri having raised great forces both of horse & foot, had a purpose to assault Labienus wintering in their confines with one legion. And as they were within two day's journey of him they had intelligence of two legions more which Caesar had sent unto him; whereupon they encamped themselves some fifteen miles distant from him, and resolved there to attend the Germans forces. Labienus being advertised of their resolution, hoping through their rashness to find some good opportunity of encounter, he left five cohorts for the safety of the carriages, and with five and twenty other cohorts, besides great forces of horse, he marched towards the enemy, and encamped himself within a mile of them. Between Labienus and the enemy there ran 〈…〉, the passage whereof by re●son of the broken banks was very hard and difficult: 〈…〉 purpose to pass himself, and doubted the enemy would not be drawn to do it. They had every day more hopes of fresh 〈◊〉. In the meetings and counsels of war ●e gave out, that forasmuch as the Germans were said to be at hand, he would neither hazard himself nor the fortunes of the army, but he would rather remove his camp the next day very early in the morning. This was quickly carried to the enemy, as amongst many of the Galls that were with him, some of them did naturally favour the proceedings of their own nation. Labienus having in the night time called unto him the Tribunes of the soldiers, and the Centurions of the first Orders, acquainted them with his purpose; and to the end he might give greater suspicion of fear to the enemy, he caused the camp to be dislodged with more noise and tumult th●n the Roman discipline had usually observed; and thereby made the retreat not unlike a slight or escape: which before daylight (the two camps being so near one to the other) was by the discoverers brought to the enemy. The last troops of the Romans were scarce gone out of the camp, but the Galls encouraging one another not to lose so hopeful a prey, thinking it long (specially the Romans being thus affrighted) to expect the Germane forces, and that it stood not with their dignity, being so able, and so many in number, not to adventure upon a handful of men, 〈◊〉 from them, and troubled besides with baggage and burden; and therefore they doubted not to pass the river, and to give them battle in a place of disadvantage. Labienus suspecting that which now had happened, to the end he might draw them all over the river, he made as though he would go on forward. At length sending the carriages a little before, and placing them upon a hill, Ye have now, (said he) fellow soldiers, that opportunity which ye desired, the enemy in a cumbersome and unequal place; only afford me your Leader at this time that valour, which oftentimes heretofore you have showed to your General, imagine him to be 〈◊〉, and to see this service with his own eyes. And withal be commanded the Ensigns to be carried towards the enemy, and the army to be imbattelled: and leaving a few troops of horse with the carriages, he disposed the rest in the wings of the army. The Romans taking up a cry and a shout, did speedily cast their pikes at the enemy: who when they saw the Romans ready to assault them, whom they had thought had fled from them for fear, they were so discouraged, that even in the first close they betook themselves to flight towards the next woods. Labienus pursuing them with his horsemen, killed many of them, and took more prisoners, and within a few days took in the whole state of the Treviri: for the Germans which came to their succour understanding of their overthrow, returned home again; and with them went also the kinsmen of Induciomarus, the authors of that defection. The sovereignty and government was given to Cingetorix, who from the beginning had ever been true and loyal to the Romans.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
I Have already handled this practice of a pretended fear, 
Com. 3. cap. 8.  which the History doth so often recommend to our consideration, and have showed the inconvenience of overlight credulity, leading such easy weeners to a disappointment of their hopes, and consequently to the hazard of their fortune. I will now proceed to that which is further employed in this relation, and respecteth the chiefest duty of a chief commander: 
The duty of a General 〈◊〉 battle.  and that is, what specially is required of a General in the carriage and direction of a battle. Concerning which point, as there is nothing more material to the effecting of any business than opportunity of time, conveniency of place, and an orderly disposition of the means according to time and place: so in question of encounter or waging battle, the duty of a Leader may be included in these three circumstances. Concerning the quality of the place, as the chiefest and first respected in the choice of a judicial director, the whole scope of the Roman discipline, from the time of their first Kings even to the last of their Emperors, did always aim at the advantage of place, as a necessary help for the obtaining of victory: which I have already noted in the Helvetian action. 
Lib. 1. cap. 6.  Yet forasmuch as the wisdom and experience of those times did deem it a circumstance of such importance, give me leave once again to enforce the use thereof by these examples. Habetis, milites, (saith Labienus in this place) quam petiistis facultatem, hostem iniquo atque impedito loco tenetis, praes●are eandem nobis ducibus virtutem, quam saepenumero Imperatori praestitistis, Ye have, fellow-soldiers, that opportunity which ye desired, etc. Whereby he cleareth himself of all imputation of ill direction, as having performed the uttermost duty of a Commander, and given such helps by the advantage of the place as are requisite to an easy victory, leaving the rest to the execution of the soldiers. Caesar at the loss he received at Dyrrachium cleared himself to his soldiers in this sort: Quod esset acceptum detrimenti, cuivis potius quam suae culpae debere tribui, locum securum ad dimicandum dedisse, etc. the damage that was received was to be attributed to any body rather than him, he had chosen them a safe place of fight, etc. And as it followeth in the seventh Commentary, being imbattelled upon the side of a hill right over against the army of the Galls, which stood likewise in a readiness to entertain the Roman valour, he would not suffer his men to hazard themselves in the passage of a bog of fifty foot in breadth lying between both the armies, but rather persuaded his soldiers, disdaining the confrontment of the enemy, to endure their contumely, rather than to buy a victory with the danger of so many worthy men, and patiently to attend some further opportunity. Which passage of Caesar, even in the said terms as it is there related, was urged to good purpose by Sir Francis Vere in the year one thousand six hundred at a consultation before the battle of Newport. 
Battle of Newport.  For the army of the Netherlanders being possessed of the Downs, which are small swelling hills rising unevenly along the sea shore upon the coast of Flanders, and the enemy making a stand upon the sands at the foot of those hills, and so cutting off the passage to Os●end, it was disputed by the Commanders, whether they should leave the Downs, and go charge the enemy where he stood imbattelled upon the sands, or attend him in the fastness of the Downs whereof they were possessed. The whole Council of war were earnestly bend to forsake the Downs, and to hazard the fight on equal terms, as impatient that their passage and retreat to Ostend should be cut off. But Sir Francis Vere well knowing how much it imported the business of that day to hold a place of such gain and advantage, persuaded Count Maurice by many reasons, and specially by this of Caesar which I last alleged, not to forgo the help of the Downs, but to expect the enemy in that place, and so make use of that benefit upon the first encounter, rather than to adventure the success of the battle in worse terms, in hope of clearing the passage: and showing also many probable conjectures, that the enemy would not continue long in that gaze. Wherein as his opinion then prevailed, so all that were present were eye-witnesses both of the truth of his conjecture, and the soundness of his judgement. For the enemy within a while after coming on to charge the troops of the States, was received with such a counterbuff from the hills, and were violently beaten back in such rude manner, as our men had the execution of them for the space of a quarter of a mile or more, which was no small advantage to the fortune of that day. Touching the opportunity of time, which Pindarus calleth the Mother of worthy exploits, and oftentimes dependeth upon the circumstance of place, a General ought carefully to advise that he neither precipitate nor foreslow the occasion, which is well expressed in this particular service of Labienus. For where his purpose was to draw the enemy over a river that had steep and uneasy banks, and thereby of a hard and difficult passage, he would not show his resolution until he had drawn them all over the river: for he was well assured that the Roman legions would so charge the enemy upon their first encounter with the unresistable weight of their piles, that in their giving back they could not escape the danger of the river. And therefore to make the victory more absolute and complete, he suffered them all to come over the water, that all might be endangered in their passage back again. And this is the benefit which opportunity bringeth, which is the rather to be attended with all carefulness, forasmuch as Non saepe, ac d●u, eadem occasio est, a man hath neither often nor long the same opportunity.  
Concerning the last circumstance, of the apt and fit disposition of the forces according to time and place, which is necessarily required in the duty of a General; it is referred to this end only, that they may be ranged in such manner, that as one man is assistant to another in their several files and ranks, so one troup may be in subsidiis, assistant to another, to the end that no part may stand naked, or fall in the singleness of its own strength, but that one may second another from the first to the last. C. Sempron●us a Roman Consul having fought unadvisedly, and received an overthrow, Julius the Tribune of the people caused Tempanius a horseman that was present at the battle to be called, and as Livy reporteth it, Coram eyes, Sexte Tempani, inquit, arbitreris ne C. Sempronium Consulem, aut in tempore pugnam intisse, aut firmasse subsidiis aciem? he said thus before them, Sextus Tempanius, do you believe that C. Sempronius the Consul chose a good time to fight, or that he took order for assistant supplies to his army? for Livy saith, he fought incaute inconsulteque, non subsidiis firmata acie, non equity apt locato, heedlessly and without good advice, neither strengthening his army with supplies, nor well placing his cavalry. And of these three circumstances consisteth the duty and office of a General, touching the direction of a battle; wherein whosoever faileth, doth hazard the prerogative of his command over that army whic he leadeth, according to that of Caesar in the first of his Commentaries, Se scire, quibuscunque exercitus dicto audiens non fuerit, aut male re gesta fortunam defuisse, aut aliquo facinore comperto, avaritiae esse convictum, that he knew well, whensoever an army refused to be obedient to their Commander, it was either because upon some ill success they saw he was unfortunate, or that by the discovery of some notorious matter they found him convict of avarice. Which Caesar himself needed not to fear, if we may believe Plutarch, 
In the life of Caesar.  who writeth that he was endowed by nature with an excellent promptitude and aptness to take opportunity in any business.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
I May not omit to insist a little upon this noise or shout which the soldiers took up in the instant of the charge, 
The use and benefit of a sho●t took up in a charge or assault.  and is related in this place as a material point in their carriage at this service. A matter ancient and usual in the Roman armies, as well in the time of their first Kings, as their first Consuls. Fusi primo impetu & clamore hosts, the enemies were overthrown at the first onset and shout, 
Lib. 1.  saith Livy concerning Romulus. 
Lib. 2.  And not long after, Consul nec promovit aciem, nec clamorem reddi passus, the Consul neither marched his army forward, nor suffered them at all to shout. Caesar in the censure which he g●ve concerning Pompey his direction for the battle at Pharsalia, 
Lib. 3.  doth express a double use of this clamour or shouting: 
Civil.  first the terror of the enemy, and secondly the encouragement or assurance of themselves: Est quaedam animi incitatio (saith he) atque alacritas naturaliter innata omnibus, quae stud●o pugnae incenditur; hanc non reprimere sed augere impera●ores debent: neque 〈◊〉 antony's qu tus institutum est ut signa und que concinerent, clamorem universi tollerent, quibus rebus & hosts terreri & suos incitari existimaverunt. There is a certain raising and cheerfulness of the mind imbred naturally in all, which is stirred up by an eagerness to fight: this a General should not crush but cherish. So that it was not without cause that in old times they had a custom that the whole army should make a noise and raise a general shout, whereby they supposed as the enemies were affrighted, so their own men were encouraged. Two contrary effects proceeding from a cause, which to common sense carrieth no show of any such efficacy: Vox & praeterea nihil, a bare voice and nothing more; as one said of the Nightingale in another sense. But such as do seriously look into the reasons thereof, shall find the saying true which is ascribed to the elder and wiser Cato, Verba plus quam gladium, & voces quam manum hostes territare, & in fugam vertere; Words will do more than Swords, and Voices sooner than Hands may affright the enemy and put him to flight. 
Lib. 1.  The ear, as I have already noted, will sooner betray the soul to the distress of fear, than any other of the five senses. 
Lib. 3. cap. 18.  Which Josephus well understood, although peradventure he applied not so fit a remedy, when he commanded his men to stop their ears at the acclamations of the Roman legions, lest they might be daunted and amazed thereat. The reason may be, for that our discourse (diligently attending upon a matter of that consequence which calleth the lives of both parties in question, and valuing every circumstance at the utmost) doth always presuppose a cause answerable to such an effect of joy and assurance. For these shouts and acclamations are properly the consequents of joy, and are so available that they deceive both parties: for such as take up the shout by way of anticipation, do seem to conclude of that which is yet in question; and the enemy thereupon apprehendeth danger when there is none at all, whereby it happeneth, Hosts terreri, & suos incitari, that the enemies are affrighted, and our own men encouraged, as Caesar noteth. Besides these examples I might allege the authority of Holy Writ, but that it might seem both unsavoury and unseasonable to make a commixture of such diversities. I will therefore content myself with a practice of our time at the battle of Newport, where after divers retreats and pursuits, either side chase the other as it were by turn and mutual appointment, and as it often falleth out in such confrontments; at last commandment was given to the English to make head again, and after some pause to charge the enemy with a shout: which being accordingly performed, a man might have seen the enemy startle before they came to the stroke; and being charged home, were so routed, that they made not head again that day. For the prevention of such a disadvantage, there can be no better precedent then that which Plutarch noteth, 
In Marius' life.  touching the battle between the Romans and the Ambrons, a part of that deluge of people which came down into Italy with the Cimbri and Teutones; for these Ambrons coming out to give battle, to the end they might strike fear into the Romans, made an often repetition of their own name with a loud sounding voice, Ambrons, Ambrons, Ambrons. The Italians on the other side that first came down to fight were the Ligurians, inhabiting the coast of Genoa, who hearing this noise, and plainly understanding them, made answer with the like cry, sounding out their own name, Ligurii, Ligurii, Ligurii. Whereupon the Captains of both sides made their soldiers cry out altogether, contending for envy one against another who should cry it loudest: and so both sides were encouraged, and neither of them disadvantaged, Clamore utrinque sublato, whilst both sides continued the cry.   

THE THIRD OBSERVATION.  
THis Labienus was a great soldier, and well acquainted with Caesar's manner in leading an army, and made many good fights while he continued under his command: but after he betook himself to Pompey's part, and joined with a faction against his first master, he never achieved any thing but loss and dishonour.  
— Dux fortis in armis  
Caesareis Labienus erat, nunc transfuga vilis.  
Once Labienus was a Captain stout  
On Caesar's side, now a base Turn-about.  
And upon that occasion he is often mentioned as a memorial of his disloyalty, to prove that good success in matter of war doth follow the General rather than any inferior Captain. For it is observed of divers, whose fortune hath been great under the conduction of some commanders, and as unlucky under other leaders: like plants or trees that thrive well in some grounds, and bear store of fruit, but being transplanted do either die or become barren. And doubtless there may be observed the like sympathy or contrariety in the particular courses of man's life, wherein they are carried upon the stream of their fortunes, according to the course of their first embarking. And therefore such as happen in a way that leadeth to successful ends, shall much wrong themselves either to turn back again, or to seek by-paths, whose ends are both unknown and uncertain: and herein the French saying may serve to some purpose,  
Si vous estes bien, tenez vous la,  
If you find yourself well, hold yourself there.    

CHAP. VI  
Caesar carrieth his army over the Rhine into Germany.  
Caesar 
Caesar.  being come from the Menapii to the Treviri, did resolve to pass the Rhine for two causes: the one was, for that the Germans had sent succours and supplies to the Treviri; the other that Ambiorix might have no reception or entertainment among them. Upon this resolution, a little above that place where he carried his army over before, he commanded a bridge to be made after the known and appointed fashion, which by the great industry of the soldiers was ended in a few days: and leaving a sufficient strength at the bridge, lest any sudden motion should rise amongst the Treviri, he carried over the rest of his forces both horse and foot. The Ubii which before time had given hostages and were taken into obedien●●, sent Ambassadors unto him to clear themselves from imputation of disloyalty, and that the Treviri had received no supplies from their State: they pray and desire him to spare them, lest the general distaste of the Germans should cause him to punish the innocent for the guilty: and if he would ask more hostages, they would willingly give them. Caesar upon examination of the matter, found that the supplies were sent by the Suevi: and thereupon he accepted the satisfaction of the Ubii, and inquired the way and the passages to the Suevi. Some few days after he understood by the Ubii, that the Suevi had brought all their forces to one place, and had commanded such nations as were under their dominion, that they should send them forces of horse and foot. Upon this intelligence he made provision of corn, & chose a sit place to encamp in. He commanded the Ubii to take their cattle, and all their other goods from abroad out of the fields into their towns, hoping that the barbarous and unskilful men might through want of victual be drawn to fight upon hard conditions. He gave order also that they should every day send out discoverers to the Suevi to understand what they did. The Ubii did as they were commanded, and after a few days brought word that all the Suevi, having received certain news of the approach of the Roman army, had retired themselves and all their forces to their utmost confines, where there was a wood of an infinite greatness called Bacenis, which served as a native wall or defence to keep the Chirusci from the incursions of the Suevi, and the Suevi from the injury and spoil of the Chirusci. That at the entrance of this wood the Suevi did expect the coming of the Romans.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
I Will hold my former purpose, not to deliver any thing concerning Bridges, 
Bridges.  whereof there are so many treatises already extant: neither will I go about to describe the substantial building or ingenious workmanship of this Bridge here mentioned, which might well beseem Caesar and his army: for as he only could, or at the least did put in practice the making thereof, so will I leave the description to himself, as best suiting with his eloquence. 
Brancatio lib. 5.  But forasmuch as Brancatio an Italian Writer taketh occasion from hence to run into ignorance and error, give me leave to set a mark upon this place, lest others not knowing the ancient course, should run their bark upon the same shallows. Amongst other advertisements (being but fourteen in all) which he hath given upon Caesar's Commentaries, he noteth and commendeth the use of Bridges made of Boats, which are commonly carried in an army-royal to that purpose, before this or any other invention of former times, specially in regard of the easiness and expedition which may be used both in making such a bridge, and taking it up again: for the Boats being prepared ready, as usually they are in camp-royals, such a bridge may be made in a day, which Caesar could not do in ten, but with great wonderment and admiration. And therein I hold well with Brancatio, that for the speedy transportation of an army over a river, there is no readier means than a bridge of boats, presupposing the boats to be first in a readiness. But that which he concludeth is, 
Whether men's wits be sharper and readier th●n in former times.  that men's wits in these times are much sharper and readier than those of former ages, forasmuch as they have found out an easy and expedite course, which fomer times could never reach unto. Wherein I will not go about to derogate any thing from the condition of the time in which we live and breath, but do desire to find them better accomplished then any other foregoing ages; howsoever I may suspect a greater weakness of wit in these days, wherein the temperature of the body is worse conditioned than it was in the time of our Forefathers, as may appear by many arguments, & serveth not so fitly to the working powers of the mind, as it did before this multiplicity of mixture, when the state of men's bodies were compounded of those perfect elements which were in our first Parents. But for this reason which Brancatio allegeth, the Reader may be pleased to understand, that the use of Boat-bridges was both known and in practice, as well before the Roman Empire, as in the time of their government. 
Polyhymi.  Herodotus relating the passage of Xerxes' army into Greece, 
Herodot.  describeth this bridge of Boats, (which Brancatio would attribute to the invention of our times) in the self same manner, or rather more artificially than hath been accustomed in these later ages: for finding that no timber-work would serve the turn to make a sufficient bridge over the straits of Hellespont, being seven furlongs in breadth, he caused Biremes and Triremes to be placed in equal distance one from another, and fastened with anchours before and behind, and to be joined together with planks and boards, and then covered with sand and gravel, raising a hedge or blind on each side thereof, to the end the horse and cattle might not be afraid at the working of the billow, and so made a bridge for the passage of his army. And in the time of the Roman Empire, 
Hist. ●.  Tacitus describeth the like bridge to be made over the river Po by Valens and Cecina, with as great skill as can be showed at these times: for, saith he, they placed boats a cross the river, in equal distance one from another, and joined them together with strong planks, and fastened them with anchours; but in such sort, as Anchorarum funes non extenti fluitabant, ut augescente flumine inoffensus or do navium attolieretur, the cables of the Anchours floated loose, not being extended to their length, that upon the increase of the river the ships might be lifted up without any prejudice to them. Whereby it appeareth how much Brancatio was deceived in ascribing that to these later times, which was the invention of former ages; and may serve as a caveat to our out-languist humorists, that can endure no reading but that which soundeth with a strange idiom, not to trust too much upon their Authors, lest whilst they sti●le their memory with strange words, in the mean time they starve their understanding.    

CHAP. VII.  
The Factions in Gallia in Caesar's time.  
BUt here it shall not be amiss to deliver somewhat touching the manner and fashion of life, 
Caesar.  both of the Galls and of the Germans, and wherein those two Nations do differ. In Gallia not only in every city, village, and precinct, but almost in every particular house there are parties and factions, the heads whereof are such as they think to be of greatest authority, according to whose opinion and command the main course of their actions is directed. And this seemeth a custom instituted of old time, to the end that none of the common people, how mean soever, might at any time want means to make their party good against a greater man: for if they should suffer their parties and followers to be either oppressed or circumvented, they should never bear any rule or authority amongst them. And this is the course throughout all Gallia, for all their States are divided into two factions. When Caesar came into Gallia, the Hedui were chief ringleaders of the one party, and the Sequani of the other. These finding themselves to be the worker side, (forasmuch as the principality and chiefest power was anciently s●ated in the Hedui, having many and great adherents and clients) drew the Germans and Ariovistus by many great promises on their party: and after many great victories all the Nobility of the Hedui being slain, they went so far beyond them in power and authority, that they drew the greatest part of Clients from the Hedui to themselves, and took the children of their Princes for pledges, and caused them to take a public oath not to undertake any thing against the Sequani; besides a great part of their country which they took from them by force: and so they obtained the principality of Gallia. And thereupon Divitiacus went unto Rome to seek aid of the Senate, but returned without effecting any thing. Caesar's coming into Gallia brought an alteration of these things, for the pledges were restored back again to the Hedui, and their old followers and clients did likewise return to their protection: besides other new followers which by Caesar's means did cleave unto them: for they saw that those which entered into friendship with them, were in a better condition, and more fairly dealt with. Whereby their nobleness and dignity was so amplified and enlarged, that the Sequani lost their authority, whom the men of Rheims succeeded. And forasmuch as the world took notice that they were no less favoured of Caesar then the Hedui, such as by reason of former enmities could not endure to join with the Hedui, put themselves into the clientele of the men of Rheims, and found respective protection from that State; which caused a new and sudden raised authority of the men of Rheims. So that at that time the Hedui went far beyond all the other States of Gallia in power and authority, and next unto them were the men of Rheims.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
FActions are generally the rent of a State, 
Factions and parties.  and a disjointing of those parts which common unity hath knit together for the preservation of good government. But the Galls maintained sides and parties throughout the whole body of their Continent, and found it necessary for the upholding of their policy at home; and as it fell out in the course of these wars, rather a help then otherwise in their general defence against a foreign enemy. The reason of the former benefit was grounded upon two causes, as Caesar noteth: the one proceeding from the oppression used by the rich and mighty men towards the poorer and meaner people; and the other from the impatiency of those of inferior condition, refusing to acknowledge any authority or preeminency at all, rather than to endure the wrongs and contumelies of the mighty. And therefore to prevent the licentious might of the great ones, and to give countenance and respect to the lower sort, these factions and sides were devised: wherein the foot had always a head sensible of the wrongs which were done unto it. Things of greater condition are always injurious to lesser natures, and cannot endure any competency; not so much as in comparison, or by way of relation. In things without life, the prerogative of the mountains doth swallow up the lesser rising of the downs, and the swelling of the downs, the unevenness of the molehills: the Stars are dimmed at the rising of the Moon, and the Moon loseth both her light and her beauty in the presence of the Sun. So amongst bruit beasts and fishes, the greater do always devour the less, and take them as their due by the appointment of nature: and men more injurious in this point, than either mountains or brute beasts, inasmuch as they do always overvalue themselves beyond their own greatness, have in all ages verified the old Proverb, Homo homini lupus, One man's a Wolf to another. And on the other side, as nature maketh nothing in vain, but hath given a being to the least of her creatures: so do they endeavour not to be annulled, but to keep themselves in being and continuance. Habet & musca splenem, The very Fly hath her spleen, saith the Poet: and the Pismires and Bees have their commonweals, though not equal to a Monarch. And therefore that the mighty and great men of Gallia might not devour the lowest of the people, but that every man might stand in his own condition, and by the help of a Rowland live by an Oliver; and again, that the poorer sort might give as a tribute for their protection, that respect and obedience to their superiors, as belongeth to such high callings, these factions and bandies were ordained: whereby the Nobles were restrained from oppressing the poor, and the poor compelled to obey the Nobility, which is the best end that may be made of any faction.  
Concerning the advantage which the Galls received by these factions against foreign enemies, it was rather in regard of the multiplicity of States and commonweals which were in the continent of Gallia, then otherwise: for it manifestly appeareth, that their factions and contentions for sovereign authority, caused one party to bring in Ariovistus and the Germans; and the other party the Romans, to make good their bandy. But forasmuch as Gallia had many divisions, and contained many several States, relying chiefly upon their own strength, and esteeming the subversion of their neighbour city, 
Lib. 2.  as a calamity befalling their neighbour, from which the rest stood as yet free, it was not so easily conquered as if it had been all but one kingdom. The battle which Caesar had with the Nervijs, which was fought so hard, that of threescore thousand men there were left but five hundred, nor of six hundred Senators above three; nor again, the selling of three and fifty thousand Galls for bondslaves at one time, did not so much advantage the conquest of Gallia, as the battle of Edward the third, or that of Henry the fifth, our two English Caesar's: in the former whereof were slain at Cressie thirty thousand of the French, and in the latter at Agincourt but ten thousand. The reason was, for that the former losses, though far greater, concerned but particular States: whereas these latter overthrows extended to the members and branches of the whole kingdom.    

CHAP. VIII.  
Two sorts of men in Gallia, Druids and Equites.  
THroughout all Gallia there are but two sorts of men that are of any reckoning or account: 
Caesar.  for the common people are in the nature of servants, and of no worth of themselves, nor admitted to any Parliament; but being kept under either by debts, or by great tributes, 
Potestas vitae & necis  or by the oppression of the mighty, do put themselves in the service of the Nobility, and are subject to the authority which the master hath over his Bondslave. Of these two sorts, the one are Druids and the other Equites or Gentlemen. The Druids, which are always present at their Holy Duties, do give order for their public and private sacrifices, and expound their Religion. To the Druids great numbers of the youth do resort for learnings sa●e, and have them in great honour and reputation; for they do determine almost of all controversies both public and private: for if any offence be committed, as murder or manslaughter, or any controversy arise touching their lands or inheritance, they sentence it; rewarding the virtuous, and punishing the wicked. If any private man or State do not obey their decree, they interd●d him from holy duty, which is the greatest punishment that is amongst them. Such as are thus interdicted, are reputed in the number of impious and wicked men, every man leaves their company, and doth avoid to meet them, or speak with them, lest they should receive any hurt by their contagion: neither have they law or justice when they require it, nor any respect or honour that doth belong unto them. Over all the Druids there is one Primate, that hath authority of the rest. At his decease if any one do excel the rest in dignity, he succeedeth: if many equals are found, they go to election, and sometimes they contend about the primacy with force and arms. They meet at a certain time of the year in the confines of the Carnutes, which is the middle part of all Gallia, and there they sit in a sacred place: thither they resort from all parts that have controversies, and do obey their orders and judgements. 
England.  The art and learning of the Druids was first found out in Brittany, and from thence is thought to be brought into Gallia: and at this time such as will attain to the perfect knowledge of that discipline, do for the most part travel thither to learn it. The Druids are exempt from warfare and payments, and have an immunity from all other duties: whereby it falleth out that many do be take themselves to that profession of their own free will, and divers others are sent to that school by their parents and friends. They are said to learn many verses, and that some do study therein twenty years. Neither is it lawful for them to commit any thing to writing, beside that in other public and private businesses they only use the Greek tongue: and that as I take it for two causes; first, for that their learning may not become common and vulgar; secondly, that scholars might not trust so much to their writings as to their memory, as it happeneth for the most part, that men rely upon the trust of books and papers, and in the mean time omit the benefit of good remembrance. They endeavour chiefly to teach men that their souls do not die, but that they do remove out of one body into another after death; and this they think to be very important to stir men up to virtue neglecting the fear of death. They dispute further, and give many traditions to the youth touching the stars and their motion, the magnitude of the earth and the world, the nature of things, and the might and power of the Gods.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
THe quality and condition of the Druids is in this place very particularly described by Caesar, 
Druids.  and may be reduced to these heads. First, their Office, extending both to things Divine and things temporal, whereby they executed the place both of Priests and of Judges. And for that purpose there was one known place appointed where they sat in judgement: and as I understand it, there was but one Term in the year, which both began and ended their suits in law. The second thing is their Authority, having power to reward virtue and to punish vice. Thirdly, their privileges and immunities, being free from contribution, from warfare, and all other burdens of the State. Fourthly, their doctrine and learning, which was partly Theological, concerning the might and power of the gods, the immortality of the Soul; and partly philosophical, touching the stars and their motion, the earth and the magnitude thereof. And lastly, their manner of learning, which was altogether Pythagorical, refusing the help of letters and books, and committing their doctrine to the tradition of their Elders. But that which is specially to be observed, 
England.  is, that this learning was not only found out here in Brittany, but such as would perfectly attain to the knowledge thereof, came into England to study the same, contrary to the experience which heretofore hath been observed of the Northern and Southern parts of the world: for as the South giveth a temper to the body fit for the science and contemplation of Arts, whereby the mind being enlarged and purified in her faculties, doth dive into the secret depth of all learning, and censure the hidden mysteries thereof; so the Northern climates do bind in the powers of the soul, and restrain all her virtues to the use of the body, whereby they are said to have animam in digitis, 
By reason of the curious and artificial works.  their soul in their fingers, not affording her that delight and contentment which is usually received by speculation. And thence it happeneth that all speculative arts and sciences, and what else soever concerneth the inward contemplation of the mind, was found out and perfected by such as border upon the South, and from them it was brought by little and little into the Northern regions: and such as would be masters in the Arts they professed, went always Southward for the attaining thereof. But here the South was beholding to the North, as well for their principles of Divinity, as for their Philosophy and moral learning, being as pure, as that which any heathen people ever drank of. Which proveth an ancient singularity in the inhabitants of this Island, touching the study of Arts and matter of learning, and may with like evidence be proved from age to age even to this time. In witness whereof I appeal to the two Universities of this land, 
Oxford & Cambridge.  as a demonstration of the love which our Nation hath ever born to learning, being two such Magazines of arts and sciences, so beautified with curious buildings, and supplied with endowments for the liberal maintenance of the Muses, enriched with Libraries of learned Works, adorned with pleasant places for the refreshing of wearied spirits, gardens, groves, walks, rivers, and arborets, as the like such Athens are not to be found in any part of the world.    

CHAP. IX.  
The second sort of men in Gallia, called the Equites in Caesar's time.  
THe other sort of people are Equites or Gentlemen. 
Caesar.  These when there is occasion, or when any war happeneth (as before Caesar his coming was usual every year, that either they did offer injuries, or resist injuries,) are always parties therein: and as every man excelleth other in birth or wealth, so is he attended with clients and followers▪ and this they take to be the only note of Nobility and greatness. The whole nation of the Galls are much addicted to religions; and for that cause, such as are either grievously diseased, or conversant continually in the dangers of war do either sacrifice men for an oblation, or vow the oblation of themselves, using in such sacrifices the ministry of the Druids, forasmuch as they are persuaded that the immortal Deity cannot be pleased, but by g●ving the life of one man for the life of another: and to that purpose they have public sacrifices appointed. Others have Images of a monstrous magnitude, whose limbs and parts being made of Osiers, are filled with living men, and being set one fire, the men are burned to death. The execution of such as are taken in theft or robbery, or any other crime, they think to be best pleasing to the gods; but wanting such, they spare not the innocent. They worship chiefly the god Mercury, and have many of his images amongst them; him they adore as the inventor of all Arts, the conductor and guide in all voyages and journeys, and they think him to have great power in all merchandise and gain of moneys. Next unto him they prefer Apollo, Mars, Jove and Minerva, and of these they carry the same opinion as other nations do: Apollo to be powerful in healing diseases, Minerva in finding out artificial works, Jove ruling the celestial Empire, and Mars for War. When they are to encounter with an enemy, they vow all the spoil unto him; and such beasts as are taken they sacrifice, other things they lay up in some one place: and many such heaps of things so taken are to be seen in the holy places of divers of their cities. Neither doth it often happen, that any man neglecting his religion in that point, dare either keep back any thing so taken, or take away aught laid up in their Repositories; for they incur a heavy punishment and torture for that offence. The Galls do all boast themselves in the stock from whence they are descended, understanding by the Druids, that they come of the god Dis. And therefore they end the space of all their times by the number of nights rather than by the number of days, observing the days of their nativity, the beginnings of their months and their years, in such sort as the day doth always follow the night. And herein they differ from other nations, that they suffer not their children to come openly unto them, but when they are grown fit for war: thinking it shameful and dishonest, that a son in his childhood should in public places stand in the sight of his father. To the portions which they have with their wives, they add as much more of their own goods; and the use of this money thus added together, is kept apart, and the longer liver hath both the principal and the interest for all the former time. The men have power of life and death, both over their wives and their children. And when a man of great place and parentage shall happen to decease, his kinsfolks assemble themselves together, to inquire of his death: if there be any occasion of suspicion, they put his wife to torture after the manner of a servant; and if it be found, she dies tormented with fire and all other tortures as may be imagined. Their funerals (according to the rest of their life) are magnifical and sumptuous, burying with the dead corpse all that he took delight in while he lived, not sparing living creatures: and not long out of memory, the custom was to bury with the body such clients and servants as were favoured by him in his life-time. Such States as are careful in the government of their commonweals, do prohibit by a special law, that no man shall communicate a rumour or report touching the State to any man saving a Magistrate; forasmuch as it had been often found, that rash and unskilful men were so terrified with false reports, and moved to such desperate attempts, that they entered into resolutions touching the main points of State. The Magistrates do keep secret such things as they think fit, and that which they think expedient they publish: but it is not lawful to speak of matter of State, but in assemblies of State.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
COncerning the beginning of days and times, 
The beginning of the day diversely observed.  which Caesar noteth in this place to be observed by the Galls after Sunsetting; (whereby it happened that in the natural day of four and twenty hours, the night always preceded the day time, contrary to the use of Italy, where the day began at Sunrising, and the night followed the artificial day as the second part of the day natural;) we are to understand, that as all time, and the distinction of the parts thereof, dependeth upon the two motions of the Sun: the one as it moveth in its own orb from West to East, begetting the revolution of years, and the seasons of Summer and Winter, the Spring and the Autumn, with the measure of months as it passeth through the signs of the Zodiac; and the other, as it is carried from East to West by the first moving sphere, making the distinction of nights and days, hours and minutes: so the beginnings of these times and seasons are diversely taken amongst divers people and nations of the earth. The jews had the same computation touching the beginning of the day as the Galls had, but upon other grounds and reasons than could be alleged for this custom in Gallia: for they began their day in the evening at Sunne-setting, as appeareth by many places of the Scripture: and Moses in the repetition of the first seven day's work, upon the accomplishment of a day, saith, The evening and the morning were one day, giving the evening precedency before the morning, as though the day had begun in the evening. The Bohemians in like manner do observe the beginning of their day in the evening, and do herein follow the use of the jews. Other nations do begin at Sunrising, and take the computation of their day natural from the first appearing of the Sun in the East. The Greeks begin and end their day at midnight, observing the certainty of that time, and the correspondence between the equal and planetary hours in the meridian Circle: whereas otherwise by reason of the inequality of the days and the nights, out of a right sphere there is always some difference between the said hours. And this use also is observed by us in England.  
This god Dis, whom he nameth for the father of that nation, is the same whom the heathen called Pluto, the god of hell and darkness; and for that cause they put darkness before light, touching the beginning of their natural day.  
But forasmuch as this circumstance giveth occasion to speak of days and times, give me leave to insert the reformation of the year, which Caesar so happily established, that succeeding times have had no cause to alter the same.  
And although it neither concerneth the art of war, nor happened within the compass of these seven sommers: yet forasmuch as it was done by Caesar, and deserveth as often memory as any other of his noble acts, it shall not seem impertinent to the reader to take thus much by the way concerning that matter. There is no nation of any civil government, but observeth a course or revolution differenced with times and seasons, in such manner as may be answerable to the motion of the Sun, in the circuit which it maketh through the signs and degrees of the Zodiac. But forasmuch as the government of a civil year doth not well admit any other composition of parts, to make it absolute and complete, then by natural days; and on the other side, the Sun requireth odd hours and minutes to finish his race, and return again to the goal from whence it came; there hath always been found a difference between the civil and the Solar year. Before Caesar's time, the Romans using the ancient computation of the year, had not only such uncertainty and alteration in months and times, that the sacrifices and yearly feasts came by little and little to seasons contrary for the purpose they were ordained: but also in the revolution of the Sun or Solar year, no other nation agreed with them in account; and of the Romans themselves, only the Priests understood it: and therefore when they pleased (no man being able to control them) they would upon the sudden thrust in a month above the ordinary number, which as Plutarch noteth, 
Plutarch  was in old time called Mercedonius, or Mensis intercalaris. To remedy this inconvenience, 
Caesar.  Caesar calling together the best and most expert Astronomers of that time, made a Calendar more exactly calculated then any other that was before: and yet such a one as by long continuance of time hath bred a difference, for the matter standeth thus.  
It is found by certain observation of Mathematicians of all ages, that the Sun being carried from the West to the East by the motion of his own Sphere, finisheth his yearly course in the space of 365. days, five hours, nine and forty minutes, and some odd seconds: whereupon it was then concluded that their civil year must necessarily contain three hundred threescore and five days, which maketh two and fifty weeks and one day. And forasmuch as those five odd hours, nine and forty minutes, and some seconds, did in four years' space amount unto a natural day, (wanting two and forty minutes and six and fifty seconds, which was thought nothing in comparison) they devised every fourth year to add a day more than ordinary, to answer that time which is usually added to February: whereby it happeneth that in every fourth year February hath nine and twenty days. And so they made an order to reform their year without any sensible error for a long time. But since that time, being one thousand six hundred years and more, those two and forty minutes and six and fifty seconds, which as I said do want of the natural day of four and twenty hours which is inserted in every fourth year, have bred a manifest and an apparent error: for whereas the civil year is by that means made greater than the solar years, the Sun ending his task before we can end our times, it happeneth that such feasts as have relation to seasonable times, do as it were foreslow the opportunity, and fall out further in the year, as though they had a motion towards the summer solstice. And as these go forward, so doth the Equinoctial return backwards towards the beginning of the month. For Caesar by the help of the Astronomers observed the Aequinoctium the five and twentieth of March. Ptolemy in his time observed the Aequinoctium the two and twentieth of March. And it was observed the one and twentieth of March in the year from the incarnation 322. what time was holden the first general Council at Nice a city of Pontus, in respect whereof the Paschall tables and other rules were established for the celebration of Easter. But since that time there are passed 1281. years, and the Aequinoctium cometh before the one and twentieth of March ten days.  
As this error is reform among other nations, and reduced to that state as it was at the Nicene Council: so there might many reasons be alleged to prove the reformation convenient of a greater number of days then ten. For if the Calendar were so ordered, that every month might begin when the Sun entereth into that Sign which is for the month, and end when the Sun goeth out of that sign, it would avoid much confusion, and be very easy to all sorts of people as have occasion to observe the same: which doubtless was the purport of the first institution of months; and was observed (as it seemeth) by the old Romans, who began the year at the winter solstice, as Ovid noteth:  
Bruma novi prima est, veterisque novissima solis:  
Principium capiunt Phoebus & annus idem.  
And therefore they called that month january of janus that had two faces, and saw both the old and the new year. Such therefore as would go about to reform the year to this course, must not cut off ten days only, but one and twenty; and for one year make December to continue but ten days, and then january to begin, and so successively to the rest of the months. But it may be said, that although we help ourselves, and put off the inconvenience which is fallen upon us, yet in tract of time the like error will fall again upon succeeding ages, and put their yearly Feasts besides the days appointed for them. For remedy whereof it may be answered; That whereas this error hath happened by adding every fourth year a natural day, which in true calculation wanted two and forty minutes and six and fifty seconds of four and twenty hours, and in very 136. years hath accrued within one minute to a day more than needed: the only way is every 136. years, to omit the addition of that day, and to make that year to contain but 365. days, which by the order of Caesar's Calendar, is a leap year, and hath one day more, which hath brought this error. And so there would not happen the error of a day in the space of 111086. years, if the world should continue so long.  
But lest we should seem more curious in reforming the course of our civil year, than the manners of our civil life, I will proceed to that which followeth.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
THe second thing which I observe in their manner of life, is the respect they had to matter of State, 
Their respect to matter of State.  and the care which they took that no man should dispute of the Common-weal, but in assemblies appointed for the service of the common-weal. Whereby they gained two special points for the maintenance of good government. The first, that no man might speak of points of state, but the governors of State: for such I understand to be admitted to their Counsels and Parliaments. Secondly, that such matters of consequence as touched them so nearly, might not be handled, but in such places and at such times as might best advantage the State. Concerning the former we are to note, that Government is defined, to be an establishing of order best fitting the maintenance of a people, in a peaceable and happy life. Order requireth degrees and distinctions investing several parts in several functions and duties: to these duties there belongeth a due observance, according to the motion and place which every part holdeth in the general order. Of these degrees and distinctions, Sovereignty and Obedience are two main relatives, 
Tibi summam rerum du dede●●, nobis obsequii gloria relata est: Tacitus.  the one invested in the Prince or Magistrate, the other in the people and subject, incommunicable in regard of their terms and subjects, and yet concurring in the main drift of government, intending the benefit of a happy life. And therefore the Galls did carefully provide, that no man should exceed the limits of his own rank, but that such as sat at the helm might shape the course: and for the rest whose lot it was to be directed, they would have them take notice of their mandates by obedience, and not by dispute.  
Touching the second point, we are to consider the danger which may happen to a State, by common and ordinary discourse of the Principles of that Government, or of such circumstances as are incident to the same, (without respect of time or place, or any other due regard) which the wisdom of a well-ordered policy doth hold requisite thereunto: for whatsoever is delivered by speech, without such helpful attendance, is both unseasonable and unprofitable, and the Common-weal is always a sufferer when it falleth into such rash considerations; for our most serious cogitations assisted with the best circumstances, can but speak to purpose. And as the execution falleth short of the purport intended by discourse, so is our speech and discourse lame and wanting to our inward conceit. And therefore as religious actions stand in need of hoc age, so may politic consultations use the help of the same remembrancer.    

CHAP. X.  
The manner and life of the Germans.  
THe Germans do much differ from the Galls in their course of life, 
Caesar.  for they have neither Priests nor sacrifices. They worship no gods but such as are subject to sense, and from whom they daily receive profits and help, as the Sun, the Fire, and the Moon; for the rest they have not so much as heard of. Their life is only spent in hunting, or in use and practise of war. They inure themselves to labour and hardness even from their childhood; and such as continue longest beardless are most commended amongst them: for this some think to be very available to their stature, others to their strength and sinews. They hold it a most dishonest part for one to touch a woman before he be twenty years of age: neither can any such matter be hid or dissembled, forasmuch as they bathe themselves together in rivers, and use skins and other small cover on the reins of their backs, the rest of their body being all naked. They use no tillage, the greatest part of their food is milk, or cheese, or flesh: neither hath any man any certain quantity of land to his own use; but their Magistrates and Princes do every year allot a certain portion of land to kindreds and tribes that inhabit together, as much and in such places as they think fit, and the next year appoint them in a new place. Hereof they give many reasons: lest they should be led away by continual custom from the practice of war to the use of husbandry, or lest they should endeavour to get themselves great possessions, and so the weaker should be thrust out and dispossessed of their livings by the mighty, or lest they should build too delicately for the avoiding of cold or heat, or lest they should wax covetous and thirst after money, which is the beginning of all factions and dissensions; and lastly, that they might keep the Commons in good contentment, considering the parity between their revenues and the possessions of the great ones. It is the greatest honour to their States to have their confines lie waste and desolate far and near about them: for that they take to be an argument of valour, when their borderers are driven to forsake their country, and dare not abide near them; and withal they think themselves by that means much safer from any sudden incursion. When a State maketh war, either by way of attempt or defence, they choose Magistrates to command that war, having power of life and death: but in time of peace they have no common Magistrate, but the chiefest men in the country and the villages, do interpret the Law and determine of Controversies. Theft committed out of the confines of their State is not infamous or dishonest, but commended as an exercise of the youth, and a keeping them from sloth. When any one of their Princes and chief men shall in an assembly or council publish himself for a leader upon some exploit, and desire to know who will follow him upon the same, they that have a good opinion of the man and the matter, and do promise him their help and assistance, are commended by the multitude: the rest that refuse to accompany him, are held in the number of traitors, and never have any credit afterwards. They hold it not lawful to hurt a stranger that shall come unto them upon any occasion, but do protect him from injuries; to such every man's house is open, and his table common. The time was when the Galls excelled the Germans in prowess and valour, and made war upon them of their own accord, and by reason of the multitude of their people and want of ground for habitation, they sent many colonies over the Rhine into Germany. And so those fertile places of Germ which are near unto the wood Hercynia, (which Eratosthenes and other Grecians took notice of by the name of Orcinia) were possessed by the Volcae Tectosages, who dwelled there at this time, and keep their ancient opinion of justice and warlike praise. Now the Germans still continue in the same poverty, want, and patience, as in former time; do use the same diet and apparel for their bodies: but the neighbourhood and knowledge of other nations hath made the Galls live in a more plentiful manner, who by little and little have been weakened and overthrown in divers battles, so that now they stand not in comparison with the Germans. The breadth of the wood Hercynia is nine day's journey over, for they have no other differences of space but by means of days journeys. It beginneth at the confines of the Helvetii, Nemetes, and Rauraci, and runs along the river Danubius to the territories of the Daci; thence it declineth to the left side from the said river, and by reason of the large extension thereof, it bordereth the confines of many other countries. Neither is there any German that can say, that either he durst adventure, or did go to, or had heard of the beginning of the same, although he had traveled therein threescore day's journey. In this wood are many sorts of wild beasts, which are not to be seen in any other place: amongst the rest, the most unusual and remarkable are, An Ox like unto a Hart, that in the midst of his forehead between his ears carrieth a horn longer and straighter than usual, divided at the end into many large branches, the female is in all respects like unto the male, and beareth a horn of the same magnitude and fashion. There is likewise another sort of beasts called Alces, not unlike unto a Goat, but somewhat bigger, and without horns: their legs are without joints, that when they take their rest they neither sit nor lie upon the ground, and if they chance to fall they cannot rise again. When they take their rest in the night, they lean against trees. The Hunters having found out their footsteps and their haunt, do either undermine the roots of such trees, or so cut them asunder that a small matter will overthrow them; so that when they come according unto their use to rest themselves against those trees, they overthrew them with their weight, and fall withal themselves, and so are taken. The 3. kind of beasts are those which are called Uri, somewhat lesser than an Elephant, and in colour, kind and shape, not unlike unto a Bull. They are both strong and swift, and spare neither man nor beast that cometh in their sight: these they catch with greater labour and diligence in pits and ditches, and so kill them. The youth do inure and exercise themselves in this kind of hunting, and such as kill many of these beasts, and show most horns, are highly commended: but to make them tame, or any their little ones, was never yet seen. The largeness of their horns, as also the fashion and kind thereof, doth much differ from the horns of the Oxen, and are much sought after for cups to be used in their greatest banquets, being first bound about the brim and trimmed with silver.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
CAesar in this Chapter describeth the course of life which the Germans in his time held throughout the whole policy of their government, the scope whereof was to make them warlike: to which he saith, That in times past the Galls were as valiant and as warlike people as the Germans; but the neighbourhood and knowledge of other nations had taught them a more plentiful manner of life, which by little and little had weakened their strength, and made them far inferior to the Germans. Which bringeth to our consideration that which is often attributed to a civil life, that such as taste of the sweetness of ease, 
Whether a civil life do weaken a warlike disposition.  and are qualified with the compliments of civility, have always an indisposition to warlike practices. The reason is grounded upon use and custom: for discontinuance doth always cause a strangeness and alienation, benumbing the aptest parts with unready and painful gestures; and is so powerful, that it doth not only steal away natural affection, and make parents forget to love their children; but like a tyrant it is able to force us to those things which naturally we are unfit for, as though the decrees of nature were subject to the controlment of custom. Much more then, the things got by use and practice, are as easily forgot by discontinuance, as they were obtained by studious exercise. On the other side, there is nothing so horrible or dreadful, but use maketh easy. The first time the Fox saw the Lion, he swooned for fear, the next time he trembled, but the third time he was so far from fear, that he was ready to put a trick of craft upon him: whereby it appeareth, that the Germans had no further interest in deeds of arms above the Galls, than what the use of war had gained them: for as usage continueth the property of a tenure, so non-usage implieth a forfeiture. Cato was wont to say, that the Romans would lose their Empire, when they suffered the Greek tongue to be taught amongst them: for by that means they would easily be drawn from the study and practice of war, to the bewitching delight of speculative thoughts. And Marcellus was blamed for being the first that corrupted Rome with the delicate and curious works of Greece: for before that he brought from the sacking of Syracuse the well-wrought tables of pictures and imagery, Rome never knew any such delicacy, but stood full fraught with armour and weapons of barbarous people, of the bloody spoils and monuments of victories and triumphs; which were rather fearful shows to inure their eyes to the horror of war, then pleasant sights to allure their minds to affections of peace. Whereby it appeareth, that such as suffer themselves to be guided by the easy rain of civil government, or take a disposition to that course of life, can hardly endure the yoke of war, or undergo the tediousness of martial labours.    

CHAP. XI.  
Basilius' his surprise upon Ambiorix.  
CAesar finding by the discoverers which the Ubii sent out, 
Caesar.  that the Suevi had all betaken themselves to the woods, and doubting want of corn, forasmuch as the Germans of all other nations do least care for tillage; he determined to go no further. But that his return might not altogether free the barbarous people from fear, but hinder the helps and succours which they were wont to send into Gallia, having brought back his army, he cut off so much of the furthest part of the bridge next unto the Ubii, as came in measure to two hundred foot and in the end of that which remained he built a tower of four stories, making other works for the strengthening of that place, wherein he left a garrison of twelve cohorts under the command of young C. Volcatius Tullus: he himself as corn waxed ripe, went forward to the war of Ambiorix by the way of the wood of Arduenna, which is the greatest in all Gallia, and extendeth itself from the banks of Rhine and the confines of the Treviri, to the seat of the Nervii, carrying a breadth of five hundred miles. He sent L. Minutius Basilius before with all the horse, to see if he could effect any thing either by prevention and speedy arrival, or by opportunity, commanding him not to suffer any fires to be made in his camp, lest his coming might be discovered, promising to follow him at his heels. Basilius followeth his directions, and coming upon them contrary to their expectation, took many of the enemy abroad in the fields, and by their cond●●●●ion made towards Ambiorix, where he remained in a place with a few horsemen. As fortune is very powerful in all things, so she challengeth a special interest in matter of war: for as it happened by great luck, that he should light upon him unawares and unprovided, and that his coming should sooner be seen then heard of; so was it great hap, that all the arms which he had about him should be surprised, his horses and his chariots taken, and that he himself should escape death. But this happened by reason of the wood that was about his house, according to the manner of the Galls, who for avoiding of heat, do commonly build near unto woods and rivers: his followers and friends sustaining a while the charge of the horsemen in a narrow place, while he himself escaped in the mean time on horseback, and in ●lying was protected and sheltered by the woods: whereby Fortune seemed very powerful both in drawing on a danger, and in avoiding it.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
THe prerogative which Fortune hath always challenged in the accidents of war, 
Fortune.  and the special interest which she hath in that course of life more than in other men's actions, hath made the best shoulders oftentimes to sing a song of complaint, the burden whereof yet remaineth, and serveth as a reason of all such misadventures, Fortune de laguerre, The Fortune of the war▪ Such as have observed the course of things, and have found one and the same man continuing the same means, this day happy, and the next day unfortunate; and again, two other men, the one advised and respective, and the other violent and rash, and yet both attain the like good fortune by two contrary courses, or otherwise, as oftentimes it falleth out, the more heedless, the more happy; have been persuaded that all things are so governed by fortune, that the wisdom of man can neither alter nor amend them: and therefore to spend much time or tedious labour, either in careful circumspection, or heedful prevention of that which is unchangeable, they hold as vain as the washing of an Aethiopian to make him white. Of this opinion Sylla seemed to be; 
Plutarch in the life of Sylla.  professing himself better born to fortune then to the wars, and acknowledging his happiest victories to have proceeded from his most heedless and unadvised resolutions. And the great Alexander so carried himself, as though he had been of the same opinion, of whom Curtius saith; Quoties illum fortuna à morte revocavit quoties temere in pericula vectum perpetua felicitate protexit! How many a time did Fortune call him back from the brink of death! how often did she happily defend and save him, when he had by his rashness brought himself into dangers! 
In the life of Alexander.  And Plutarch saith, that he had power of time and place.  
Others are not willing to ascribe so much to Fortune, as to make themselves the Tennis-ball to her Racket: and yet they are content to allow her half of every thing they go about, reserving the other moiety to their own directions. And so like partners in an adventure, they labour to improve their share for their best advantage.  
Some other there are that will allow Fortune no part at all in their actions, but do confront her with a goddess of greater power, and make industry the means to annul her Deity. Of this opinion was Timotheus the Athenian, 
Plutarch in the life of Sylla.  who having achieved many notable victories, would not allow of the conceit of the painter, that had made a table wherein Fortune was taking in those cities, (which he had won) with a net whilst he himself slept: but protested against her in that behalf, and would not give her any part in that business.  
And thus the heathen world varied as much in their opinions touching Fortune, as Fortune herself did in her events to themward: which were so divers and changeable, as were able to ensnare the deepest wits, and confound the wisdom of the greatest judgements: whereby the word Fortune usurped a Deity, and got an opinion of extraordinary power in the regiment of humane actions. But our Christian times have a readier lesson, wherein is taught a sovereign Providence, guiding and directing the thoughts of men's hearts, with the faculties and powers of the Soul, together with their external actions, to such ends as shall seem best to that omnipotent wisdom, to whom all our abilities serve as instruments and means to effect his purposes, notwithstanding our particular intendments, or what the heart of man may otherwise determine. And therefore such as will make their ways prosperous unto themselves, and receive that contentment which their hope expecteth, or their labours would deserve, must use those helps which the rules of Christianity do teach in that behalf, and may better be learned from a Divine, then from him that writeth Treatises of War.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
QUintus Curtius speaking of Alexander, saith, 
Celerity & expedition.  Nullam virtutem Regis istius magis quam celeritatem laudaverim, I can commend no virtue in this King before his speed & celerity: whereof this might be a ground, that he followed Darius with such speed after the second battle he gave him, that in eleven days he marched with his army six hundred miles, which was a chase well fitting Alexander the Great, and might rest unexampled: notwithstanding Suetonius giveth this general report of Caesar, that in matter military, aut aequavit praestantissimorum gloriam, aut excessit, he either equalled or exceeded the glory of the best: and for this particular he saith, quod persaepe nuntius de se praevenit, that he was very often the messenger of his own success. And to speak truly, he seemeth to challenge to himself expedition and speed as his peculiar commendation, grounding himself upon the danger which linger and foreslowing of time doth usually bring to well advised resolutions: according to that of Lucan the Poet,  
— Nocuit semper differre paratis.  
Delay did always hurt those that were ready.  
For by this speedy execution of well-digested directions, he gained two main advantages. First, the prevention of such helps and means as the enemy would otherwise have had, to make the war dangerous and the event doubtful. And secondly, the confusion and fear, which doth consequently follow such main disappointments, being the most dangerous accidents that can happen to any party, and the chiefest points to be endeavoured to be cast upon an enemy by him that would make an easy conquest.  
For proof whereof, amongst many other examples, I will only allege his expedition to Rome, when he first came against Pompey, according to Plutarch's relation. 
Plutarch in the life of Pompey.  In the mean time (saith he) news came to Rome, that Caesar had won Ariminum, a great city in Italy, and that he came directly to Rome with a great power, which was not true: for he came but with 3000. horse and 5000. foot, and would not tarry for the rest of his army, being on the other side of the Alps in Gallia, but made haste rather to surprise his enemies upon the sudden, being afraid and in garboil, not looking for him so soon, then to give them time to be provided, and so to fight with them in the best of their strength, which fell out accordingly. For this sudden and unexpected approach of his, put all Italy and Rome itself into such a tumult and confusion, that no man knew what way to take for his safety: for such as were out of Rome came flying thither from all parts, and those on the other side that were in Rome, went out as fast, and forsook the city. And the amazement was such, that Pompey and the Senate fled into Greece, whereby it happened that Caesar in threescore days, was Lord of all Italy without any bloodshed.  
Besides this manner of prevention by sudden surprise, we may see the like expedition in the very carriage and form of his wars. 
Veni, Vidi, Vici.  For if the enemy had taken the field, he laboured by all means to bring him to sight; or otherwise if he refused to take the field, he then endeavoured with the like speed to besiege him or block him up in some hold, to the end he might bring the matter to a speedy upshot, as he did with Vercingetorix at Alesia. But that which is most memorable touching this point, at the first taking in of Spain in the garboil of the civil wars, 
Lib. 2. bell. civil.  he defeated two armies, overthrew two Generals, and took in two Provinces in the space of forty days. Neither did he make use of expedition only in his carriage of a war, but also in the action and execution of battle: for he never forsook an enemy overthrown and discomfited, until he had taken their camp, and defeated them of their chiefest helps, which Pompey felt to his utter overthrow; for the same day he routed him at Pharsalia, he took his camp, and enclosed a hill with a ditch and a rampler, where 25000. Romans were fled for their safety, and brought them to yield themselves unto him: and so making use (as he saith) of the benefit of fortune, and the terror and amazement of the enemy, he performed three notable services in one day.  
And this he used with such dexterity and depth of wisdom, that commonly the first victory ended the war: as by this at Pharsalia he made himself Commander of the East, and by that at ●apso he made himself Lord of afric, and by the battle at Monda he got all Spain.  
To conclude this point, I may not forget the like speed and expedition in his works. In fifteen days he cast a ditch and a rampire of fifteen foot in height, between the lake at Geneva and S. Claudes hill, 
Lib. 1. bell. civil.  containing nineteen miles. He made his bridge over the Rhine in ten days. At the siege of Marseilles he made twelve galleys, and furnished them out to sea within thirty days after the timber was cut down. And the rest of his works with the like expedition.    

CHAP. XII.  
Cativulcus poisoneth himself. Caesar divideth his army into three parts.  
NOw whether Ambiorix did not make head and assemble his ●orces of purpose, 
Caesar.  for that he determined not to fight, or whether he were hindered by the shortness of the time, and the suaden coming of the horsemen, thinking the rest of the army had followed after; it remaineth doubtful: but certain it is, that he sent privy messengers about the country, commanding every man to shift for himself; and so some ●led into the forest Arduenna, others into since and bogs, and such as were near the Ocean, did hiae themselves in such Islands as the tides do commonly make: many forsook their Country, and committed themselves to their fortunes, to more strangers and unknown people. Cativulcus the king of the one half of the Ebu●ones, who was a party with Ambiorix in this matter, being now grown 〈◊〉 and unable to undergo the labours either of war or of flying, detesting Ambiorix with all manner of excerations, as the author of that matter, drank the juice of Yew, (whereof there is great store in Gallia and Germany,) and so died. The Segni and Condrusi, of the nation and number of the Germans, that dwell between the Eburones and the Treviri, sent messengers to Caesar, to entreat him not to take them in the number of the enemy, and that he would not adjudge all the Germans dwelling on this side of the Rhine to have one and the same cause: for their part, they never so much as thought of war, nor gave any did to Ambiorix. Caesar having examined the matter by the torture of the captives, commanded them, that if any of the Eburones should fly unto them, to bring them unto him, and in so doing he would spare their country. Then dividing his forces into three parts, he left the baggage of the whole army at Vatuca, a castle in the midst of the Eburones, where Titurius and Aurunculeius were lodged. He made choice of this place the rather, for that the fortifications made the year before continued perfect and good, to the end he might ease the soldier of some labour; and there left the fourteenth legion for a guard to the carriages, being one of the three which he had last enroled in Italy, making Q. Tullius Cicero their Commander, and with him he left two hundred horse.  
The army being thus divided, he commanded Titus Labienus to carry three Legions towards that part of the sea coast which bordereth upon the Menapii, and sent Trebonius with the like number of Legions to w●●●t and harry that country which confineth the Aduatici: he himself with the other three determined to go to the river Scaldis, which runneth into the Maze, and to the furthest parts of the wood Arduenna; for that he understood that Ambiorix with a few horsemen was fled to those parts. At his departure he assured them that he would return after the seventh day's absence: for at that day he knew that corn was to be given to that legion which he had there left in garrison. He counselled Labienus and Trebonius to return likewise by that day, if they conveniently could, to the end that after communication of their discoveries, and intelligence of the projects of the enemy, they might think upon a new beginning of war.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
THis sudden surprise upon Ambiorix and the Treviri, prevented (as I have already noted) their making head together, and put the enemy to such shifts for their safety, as occasion or opportunity would afford them in particular. And albeit the Treviri were by this means dispersed, yet they were not overthrown, nor utterly vanquished, but continued still in the nature and quality of an enemy, although they were by this occasion defeated of their chiefest means. And therefore the better to prosecute them in their particular slights, and to keep them disjoined, he divided his army into three parts, and made three several inroads upon their country, hoping thereby to meet with some new occasion, which might give an overture of a more absolute conquest: for diversity of motions do breed diversity of occasions, whereof some may happily he such, as being well managed, may bring a man to the end of his desires. But herein let us not forget to observe the manner he used in this service: for first he left a Rendez-vous where all the carriages of the army were bestowed, with a competent garrison for the safe keeping thereof, to the end the soldiers might be assured of a retreat, what difficulty soever might befall them in that action, according to that of Sertorius, 
Plutarch in the life of Sertorius.  that a good captain should rather look behind him then before him; and appointed withal a certain day when all the troops should meet there again; ●t rursus (as he saith) communicato consilio, exploratisque hostium rationibus, aliud in 〈◊〉 belli capere possint, That after communication of their discoveries, etc.    

CHAP. XIII.  
Caesar sendeth messengers to the bordering States, to come out and sack the Eburones.  
THere was (as I have already declared) no certain band or troup of the enemy, 
Caesar.  no garrison or town to stand out in arms; but the multitude was dispersed into all parts, and every man lay hid either in some secret and unknown valley, or in some rough and woody place, or in some bog, or in such other places as gave them hope of shelter or safety: which places were well known to the States of that country. And the matter required great diligence and circumspection, not so much in regard of the general safety of the army, (for there could no danger happen unto them, the enemy being all terrified and fled,) as in preserving every particular soldier; which notwithstanding d●d in part concern the safety of the whole army: for hope of booty did draw many far off out of their ranks, and the woods through uncertain and unknown passages would not suffer the soldiers to go in troops. If he would have the business take an end, and the very race of those wicked people rooted out, the army must be divided, and many small bands must be made for that purpose: but to keep the Maniples at their ensigns, according to the custom and use of the Roman army, the place itself was a sufficient guard for the barbarous people, who did not want courage in particular, both to lie in wait for them, and circumvent them as they were severed from their companies. Yet in extremities of that nature what diligence could attain unto was provided, but in such manner, that somewhat was omitted in the offensive part, though the soldier's minds were bend upon revenge, rather than it should be done with any detriment or loss to the soldier. Caesar sent messengers to the next bordering States, calling them out to sack the Eburones, in hope of booty and pillage, to the end the Galls should rather hazard their lives in the wood, than the legionary soldiers; as also that there might be many spoilers and destroyers, to the end that both the name and race of that State might be taken away. Hereupon a great multitude speedily assembled from all quarters. These things were acted in all parts and quarters of the Eburones, and the seventh day drew near which he had appointed for his return to the carriages.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
IT is a commodity which a General hath, when the enemy doth not refuse open encounter, 
The benefit of open encounter.  for so he may be sure that the weight of the business will rest upon military virtue and prowess of arms, as ready way-makes to a speedy victory: but when it shall happen that the country doth afford covert and protection to him that is more malicious than valorous, and through the fastness of the place refuseth to show himself unless it be upon advantage, the war doubtless is like to prove tedious, and the victory less honourable. In such cases there is no other way, than so to harry and waste a country, that the enemy may be famished out of his holds, and brought to subjection by scarcity and necessity. Which is a means so powerful, as well to supplant the greatest strength, as to meet with subterfuge and delay, that of itself it subdueth all opposition, and needeth no other help for achieving of victory, as may appear by the sequel of this summer's action. And herein let us further observe the particular care which Caesar had of his soldiers, adjudging the whole army to be interessed in every private man's safety. A matter strange in these times, and of small consequence in the judgement of our commanders, to whom particular fortunes are esteemed nonentities, and men in several of no value; forasmuch as conquests are made with multitudes. Concerning which point, I grant it to be as true, as it is often spoken in places besieged, that the loss of one man is not the loss of a town, nor the defeating of twenty the overthrow of a thousand: and yet it cannot be denied but the lesser is paid for the laurel wreath, the more precious is the victory: and it sitteth then at a hard rate, when it maketh the buyer bankrupt, or enforceth him to confess that such another victory would overthrow him. And therefore he that will buy much honour with little blood, must endeavour by diligent and careful labour to provide for the particular safety of his soldiers. Wherein albeit he cannot value, an unity at an equal rate with a number; yet he must consider that without a unity there can be no multitude: and not so only, but the life and strength of a multitude consisteth in unities; for otherwise, neither had Nero needed to have wished the people of Rome to have had but one head, that he might have cut it off at a stroke, 
Plutarch in the life of Sertorius.  nor Sertorius device had carried any grace, making a lusty fellow fail in plucking off the thin tail of an old lean jade, and a little wearish man leave the stump bore of a greattaild horse, and that in a short time, by plucking hair by hair.    

CHAP. XIIII.  
The Sicambri send out two thousand horse against the Eburones, and by fortune they fall upon Cicero at Vatuca.  
HEre you shall perceive the power that fortune hath, 
Caesar.  and what chances happen in the carriage of a war. There was (as I have already said) the enemy being scattered and terrified, no troup or band which might give the least cause of fear: the report came to the Germans on the other side of the Rhine, that the Eburones were to be sacked, and that all men had liberty to make spoil of them. The Sicambri dwelling next to the Rhine, who formerly received the Tenchtheri and Usipites in their flight, set out two thousandhorse, and sent them over the river some thirty miles below that place where Caesar had left the half bridge with a garrison. These horse made directly towards the confines of the Eburones, took many prisoners and much cattle, neither bog nor wood hindered their passage, being bred and born in war and theft. They inquire of the prisoners in what part Caesar was, and found him to be gone far off, and that all the army was departed from thence. But one of the prisoners speaking to them, said, Why do ye seek after so poor and so slender a booty, when otherwise you may make yourselves most fortunate? in three hours' space you may go to Vatuca, where the Roman army hath left all their fortunes; the garrison in that place is no greater than can hardly furnish the walls about, neither dare any man go out of the trenches, The Germans in this hope did hide the pillage which they had already taken, and went directly to Vatuca, taking him for their guide that gave them first notice thereof.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
IT were as great a madness to believe that a man were able to give directions to meet with all chances, as to think no foresight can prevent any casualty. For as the soul of man is endued with a power of discourse. whereby it concludeth either according to the certainty of reason, or the learning of experience, bringing these directions as faulty and inconvenient, and approving others as safe and to be followed: so we are to understand, that this power of discourse is limited to a certain measure or proportion of strength, and inscribed in a circle of lesser capacity than the compass of possibility, or the large extension of what may happen; for otherwise the course of destiny were subject to our controlment, and our knowledge were equal to universal entity, whereas the infinite of accidents do far exceed the reach of our shallow senses, and our greatest apprehension is a small an unperfect experience. And therefore as such as through the occasion of public employment, are driven to forsake the shore of minute and particular courses, and to float in the Ocean of casualties and adventures, may doubtless receive strong directions, both from the loadstone of reason, and tramontane of experience, to shape an easy and successful course: so notwithstanding they shall find themselves subject to the contrariety of winds and extremity of tempests, besides many other lets and impediments beyond the compass of their direction to interrupt their course and divert them from their haven, which made the Carthaginian that was more happy in conquering then in keeping to cry out; 
Ha●nibal.  Nusquam minu▪ quam in bello eventus rerum respondent, the event of things doth no where answer expectation less than in war, as it happened in this accident.    

CHAP. XV.  
The Sicambri come to Vatuca, and offer to take the camp.  
CIcero having all the days before observed Caesar's direction with great diligence, 
Caesar.  and kept the soldiers within the camp, not suffering so much as a boy to go out of the trenches; the seventh day distrusting of Caesar's return according to his promise, for that he understood he was gone further into the country, and heard nothing of his return; and withal being moved with the speeches of the soldiers, who termed their patient abiding within their trenches, a siege, forasmuch as no man was suffered to go out of them, and expecting no such chance within the compass of three miles: which was the furthest; he purposed to send them for corn: especially considering that nine legions were abroad, besides great forces of horse, the enemy being already dispersed and almost extinguished. Accordingly he sent five cohorts to gather corn in the next fields, which were separated from the garrison only with a little hill lying between the camp and the corn. There were many left in the camp of the other legions that were sick, of whom such as were recovered to the number of three hundred, were sent with them all under one ensign: besides a great company of soldier's boys, and great store of cattle which they had in the camp. In the mean time came these Germane Rutters, and with the same gallop as they came thither, they sought to enter in at the Decumane gate; neither were they discovered, by reason of a wood which kept them out of sight, until they were almost at the trenches; insomuch as such tradesmen and merchants as kept their booths and shops under the rampire, had no time to be received into the camp. Our men were much troubled at the unexpectedness of the thing; and the cohort that kept watch did hardly sustain the first assault. The enemy was quickly spread about the works, to see if they could find entrance in any other part. Our men did hardly keep the gates: the rest was defended by the fortification and the place itself. The whole camp was in a great fear, and one inquired of another the reason of the tumult: neither could they tell which way to carry their ensigns, or how any man should dispose of himself. One gave out that the camp was taken; and another that the army and General was overthrown, and that the Barbarous people came thither as conquerors: many took occasion from the place to imagine new and superstitious Religions, recalling to mind the fatal calamity of Cotta and Titurius that died in that place. Through this fear and confusion that had possessed the whole camp, the Germans were confirmed in their opinion which they had received from the prisoner, that there was no garrison at all in the works. They endeavoured to break in, and encouraged one another not to suffer so great a fortune to escape them. Publius Sextius Baculus, that had been Primipilus under Caesar (of whom mention hath been made in the former battles) was there left sick, and had taken no sustenance of five days before. He hearing the danger they were in, went unarmed out of his cabin, and seeing the enemy ready to force the gates, and the matter to be in great hazard; taking arms from one that stood next him, he went and stood in the port, The Centurions of the Cohort that kept watch followed him, and they for a while engaged the enemy. Sextius having received many great wounds, fainted at length, and was hardly saved by those that stood next him. Upon this respite the rest did so far assure themselves, that they durst stand upon the works, and make a show of defence.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
IN the former observation I disputed the interest which the whole army hath in one particular man, which out of Caesar's opinion I concluded to be such as was not to be neglected: but if we suppose a party extraordinary, and tie him to such singular worth as was in Sextius, I then doubt by this example, whether I may not equal him to the multitude, or put him alone in the balance to counterpoise the rest of his fellows. For doubtless if his valour had not exceeded any height of courage, elsewhere then to be found within those walls the whole garrison had been utterly slaughtered, and the place had been made fatal to the Romans by two disastrous calamities. In consideration whereof, I will refer myself to the judgement of the wise, how much it importeth a great Commander, not only in honour as a rewarder of virtue, but in wisdom and good discretion, to make much of so gallant a spirit, and to give that respect unto him, as may both witness his valiant carriage, and the thankful acceptation thereof on the behalf of the Commonweal, wherein we need not doubt of Caesar's requital to this Sextius, having by divers honourable relations in these wars, touching his valiantness and prowess in arms, made him partaker of his own glory, and recommended him to posterity for an example of true valour.    

CHAP. XVI.  
The Sicambri continue their purpose in taking the camp.  

Caesar.  IN the mean time the soldiers, having made an end of reaping and gathering corn, heard the cry. The horsemen hasted before, and found in what danger the matter stood. There was in that place no fortifications to receive the affrighted soldiers: such ●as were lately enrolled and had no experience in matters of war, set their faces towards the Tribunes of the soldiers, and to the Centurions, and expected directions from them. There was none so assured or valiant, but were troubled thereat. The barbarous people having spied the ensigns a far off, left off their assault: and first they thought it had been the legions that had returned, which the prisoners had told them to be gone a great way off; afterward contemning the smallness of their number, they set upon them on all sides. The soldier's boys betook themselves unto the next hill, and being quickly put from thence, they cast themselves headlong amongst the Maniples and ensigns, and so put the soldiers in a worse fear than they were before. Some were of opinion to put themselves into the form of battle which resembleth a wedge, 
C●n●us.  and so (forasmuch as the camp was at hand) to break speedily through the enemy: in which course if any part should be circumvented and cut a pieces, yet they hoped the rest might save themselves. Others thought it better to make good the hill, and all of them to attend one and the same fortune. This advise the old soldiers did not like of, who (as I said before) went out with the others that were sent a harvesting all under one ensign by themselves: and therefore encouraging one another, Cai●s Trebonius a Roman horseman being their captain, and commanding them at that time, broke through the thickest of the enemy, and came all safe into the camp. The boys and horsemen following hard after them, were likewise saved by the valour of the soldiers. But those that took the hill, having never had any use of service, had neither the courage to continue in that resolution which they had before chosen, to defend themselves from that place of advantage, nor to imitate that force and speed which they had seen to have helped their fellows; but endeavouring to be received into the camp, fell into places of disadvantage: wherein divers of their Centurions, who had lately been taken from the lowest companies of other legions, and for their valour's sake preferred to the highest and chiefest companies of this legion, lest they should lose the honour which they had before gotten, fight valiantly died in the place. Part of the soldiers by the prowess of these men that had removed the enemy, beyond all hope, got safe into the camp; the rest were defeated and slain by the Germans.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
THis circumstance doth afford us two observable points. The one, how much an old experienced soldier, hat hath the use and knowledge of service, exceedeth the rawness of such as are newly enrolled. The second, which dependeth upon the former, that valour and military virtue is a consequent of use and practise, rather than any inherent gift of nature. Camillus being sent with an army against the Tuscans, the Roman soldier was much affrighted at the greatness of the host which the enemy had put on foot: which Camillus perceiving, he used no other motives of persuasion to strengthen their weakened minds, and to assure them of a happy day, but this; Quod quisque d●dic●t aut consuev●t, faciat, Let every man do that which he hath been taught, and used to; as well knowing where to rouse their valour, and in what part their greatest strength rested. For as men cannot prevail in that wherein they are unexperienced, but will ●e wanting in the supplies of their own particular, and miscarry even under the directions of another Ann●bal: so a known and beaten tract is quickly taken, and the difficulties of a business are made easy by acquaintance. Use maketh Masteries, saith our English Proverb, and Practice and Art do far exceed Nature. Which continual exercise and use of arms amongst the Romans, attained to such perfection, as made militum sine rectore stabilem virtutem, the valour of the soldiery firm without their Commander, as L●v●e witnesseth: And as Antiochus confessed to Scip●o; Quod si v●ncuntur, non minuuntur animis tamen, though they were overcome, yet their courage abated not. Caesar in all his battles had a special respect to the inexperience of the new enrolled bands, placing them either behind the army for a guard to their carriages, as he did in the Helvetian action, or leaving them as a defence to the camp, or showing them aloof off; signifying thereby, as Livy saith of the Sidicini, Quod magis nomen quam vires ad praesidium adferebant, that they made more noise of an army, than they did good. Whereby it consequently followeth, that military virtue proceedeth not so much from nature, or any original habit, as it doth from exercise and practise of arms. I grant there is a disposition in nature, and a particular inclination to this or that Art; according to that line of the Poet;  
Forts creantur fortibus & bonis.  
Stout men are got by stout and good.  
But this disposition must be perfected by use, and falleth short of valour or military virtue, which consisteth of two parts. The first, in knowledge of the discipline of war, and the rules of service: whereby they may understand the course of things, and be able to judge of particular resolutions. The second is the faithful endeavour in executing such projects, as the rules of war do propound for their safety. Both which parts are gotten only by use. For as the knowledge of Military discipline is best learned by practice; so the often repetition thereof begetteth assurance in action, which is nothing else but that which we call Valour. In which two parts these new enroled bands had small understanding; for they were as ignorant what course to take in that extremity, as they were unassured in their worse resolutions.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
THis Cuneus, 
A Cuneus described.  or troup of soldiers disposed into a Triangle, was the best and safest way to break through an enemy. For an Angle hath a renting and dividing property, and is so sharp in the meeting of the two side lines, that the point thereof resembleth indivisibility, and therefore is apt and proper to divide asunder, and to make a separation of any quantity. Which form Nature hath also observed in the fashion of such creatures as have a piercing and dividing motion; as in Fishes, that have all heads for the most part sharp, and thence Angle-wise are enlarged into the grosseness of their body. And Birds likewise, the better to divide the air, have sharp bills and little heads, with a body annexed of a larger proportion. The manner of the Romans was (as I have already showed) to strengthen the piercing Angle with thick compacted targets; and than enlarging the sides as occasion served, either to the quantity of an acute, or a right, or an obtuse Angle, they gave the charge in such sort, ut quacunque parte percutere impetu suo vellent, sustineri nequeant, that wheresoever they fell on, they were not long to be endured, as Livy saith.    

CHAP. XVII.  
The Sicambri give over their purpose and depart.  
THe Germans being out of hope of taking the Camp, 
Caesar.  forasmuch as they saw our men to stand upon the works, they returned over the Rhine with the boot●e which they had in the woods. And such was the fear of the Roman soldier, even after the enemy was gone, that Caius Volusenus being sent that night to the camp with the horsemen, they would not believe that Caesar and the army were returned in safety. Fear had so possessed their minds, that they did not let to say, that all the legions were overthrown, and the horse had escaped by flight, and desired there to be received: for they could not be persuaded the army being safe, that the Germans would have attempted to surprise their camp. Of which fear they were delivered by Caesar's arrival. He being returned, not ignorant of the events of war, complained of one thing only, that the cohorts that kept the watch were sent from their Stations, forasmuch as no place ought to be given to the least casualty. And there he saw how much Fortune was able to do by the sudden coming of the enemy, and how much more in that he was put off from the rampire and the gates which he had so nearly taken. But of all the rest this seemed the strangest, that the Germans coming over the Rhine, to depopulate and spoil Ambiorix and his country, had like to have taken the Roman camp, which would have been as acceptable to Ambiorix as any thing that could happen.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
IT is an old saying, 
Nothing ought to be left to the hazard of fortune.  avouched by Plutarch, Fortuna id unum hominibus non aufert, quod bene fuerit consultum, What a man hath once well advised, that and only that fortune can never despoil him of: which Tiberius the Roman Emperor well understood; of whom Suetonius reporteth, Quod minimum fortunae, casibusque permittebat, That he trusted very little to fortune or casualties: and is the same which Caesar counselleth in this place, Ne minimo quidem casui locum relinqui debuisse, That no place is to be given to the least casualty. It were a hard condition to expose a naked party to the malice of an enemy, or to disadvantage him with the loss of his sight. An army without a guard at any time is merely naked, and more subject to slaughter, than those that never took arms: and the rather where the watch is wanting, for there sudden chances can hardly be prevented: and if they happen to avoid any such unexpected casualty, they have greater cause to thank Fortune for her favour, then to be angry with her for her malice; for prevention at such times is out of the way, and they are wholly at her mercy; as Caesar hath rightly delivered touching this accident. And therefore, whether an army march forward or continue in a place, sleep or wake, play or work, go in hazard, or rest secure, let not so great a body be at any time without a competent strength, to answer the spite of such misadventures.    

CHAP. XVIII.  
Caesar returneth to spoil the enemy: and punisheth Acco.  
CAesar returning again to trouble and vex the enemy, 
Caesar.  having called a great number of people from the bordering cities, he sent them out into all parts. All the villages and houses which were any where to be seen, were burned to the ground; pillage and booty was taken in every place; the corn was not only consumed by so great a multitude of men and cattle, but beaten down also by the unseasenableness of the year and continual rain: insomuch that albeit divers did hide themselves for the present, yet the army being withdrawn, they must necessarily perish through want and scarcity. And oftentimes they happened of the place (the horsemen being divided into many quarters,) where they did not only see Ambiorix, but kept him for the most part in sight: and in hoping still to take him, some that thought to demerit Caesar's highest favour, took such infinite pains; as were almost beyond the power of nature: and ever there seemed but a little between them and the thing they most desired. But he conveyed himself away through dens and woods and dales, and in the night time sought other countries and quarters, with no greater a guard of horse than four, to whom only he durst commit the safety of his life. The country being in this manner harried and depopulated, Caesar, with the loss of two Cohorts, brought back his army to Durocortorum in the State of the men of Rheims; where a Parliament being summoned, he determined to call in question the conspiracy of the Senones and Carnutes, and especially Acco the principal Author of that Council: who being condemned, was put to death more majorum. Some others fearing the like judgement, saved themselves by flight: these he interdicted fire and water. So leaving two legions to winter in the confines of the Treviri, and two other amongst the Lingones, and the other six at Agendicum in the borders of the Senones, having made provision of corn for the Army, he went into Italy, ad conventus agendos.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
THe conclusion of this Summer's work was shut up with the sack and depopulation of the Eburones, as the extremity of hostile fury, when the enemy lieth in the fastness of the country, and refuseth to make open war. That being done, Caesar proceeded in a course of civil judgement with such principal offenders as were of the conspiracy: and namely with Acco, whom he punished in such manner as the old Romans were accustomed to do with such offenders as had forfeited their loyalty to their country; a kind of death which Nero knew not, although he had been Emperor of Rome thirteen years, and put to death many thousand people. The party condemned was to have his neck locked in a fork, and to be whipped naked to death: and he that was put to death after that manner, was punished more majorum. Such others as feared to undergo the judgement, and fled before they came to trial, were banished out of the country, and made uncapable of the benefit of fire and water in that Empire.  
And thus endeth the sixth Commentary.     

The seventh Commentary, of the wars in GALLIA.  
The Argument.  
THis last Commentary containeth the specialties of the war which Caesar made against all the States of Gallia united into one confederacy, for the expelling of the Roman government out of that Continent, whom Caesar overthrew in the end, Horribili vigilantia, & prodigiosis operibus, by his horrible vigilancy and prodigious actions.  

CHAP. I.  
The Galls enter into new deliberations of revolt.  
GAllia being in quiet, 
〈◊〉.  Caesar, according to his determination, went into Italy to keep Courts and Sessions. There he under stood that P. Clodius was slain, and of a Decree which the Senate had made, touching the assembly of all the youth of Italy: and thereupon he purposed to enrol new bands throughout the whole Province. These news were quickly carried over the Alps into Gallia, & the Galls themselves added such rumours to it, as the matter seemed well to to bear; that Caesar was now detained by the troubles at Rome, and in such dissensions could not return to his army. Being stirred up by this occasion, such as before were inwardly grieved, that they were subject to the Empire of the people of Rome, did now more freely and boldly enter into the consideration of war. The Princes and chiefest men of Gallia having appointed counsels and meetings in remote and woody places, complained of the death of Acco, and showed it to be a fortune which might concern themselves. They pity the common misery of Gallia, and do propound all manner of promises and rewards to such as will begin the war, and with the danger of their lives redeem the liberty of their country: where in they are to be very careful not to foreslow any time, to the end that Caesar may be stopped from coming to his army before their secret conferences be discovered. Which might easily be done, forasmuch as neither the Legions durst go out of their wintering camps in the absence of their General, nor the General come to the Legions without a convoy. To conclude, they held it better to die in fight, then to lose their ancient honour in matter of war, and the liberty left them by their predecessors.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
THis Chapter discovereth such sparkles of revolt, rising from the discontentment of the conquered Galls, as were like to break out into an universal burning; and within a while proved such a fire, as the like hath not been seen in the continent of Gallia. For this summer's work verified the saying of the Samnites, 
Livy, lib 3.  Quod pax servientibus gravior quam liberis bellum esset, That peace is more grievous to those that are in vassalage, than war is to free men: and was carried on either part with such a resolution, as in respect of this service, neither the Galls did before that time engage themselves seriously in their country's cause, nor did the Romans know the difficulty of their task. But as Epaminondas called the fields of Boeotia, 
Plutarch in the life of Marcellus.  Mars his scaffold where he kept his games; or as Xenophon nameth the city of Ephesus the Armourers shop: so might Gallia for this year be called the Theatre of war. The chiefest encouragement of the Galls at this time, was the trouble and dissension at Rome about the death of Clodius, and the accusation of Milo for killing Clodius.  
This Clodius (as Plutarch reporteth) was a young man of a noble house, 
Plutarch in the life of Cicero.  but wild and insolent, and much condemned for profaning a secret sacrifice, which the Ladies of Rome did celebrate in Caesar's house, by coming amongst them disguised in the habit of a young singing wench, which he did for the love of Pompeia, Caesar's wife: whereof being openly accused, he was quitted by secret means which he made to the Judges; and afterwards obtained the Tribuneship of the people, and caused Cicero to be banished, and did many outrages and insolences in his Tribuneship: which caused Milo to kill him, for which he was also accused. And the Senate fearing that this accusation of Milo, being a bold-spirited man and of good quality, would move some uproar or sedition in the city, they gave commission to Pompey to see justice executed, as well in this cause, as for other offences, 
Ne quid resp. detrimenti capiat.  that the city might be quiet, and the commonwealth suffer no detriment. Whereupon Pompey possessed the marketplace, where the cause was to be heard with bands of soldiers and troops of armed men. And these were the troubles in Rome upon the death of Clodius, which the Galls did take as an occasion of revolt, hoping thereby that Caesar (being in Gallia Cisalpina, which province was allotted to his government, 
Gallia Cisalpina & Trans●lpina.  as well as that Gallia Northward the Alps,) would have been detained from his army.    

CHAP. II.  
The men of Chartres take upon them the beginning of 〈◊〉, under the conduction of Cotuatus and Conctodunus.  
THese things being thus disputed, 
Caesar.  the men of Chart●es did make themselves the chief of that war, refusing no danger for the common safety of their country. And forasmuch as at that present they could not give caution by hostage, lest the matter should be discovered; they desire to have their covenants strengthened by oath, and by mutual collation of their mi●●tary ensigns, which was the most religious ceremony they could use to bind the rest not to forsake them, having made an entrance and beginning to that war. The men of Chartres being commended by the rest, and the oaths of all them that were present being taken, and a time appointed to begin, they broke up the assembly. When the day came, they of Chartres under the conduction of Cotuatus and Conetodunus, two desperate fellows, upon a watchword given, ran speedily to 
* Orleans.  Genabum; and such Roman citizens as were there upon business, namely C. Fusius Cotta, a knight of Rome, whom Caesar had left overseer of the provision of corn, they slew, and took their goods. The report thereof was quickly spread over all the States of Gallia. for when any such great or extraordinary matter happeneth, they signify it through the country by an outcry and shout, which is taken by others, and delivered to the next, and so goeth from hand to hand, as it happened at this time: for that which was done at Genabum at Sunrising, was before the first watch of the night was ended heard in the confines of the Arverni, which is above a hundred and threescore miles distant.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
THis manner of outcry here mentioned to be usual in Gallia, was the same which remaineth in use at this present in Wales, 
The 〈◊〉 Hooboub.  although not so frequent as in former times. For the custom is there, as often as any robbery happeneth to be committed, or any man to be slain, or what other outrage or riot is done, the next at hand do go to some eminent place where they may be best heard, and there they make an outcry or howling, which they call a Hooboub, signifying the fact to the next inhabitants, who take it as passionately, and deliver it further, and so from hand to hand it quickly spreadeth over all the country. It is a very ready way to put the country in arms, and was first devised (as it seemeth) for the stay and apprehension of robbers and outlaws, who kept in strong holds, and lived upon the spoil of the bordering inhabitants: but otherwise it savoureth of Barbarism, rather than of any civil government.    

CHAP. III.  
Vercingetorix stirreth up the Arverni to the like commotion and revolt.  
IN like manner Vercingetorix the son of Celtillus, 
Caesar.  of the nation of the Arverm, a young man of great power and authority, (whose father was the Commander of all Gallia, and because he sought a kingdom, was slain by those of his own State,) calling together his followers and clients, did easily incense them to rebellion. His purpose being known, every man took arms; and so he was driven out of the town of Gergovia by Gobanitio his uncle & other Princes, who thought it not safe to make trial of that fortune. And yet he desisted not, but enroled needy and desperate people; and with such troops, whom soever he met withal of the State, he did easily draw them to his party, persuading them to take arms for the defence of common liberty. And having at length got great forces together, he expelled his adversaries out of the town, by whom he was himself before thrust out. He was called of his men by the title of King, and sent Embassages into all parts, adjuring them to continue constant and faithful. The Senones, the Parisii, the Pictones, the Cadurci, the Turones, the Aulerci, the Lemovic●s, the Andes, and all the rest that border upon the Ocean were quickly made of his party: and by all their consents the chief command was conferred upon him. Which authority being offered him, he commanded hostages to be brought in unto him from all those States, and a certain number of soldiers to be sent him with all speed. He rated every city what proportion of arms they should have ready, and specially he laboured to raise great store of horse. To extraordinary diligence he added extraordinary severity, compelling such as stood doubtful by hard and severe punishment: for such as had committed a great offence, he put to death by fire and torture; lesser faults he punished with the loss of their nose or their eyes, and so sent them home, that by their example others might be terrified. By these practices and severity having speedily raised a great army, he sent Lucterius of Cahors, a man of great spirit and boldness, with part of the forces, towards the Rutheni, and he himself made towards the Bituriges. Upon his coming the Bituriges sent to the Hedui, in whose protection they were, in require aid against Vercingetorix. The Hedui, by the advice of the Legates which Caesar had left with the army, sent forces of horse and foot to the aid of the Bituriges: who coming to the river Loire, which divideth the Bituriges from the Hedui, after a few days stay, not daring to pass over the river, returned home again, bringing word to our Legates, that they durst not commit themselves to the Bituriges, and so returned. For they knew that if they had passed over the river, the Bituriges had inciosed them in on the one side, and the Arverni on the other. But whether they did return upon that occasion, or through perfidious treachery, it remaineth doubtful. The Bituriges upon their departure did presently join themseleves with the Arverni.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
IT is observed by such as are acquainted with matter of Government, 
There aught to be a Proportion of quality between a Commander and his soldiers.  that there ought to be always a proportion of quality between him that commandeth and them that obey: for if a man of Sardanapalus condition should take upon him the charge of Marius' army, it were like to take no better effect, then if Manlius had the leading of lascivious Cinaedes. 
Mu●● Mariani.  And as we may observe in economical policy, a dissolute master may as soon command hair to grow on the palm of his hand, 
Such a master, such a servant.  as to make a virtuous servant; but the respect of duty between such relatives doth likewise infer the like respect of quality: so in all sorts and conditions of command, there must be sympathising means, to unite the diversity of the parts in the happy end of perfect Government. In this new Empire which befell Vercingetorix, we may observe a double proportion between him and his people. The first, of strength and ability; and the other, of quality and resemblance of affection: upon the assurance of which proportion he grounded the austerity of his command. For it appeareth that his first beginning was by persuasion and entreaty, and would endure no direction, but that which was guided by a loose and easy rain; holding it neither safe nor seemly, but rather a strain of extreme madness, first to punish or threaten, and then to want power to make good his judgements: but being strengthened by authority from themselves, and backed with an army able to control their disobedience, he then added punishment as the ensign of Magistracy, and confirmed his power by rigorous commands; which is as necessary a demonstration of a well-settled government, as any circumstance belonging thereunto.  
Touching the resemblance and proportion of their qualities, it is manifestly showed by the sequel of this history, that every man desired to redeem the common liberty of their country, in that measure of endeavour as was fitting so great a cause. Amongst whom Vercingetorix being their chief Commander, summae diligentiae (as the story saith) added summam severitatem, 
Li●ie.  to great diligence great severity; as well assured, that the greater part would approve his justice, and condemn the uncertainty of doubtful resolutions, desiring no further service at their hands, then that wherein himself would be the foremost. In imitation of Valerius Corvinus: Factamea, non dicta, vos milites sequi volo; nec disciplinam modo, sed exemplum etiam à me petere; I would have you, O my Soldiers, do as I do, and not so much mind what I say; and to take not your discipline only, but your pattern also from me. And therefore the party was like to be well upheld; forasmuch as both the Prince and the people were so far engaged in the matter intended, as by the resemblance of an earnest desire might answer the measure of due proportion.    

CHAP. IU.  
Caesar cometh into Gallia, and by a device getteth to his army.  
THese things being told Caesar in Italy; 
Caesar.  assoon as he understood that the matters in the city were by the wisdom of Pompey brought into better state, he took his journey into Gallia, and being come thither he was much troubled how to get to his army. For if he should send for the Legions into the Province, he understood that they should be certainly fought withal by the way in his absence. If he himself should go unto them, he doubted how he might safely commit his person to any, although they were such as were yet in peace. In the mean time Lucterius of Cahors being sent against the Rutheni, doth easily unite that State to the Arverni: and proceeding further against the Nitiobriges and the Gabali, he received hostages of both of them, and having raised a great power, he laboured to break into the Province, and to make towards Narbo. Which being known, Caesar resolved by all means to put him by that purpose, and went himself to Narbo. At his coming he encouraged such as stood doubtful or timorous, and placed garrisons amongst the Rutheni, the Volsci, and about Narbo, which were frontier places and near unto the enemy, and commanded part of the forces which were in the Province, together with those supplies which he had brought out of Italy, to go against the Helvii, which are adjoining upon the Arverni. Things being thus ordered, Lucterius being now suppressed and removed holding it to be dangerous to enter among the garrisons, he himself went towards the Helvii. And albeit the hill Gebenna, which divideth the Arverni from the Helvii, by reason of the hard time of winter and the depth of the snow, did hinder their passage; yet by the industry of the soldier making way through snow of six foot deep, they came into the confines of the Arverni: who being suddenly and unawares suppressed, little mistrusting an invasion over the hill Gebenna, which encloseth them in as a wall, and at that time of the year doth not afford a path to a single man alone, he commanded the horsemen to scatter themselves far and near to make the enemy the more afraid. These things being speedily carried to Vercingetorix, all the Arverni full of fear and amazement flocked about him, beseeching him to have a care of their State, and not to suffer themselves to be sacked by the enemy, especially now at this time, when as all the war was transferred upon them. Upon their instant entreaty he removed his camp out of the territories of the Bituriges, and marched towards the country of the Arverni. But Caesar having continued two days in those places, forasmuch as he understood both by use and opinion, what course Vercingetorix was like to take; he left the army, pretending some supplies of horse, which he went to raise, and appointed young Brutus to command those forces, admonishing him to send out the horsemen into all quarters, and that he himself would not be absent from the camp above three days. These things being thus settled, none of his followers knowing his determination, by great journeys he came to Vienna; where taking fresh horse, which he had laid there many days before, he ceased neither night nor day, until he came through the confines of the Hedui to the Lingones, where two legions wintered: to the end if the Hedui should undertake any thing against him, he might with speed prevent it. Being there, he sent to the rest of the Legions, and brought them all to one place, before the Arverni could possibly have notice of it.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
CAesar upon his first entrance into Gallia, 
To abuse an enemy by way of stratagem commendable in a Commander.  was perplexed how to get to his army: and the matter stood in such terms, as brought either the legions or his own person into hazard. For (as he saith) if he should send for the legions to come unto him, they should doubtless be fought withal by the way, which he was loath to adventure, unless himself had been present: or otherwise if he himself had gone unto them, he doubted of the entertainment of the revolting Galls, and might have overthrown his army, by the loss of his own person. In this extremity of choice, he resolved upon his own passage to the army, as less dangerous and more honourable, rather than to call the legions out of their wintering camps, where they stood as a check to bridle the insolency of the mutinous Galls, and so to bring them to the hazard of battle in fetching their General into the field: whereby he might have lost the victory before he had begun the wars. And for his better safety in this passage, he used this cunning. Having assured the Roman Province by strong and frequent garrisons on the frontiers, and removed Lucterius from those parts; gathering together such supplies as he had brought with him out of Italy, with other forces which he found in the Province, he went speedily into the territories of the 
* Aveugle.  Arverni, making a way over the hill 
* La montagne de Geneve.  Gebenna, at such a time of the year as made it unpassable for any forces, had they not been led by Caesar; only for this purpose, to have it noised abroad, that whereas Vercingetorix and the Arverni had principally undertaken the quarrel against the Romans, and made the beginning of a new war, Caesar would first deal with them, and lay the weight thereof upon their shoulders, by calling their fortunes first in question, to the end he might possess the world with an opinion of his presence in that country, and draw Vercingetorix back again to defend his state, whilst he in the mean time did slip to his army without suspicion or fear of peril: for staying there no longer then might serve to give a sufficient colour to that pretence, and leaving those forces to execute the rest, and to make good the secret of the project, he conveyed himself to his army with such speed and celerity, 
Vit● Caesaris.  as doth verify the saying of Suetonius; quod persaepe nuncios de se praevenit, that he often outwent the ordinary messengers.  
These blinds and false intendments are of special use in matter of war, and serve as well to get advantages upon an enemy, as to clear a difficulty by cleanly evasion: neither is a Commander the less valued for fine conveyance in military projects, but deserveth rather greater honour for adding art unto valour, and supplanting the strength of opposition with the sleight of wit.  
— Dolus an virtus quis in host requirit?  
Who looks at fraud or valour in a foe? hath always been held a principle amongst men of war. And Lisander his counsel is the same in effect, that where the Lion's skin will not serve the turn, there take the Foxes. Carbo spoke it to the commendation of Sylla, that he had to do both with a Lion and a Fox, but he feared more his Fox's pate then his Lion's skin. It is reported that Hannibal excelled all other of his time for abusing the enemy in matter of stratagem, for he never made fight but with an addition of assistants, supporting force with art, and the fury of arms with the subtlety of wit.  
Of late time amongst other practices of this nature, the treaty at Ostend is most memorable, entertained only to gain time: that while speech of parley was continued, and pledges delivered to the Archduke Albertus, for the safety of such as were sent into the town to capitulate with the General, there might be time gained for the sending in of such supplies of men and munition as were wanting, to make good the defence thereof: which were no sooner taken in, but the Treaty proved a stratagem of war.  
In these foils and tricks of wit, which at all times and in all ages have been highly esteemed in men of war, as special virtues beseeming the condition of a great Commander, if it be demanded how far a General may proceed in abusing an enemy by deeds or words; I cannot speak distinctly to the question: but sure I am, that Surena, Lieutenant general of the Parthian army, did his master good service, in abusing Crassus the Roman General by fair promises; or as Plutarch saith, 
Plut. Crassus.  by foul perjury, till in the end he brought his head to be an actor in a Tragedy: albeit Surena never deserved well of good report since that time. Howsoever, men of civil society ought not to draw this into use from the example of soldiers, forasmuch as it is a part of the profession of cutting of throats, and hath no prescription but in extremities of war.    

CHAP. V.  
Vercingetorix besigeth Gergovia, Caesar taketh in Vellaunodunum and Genabum.  
THis being known, 
Caesar.  Vercingetorix brought back his army again into the country of the Bituriges, and thence marched to besiege Gergovia, a town held by the Boii, whom Caesar had left there after the Helvetian war, and given the jurisdiction of the town to the Hedui. which brought Caesar into great perplexity, whether he should keep the Legions in one place for that time of winter which remained, and so suffer the stipendaries of the Hedui to be taken and spoiled, whereby all Gallia might take occasion to revolt, forasmuch as the Romans should seem to afford no protection or countenance to their friends; or otherwise draw his army out of their wintering-camps sooner then was usual, and thereby become subject to the difficulties of provision and carriage of corn. Notwithstanding it seemed better, and so he resolved, rather to undergo all difficulties, then by taking such a scorn to lose the good wills of all his followers. And therefore persuading the Hedui diligently to make supply of necessary provisions, he sent to the Boii, to advertise them of his coming, to encourage them to continue loyal, and nobly to resist the assaults of the enemy: and leaving two Legions with the carriages of the whole army at Agendicum, he marched towards the Boii. The next day coming to a Town of the Senones called Vellaunodunum, he determined to take it in, to the end he might leave no enemy behind him, which might hinder a speedy supply of victuals: and in two days he enclosed it about with a ditch and a rampire. The third day some being sent out touching the giving up of the town, he commanded all their arms and their cattle to be brought out, and six hundred pledges to be delivered. Leaving C. Trebonius a Legate to see it performed; he himself made all speed towards Genabum in the territories of the men of Chartres; who as soon as they heard of the taking in of Vellaunodunum, persuading themselves the matter would not rest so, they resolved to put a strong garrison into Genabum. Thither came Caesar within two days, and encamping himself before the Town, the evening drawing on, he put off the assault unto the next day, commanding the soldiers to prepare in a readiness such things as should be necessary for that service. And forasmuch as the town of Genabum had a bridge leading over the river Loire, he feared lest they of the town would steal away in the night: for prevention whereof he commanded two Legions to watch all night in arms. The townsmen a little before midnight went out quietly, and began to pass over the river. Which being discovered by the Scouts, Caesar with the Legions which he had ready in arms, burned the gates, and entering the Town took it; the greatest number of the enemy being taken, and a very few escaping, by reason of the narrowness of the bridge and the way which shut in the multitude. The town being sacked and burned, and given for a booty to the soldiers, he carried his army over the river Loire, into the territories of the Bituriges.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
IT is a known and an approved saying, E malis minimum est eligendum, of evils the least is to be chosen: but in a presentment of evils to be able to discern the difference, and to choose the least, Hic labour, hoc opus, here's all the skill and work. Vercingetorix besieging Gergovia (a stipendiary town belonging to the Hedui, 
Clermont in Auvergne  that of long time had served the Roman Empire,) at such a time of the year as would not afford provision of victual for the maintenance of an army, but with great difficulty and inconvenience of carriage and convoy; Caesar was much perplexed, whether he should forbear to succour the town and raise the siege, or undergo the hazard of long and tedious convoys. A matter often falling into dispute, although it be in other terms, whether honesty or honourable respect ought to be preferred before private ease and particular commodity. Caesar hath declared himself touching this point, preferring the honour of the people of Rome, as the majesty of their Empire, and the reputation which they desired to hold, touching assistance and protection of their friends, before any inconvenience which might happen to their army. And not without good reasons, which may be drawn as well from the worthiness of the cause, as from the danger of the effect: for duties of virtue and respects of honesty, as the noblest parts of the mind, do not only challenge the service of the inferior faculties of the soul; but do also command the body and the casaulties thereof, in such sort as is fitting the excellency of their prerogative: for otherwise virtue would find but bare attendance, and might leave her sceptre for want of lawful authority. And therefore Caesar chose rather to adventure the army upon the casualties of hard provision, then to blemish the Roman name with the infamy of disloyalty. Which was less dangerous also in regard of the effect: for where the bond is of value, there the forfeiture is great: and if that tie had been broken, and their opinion deceived touching the expectation of assistance and help, all Gallia might have had just cause of revolt, and disclaimed the Roman government for non-protection. To conclude then, let no man deceive himself in the present benefit, which private respect may bring upon the refusal of honest regard, for the end will be a witness of the error, and prove honesty to be best policy.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
IT is observed by some writers, 
Caesar went always provided of four things.  that Caesar never undertook any action, or at the least brought it not to trial, but he first assured himself of these four things.  
The first was provision of victuals, as the very foundation of warlike expeditions, whereof I have already treated in the first Commentary: the difficulty whereof made him so doubtful to undertake the relief of Gergovia. And doubtless whosoever goeth about any enterprise of war, without certain means of victual and provision, must either carry an army of Chameleons that may live by the air, or intent nothing but to build castles in the air, or otherwise shall be sure to find his enemy either in his bosom, or as the Proverb is in Plutarch, 
Plutarch in the life of 〈◊〉.  to leap on his belly with both his feet.  
The second thing was provision of all necessaries, which might be of use in that service: wherewith he always so abounded, that there might rather want occasion to use them, than he be wanting to answer occasion. And these were the instruments whereby he made such admirable works, such bridges, such mounts, such trenches, such huge armadoes, as appeareth by the sea-fight with the maritime cities of Gallia: 
Comment. 3.  according to which his former custom, forasmuch as the day was far spent before he came to Genabum, he commanded such things to be sitted and had in a readiness, as might serve for the siege the next day.  
The third thing was an army for the most part of old soldiers, whom the Romans called Veteram, whereof he was likewise at this time provided; for the two legions which were fresh and lately inroled, he left at Agend●cum with the carriages, taking only the old soldiers for this service, as knowing that in pugna usum amplius prodesse quam vires, usefulness is more serviceable in war then numbers.  
The fourth thing was the trial and experience of the enemy's forces, which the former victories assured him to be inferior to the Romans; it being always a rule in the Roman discipline, (as I have already noted,) 
Comment. ●.  by light and easy skirmishes, to acquaint the soldiers with the manner of the enemies fight, Ne eos novum bellum, novus hostis terreret, lest a new kind of fight, or enemy might affright them; as L●vy saith.    

CHAP. VI  
Caesar taketh in Noviodunum, and beateth the enemy coming to rescue the Town.  
VErcingetorix understanding of Caesar's coming, 
Caesar.  left the siege, and went to meet him. Caesar resolved to take a town lying in his way in the territories of the Bituriges, called Noviodunum. Which they of the town perceiving, sent out unto him to beseech him to spare them, and to give order for their safety. To the end therefore that he might speed tha● business with as much celerity as he had accomplished former services, he commanded them to bring out their arms, their horse, and to deliver pledges. Part of the hostages being given, while the rest were in delivering over, divers Centurions and a few soldiers being admitted into the town, to seek out their weapons and their horses, the horsemen of the enemy, which marched before Vercingetorix army, were discovered a far off: which the townsmen had no sooner perceived, and thereby conceived some hope of relief, but they presently took up a shout, and betook themselves to their arms, shut the gates, and began to make good the walls. The Centurions that were in the town perceiving some new resolution of the Galls, with their swords drawn possessed themselves of the gates, and saved both themselves and their men that were in the town. Caesar commanded the horsemen to be drawn out of the camp, and to begin the charge. And as they began to give ground, he sent four hundred Germane horsemen to second them, whom he had resolved to keep with him from the first: who charged the enemy with such fury, that the Galls could no way endure the assault, but were presently put to flight; and many of them being slain, the rest retired back to the army. Upon their overthrow, the townsmen were worse affrighted than they were before; and having apprehended such as were thought to have stirred up the people, they brought them to Caesar, and yielded themselves unto him. Which being ended, Caesar marched towards the town of Avaricum, which was the greatest and best fortified of all the towns in the territories of the Bituriges, and situate in the most fertile part of the country; for that being taken in, he doubted not to bring the whole State of the Bituriges easily into his subjection.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
FOrasmuch as nothing is more changeable than the mind of man, which (notwithstanding the low degree of baseness wherein it often sitteth,) will as occasion giveth way to revenge, readily amount to the height of tyranny, and spare no labour to cry quittance with an enemy: it hath been thought expedient in the wisdom of foregoing ages, to pluck the wings of so mounting a bird, and to deprive an enemy of such means, as may give hope of liberty by mutiny and revolt.  
The practice of the Romans in taking in any town, 
The means which the Romans used to weaken an enemy.  was to leave them forceless, that howsoever they might stand affected, their nails should be surely paid for scratching, and their power confined to the circuit of their mind. For as it appeareth by this and many other places of Caesar, no rendry of any town was accepted, until they had delivered all their arms, both offensive and defensive, with such engines and instruments of war as might any way make for the defence of the same. Neither that only, but such beasts also, whether Horse or Elephant, or any other whatsoever, as might any way advantage the use of those weapons. Which as it was a great dismay and weakening to the enemy; so was it short of the third condition, commanding the delivery of so many hostages or pledges as were thought convenient, being the prime of their youth, and the flower of their manhood, and were as the marrow to their bones, and the sinews to that body. Whereby it came to pass, that the remnant was much disabled in strength, concerning their number of fight men; and such as were left had neither arms nor means to make resistance.  
The Turk observeth the same course with the Christians, but in a more cruel and barbarous manner: for he cometh duly at a certain time, not regarding any former demeanour, and leadeth away the flower of their youth, to be invested in impiety and infidelity, and to be made vassals of heathenish impurity.  
Oftentimes we read, that a conquered people were not only interdicted arms, but the matter also and the art whereby such arms were made and wrought: for where the people are great, and mettle and matter plenty, it is a chance if artificers be wanting to repair their loss, and to refurnish their armoury. At the siege of Carthage the Romans having taken away their arms, they notwithstanding, finding store of mettle within the town, caused workmen to make every day a hundred targets and three hundred swords, besides arrows and casting slings, using women's hair for want of hemp, and pulling down their houses for timber to build shipping. Whereby we may perceive, that a General cannot be too careful to deprive an enemy of all such helps as may any way strengthen his hand, or make way to resistance.    

CHAP. VII.  
Vercingetorix persuadeth the Galls to a new course of war.  
VErcingetorix having received so many losses one in the neck of another, 
Caesar.  
* Ville 〈◊〉 en la Franche conte.  Vellaunodunum, 
* Or●●●ns.  Genabum & 
* Noyon.  Noviodunum being taken, he calleth his men to council, and telleth them that the war must be carried in another course than it hath been heretofore; for they must endeavour by all means to keep the Romans from forage and convoy of victual: which would easily be brought to pass, forasmuch as they themselves did abound in horsemen: and for that the time of the year did not yet serve to get forage in the field, the enemy must necessarily seek it in houses and barns, whereby the foragers would daily be cut off by their horsemen. Moreover, for their safety and defence they were to neglect their private commodity: their houses and their villages were to be burnt up round about as far as Boia, wheresoever the Romans might go to fetch their forage. For themselves they thought it reason that they should make supply of victual and provision, in whose possessions they were, and for whom they fought. By this means the Rom. would never be able to endure that want as would befall them, or at the least be constrained to fetch their provisions far off, with great danger and peril to themselves: neither did it make any matter whether they killed them or put them besides their carriages; for without necessary supplies they were never able to hold war. And to conclude, such towns were likewise to be set on fire, as by the strength of their situation were not safe from danger, lest they should prove receptacles to linger and detract the war, and serve the Romans for booty and supplies of provision. And albeit these things might seem heavy and bitter; yet they ought to esteem it more grievous to have their wives and their children led away into servitude, and themselves to be slain by the sword of the enemy: which doth necessarily fall upon a conquered people. This opinion was generally approved by the consent of all men, and more than twenty cities of the Bituriges were burnt in one day: the like was done in other States, great fires were to be seen in all parts. And although all men took it very grievously, yet they propounded this comfort unto themselves, that the enemy being by this means defeated, they should quickly recover their losses. Touching Avaricum they disputed it in common council, whether it should be burnt or defended. The Bituriges do prostrate themselves at the feet of all the Galls, that they might not be forced to set on fire with their own hands, the fairest city in all Gallia, being both an ornament and a strength to their State; they would easily defend it by the site of the place, being encircled round about with a river and a bog, and being accessible by one narrow passage only. At length leave being granted them to keep it, Ve●cingetorix at first dissuading them from it, and afterwards yielding unto it, moved by the entreaty of the Galls, and the commiseration of the common multitude; and so a fit garrison was chosen to defend the town.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
I Have seen an Impreze with a circle, 
It is a hard 〈…〉 following a business, to hit that course which may most advantage it.  and a hand with a sharp stile pointing towards the centre with this motto, Hic labour, hoc opus, this is a thing of work and labour; signifying thereby, that albeit the Area thereof were plainly and distinctly bounded, and the Diameter of no great length, yet it was not an easy matter to find the Centre, which is the heart and chiefest part of that figure. In like manner, there is no business or other course so easy or plain, but the centre may be mistaken, and the difficulty commonly resteth in hitting that point, which giveth the circumference an equal and regular motion.  
The Galls were resolved to undertake the defence of their country, and to redeem their liberty with the hazard of their lives: but it seemeth they were mistaken in the means, and ran a course far short of the centre. For Vercingetorix perceiving the Romans daily to get upon the Galls, first by taking in one town, secondly another, and lastly of a third, he advised them to set on fire all the country houses, villages and towns for a great circuit round about, and so force the Romans to fetch their forage and provisions far off, and undergo the difficulties of long convoys, whereby the Galls might make use of their multitude of horse, and keep the Romans without supplies of necessary provisions: and so they doubted not but to give a speedy end to that war. And this h● took to be the centre of that business, and the true use of their advantage.  
Polybius writeth, 
Lib. 4.  that M. Regulus having divers times overthrown the Carthaginians in battle, one Xantippus a Lacedaemonian, clearly perceiving the cause of their often routs, began openly to say, that the Carthaginians were not overthrown by the valour of the Romans, but by their own ignorance: for they exceeding the Romans in horse and Elephants, had neglected to fight in the champain, where their Cavalry might show itself, but in hills and woody places, where the foot troops were of more force, and so the Romans had the advantage. Whereby the manner of the war being changed, and by the counsel of the preguant Greek, brought from the hills into the level of the plain, the Carthaginians recovered all their former losses by one absolute victory. In like manner Hannibal finding himself to exceed the Romans in strength of cavalry, did always endeavour to affront them in open and champain countries; and as often as the Romans durst meet him, 
Plutarch in the life of Fabius.  he put them to the worse: but Fabius perceiving the disadvantage, kept himself always upon the hills, and in covert and uneven places, and so made the advantage of the place equal the multitude of the enemy's horsemen.  
There is no greater scorn can touch a man of reputation and place, then to be thought not to understand his own business. For as wisdom is the excellency of humane nature, so doth want of judgement deject men to the condition of such as Aristotle calleth servants by nature: 
Servus a 〈◊〉.  whose wit being too weak to support any weight, 
Polit. 1.  do recompense that want with the service of their body, and are wholly employed in a Porter's occupation. 
Ili●d. 10.  Which Homer layeth upon Diomedes shoulders, with as fine conveyance as he doth the rest of his inventions. For Ulysses and he going out on a party to do some exploit upon the Trojans, they carried themselves so gallantly, that they fell to share King Rhesus chariot and horses. Ulysses presently seized upon the horses, being of a delicate Thracian breed, and Diomedes seemed well contented with the chariot. But being to carry it away, Pallas advised him to let it alone, lest he might prove his strength to be greater than his wit, and yet not find so much neither as would carry it away.  
But for these directions which Vercingetorix gave unto the Galls, I refer the Reader to the sequel of the History, wherein he shall find how they prevailed.    

CHAP. VIII.  
Caesar besiegeth Avaricum, and is distressed for want of corn.  
VErcingetorix followed Caesar by small and easy journeys, 
Caesar.  and chose a place to incamp in, fortified about with bogs and woods, fifteen miles distant from Avaricum: where he understood what was done at Avaricum every hour of the day, and commanded likewise what he would have done. He observed all our foraging and harvesting, and did set upon such as went far off upon any such occasion, and encumbered them with great inconveniences: albeit they took what course they could to meet with it, as to go out at uncertain times, and by unknown and unusual ways. Caesar encamping himself before that part of the town which was not shut in with the river nor the bog, and afforded but a narrow and straight passage, began to make a mount, to drive vines, and to raise two towers; (for the nature of the place would not suffer him to enclose it round about with a ditch and a rampire;) and never rested to admonish the Hedui and the Boii to bring in supplies of corn: of whom the one, by reason of the small care and pains they took, did little help him; the other, of no great ability, being a small and a weak State, did quickly consume all that they had. The army was distressed for want of corn, by reason of the poverty of the Boii, and the indiligence of the Hedui, together with the burning of the houses in the country, in such manner as they wanted corn for many days together, and sustained their lives with beasts and cattle which they had fetched a great way off: and yet no one voice at all was heard to come from them, unworthy the majesty of the Roman Empire, and their former victories. And whenas Caesar did speak unto the legions severally as they were in the works, that if their wants were heavy and bitter unto them, he would leave off the siege; all of them with one voice desired him not to do so, for since they had so served many years under his command, as they never had received any dishonour, neither had they at any time departed and left the business undone; it would be imputed unto them as an ignominy and disgrace to leave this siege; and that they had rather undergo all difficulties, than not to revenge the death of the citizens of Rome that by treachery were slain at Genabum. The same speeches they delivered to the Centurions and Tribunes, to be told Caesar.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
THe worth of a Soldier consisteth in a disposition of mind and body, 
Patience in a soldier excelleth valour.  which maketh him apt to suffer and to undergo the difficulties of war. For let his resolution otherwise be never so great, and his courage invincible in the day of battle; yet if he faint under the burden of such tediousness as usually attendeth upon warlike designments, he is no way fit for any great enterprise. Pindarus saith, that he understandeth not the war, that knoweth not that the achieving of one piece of service, is always accompanied with the sufferance of another difficulty as great as that which was first intended. Et facere, & pati fortia, Romanum est. It was the peculiar commendation of the Roman people, patiently to endure the extremities of warfare: which made the Volsci to cry out, That either they must forswear arms, and forget to make war, and receive the yoke of thraldom and bondage; 
Liv. lib. 6.  aut tis quibuscum de imperio certetur, nec virtute, nec patientia, nec disciplina rei militaris cedendum; or else they must show themselves no ways inferior to their antagonists either in valour, or sufferance, or military discipline. Appian forgetteth not to say, that the Roman Empire was raised to such greatness, not by fortune or good luck, but by mere valour, and patient enduring of hardness and want. Which is the selfsame which Crassus in his sorrow uttered to his soldiers, who neither did nor spoke many things well: 
Plut. Crassus.  for as Plutarch rightly censureth him out of the Comical Poet, he was  
A good man, any way else but in wars.  
The Empire of Rome (saith he) came not to that greatness which it now possesseth by good fortune only, but by patient and constant suffering of trouble and adversity; never yielding or giving place to any danger.  
Some Italian writers are of an opinion, 
Boteras di Principe.  that the two chiefest parts of a soldier, Valour and Sufferance, are in these times divided unto two nations, the French and the Spaniard: the Spaniard making war rather by sufferance then by violence of assaults; and the French impatient of delay, and furious in assaults: so that according to his opinion, a Spaniard & a Frenchman will make one good soldier. Touching the Spaniard, I cannot deny but that he hath the name of one of the best soldiers in Christendom, and I do gladly allow all that virtue can challenge, for truth will prevail against all affection: yet I may say thus much on the behalf of our own people, that we have seldom lost honour in confronting any nation. Concerning the sufferance, and patient enduring of hardness, which is said to be in the Spaniard, being able to live long with a little, it may peradventure not unfitly be attributed to the property of their country, and the nature of their climate, which will not bear nor digest such plenty of food, as is required in colder countries: and thereupon being born to so weak a digestion, they are as well satisfied with a root or a salad, as others with better plenty of food; and therein they go beyond other Nations. Of the French I say nothing, but leave them to make good the opinion of the Italian Writer.  
Suetonius witnesseth of Caesar, that he himself was laboris ultra fidem patience, one that endured toil beyond belief, whereby he might the better move his army to endure with patience the difficulties of the siege: and yet so artificially, as he seemed rather willing to leave it uneffected, then to impose any burden upon them, which they themselves should be unwilling to bear; the rather to draw the Legions to engage themselves therein, by denying to forsake it, then to cast that upon them, which their-unwillingnesse might easily have put off.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
WE may further observe, the means the soldiers used to acquaint Caesar with their desires, which was by the Tribunes and Centurions. For as these were mediate Officers between the General and them, and delivered the mandates and directions of the Emperor to the soldier; so did the soldiers use their help to make known unto him their requests: as besides this place may appear in the first Commentary, where they desired to give him satisfaction touching the fear they had conceived of Ariovistus and the Germans, which they likewise did by the Centurions and Tribunes.    

CHAP. IX.  
Caesar leaveth the siege, and goeth to take the enemy upon advantage; but returneth again without fight.  
WHen the towers began to approach near unto the walls, 
Caesar.  Caesar understood by the captives, that Vercingetorix having consumed all his provision of forage, had removed his camp nearer to Avaricum, and that he himself was gone with the cavalry, and such ready footmen as were accustomed to fight among the horsemen, to lie in ambush in that place where he thought our men would come a foraging the next day. Which being known, setting forward about midnight in silence, in the morning he came to the enemy's camp. They having speedy advertisement by their scouts of Caesar's coming, did hide their carriages in the woods, and imbattelled all their forces in an eminent and open place. Which being told Caesar, he commanded the baggage to be speedily laid together, and their arms to be made ready. There was a hill of a gentle rising from the bottom to the top, encompassed round about with a difficult and troublesome bog of fifty foot in breadth. Upon this hill, the bridge being broken, the Galls kept themselves, trusting to the strength of the place, and being distributed into companies according to their several States, they kept all the fords and passages of the bog with watches, with this resolution, that if the Romans did pass over the bog, they might easily from the higher ground keep them under, as they stuck in the mire, who little reckoning of so small a distance, would deem the fight to be upon equal terms, whereas they themselves well knowing the inequality of the condition, did make but a vain and idle ostentation. The soldiers disdaining that the enemy could endure their presence so near at hand, and requiring the sign of battle, Caesar acquainted them with what detriment and loss of many valiant men, the victory must at that time be bought, who being so resolute that they refused no danger to purchase him honour, he might well be condemned of great ingratitude and villainy, if their lives were not dearer unto him than his own safety: and so comforting the soldiers, he brought them back again the same day into the camp, and gave order for such things as were requisite for the siege of the town.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
THis Chapter hath divers special particulars worthy observation. The first is, the opportunity which Caesar took to visit the army of the Galls, when Vercingetorix was absent and gone to lie in ambush for the Roman foragers: which was a caveat to Vercingetorix, not to be too busy with the Roman convoys, lest his absence might draw on such an inconvenience, as might make him repent for going a birding.  
The second is, the inequality which the advantage of the place giveth to a party: which I have already so often spoken of, as I am almost weary to repeat it; and the rather, for that I have produced this passage in the former book, to signify the benefit of such an advantage. Yet forasmuch as it is so pregnant to that effect, as may well deserve a double consideration, and was also produced by Caesar himself upon occasion at Gergovia, give me leave to note how much it swayeth to counterpoise the want of the adverse party. Wherein as it cannot be denied, but that it may give such help as may make a small number equal a far greater proportion of men; so in Caesar's judgement it countervaileth the absence of the General, 
The advantage of the place doth countervail the absence of the General.  and maketh the body perfect without the head. Neither were they weakened only with the absence of their General; but their cavalry wherein they so much trusted was absent likewise; and yet more than that too, by how much the Roman legions excelled the Galls in valour and prowess of arms: which being all put together is no small advantage. For doubtless if the matter had stood upon equal terms touching the place, neither the presence of Vercingetorix, nor the addition of their cavalry to assist them, had hindered the battle, or turned the Romans back to their camp.  
The third thing is, the moderation which he showed, forbearing to fight, the Galls insolently vaunting, and the Roman soldiers fretting and disdaining the enemy's pride: whereby he settled such a confidence of his directions in the minds of his men, by shunning the peril of apparent danger which might fall upon them in particular, as afterwards they would make no question of his commands, but take them as the only means of their safety, being never better assured then in performing what he commanded. The practice of later times hath not so well deserved of that virtue, but hath often showed itself more prodigal of blood, as though men were made only to fill up ditches, and to be the woeful executioners of other men's rashness.  
The last thing is, the making ready of their weapons, arma expediri iussit. Concerning which point, we must understand that the Romans always carried their targets in cases, and did hang their helmets at their backs, and fitted their piles as might be most convenient with the rest of their carriages. And therefore whensoever they were to give battle, they were first to put on their helmets, to uncase their targets, to fit their piles, and to make them ready for the charge: and this was called Arma expedire.    

CHAP. X.  
Vercingetorix excuseth himself to the Galls for his absence.  
VErcingetorix returning back to the army, 
Caesar.  was accused of treason: in that he had removed his camp near unto the Romans; and further that he had gone away from it, and took all the cavalry with him; that he had left so great an army without any one to command it; that upon his departure the Romans should come so opportunely and so speedily: for all these things could not fall out by chance without counsel and direction: it seemed he had rather have the kingdom of Gallia by a grant from Caesar, then by their means and gift. Being thus charged, he answereth, That he removed the camp for want of forage, they themselves desiring it. He came near unto the Romans, being led thereunto by the opportunity of the place, which was such as might defend itself by its own strength; the cavalry was of no use in a boggy place, but might do good service there where it went. He left no man to command the army of purpose, lest by the persuasion of the multitude he should be forced to fight, which he knew they all desired, as not able long to endure any labour. If the Romans came by chance, they were to thank fortune; if by any man's direction, they were beholding unto him that had brought them, where they might from the higher ground both see how small a number they were, and contemn their valour; who not daring to fight, did shamefully return into their camp. He desired to receive no imperial dignity by treachery from Caesar, which he might otherwise have by lawful victory, which was now most certain and sure, both to himself and the rest of the Galls. And for that authority which he had received from them, he was ready to give it up into their hands again, if they thought the honour which they gave him to be greater than the help and safety which they received from him. And to the end you may understand these things to be truly delivered by me, (saith he) hear the Roman soldiers. And therewithal he brought forth servants which were taken foraging a few days before, miserably tormented with famine and irons. They being taught beforehand what to answer, said they were legionary soldiers, and had stole out of the camp to see if they could meet with any corn or cattle in the fields: the whole army suffered the like penury, and men's strength began to fail them, insomuch much that they were not able to undergo any labour: and therefore their General had resolved, that if he prevailed not against the Town, he would withdraw his army within three days. These benefits (saith Vercingetorix) you have of me, whom you accuse of treason: for by my means without shedding of your blood, you see so great a conquering army almost consumed with hunger; and by me it is provided, that when they fly from hence, no State shall receive them into their territories. The whole multitude applauded his speech, by shaking and striking their hands together, as their manner is in such cases, commending Vercingetorix for a great soldier, whose loyalty as it was not to be disinherited, so the war could not have been carried with better directions. They agreed further to send 10000 choice men out of all their forces into the town, as not thinking it fit to commit the common safety of Gallia only to the Bituriges, for they were persuaded that the sum of all the victory consisted in making good that town against the Romans.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
A Multitude is Bellua multorum capitum (as one saith) an unreasonable beast of many heads, 
Horace.  apt to receive froward and perverse incitements, and hard to be drawn to better understanding, jealous, impatient, treacherous, unconstant, an instrument for a wicked spirit, and sooner moved to mischief by Thersites, then reclaimed to virtue by the authority of Agamemnon, or the eloquence of Ulysses, or the wisdom of Nestor, more turbulent than the raging either of the sea, or of a devouring fire. And therefore they may well go together to make a triplicity of evils, according to the saying, Ignis, mare, populus, tria mala; Fire, the Sea, and the rabble multitude are three evils.  
Vercingetorix had both his hands full in this service, for his care was no less to keep the Galls from being distasted, then to make his party good against Caesar. It is disputed touching the government of a multitude, whether it be fitter to be severe or obsequious. 
Whether severity o● clemency do more avail in governing a multitude.  Tacitus saith peremptorily, that In multitudine regenda plus poena quam obsequium valet; foul means does more than fair to the governing of a multitude. But he understandeth such a multitude as are subject to their Commander, either by ancient service, or the interest of regal authority, whereby they are tied to obedience by hereditary duty, and cannot refuse that which custom prescribeth. For otherwise where the people stand free from such bonds, and have submitted themselves to government for some special service, there, clemency or obsequious smoothing prevaileth more than the severity of command: according to the saying, Homines duci volunt, non cogi; Men will be led by fair means, not compelled. Upon a dissension which happened at Rome between the people and the Senate, the people were presently sent into the field under the leading of two Senators, Quintius and Appius Claudius. Appius by reason of his cruelty and severity, was not obeyed by his soldiers, but forsook his Province and returned non proficient, they will do nothing: Quintius being courteous and benign, had an obedient army, and came home a Conqueror. In the like terms did Vercingetorix stand with the Galls, who not long before were all of equal authority, and for the defence of the common cause had submitted themselves to order and government: and therefore he carried himself accordingly, but with some cunning too, for he made no scruple to abuse the beast, and to present them with a lesson of deceit, taught to servants and Roman slaves, as the confession of legionary soldiers, which is a liberty that hath ever been allowed to such as had the managing of an unruly multitude, who have made as much use of the false rain, as the bit or the spur, or any other help belonging to that art.    

CHAP. XI.  
Caesar continueth the siege at Avaricum, and describeth the walls of the towns in Gallia.  
BY the singular valour of our soldiers all the counsels and devices of the Galls were made void and of none effect. 
Caesar.  For they are a Nation of great dexterity, apt to imitate and make any thing which they see other men do before them: for they turned aside the hooks with ropes, and drew them into the town with engines: they withdrew the earth from the Mount with Mines with their great skill, by reason of their iron mines wherein they are much practised: they set up towers upon every part of the wall, and covered them with raw hides: they sallied out of the town night and day, and either set fire to the Mount, or assaulted the soldiers as they were at work: they did every day make their towers equal to that height of our towers, which the daily increase of the Mount had added to their height: they hindered the open trenches, and kept them from approaching the walls with sharp burned stakes, cast into them with hot pitch and with great stones. All their walls are almost of this fashion: Long straight beams are placed upon the ground, with an equal distance of two foot one from another, and bound together on the inside of the wall, and fastened with great store of earth: the distances between the beams are filled and fitted with great stones in the front of the wall. These being thus placed and fastened with mortar, another such a course is laid upon that, keeping always the same distance, so as one beam be not laid upon another, but in the second rank placing them upon the distances filled up with stones, and so forward until the wall be raised to the due height. This fashion as it is a work not deformed either in show or variety, observing alternate courses of beams and stones which keep their order by even lines; so is it profitable also and very much advantaging the defence of the town: for as the stone keeps it from burning, so doth the wood from the violence of the ram, forasmuch as the beams are for the most part forty foot long, and can neither be broken nor pulled out.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
THis Chapter doth in some part express the manner of their siege in ancient time, 
The use and practice of ancient time in besieging and defending towns.  and the means which the defendant had to frustrate the assaults and approaches of the enemy. Besides the Ram which the Romans used to shake and overthrow the wall, (whereof I have already spoken) they had commonly great hooks of iron to catch hold of a turret, and to pull it over the wall, or to pull down the parapet, or to disturb any work which was to be made upon the wall. These hooks were used by the legionary soldiers, being covered with vines in the same manner as they handled the Ram: and were averted and put off by the ingenious practices of the Galls, with ropes cast and ensnared about them, and then by force of engines drawn into the town. In like manner the open trenches, by which the Romans made their approaches to the wall, were answered from the town with stakes or piles, hardened at the end with fire, and then cast into them to hinder such as were at work, together with seething pitch and great stones. Furthermore, as the Romans raised their Mount, and brought matter unto it to enlarge it in breadth and height, so did the Galls undermine it, and drew the earth away, or set it on fire to burn it: for as I have already noted in the description of a mount, it was made as well with wood and timber, as with earth and stones. They strengthened their walls with turrets and towers, and covered them with raw hides to keep them from burning: and as the Romans mounted in height with their turrets and engines, so the Galls raised their towers answerable unto them, that in the defence of the town they might sighed with equal advantage.  
And thus they proceeded both in the offensive and defensive part, as far as either valour or wit could improve those means which were then in use in besieging a town.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
IT was the use of all nations, to fortify their strong towns with such walls as might make best defence against the practice of those times wherein they lived, touching the taking and besieging of towns. So the Galls, as it appeareth by Caesar, raised their walls of wood and stone, laid in mutual courses one with another, that the wood might make void the violence of the Ram, and the stone keep it from burning with fire, 
The manner of fortification in use in these days.  which in those days were the means to assault and overthrow a wall. In these times the walls of strong and fortified towns, are only made and raised of earth, as the best defence against the fury of the artillery. But forasmuch as the old manner of fortification is here in part delivered by Caesar, give me leave to have a word or two touching the fortifications of these times.  
And first touching the art itself, 
Fortification defined.  in respect of the matter and the manner, it is a member of architecture, but the end is military: for to fortify is nothing else but to make a building answerable to necessity and the occurrences of war. Neither is it the end of fortification to make a place inexpugnable, or impossible to be taken, for so it were Ars artium, but to reduce it to a good and reasonable defence.  
Wheresoever then any such defence is required, the mystery of fortification is to raise such a fort, and to apply such a figure, answering the quality and site of that place, as may give greatest strength thereunto: for as all places are not capable in the disposition of their best strength of all sorts of figures, so there is a difference of strength between this and that figure. And as the place wanteth the advantage of motion and agility for its own defence, so is it requisite it should be furnished with the best means and commodities both to annoy the enemy, and to defend its own people. 
Circular forts.  And in that respect all circular forms, as compounded of parts of one and the same nature, are unfit for fortification: for where a fort ought so to be disposed, that it may have as many hands to strike as Briar●us, and as a Hydra never to want a head, it is necessary that the figure thereof be of different and unlike parts, as apt to work divers effects. For unless it be able to discover a far off, to command the country about as far as the artillery will play, to stop the passages, to hinder approaches and assaults, to damnify the enemy at hand and far off, sometimes with the artillery, sometimes with small shot, sometimes with fireworks, and other times by sallies, it hath not that perfection as is requisite.  
Admitting therefore composition of parts, 
Triangular forts.  next unto the circle the triangular fortress is most unperfect; first in regard it is a figure of less capacity than any other of equal bounds, which is a great inconvenience in a hold, when the soldiers shall be pinned up for want of room, and through the straightness of the place, not to be able to avoid confusion. Secondly, the bulwarks of all such triangular fortresses, have always such sharp cantons as are easily subject to breaking, which giveth the enemy means to approach them without disturbance from the fort.  
The quadrangle fortress hath almost the same imperfection of angles as the triangle hath, 
Quadrangle forts.  but is more spacious within, and of greater capacity.  
And therefore Pentagons or Hexagons, 
Five-sided and six-sided fortresses.  or any other that hath more angles, is fittest for fortification, (understanding the place to be capable of them,) as being of a greater content, and having their angles more obtuse, and by consequence more solid and strong.  
A plain champain level doth admit all sorts of figures, 
Forts in a plain level.  and may take the best; having these advantages: 
Advantages.  it easily hindereth an enemy from approaching near unto it, or encamping before it, and is not subject to mines, by reason of the water rising in such levels. But on the other side, 
Disadvantages.  a small troup will besiege it, and battery may be laid to divers places of it: it is always subject to mounts of earth, and needeth many bulwarks ●ditches, and much cost to keep it.  
A fortress upon a hill hath these advantages: 
Forts upon a hill.  an enemy can hardly lodge near unto it, 
Advantages.  or lay battery against it, it requireth more men to besiege it, 
Disadvantages.  and is not subject to mounts. The disadvantages are, that it is not in our choice to make it in the best form of strength, but must give it such a figure as may best fit the place, being sometimes too large and spacious, and sometimes, too straight. The enemy's artillery hath greater force against it playing upward, and the artillery of the fort playeth not so sure downward.  
The hands of all forts are the bulwarks from whence the artillery playeth; 
The hands of all forts.  the supplements to the bulwarks are the ravelins, the platforms, the casmates, and the cavaleroes. The walls are made in scarp canting inwards, the better to bear the weight of the earth, with this proportion, that to every five foot and half, or six foot in height, there be one foot allowed in scarp. The counterscarp is another wall outward to the first, and stopeth inward in the same manner as the former.  
And thus much touching the general view of fortification, which is as much as may well be comprehended in these short observations, reserving the further consideration thereof to a particular treatise by itself.    

CHAP. XII.  
The siege of Avaricum continued.  
THe siege being hindered by so many disturbances, 
Caesar.  and the soldiers afflicted all the time with cold and continual rain, yet they overcame all these lets with continual labour, and in five and twenty days they raised a mount of three hundred and thirty foot in breadth, and fourscore in height. When it came almost to touch the wall, Caesar himself attending the work, as his custom was, and encouraging the soldiers to omit no time from the same: a little before the third watch of the night, the mount was seen to smoke, the enemy having set it on fire with a mine. And at the same instant of time, a shout being taken up by them that stood upon the wall, they made a sally out at two gates on both sides the towers. Some cast firebrands and dry matter from the wall unto the mount, pouring pitch and other things to nourish the fire; that no man knew whither to run first, or where to give help. Notwithstanding forasmuch as Caesar had appointed two legions by turn to watch before the camp, and two other to follow the works, it happened, and that quickly, that some were ready to confront the sallies, and others to draw back the towers from the front of the mount, and to cut the mount asunder, the whole multitude coming out of the camp to quench the fire. The rest of the night being now spent, the fight continued every where, and ever the enemy took new spirits, and had hope of victory, the rather because they saw the sheds or hovels belonging to the towers burnt, and that the soldiers could not come near the said towers to manage them as was fitting, without shelter and covert, and that they ever sent fresh men to take the rooms of such as were weary and over-laboured: supposing the safety of all Gallia to consist in that instant of time. There happened, ourselves beholding it, an accident worthy memory, which I think not fit to omit. A certain Gall before the gate of the town, casting with his hands balls of tallow and pitch to increase the fire, right over against the tower, was shot through the right side with a crossbow, and fell down dead. One that stood next him stepped over him, and began to do the like service: he likewise was slain with a shot out of a crossbow. Him a third man succeeded; and the third, a fourth. Neither was the place forsaken, until the mount was quenched, the enemy removed, and the fight ceased.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
IT were a matter worthy observation to consider, 
Whether there need not as many men to defend a town, as to besiege it.  whether there need not as many men to defend a town, as to besiege it. Which at the first sight may peradventure seem frivolous: forasmuch as the defendants are but to make good the place which they hold, and to stand only upon their defensive guard, having the advantage of the place, the shelter of the walls, the strength of the ditch, and many other like helps for their defence and safety; whereas the assailant is to strive against all these advantages, and to oppose himself to the danger of so many difficulties. But if we look a little nearer into the matter, and consider the service to be performed on either part, we shall find, that to say, As many men are necessary to defend a town as to besiege it, is no Paradox.  
For the better understanding thereof, 
The defence of a town consisteth in four points.  we are to know, that the defence of a town touching matter of fight, consisteth chiefly in these four points. First, in manning and making good all parts of the wall. For if the defendant be not able to strengthen all parts with a competent force, than he hath not men enough to defend the town; forasmuch as all parts are subject to assault, and what part soever is not made good, that lieth open to an enemy: or otherwise if the assault be only to be made at a breach, the rest of the wall being strong enough to defend itself, there is required a competent strength within the town to defend that breach. In this point there is little difference touching a competent number of men between the assailant and the defendant: for if he that layeth siege to a town hath men enough to assault all parts at one instant, the enemy must have an answerable proportion to defend all; or if he have no use of more men than may serve to give an assault at a breach, the defendant must have the like proportion for the defence of the breach.  
The second point is, in relieving wearied men, either fight or working, with fresh supplies to continue that business, as oftentimes it falleth out in the siege of a town. Wherein likewise there is small or no difference touching an equality between both parties. For if the defendant be not as well able to relieve his wearied soldiers with fresh supplies, as the enemy is to continue the assault, the town may quickly have a new master.  
The third point is, in defeating and making void such works as the enemy shall make against the town, as mounts, mines, approaches, and such like inconveniences; which being suffered to go on without opposition and prevention, the town cannot hold out long. In this point the defendant hath the disadvantage, having need of more men to overthrow and prevent the works, than the assailant hath to make them good. For there he that besiegeth the place fighteth with the advantage, and hath the same helps as the defendant hath in the fastness of his hold: which caused this extraordinary accident, which Caesar noteth, touching the successive slaughter of so many Galls, who labouring to burn the Roman works with balls of tallow and pitch, were all slain with the blow of one man's bow.  
The last point is in sallies, which is as necessary for the defence of a town as any thing else whatsoever. For if the defendant be not able to sally out, the enemy will quickly coop him up, and tread upon his belly. And herein the defendant needeth more men than the assailant. For he that is in the field, lieth in the strength of his trenches; whereas the other cometh out naked upon him.  
And thus much touching this question in particular. Concerning the general, if it be demanded whether there have been more men lost in the defence of Ostend, then in besieging it; I answer, That neither side can much vaunt of a small loss.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
IN the second place there are two observable points. 
The eye of the master feedeth the horse.  The one, Caesar's continual attendance upon the works, being present night and day, without any long intermission, which did much advantage their proceeding at that time, and was as important to a fortunate issue, as any other thing whatsoever. For where an enemy is extraordinary, either in valour or diligence, there must needs be extraordinary means to countervail the height of so great a resolution: which Caesar overtopped with monstrous and huge works, and sped those works with his continual attendance.  
The second point is the successive task of the Roman army, being eight legions present at that siege; (for the other two were left at Agendicum with the carriages of the army;) in such sort, as half the army was always at rest, and the other half employed: two legions at work, and two legions in the watch: and thus they eased each other, and still continued the work. For otherwise they had not been able to have undergone the burden, as the saying is;  
Quod caret alterna requ●e durab●le non est.  
It cannot hold that rests not now and then.    

CHAP. XIII.  
Caesar by an assault taketh Avaricum.  
THe Galls having tried all means, 
Caesar.  and none taking effect, the next day they consulted touching their leaving of the town, Vercingetorix both commanding and persuading them unto it▪ which they hoped they might do in the night time, without any great loss unto themselves, forasmuch as Vercingetorix was not far off with his camp, and all the way thither was a continual bog, which would hinder the Romans from following after them. And for that purpose they prepared themselves against the next night. Which the women perceiving, did run suddenly out into the streets and other public places, and cast themselves at the feet of their Husbands; and by all means entreated them, not to leave them and their children to the cruelty of the enemy, whom nature and infirmity of body would not suffer to fly away. But finding them to continue resolute in their purpose, forasmuch as in extreme peril, fear for the most part hath no commiseration, they cried out, and signified their flight unto the Romans. Wherewith the Galls being feared, they desisted from their purpose, left the ways should be forestalled and laid by the Roman horsemen. The next day Caesar having advanced forward the tower, and perfected those works which he had determined to make, there happened to fall a great rain, which he thought to be a fit occasion for his purpose. And forasmuch as he saw the guard upon the wall to be somewhat negligently disposed, he commanded his men to work fair and softly, and showed them what he would have done. And encouraging the Legions which were hid in a readiness under the Vines, at length to enjoy the sweetness of victory for their manifold labours; he provided a reward for such as were seen first upon the walls, and gave them the sign to begin. The soldiers flying suddenly out of all parts, did quickly possess themselves of the walls. The enemy being frighted with so sudden an accident, and put from the towers and walls, imbattelled themselves angle-wise in the marketplace, and in other spacious streets of the city, with this resolution, that if they were assaulted in any part, they would resist in form of battle. But when they saw no man to descend on even ground, but to enclose them round about upon the wall, fearing lest there would be no way to escape, they cast their arms away, and fled all to the furthest part of the town. Part of them sticking in a throng at the gate, were there slain by the soldiers; and part being got out of the gate, were slain by the horsemen. Neither was there any man that looked after pillage, but being moved to anger with the slaughter of our men at Genabum, and with the travel and labour of those great works, they neither spared old men, women nor children. In the end, of all that number, which was about forty thousand, scarce eight hundred (that upon the first noise forsook the town) came safe to Vercingetorix. These he received with great silence, being now far in the night, lest any sedition should have grown in the camp, through the pity and commiseration of the vulgar people; and sent out his familiar friends and chiefest men of each State to meet such as had escaped away, and to bring them to their own people as they lay quartered in the camp.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
WE may see here the saying verified touching the disposition of the Galls for matter of valour: 
The Galls in the beginning are more than men, and in the end less than women.  which in the beginning seemed so great, that it needed no further strain to countervail the worth of Caesar's army, and was expressed with such industry and resolution, both in spoiling and disappointing the Roman works, as also by ingenious fortifying and making good their own labours; that a man would have deemed them virtute pares, equal in valour. But being a little spent in the action, like a pot that hath a mouth as big as the belly, and poureth out all the liquor at an instant, they fell at length to that baseness, as showed less spirit than the women did, who chose rather to betray their husband's purposes to the enemy, then to hazard their lives by escaping to Vercingetorix. And this is that which is so often noted by Historiographers; Quod multa bella impetu valida per taedia & moras evanuere: That many wars which are hot at the first, slacken and vanish upon a tedious continuance. The first thing that I observe, is, that which Caesar himself noteth: Quod plerumque in summo periculo, timor misericordiam non recipit; That usually in case of extreme danger, fear hath no mercy. Which was true on either side. For the Galls were so set upon flying to Vercingetorix, that they regarded not the woeful laments of the women and children, whom they were well content to hazard, whilst they themselves might escape in safety. And on the other side, the women did forget to be pitiful to their husbands, whom they would not suffer to escape, and leave them in their weakness behind as a prey to appease the wrath of the bloody soldier, which would consequently follow in that escape. Which showeth, that there is notice comparable to the bond of nature, specially when it concerneth the preservation of life. For as in other things, respect and affection may easily work a communication of good things unto others, as also a participation of their evils for their relief: so herein we are altogether senseless, and the love we owe to our lives is so great, that it admitteth no respect. Agesilaus to his friend was without respect a friend: and yet notwithstanding being driven one day to remove upon the sudden, and to leave one sick behind him whom he loved dearly; the sick man calling him by his name as he was going away, besought him that he would not forsake him. Agesilaus turning back again, answered; O how hard it is both to love and to be wise! according to the saying, Sapere & amare vix Deo conceditur, To be wise and to love, God himself can scarce do it.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
IT is a principle among men of war, 
A General must not put necessity upon an enemy.  not to put necessity upon an enemy, nor make him valiant whether he will or no, (as I have already noted in the former Commentaries;) which the Romans well observed in this particular service at Avaricum: for being possessed of the walls, they did not suddenly assault them in the marketplace, where they had made head for their defence, but gave them a breathing time, the better to understand what they did, and respite, to bethink themselves of a starting hole for the safety of their lives. Which as it was quickly apprehended by the Galls, so it made an easy execution to the Roman soldier.  
And as it seemeth, it was the more carefully handled in respect of the condition of the enemy being revolters: for such Provinces as have rebelled, are harder to be recovered after their revolt, than they were at first to be subdued. For at the first, they have no occasion to fear any hard condition, but yielding to subjection do look for favour: whereas rebels and revolters, besides the condition of an enemy, are in the nature of offenders, and stand in fear of the extremities of war, 
Revolters are in the condition both of an enemy and of an offendor.  which maketh them more obstinate than otherwise they would be. And therefore it behoveth a General not to impose any further necessity upon an enemy, than the quality of the war doth lay upon him: which oftentimes is more than can be well avoided.    

CHAP. XIIII.  
Vercingetorix doth comfort the Galls for the loss of Avaricum.  
THe next day calling a Council, 
Caesar.  he comforted the Galls, and exhorted them not to be utterly dismayed with that loss: for the Romans had not overthrown them with valour, nor in a set battle, but with a kind of Art, and skill in besieging a town, whereof they themselves were ignorant. He erred much that looked for all the events of war to fall out prosperously. It was never his opinion, that Avaricum should be kept; whereof they themselves were witnesses. But it fell out by the imprudency of the Bituriges, & over great indulgence of the rest, that this loss happened unto them: which notwithstanding he would speedily heal with greater helps. For by his diligence he would unite such States unto them, as were not yet of the confederacy, and make one purpose of all Gallia, which the whole world was not able to resist: and that he had almost effected it already. In the mean time he thought it fit that they should yield unto one thing for their safety's sake, which was to fortify their camp; to the end they might better sustain the sudden assaults of the enemy. This speech was not unpleasing to the Galls; and the rather, that he himself was not dejected in spirit upon so great a loss, nor did hide himself, or fly the presence of the multitude: being the more esteemed, forasmuch as when the matter was in question, he first thought it fit that Avaricum should be burned, and afterwards he persuaded them to forsake it: wherein as misfortune and adversity do impair the authority of other Commanders; so chose his honour daily increased by the loss which he received. And withal they were in great hope upon his affirmation, to win the rest of the States unto them. And that was the first time that the Galls began to fortify their camp, being so appalled in spirit, that where they ever were unaccustomed to labour, yet they thought it their part to suffer and undergo all that was commanded them.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
NExt to the knowledge and experience of war, 
A great Commander must have a great courage.  there is nothing more requisite in a great Commander, than greatness of spirit: for where his employment consisteth in managing the great businesses of the world, such as are the slaughter of many thousands in an hour, the sacking of cities, the fight of battles, the alteration of Commonweals, victories, triumphs, and the conquest of kingdoms, which like the constellations in the eighth sphere, are left to succeeding ages in such characters as cannot be defaced, and make an impression of the greatest measure of joy, or the greatest heap of sorrow; it is necessary that his courage be answerable to such a fortune, neither to be crushed with the weight of adversity, nor puffed up with the pride of victory; but in all times to show the same constancy of mind, and to temper extremities with a settled resolution.  
Of this metal and temper, 
Homo quadratus.  is the Philosophers homo quadratus made of, such as Camillus was in Rome. For never speech did better beseem a great personage then that of his, having known both the favour and the disgrace of fortune: Nec mihi dictatura animos fecit, necexilium ademit, Neither did my Dictatorship puff me up, nor my banishment sink my spirits, saith he. Whereas weak spirits do either vanish away in the smoke of folly, being drunk with the joys of pleasing fortune; or otherwise upon a change of good times, do become more base and abject, than the thief that is taken in the fact: such as Perseus the last Macedonian king was, 
Plutarch Paulus Aemilia  who besides his ill fortune for losing his kingdom in the space of one hour, hath ever since stood attainted of a base and abject mind, unworthy the throne of Alexander the Great.  
The wise Romans used all means to give courage and spirit to their leaders, and to free their minds from such external respects, which loss or dishonour might cast upon them. And therefore when Varro had fought so rashly at Cannae, that he had like to have lost the Roman Empire to Annibal, 
Plutarch.  upon his return to Rome the whole Senate went out to meet him: and although they could not thank him for the battle, yet they gave him thanks that he was returned home again, whereby he seemed not to despair of the State of Rome.  
In like manner did the Galls congratulate Vercingetorix, that notwithstanding so great a loss, he was neither dejected in spirit, nor did hide himself from the multitude; but as a Commander of high resolution, had found out means to heal those harms, and to recompense the loss of A●ar●cum, with the uniting of all the States of Gallia into one confederacy.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
SEcondly we may observe, how dangerous it is to be the author of a counsel touching any important or grave deliberation, 
It is dangerous to be the author of a counsel in a State.  or to lay down any project for the service of a State: for all men are blind in this point, that they judge of good or ill counsel by the success, and look no further than the end which it taketh, which proving disastrous or unfortunate, doth either bring the author to destruction, or into danger both of life and state.  
In the occurrences of this kingdom, it appeareth that Henry the fifth being solicited by the Commons touching the Abbeys in England, and moved by Petition exhibited in Parliament, to that which was afterwards accomplished by Henry the eighth, was diverted from those thoughts by an eloquent oration made in Parliament by Henry Chicheley Archbishop of Canterbury, 
Holinshead.  a grave and learned Prelate, persuading the King by many concluding reasons, to carry a great power into France, and there to make his claim for that kingdom, according to the right derived unto him from his noble Progenitors. Whereupon the King was persuaded to undertake that war; which al● 〈◊〉 fell out most happily, yet the Bishop to satisfy both the King and the people for his former counsel, whereby many men were lost, built a College in Oxford dedicated to All Souls, wherein 〈◊〉 placed courty Scholars, to make supplications for all souls, and specially for such as had been mischieved in France in the time of that war.  
Vercingetorix was happy in this point, for he persuaded the Galls not to keep Avaricum, but to suffer it to be burned as an enemy to their safety: and thereupon he did not let to put them in mind of his opinion, as free from the danger which happened to a great man near unto Perseus whom I last spoke of, who after his overthrow by Paulus Aemilius, being told by that party of many errors which he had committed in the carriage of that war, 
Ut felicitas rerum gestarum exercitus benevolentiam imperatoribus: ita res adversae odia conciliant.  turned himself suddenly, saying, Traitor, hast thou reserved thy counsel until now, when there is no remedy? and therewithal (as some report) slew him with his own hand. And this was it that gave Vercingetorix that happiness: Ut reliquorum imperatorum res adversae, authoritatem minuunt: sic hujus ex contrario, d●gnitas incommodo accepto indies augebatur; 
Lib. 3. bell. civ.  As misfortune and adversity, etc. as before.    

CHAP. XV.  
Vercingetorix laboureth to unite all Gallia into one league for the upholding of their war.  
NEither did Vercingetorix omit any endeavour for the accomplishment of his promise, 
Caesar.  to draw the rest of the States unto him: and to that purpose he dealt with their chiefest men both by rewards and promises, and chose out fit men, that either by subtle speeches, or friendship, or some other means, might win them unto him. He took order that such as had escaped from Avaricum, should be both clothed and armed: and withal, that he might reinforce his troops which were weakened, he commanded every State to furnish out certain supplies, and to be brought by a day to the camp. He commanded likewise all the Archers, of whom there is great store in Gallia, to be sought out and sent unto him. And by this means he speedily repaired his losses at Avaricum. In the mean time Teutomatus the son of Ollovico King of the Nitiobriges, whose father had the title of a Friend from our Senate, came to him with a great number of horsemen, which he had brought out of Aquitain.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
IT seemeth by this place, 
Archery.  that France in those days did favour archery: for (as the story saith) they had great store of Archers amongst them, but of what value they were is not here delivered. The use they made of them followeth after in this Commentary, which was to intermingle them amongst the horse, and so they fought as light-armed men.  
In the times that our English nation carried a scourging hand in France, the matter between us and them touching archery, stood in such terms as gave England great advantage: for I have not heard of any bowmen at all amongst them; whereas our Nation hath heretofore excelled all other, as well in number of bowmen, as in excellent good shooting, and hath made so good proof thereof against the French, as it needeth not any long dispute.  

* Things considerable▪ touching Archery.  Concerning Archery I find these things considerable.  
First, that every man be so fitted with bow and arrows, 
In the time of Henry the fourteen the English bowmen did commonly shoot an arrow of a yard long besides the head.  as he may be apt for strong and quick shooting: wherein I cannot so much commend these livery bows, being for the most part heavy slugs, and of greater weight than strength, and of more show than service.  
Secondly, that in a day of service the bowmen endeavour so to deliver their quivers, that the whole band or sleeve of shot may let go all at one instant of time: for so the shower of arrows will be more fierce and terrible, and more available against an enemy.  
Thirdly, 
It is not so profitable to intermingle bowmen with other sorts of weapons, as to put them all into one body.  the fittest form of imbattelling for bowmen; which must not at any hand be deep in slank, for so such as are in the hindmost ranks, will either shoot short or to no purpose. And therefore the fittest form of imbattelling for Archery, hath ever been accounted a long-sided square, resembling a 
* At the battle of Cressie the black Prince leading the vauward, had the archers standing in the manner of a hearse.  hearse, broad in front, and narrow in flank.  
Fourthly, their defance in a day of battle; which must either be a covert woody place, where the horse of the enemy cannot come at them, or a trench cast before them, or the place must be fortified with galthrops and stakes, such as were devised by Henry the fifth at Agincourt field, or some other means to avoid the cavalry.  
The last thing is the effects which the bowmen work: 
Holinshed.  which are two; first the galling of the enemy, 
The Archery worketh two effects.  and secondly disorder. Touching the galling of the enemy, 
1. Galling the enemy.  there cannot be a better description then that which Plutarch maketh of the overthrow of the Romans by the Parthian arrows. 
Plut. Crassus.  The Roman soldiers hands (saith he) were nailed to their targets, 
2. Disorder.  and their feet to the ground, or otherwise were sore wounded in their bodies, and died of a cruel lingering death, crying out for anguish and pain they felt, and turning & tormenting themselves upon the ground, they broke the arrows sticking in them. Again, striving by force to pluck out the barbed heads, that had pierced far into their bodies through their veins and sinews, they opened the wounds wider, and so cast themselves away.  
The disorder or routing of an enemy which is caused by the bowmen, cometh from the fearful spectacle of a drift of arrows: for a shower of arrows well delivered and well seconded, for a while is so terrible to the eye, and so dreadful in the success, that it is almost impossible to keep the enemy from routing.  
The two great victories which our Nation had in France at Cressie and Agincourt, next to the valour of the English, are attributed to our archery: and the effect of our archery at those times, was first disorder, and consequently slaughter. 
The battle of Cressie.  In the battle of Cressie the King of Bohemia fight for the French, caused his horsemen to tie the bridles of their horses together in rank, that they might keep order, notwithstanding the galling which he feared from our English archery: but it fell out as ill as if he had tied their heads and their tails together in file; for the drift of arrows fell so terribly amongst them, that they ran together on heaps with such confusion, as made the slaughter great, and their particular destinies most miserably fortuned. 
The battle of Agincourt.  At Agincourt the number of prisoners which every soldier had, was admirable to speak of; for some report that many of our English had ten prisoners apiece: which happened chiefly from the disorder which fell amongst the French, and that disorder came by our archery. And doubtless if ever we should have occasion to go against an enemy that so aboundeth in horse as the French do, there could be no better means against such horse than our English bowmen. I know it hath been said, that now the times are altered, 
Harquebuse and musket.  and the harquebuse and musket are so generally received, and of such reputation in the course of our modern wars, that in comparison of them bowmen are not worth the naming. Wherein I will not go about to extenuate the use of either of these weapons, as knowing them to be both very serviceable upon fit and convenient occasions, nor take upon me to determine which of them is most effectual in a day of service; but only deliver my conceit touching their effects, and leave it to the consideration of wise and discreet Commanders.  
And first touching shot. 
How far a wing of shot prevaileth.  A wing of musketeers is available against an enemy, only in such bullets as do hit; for such as do not hit, pass away insensibly without any further fear, and the crack is but as the lose of the bow. Of such bullets as do hit, the greatest part do not strike to death, but are oftentimes carried until the skirmish be ended before the party do feel himself hurt: so that an enemy receiveth no further hurt by a charge of shot, then happeneth to such particular men as shall chance to be slain outright or sore hurt. 
How far a sleeve of Archers is available against an enemy.  But a sleeve of Archers is available against an enemy, as well in such arrows as do not hit, as in such as do hit: for whereas the cloud of arrows is subject to our sight, and every arrow is both suspected and able to bring death sitting on the head, an enemy is as much troubled at such arrows as come fair upon him and do not hit, as at those that do hit; for no man is willing to expose his flesh to an open and eminent danger, when it lieth in his power to avoid it. And therefore whilst every man seeketh to avoid hurt, they fall into such confusion, as besides the loss of particular men, the enemy doth hardly escape disorder, which is the greatest disadvantage that can befall him. Moreover, the arrows having barbed heads, although they make but a light hurt, yet they are not easily pulled out, which maketh the soldiers not to intend the fight until they be delivered of them: and the horse so to fling and chafe, that it is impossible they should either keep their rank or be otherwise managed for any service.  
And thus much touching bowmen and archery, which is a weapon as ancient as the first and truest History, 
Genesis 27. 3.  and is of the number of such weapons as men use to fight with afar off. The use whereof is too much neglected by the English of these times, considering the honour they have achieved by it in former ages.    

CHAP. XVI.  
A controversy fell out in the state of the Hedui touching the choice of their chief Magistrate.  
CAesar sta●ed many days at Avaricum: 
Caesar.  for finding there great store of corn and of other provisions, he refreshed his army of their former labour and wants. The winter now being almost ended, and the time of the year being fit for war, he determined to follow the enemy, to see whether he could draw him out of the woods and bogs, or besiege him in some place. Being thus resolved, divers of the principal men of the Hedui came unto him, beseeching him that he would stand to them, and assist their State in a time of great need, the matter being in extreme danger: forasmuch as their ancient usage was for one to be created their annual Magistrate, having regal authority for that year; whereas now two had taken upon them the said office, both of them affirming themselves to belawfully created; the one was Convictolitanis, a famous and flourishing young man, the other Cotus, born of an ancient family, and he himself of great power and kindred, whose brother Vedeliacus had born the said office the year before. All their State was in arms, their Senate and their people divided, together with their clients and followers: if the controversy continued for any time, it would come to a battle; the prevention whereof consisted in his diligence and authority. Caesar, though he knew it would be disadvantageous unto him to leave the war, and to forsake the enemy: yet knowing what inconveniences do usually arise of such discords and dissensions, lest so great a State, and so near to the people of Rome, which he himself had always favoured, and by all means honoured, should fall to war amongst themselves; and that faction which disinherited their own strength, should seek help of Vercingetorix; he thought it most necessary to be prevented. And forasmuch as such as were created chief Magistrates among the Hedui, were by their laws forbidden to go out of their confines: to the end he might not seem to derogate any thing from their laws, he himself determined to go unto them. At his coming he called before him to Decetia all the Senate, and those also that were in controversy for the office. And finding in an assembly almost of the whole State, that one of them was chosen by a few privily called together, in another place, and at another time than was accustomed, the brother pronouncing the brother: whereas their laws did not only forbid two of one family, both being alive, to be created Magistrate, but also to be of the Senate together: he compelled Cotus to give over his interest in the magistracy, and confirmed Convictolitanis being created by their Priests, and according to the custom of their State. This decree being ratified, he adhorted the Hedui to forget their private controversies and dissensions, and to give their best help to the war in hand, wherein they might challenge and expect (the Galls being subdued) such rewards as they deserved; commanding all their horse and ten thousand foot to be speedily sent unto him, which he meant to dispose into garrisons for the better provision of corn. And then dividing his army into two parts, he sent four Legions towards the Senones & the Pari●ians under the leading of Labienus; the other four he led himself against the Arverni, to the town of Gergovia, along the r●ver Elaver, sending part of the horse with him, and keeping part with himself.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
TO lose the least jot of that which a man hath in possession, 
Non minor est virtus, quam quae●●re, p●●ta tuerk.  is more dishonourable, then to fail of getting what he hath not. And therefore Caesar chose rather to forgo the advantages which a speedy pursuit of the enemy might have afforded him to the ending of that war, then to hazard the loss of so great a State, & so well-affected to the people of Rome as were the Hedui, wherein he carried so equal and indifferent a hand, that he would do nothing but what the laws of that State directed him unto, as most assured that such directions were without exception.    

CHAP. XVII.  
Caesar passeth his army over the river Elaver, and incampeth himself before Gergovia.  
WHich thing being known, 
Caesar.  Vercingetorix having broken down all the bridges of that river, took his journey on the other side of Elaver; either army being in view each of other, and encamping almost over against one another: discoverers being sent out to watch, lest the Romans should make a bridge in any place, and carry over their forces. Caesar was much troubled, lest he should be hindered by the river the greatest part of that Summer, forasmuch as Elaver is not passable at any ford until towards the Autumn. And therefore to prevent that, he encamped himself in a woody place, right over against one of those bridges which Vercingetorix had commanded to be broken. The next day he kept himself there secretly with two legions, and sent forward the rest of the forces, with all the carriages, as were accustomed, taking away the fourth part of each cohort, that the number of legions might appear to be the same; commanding them to go on as far as they could; and making conjecture by the time of the day, that they were come to their camping-place, upon the same piles, (the lower part whereof remained there whole) he began to reedify the bridge; and having speedily ended the work, and carried over the Legions, and chosen a fit place to encamp in, he called back the rest of his forces. Vercingetorix having notice thereof, lest he should be forced to fight against his will, went before by great journeys. Caesar with five encamp went from that place to Gergovia, and after a light skirmish between the horse the same day he came, having taken a view of the situation of the town, which was built upon a very high hill, and had very hard and difficult approaches on all sides, he despaired of taking it by assault, neither would he determine to besiege it, until he had made provision of corn. But Vercingetorix having set his camp on a hill before the town, had placed the several forces of the States by themselves, in small distances round about h●m, and having possessed himself of all the tops of that hill, made a very terrible show into all parts where he might be seen: he commanded likewise the chiefmen of the States, whom he had chosen out to be of the Council of war, to meet always together with h●m at the dawning of the day, to know if any thing were to be communicated unto them, or what else was to be done. Neither did he omit any day to skirmish with his horsemen, with archers intermingled amongst them: to the end he might try what courage and valour was in his people. Right over against the town at the foot of the hill, there was a knowl exceedingly fortified, and hard to be come unto on all sides, which if our men could get, they were in hope to hinder the enemy, both of a great part of their water, and also from free foraging: but the place was kept with a strong garrison. Notwithstanding Caesar went out of his camp in the silence of the night, and before any help could come out of the town, he put by the garrison, possessed himself of the place, left two legions there to defend it, and drew a double trench of twelve foot in breadth from the greater camp to the less, that single men might go safe to and fro from any sudden incursion of the enemy.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
FIrst we may observe his manner of passing over the river Elaver, 
The means which Caesar used to pass over the river Elaver.  without any impediment from the enemy, notwithstanding the care which Vercingetorix had to hinder his passage, which was plotted with as great dexterity as could be devised in such a matter: and to shadow his purpose the better, that the number of legions marching up the river might appear to be the same, he took the fourth part of every cohort, which in the whole amounted to two legions. 
Demptis quartis quibusque cohortibus.  For as I have already delivered in my former Observations, a legion consisted of ten cohorts▪ and every cohort contained three maniples, and every maniple had two companies which they called orders: so that every cohort having six companies, the fourth part of a cohort was a company and a half, and in a legion came to fifteen companies, and in eight legions to one hundred and twenty companies; which being reduced make threescore maniples, which were equal to two legions: and proveth that which I have already noted, the fit and convenient disposition of their troops, to take out at all times competent forces for any service without seeming to lessen any part. Secondly, I observe the phrase which he useth in this place, Quintis castris Gergoviam pervenit, he came to Gergovia at five encamp; which implieth their infallible custom of encamping every night within a ditch and a rampire: for as we usually say, that to such a place is so many day's journey, because an ordinary traveller maketh so many journeys before he come thither; so the Romans reckoned their journeys with their army by their encamp, which were as duly kept as their journeys, and were the most signal part of their day's journey.    

CHAP. XVIII.  
Convictolitanis moveth the Hedui to a revolt.  
Whilst these things were a doing at Gergovia, 
Caesar.  Convictolitanis the Heduan, to whom the magistracy was adjudged by Caesar, being wrought upon by the Arverni with money, broke the matter to certain young men, amongst whom Litavicus was chief, and his brethren, being youths of a great house: with them he treated at first, and wished them to remember, that they were not only born freemen, but also to empire and government. The Hedui were the only State which kept Gallia from a most assured victory: for by their authority and example, the rest would be concluded, which being fet over, there would be no place in Gallia for the Romans to abide in. Touching himself, he had received a good turn from Caesar, but in such sort, as he had but his right: but he owed more to the common liberty. For why should the Hedui rather dispute of their customs and laws before Caesar, than the Romans come before the Hedui? These young men were quickly persuaded, as well by the speech of the Magistrate, as by rewards; insomuch as they offered themselves to be the authors of that Counsel. But now the means was to be thought on, forasmuch as they were persuaded that the State would not easily be drawn to undertake that war. They determined at last, that Litavicus should have the leading of those ten thousand men that were to be sent to Caesar, and that his brethren should be sent before to Caesar, and concluded likewise in what sort they would have other things carried.  
Litavicus having received the army, when he was about thirty miles from Gergovia, calling the soldiers suddenly together, and weeping: Whither do we go (saith he) fellow soldiers? all our horsemen and our Nobility are slain, the Princes of our State, Eporedorix and Viridomarus, being falsely accused of treason, are put to death by the Romans without calling them to their answer. Understand these things from them that are escaped from the slaughter: for I myself (my brethren and kinsmen being slain) am hindered with grief from telling you what hath happened. Presently those were brought forth, whom he had taught beforehand what he would have said: who verified to the multitude those things which Litavicus had spoken: that all the horsemen of the Hedui were slain, forasmuch as they were said to have had speech with the Arverni: for themselves they were hid amongst the multitude of soldiers, and were escaped out of the midst of the slaughter. The Hedui cry out all together, and do beseech Litavicus to look to himself, and to them also. As though (saith he) the matter needeth any advice or counsel, and that it were not necessary for us to go directly to Gergovia, and to join ourselves with the Arverni. For do we doubt, but that the Romans, having begun so wickedly, will run presently upon us to take away our lives? And therefore if there be any courage at all in us, let us persecute their death that have perished so undeservedly, and let us kill these thiefs. He showed them divers Roman citizens that were in the troops for safety of convoy: and forthwith he seized upon a great quantity of corn and other provisions, and tortured them cruelly to death. He sent out messengers throughout all the State of the Hedui, continuing the same false suggestion touching the slaughter of the horsemen, and the Princes; persuading them to revenge their injuries in like manner as he had done.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
THis treacherous practice of Convictolitanis, who a little before (as we may remember) had received so great a benefit from Caesar, proveth true the saying of Cornel. Tacitus, That men are readier to revenge an injury then to requite a good turn; 
Gratia oneri, ultio in quaestu habetur.  forasmuch as Gratia oneri, ultio in quaestu habetur, A good turn is as a burden and a debt to a man, whereas revenge is reckoned a gain. The debt of loyalty and good affection, wherein Convictolitanis stood engaged to Caesar, for confirming that right unto him which civil dissension had made doubtful, together with the respect of the general cause, made him so willing to revolt from the Romans, and in lieu of thankful acknowledgement to requite him with hostility. A part so odious and detestable, that virtue grieveth to think that a man should be capable of any such wickedness, or be stained with the infamy of so horrible a crime. Other vices are faults in special, and are branded with the several marks of ignominy: but ingratitude is equal to the body of evil, and doth countervail the whole nature of hateful affections; 
Seneca.  according to that of the Philosopher, Ingratum si dixeris omnia dixeris; Ingratitude is culpable of all sorts of wickedness, and deserveth the greatest measure of revenge. And the rather for that it taketh away the use of virtue, and maketh men forget to do good. For whereas the nature of goodness is specially seen in communicating itself to the relief of other men's wants, we ought to give all diligence not to hinder this enlargement, nor by a froward and crooked example to prejudice others that stand in need of the like favour.  
I have often heard it spoken, but I know not how true it is, and am loath to believe it, that in the exchange of a good turn, the party that receiveth it hath more assurance of his benefactor, touching a faithful and friendly disposition for the future time, than he that showed the kindness can have of the receiver: for men are loath to lose both the fruit and the seed, and will rather bestow more cost and labour, then forgo the hope of their first endeavours, expecting both in reason and nature, fruit answerable to their seed: whereas the badness of our nature is such of itself, Ut gratia oneri, ultio in quaestu habetur.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  

A multitude is easily abused by false suggestions.  THere is no means so ready to abuse a multitude as false suggestion, which like a lying spirit seduceth the minds of men from the truth conceived, and fashioneth their hearts to such purposes, as seemeth best to the abuser: and the rather when it is delivered by a man of place and authority, and such a one as pretendeth carefulness for the safety of a people; for than it slieth as fast as the lightning in the air, and deludeth the wisest and best experienced of the multitude. A mischief that can hardly be prevented, as long as there is a tongue to speak or an ear to hear. 
Phaedo Platonis.  But as Socrates said of pain and case, that they are always tied together: so men must endeavour to redeem the hurts of such an evil, by the benefit which thereby is consequently employed: for it were hard if wise men could not make the like use of a multitude to good purposes, as these deceivers do for their own advantage.  
Numa Pompilius (to whom the Roman Empire did owe as much for laws and civil government, as to Romulus for their martial discipline;) the better to establish such ordinances and decrees as he made in his kingdom, feigned familiar acquaintance with a goddess of that time called Egeria, and by her he said he was assured, that the Statutes which he made were both equal and just, and good for the Romans to observe: and the people found no hurt in believing it.  
In like manner Lycurgus having given many laws to the Spartans', repaired to the city of Delphos, and there he got a pleasing Oracle, which he sent to Sparta, assuring them that his laws were very good, and that city keeping them, should be the most renowned of the world.  
And Sertorius for want of other means used the service of a white Hind, as a gift sent him from Diana, to make the Lusitanians believe whatsoever might best advantage his business. And thus a multitude lieth open to good and ill purposes, and is either happy or unfortunate in the counsel of their Leader.    

CHAP. XIX.  
Caesar hindereth the revolt of the Hedui.  
EPoredorix the Heduan, 
Caesar.  a young man of great parentage, and of great power in his country, together with Viridomarus, of like age and authority, but not so nobly born; who being preferred to Caesar by Divitiacus, was by him advanced from mean estate to great dignity, came both to Caesar with the Heduan horsemen, being called out by name to that war by him. Between these two there was always contention who should be the chiefest, and in that controversy for magistracy, the one stood for Convictolitanis, and the other for Cotus. Of these two Eporedorix understanding the resolution of Litavicus, opened the matter to Caesar almost about midnight. He prayed him not to suffer their State to fall away from the friendship of the people of Rome by the wicked counsel of young men, which would necessarily fall out, if he suffered so many thousand men to join themselves to the enemy, whose safety as neither their kinsfolks would neglect, so the State could not lightly esteem of. Caesar being much perplexed at this message, forasmuch as he had always cherished the State of the Hedui, without any further doubt or dispute, he took four expedite and unburthened Legions and all the horse out of the camp: neither was there space at such a time to make the camp lesser, forasmuch as the matter seemed to consist in expedition. He left behind him C. Fabius a Legate with two legions for a garrison to the camp. And having given order for the apprehending of Litavicus brethren, he found that a little before they were fled to the enemy. Thereupon adhorting the soldiers not to think much of their labour in so necessary a time, every man being most willing, he went five and twenty miles, and then met with the forces of the Hedui. The horsemen being sent to stay their march, he commanded not to kill any one of them, and gave order to Eporedorix and Viridomarus (whom they thought to be slain) to ride up and down amongst the horsemen, and to call to their countrymen. They being once known, and the fraud of Litavicus discovered, the Hedui stretched out their hands, making signs of submission, and casting away their weapons, desired to be spared from death. Litavicus, with his clients and followers, who by the custom of Gallia must not forsake their patrons in the extremest danger, fled to Gergovia. Caesar having dispatched messengers to the State of the Hedui, to acquaint them that he had saved their people, which by the law of arms he might have slain, gave the army three hours rest that night, and then returned towards Gergovia. In the midway certain horsemen sent by Fabius made known unto Caesar in what danger the matter stood: that the camp was assaulted with all the enemies forces; and forasmuch as such as were wearied were still relieved with fresh men, it came to pass that our men fainted with continual labours: for the camp was so great, that they were always to stana upon the rampire to make it good: and that many were wounded with the multitude of arrows and other sorts of weapons; wherein their engines had served them to good purpose for their defence. Fabius when these messengers came away, had shut up two gates, and left other two open, and had made sheds and hovels for the better defence of the wall, and prepared himself for the like fortune the next day. These things being known by the exceeding travel of the soldiers, Caesar came into the camp before Sunrising.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
AS often as the people of Rome had occasion to make war, besides the body of the army enrolled for that service, in such sort and with such ceremonies as I have formerly delivered; the Consul or General had authority to call out such others, 
Evocati, who they were.  either of the Communality or the Equites, as for their long service were freed by the laws from giving in their names at a muster: and these they called Evocati, as a man would say, called out, being all men of special note and service, and such as were able to give sound advice for matter of war. These Evocati went all for the most part under an ensign, and were lodged together in the camp behind the pavilion of the General, near unto the gate which they called Porta Praetoria, and were always free from ordinary duties, as watching, encamping and fight, unless it came to such a pass, that every man would put to his helping hand: but in all services they had their place appointed them according to their former experience and worth. And thus the Romans strengthened their army with the wisdom and experience of such, as for many years together had been acquainted with the difficulties and casualties of war, and oftentimes were able to afford such helps, both by example and otherwise by good directions, as the wisdom of the General did gladly embrace. Concerning these two young nobles Eporedorix and Viridomarus, whom he nameth in this place Evocati, we are to understand that they were called out to that war under the same title, but to another end: for being men of great place and authority, he feared least in his absence they might be so wrought to favour Vercingetorix, as neither himself nor the Hedui should have any cause to commend them, according as it happened to Litavicus.    

CHAP. XX.  
The Hedui rob and kill divers Roman Citizens.  
WHile these things were a doing at Gergovia, 
Caesar.  the Hedui having received the first messages from Litavicus, gave themselves no time to understand the truth: some being led on by covetousness, others by anger and rashness, as it is naturally engrafted in that nation to take a light hear-say for a certain truth, spoiled the Roman citizens of their goods, and slew them besides, or drew them into bondage; Convictolitanis stirring up the common people to madness, that when they had done some wicked fact, they might be ashamed to be good again. They drew Marcus Aristius a Tribune of the soldiers, as he went to the Legion, out of the town Cavillonium, notwithstanding their faith and promise before given, causing the rest to do the like, which were there for matter of trade: these they set upon forthwith as they traveled, rob them of their carriages, and besieged such as made resistance day and night: many were slain on both sides, and a greater number were stirred up to take arms. In the mean time news being come that all their soldiers were under Caesar's power, they run speedily to Aristius, they tell him that nothing was done by public authority, they called such as rob the Romans of their goods to answer the matter, they confiscate the goods of Litavicus and his brethren, they send Ambassadors unto Caesar to clear themselves of these disorders: and this they do for the better recovery of their people that were now with Caesar. But being contaminated with a wicked fact, and taken with the shame of robbing the Roman citizens, many of them being touched in the fact, and much perplexed for fear of punishment; they privily entered into consultations of war, and solicited other States to that purpose by their Ambassadors. Which although Caesar understood, yet he entertained them as courteously as he could, telling them that for the ignorance and levity of the common people he would not think hardly of the State, nor abate any thing of his good will and favour to the Hedui.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
A Wicked act is not only hurtful in itself and of its own condition, 
o'er ill act begetteth another.  but is like that box of evil, which the Poets feign to have been given to Pandora to be kept always shut: for when the way is once made, and the gap opened, one mischief draweth on another, and the tail that followeth is more viperous than the head. There was never any one that stained himself with any detestable crime, but was moved to commit a second evil that had relation to the first: for wicked deeds are justified by themselves, and one crime is upheld by another. When the hand is dipped in blood, it seemeth no great matter to imbrue the arm: and the loyalty of a people being once shaken by the indirect practices of a few, it is no strange matter if the whole body of that State do immediately enter into treasonable consultations▪ as it happened in this place with the Hedui, who from that time which disclosed the treachery of their heart, carried no faithful regard to the Roman government, until the bitterness of that war which happened shortly after had made them know their error.  
It shall be necessary therefore, as much as lieth in the possibility of our means, to keep the body of virtue safe from wounding: for albeit the wound be never so little, yet it is always wide enough to let out both the blood and the spirits, even to the evacuation of the vital breath of moral honesty.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
COnvictolitanis plebem ad furorem impellit, 
The poorer sort of people do embrace all means of innovation.  stirred up the common people to madness (saith the story) as the sittest instruments to trouble the State, and to leaven the rest of the people with the fury of madness. For the poorer and meaner people, that have no interest in the Common-weal but the use of breath, nor any other substance but a Fly in the commons, are always dangerous to the peace of that kingdom: for having nothing to lose, they willingly embrace all means of innovation, in hope of gaining something by other men's ruin, believing altogether in the Proverb, which averreth the fishing to be good which is in troubled waters.  
Catiline conspiring against the Roman Empire, made choice of such to accompany him whose fortune was desperate. And thereupon Sallust saith; 
Sallust in the conspiracy of Catiline.  Homini potentiam quaerenti, egentissimus quisque opportunissimus, cu●●neque sua chara, quip quae nulla sunt, & omnia cum pr●tio honesta videntur: Indigent fellows are the fittest instruments for ambitious men, who regard not their own, because they have nothing, esteeming all actions honest that they gain by.  
L●v●e writeth, that upon the rumour in Greece of war between Perseus and the Romans, the poorer sort did put themselves in pay under Perseus, with this resolution, that if there happened no alteration upon this occasion, they would then cleave to the Romans, and assist them to put the state of Greece into a garboil. Semper in civitate (saith Sallust) quibus opes nullae sunt, bonis invident, malos extollunt; vetera odere, nova exoptant, odio suarum rerum mutari omnia student.  
There are these two means left for a State to ease itself of this sort of people: either to employ them abroad in wars, or to interest them in the quiet of the Commonweal, by learning them such trades and occupations as may give them a taste of thesweetness of peace, & the benefit of a civil life.    

CHAP. XXI.  
Caesar spieth an occasion to advance the service at Gergovia.  
CAesar suspecting a greater revolt of the Galls, 
Caesar.  lest he might be hemmed in with the strength of all the States of Gallia, he entered into deliberation how he might leave Gergovia, and get all his army together again, that his departure might not seem to rise from the fear of their revolt, and thereby be thought ●●string away. And as he thought upon these things, he seemed to spy an occasion of doing somewhat to purpose: for coming into the lesser camp to view the works, he observed a knoll which was kept by the enemy to be bare of men, which the day before could scarce be discerned by reason of the multitude of people: and wondering at it, be enquired the cause of the runaways which came daily in great numbers unto him. They all agreed of that which Caesar had before understood by the discoverers, that the back of that hill was almost level, but narrow and woody where it gave passage to the other part of the town. The Galls did much fear that place, for the Romans having took one knoll, if they should possess themselves of another, the Galls were almost block in round about, and cut off from foraging, or any other issuing out of the town: and therefore Vercingetorix had called them all to fortify that place. This being known, Caesar sent many troops of horse to that place about midnight, commanding them to ride up and down all thereabout somewhat tumultuously. And early in the morning he caused many horses and mules for carriage to be taken out of the camp with horse-keepers upon them, having casks upon their heads the better to resemble horsemen, and to be carried round about the hills. And to them he added a few horsemen, to the end they might spur out the more freely, and so make a better show, commanding them all to go to the same place by a long circuit ●bout. These things were done in view of the town; for Gergovia so stood, that they might from thence see into the camp; but yet in so great a distance they could not certainly perceive what was done. He sent likewise one Legion to the same hill, and appointed them to go a little way, and then to make a stand in a dale, and to hide themselves in the woods. The Galls began more to suspect that place, and all their forces were drawn thither for the strengthening of it. Caesar perceiving the enemy's camps to be void of men, hiding his ensigns and colours, he drew the soldiers by little and little out of the greater into the lesser camp, and acquainted the legates to whom he had given the several legions in charge, what he would have done; warning them especially to keep in the soldiers, lest they should be carried out either with a desire of sighting, or in hope of booty. He propounded unto them the incommodities of the disadvantage of place, which must only be avoided by expedition, the matter consisting rather in occasion and opportunity, 
It is an easier matter to begin a work, then to quit it again with r●edit.  then in fight.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
IT is an easy matter to begin a business, and to make work for many hands; but to put it off again, and to quit it without prejudice of other important respects, is no small labour. Caesar being engaged in the siege of Gergovia, and fearing a general revolt throughout all Gallia, was not a little troubled how he might clear himself of that business, without suspicion of fear or flight, and gather all his forces into one body again, which he had before divided into two armies: 
Livy.  for as Marcellus said to Fabius touching the siege of Casselium, Multa magnis ducibus sicut non aggred●enda, ita semel aggressis non dimittenda esse, quia magna famae momenta in utramque partem fiunt; Many things as they are not to be attempted by great Captains; so when they are once attempted they must not be left unatchieved: for in either their reputation is much concerned. An enemy will conceive greater hopes from such a retreat, then from a greater advantage. And therefore a General ought to have as special a regard to the opinion which he desireth to be held of his proceedings, as of any part belonging to his charge: for fame is the spirit of great actions, and maketh them memorable or unworthy by report. Caeteris mortalibus in co●stare consilia quid sibi conducere putent; Principum (saith Tacitus) diversam esse sortem, quibus praecipua rerum ad famam dirigenda; Other men's consultations tend only to what may most advantage themselves: Princes have more to do; to look in their management of things principally at their honour and reputation. Wherein there cannot be a better rule for the avoiding of that inconvenience, then that which Lucretius observed, of whom Livy saith; Id prudenter ut in temere suscepta re Romanus fecit, quod circumspectis difficultatibus, ne frustra rempus tereret, celeriter abstitit incepto: He did thus far prudently in a business rashly undertaken; that when he saw what difficulties attended the enterprise, rather than spend time in vain, he forthwith desisted from his purpose. For the speedy leaving of any such enterprise, doth excuse the rashness which might be imputed to the beginning; and men are not so much blamed for making trial of an ill-digested project, as they are for obstinate continuing in the same.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
SOme services (saith Caesar) are Res occasionis, 
Some services are Res occasionis, non praelii.  non praelii, businesses of opportunity, not of war: whereof I have already disputed. Notwithstanding give me leave to add the mistake, which often falleth out in matter of opportunity. For in viewing the occurrences of the wars of these later times, we may find that some hotspur commanders, having tasted of the good success when occasion affordeth, have thought of nothing but of services assided with opportunity, in such manner as at length they forgot that occasion came but seldom, and carried their men upon such desperate attempts, as proved the business to be a matter scarce affording means to fight for their lives, but were often swallowed up with devouring danger: wherein they did mistake the condition of the service, and fell short of Caesar's example. For albeit he sent out his men to struggle with the height of the hill, and the disadvantage of well-fortified camps; yet he knew they should find little resistance by the enemy, being drawn away upon other occasions, if they made that expedition as was requisite in this service; whereby he left them not without means to over●way those difficulties, and so made it Rem occasionis, non praelii, a business of opportunity, not of war.    

CHAP. XXII.  
The Romans make an assault upon Gergovia.  
THese things being delivered, 
Caesar.  he gave the soldiers the sign to begin, and at the same time he sent out the Hedui by another ascent on the right side. The wall of the town was distant by a right line from the plain and the foot of the hill (if it lay even without any dale or valley) a thousand and two hundred paces: whatsoever more was added in fetching circuits about to climb the sleep of the hill, was over and besides that distance. From the midst of the hill in length, as the nature of the place would bear it, the Galls had with great stones raised a wall of s●x foot in height, to hinder the assault of our men; and all the lower part being left void and empty, they filled the upper part of the hill even to the wall of the town with thick and frequent camps. The soldiers upon the sign given were quickly come to the works, and passing over them they possessed themselves of three camps, with such speed and expedition, that Teutomatus the king of the Nitiobriges, being surprised in his tent as he rested about noon time, the upper part of his body being n●ked and his horse wounded, did hardly escape the hands of soldiers occupied in booty. Caesar having got that which he propounded to himself, commanded a retreat to be sounded; and the Ensigns of the tenth Legion stayed. But the soldiers of the other Legions not hearing the sound of the trumpet, forasmuch as a great valley was between them, were stayed notwithstanding at first by the Tribunes of the soldiers and the Legates, according as Caesar had given in charge. But being carried away as well with a hope of speedy victory, as by the flight of the enemy, and the fortunate battles of former times, they thought nothing so difficult but they could overcome it by their valour, insomuch as they desisted not from following, until they came to the wall and the gates of the town. Then a great outcry being took up in all parts of the town, such as were further off being terrified with the suddenness of the tumult, thinking the enemy had been within the gates, did cast themselves out of the town: and the women cast down their apparel and their silver from the walls; and holding out their naked breasts, with their hands spread abroad, adjured the Romans to save them, and that they would not (as they had done at Avaricum) destroy both women and children: and some women slipped down by their hands from the wall, and gave themselves freely to the soldiers. L. Fabius a centurion of the eighth legon, who was heard to say that day, that the booty which he had got at Avaricum so stirred him up, that he would suffer no man to get up upon the wall before himself; having got three of his manipular soldiers, with their help he climbed up to the top of the wall, and then he himself did help up his fellows. In the mean time such as were on the other side of the town, busied in fortifying that place, (as we have already delivered) first the noise being heard, and then stirred up by often messengers, that the Romans had took the town, sending their horsemen before, they hasted thither in great numbers, and still as they came, they stood under the wall, and increased the number of such as they found fight. A great multitude being at length come together, the women that a little before had reached out their hands from the wall to the Romans, began now to adjure their own people, and as the manner of the Galls is, to show their hair lose about their ears, and to bring out their children.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
IT is both safe and honourable for Soldiers and inferior Commanders to keep their directions: 
It is honourable for soldiers to keep their directions.  for whensoever they go about to enlarge their business according to their own fantasy, howsoever occasion may seem to further their desires, they invert the whole course of discipline, and do arrogate more to themselves, than they do attribute to their General.  
The Romans were strict in this point, as may appear by that of Manlius, who put his own son to death for making a happy fight against the enemy contrary to his directions: for although it fortuned to fall out well at that time, yet the example was so dangerous in a well-ordered war, that he chose rather to bring a mischief upon his own son, than an inconvenience to their military government. Injussu tuo (saith one in Livy to the Consul) nunquam pugnabo, non si certam victoriam videam; unless thou biddest, I will never fight, no, though I see the victory clear before me; making profession of true obedience, and ranging himself in the order of such parts, as have no other office but observance. For an army is as a body, and the soldiers are as particular parts, every man according to his place: the General is as the life and soul, and giveth motion to every part according to reason. And as in a natural body no part can move without directions from the life; so in the body of an army, when any part moveth without the consent of the head, the motion is either monstrous or exorbitants, and suiteth with such an effect as condemneth the instruments of unadvised rashness.  
Polybius saith, that men have two ways to come by wisdom, either by their own harms, or by other men's miscasualties. Such wisdom as is got through correction happening by their own errors, is dearly bought; but sitting near them, is not easily forgotten: that which is obtained by other men's misfortunes, is well come by, and at an easy rate; but for the most part it is soon forgotten: but such as can retain it to a good use, are most happy men. This precept to soldiers touching obedience, and the precise keeping of their directions, hath by other men's harms so often been urged, as a man would think that later ages should beware of this disorder. And yet it falleth out almost in every small service. For the greatest loss which the English received at any one time at Ostend, was in a sally; wherein captain Woodward having possessed himself of some of the enemy's works, when by his directions he should have stayed, thinking to improve his reputation by some further service, deeming it easy peradventure to go forward, he went on beyond the compass of his command: whereby it happened, that both the enemy had greater scope to revenge their former dishonour, and the rest of our English troops that had their part in that project by way of second helps, could not proceed according to their directions; and so they all returned with loss.  
That which Xenophon reporteth touching one Chrysantas, 
Institution of Cyrus.  is notable to this purpose; who being in the heat of a conflict, and having his sword lift up to strike one of the adverse party, he chanced to hear a retreat sounded, whereupon he presently withdrew his hand, and did forbear to smite him. Which howsoever to some may seem ridiculous, and unfitting the temper of a soldier in time of battle; yet let them know that Xenophon a great Commander, and an excellent historian, did allege that example to the eternal memory of the forenamed party, for the knowledge and instruction of Cyrus, whom he propoundeth to the world as an absolute pattern both of military and civil virtue.    

CHAP. XXIII.  
The Romans continue the assault, and are beaten off with loss.  
THe contention was not indifferent to the Romans, 
●●●sar.  neither in place nor in number of combatants, being wearied withal, both with the long race which they had run, and with the continuance of their fight, whereby they did not so easily bear the enemy being whole and fresh. Caesar seeing the fight to be in an unequal place, and the enemy still to increase their forces, fearing his people, he sent to T. Sextius the legate, whom he had left to command the lesser camp, to bring out the cohorts speedily, and to place them at the foot of the hill on the right side of the enemy; to the end that if our men were forced to forsake their place, yet the enemy might be terrified from following them over freely, he himself removing a little out of that place where he stood with the legion, attended the event of the battle. And as they fought at hand very fiercely, the enemy trusting in the place and in the multitude, and our men in their valour, the Hedui suddenly appeared on the open side of our men, whom Caesar had sent up by another ascent on the right hand, to keep off part of the enemy. These by the likeness of their armour did wonderfully astonish our men: who although they saw their right arms showed or put forth, which was a sign of peace, yet they doubted lest the enemy had used that policy to deceive them. At the same instant L. Fabius the Centurion, and those that climbed up upon the wall with him, being slain, were cast down from the wall again, and M. Petreius a Centurion of the same legion, as he was about to cut down the gates, being oppressed with the multitude, and despairing of his own life, having received many wounds; Forasmuch (saith he to his soldiers that followed him) as I cannot save myself and you too, I will certainly provide for your safety, whom I have brought into danger whilst I thirsted after honour. You, while you may, shift for yourselves. And withal he broke through the thickest of the enemy, and with the slaughter of a couple he removed the rest from the gate. And as his soldiers went about to help him, In vain (saith he) do you endeavour to save my life, which blood and strength have already forsaken: and therefore get you hence while you have means, and betake yourselves to the legion, and so fight fell down dead, but saved his men. Our men being overcharge done all sides, with the loss of six and forty Centurions, were beaten down from the place: but the tenth legion, which stood for a rescue in a more equal place, hindered the Galls from following over eagerly. And again, the cohorts of the thirteenth legion, which Sextius had brought out of the camp, seconded that legion, having got the advantage of the upper ground. The legions assoon as they came into the plain, stood still, and turned head to the enemy. Vercingetorix drew back his men from the foot of the hill, and brought them into their camps. That day few less than seven hundred soldiers were wanting.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
ANd this is the end of presumptuous rashness, when men are become so pregnant, as to take upon them more than is required. But as they say of fair weather, that it is pity it should do hurt: so is it great pity that valour and resolution should prove disadvantageous. For this overdoing of a service, is but the spirit of valiant carriage, and the very motion of prowess and courage, memorable in the offenders themselves; as we may see by this particular report of Fabius and Petreius: and much to be pitied, that virtue should at any time be overquelled with a greater strength.  
At this service the Romans stood in these terms; they were overmatched in number, they had spent their strength in speedy running to the place which in itself was not favourable unto them, but almost as great an enemy as the Galls, only they trusted in their valour, and thought by virtue to clear all difficulties. The Galls had the favour of the place, a far greater number of fight men, they came fresh to the battle, and were always seconded with fresh supplies. Caesar seeing the two armies engaged one with another, could neither part them nor recall his soldiers, but set such forces as were free in such convenient places, as might rescue his people in the retreat, and keep the Galls from following the chase, or making any great slaughter of the Roman soldier. Whereby it happened, that in so great an inequality, where there were so many swords drawn to make way to death, there were not seven hundred men lost of the Roman army. And yet it happened to be the greatest loss that ever he received in those wars in his own presence, when the issue of the conflict gave the enemy the better of the day.    

CHAP. XXIIII.  
Caesar rebuketh the rashness of his soldiers; and maketh light, but successful skirmishes upon the enemy.  
CAesar the next day calling the army before him, 
Caesar.  rebuked the temerity and cupidity of the soldiers, forasmuch as they had took upon them to judge how far they were to go, or what they were to do; neither would they stay upon the sounding of a retreat, nor hearken to the Tribunes nor the Legates that would have kept them back. He laid open unto them how available the inequality of the place was, and what he himself thought of it, when at Avaricum he took the enemy without a General and without cavalry, yet did forgo a most assured victory, lest in the buckling he might have received a small loss through the inequity of the place. How admirable was the greatness of their spirit, whom neither the fortifications of the camps, the height of the hill, nor the wall of the town could stop or hinder! Wherein he blamed their licentious arrogancy the more, forasmuch as they had took upon them to judge better of the victory, and the success of that service, than the General himself: neither did he so much desire to find courage and virtue in his soldiers, as modesty and sobriety. This speech being delivered, and in the end confirming their minds that they might not be discouraged at the matter, nor attribute that to the worth of the enemy, which indeed was in the nature of the place; keeping his former purpose of departure, he brought the legions out of the camp, imbattelled them in a convenient place, and finding that Vercingetorix would not be drawn into an indifferent place, after a light skirmish of horse, wherein the Romans had the better, he carried his army back again into the camp: and doing the like the next day, thinking it sufficient to abate the pride of the Galls, and to strengthen the courage of his soldiers, he removed his camp into the State of the Hedui, the enemy refusing to make after him.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
REparation of honour is a chief point in the carriage of an army: 
Reparation of honour, what it is,  for he that leaveth an enemy upon a loss received, when his soldiers are either awed or well beaten, must look to find the same spirit and courage in them, when they shall come again to confront the enemy, as they had when they last left him with a disadvantage; which is nothing else but an unskilful continuance of his own loss, and a preparation to a second overthrow. In the war the Romans had with Annibal, in all the fights they made, 
Plutarch in the life of Marcellus.  they continued their first loss unto the battle at Nola: at what time by Marcellus good directions, they gave him an overthrow; which was the first time that ever Annibals soldiers began to give place to the Romans, and repaired the Romans valour again, after so many battles as they lost. For than they were persuaded that they fought not with an enemy altogether invincible, but that he was subject to loss and overthrow. And in respect of this so happy a fortune, restoring the Roman soldiers to their ancient valour and good fortune, it is that Livi● saith, Ingens eo die res, ac nescio an maxima ill● bello guessed a sit, A great piece of service was performed that day, 
Lib. 3. bell, civil. post pugna● Dyrrachianam Caesar neque satis militibus perterritis confidebat, spatiumque interponendum ad recrcandos animos putabat.  & I think I may say the greatest that was done in that war. Caesar did well understand this Philosophy: and therefore he laboured to repair the breach which the enemy had made in the valour of his soldiers, by light and small skirmishes, before he would adventure to hazard the main drife of the business in any set conflict. And the rather for that he had a purpose to leave the enemy for a time, whereby he seemed to end the former services; wherein he had a special care not to depart with the last blow, having always before that time had the better: for the condition of the end doth challenge much of the former proceedings, and doth draw the opinion of men to deem of all as the conclusion importeth. According as Claudius Nero told his soldiers: Semper quod postremo adjectum sit, id rem totam videri traxisse: As the end of the service is, so the whole seems to have been.    

CHAP. XXV.  
The Hedui revolt: Caesar passeth his army over the river Loire.  
THe third day he repaired the bridge at the river Elevar, 
Caesar.  and carried over his army. There he understood by Viridomarus and Eporedorix, that Litavicus was gone with all the enemy's horse to solicit the State of the Hedui, and therefore it was requisite that Caesar should send them before to confirm the State, and keep them in loyalty. And although Caesar did mistrust the State of the Hedui for many causes, and did think that the departure of these two Nobles would hasten their revolt; yet he did not think it fit to detain them, lest he should either seem to do them wrong, or to give any suspicion of distrust. At their departure he propounded unto them briefly, how well he had deserved of their State, how low and weak they were when he received them, confined within their towns, their lands extended, all their associates taken from them, a tribute laid upon them, pledges extorted from them with great contumely; and into what fortune and greatness he had brought them again, that not only they had recovered their former state, but did exceed the dignity and favour of all former times: and with these mandates he let them go. Noviodunum was a town of the Hedui, situate in a convenient place, upon the bank of the river Loire. Thither had Caesar sent all the hostages of Gallia, the corn, the public treasure, and the greatest part of the baggage of the army; and thither he had likewise sent great store of horse, which he had bought in Spain and Italy for the service of this war. Eporedorix and Viridomarus coming thither, and understanding touching the affairs of their State, that Li●avicus was received into Bibract by the Hedui, which is the Metropolitan city of their State, and that Convictolitanis their chief Magistrate, and a great part of the Senate were come unto him, and that public messengers were sent to Vercingetorix touching a league of peace and amity; they did not think it fit to omit so great an opportunity. And thereupon having slain the Guard at Noviodunum, with such others as were there either by way of trade or travel, they divided the money and the horses between them, and took order that the hostages of the other States should safely be conveyed to Bibract. For the town, forasmuch as they thought they were not able to keep it, lest the Romans might make any use of it, they burned it: such corn as they could carry on the sudden, they conveyed away in boats, the rest they either burnedor cast it into the river. They began to raise forces in the country, next adjoining; to dispose of watches and garrisons on the bank of the river Loire; to show their Cavalry in all places, to strike fear into the Romans, to the end they might exclude them from provision of corn, or drive them through necessity of want to forsake the Province. Whereof they were the rather assured, forasmuch as the Loire was much swelled by a fall of snow, whereby it was unpassable at any foard. These things being known, Caesar thought it necessary for him to make haste, (especially if he must make up the bridges) to the end he might give them battle before they had gathered a greater head: for touching his purpose for returning into the Province, he did not think it fit by any means, both in respect of the shame and in famy thereof, as also forasmuch as the opposition of the hill Gebenna, and the difficulty of the passage did hinder him; but especially for that he did exceedingly desire to join himself with Labienus and the Legions that were with him. And therefore making great journeys both by day and night beyond all men's expectation, he came to the river Loire, where the horsemen having sound a convenient foard for the necessity of the time, that the soldiers might pass over with their arms and shoulders above the water, to hold up their weapons, disposing the horse in the river to break the force of the stream, and the enemy being affrighted upon their first show, he carried over his Army in safety. And having satisfied his soldiers with corn which he found in the fields, and good store of cattle, he determined to march towards the Senones.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
THe greatest difficulty that ever Caesar found in the course of these wars, 
The change which the revolt of the Hedui made in Gallia.  was at this instant upon the revolt of the Hedui. For whereas that State after Caesar's coming into Gallia, was ever reputed the favourite of the Roman Empire, having received such special privileges and prerogatives above the rest, as might tie them with an inviolable bond of amity to the people of Rome: it was not to be expected that they should forsake so great a stay, or favour any thing that might tend to the weakening of that authority, which preferred them in dignity before all other States of that Continent: and was as a Remora to divers other Nations of Gallia, from showing that defection by plain and open revolt, which they had so long before conceived in their minds.  
But when it appeared (notwithstanding any precedent benefit, or the merit of imperial favours) that the Hedui did affect the common cause of their Country's liberty, and were content to engage themselves therein, as far as their lives or fortunes could any way be valued: it was not to be doubted, but that such other Commonweals, as before that time had remained neutral, and had less cause than the Hedui to keep back their hands from a work of that piety, would apprehend the matter as a business importing the safety of their Country, whereunto Caesar and the Legions were common enemies. The consideration whereof made Caesar to think of returning back into the Province, had not the dishonour of such a retreat, and the desire he had to join with Labienus, hindered that purpose.    

CHAP. XXVI.  
Labienus cometh to Lutetia with four Legions.  
WHile these things were done by Caesar, 
Caesar,  Labienus having left those supplies which came last out of Italy, at Agendicum, for the safety of the carriages, went himself with four Legions towards Lutetia, a town of the Parisians, built in an Island in the river Sequana. The enemy understanding of his coming, great forces were speedily brought together out of the countries near about. The chiefest command was given to Camulogenus of the nation of the Aulerci, who notwithstanding his great age, was called to that honour for his singular knowledge in matter of war. He finding it to be a continued bog that ran into Sequana, and much hindered all that place, did stay there with his army, and purposed to hinder the passage of the Romans. Labienus did first endeavour to drive the vines, to fill up the bog with hurdles and earth, and so to make the passage firm: but after that he perceived it to be very hard to effect, in the third watch of the night he went out of the camp with silence, and the same way that he came, he went to Melodunum a town of the Senones, situate in an Island of Sequana, as Lutetia is: and having surprised some fifty ships and boats, and manned them with soldiers, the townsmen being affrighted with the novelty of the matter, of whom a great part were called out to that war, he possessed himself of the town without any resistance. The bridge being repaired which the enemy had cut down a few days before, he transported over the army, and went down along the river towards Lutetia. The enemy having notice thereof by such us escaped from Melodunum, commanded Lutetia to be burned, and the bridges of the town to be broken: they themselves forsaking the bog, sat down upon the banks of Sequana, right over against the camp of Labienus. By this time Caesar's departure from Gergovia was known abroad, with the revolt of the Hedui: and rumours were brought of a secondrising and motion in Gallia. It was certainly confirmed, that the Galls were in consultation, that Caesar was kept back both by the difficulties of the passage and the river Loire, and for want of corn was constrained to return into the Province. The Bellovaci also understanding of the revolt of the Hedui, whereas they were before treacherous and disloyal of themselves, did now begin to raise forces and prepare for open war. Labienus upon so great a change of things, understood that it was necessary for him to take another manner of course than was before intended. For now he thought not of making any conquest, or urging the enemy to battle, but to bring he army back in safety to Agendicum. For on the one side, the Bellovaci stood ready to charge him, being a people that had the name for deeds of arms of all the nations in Gallia; the other side was kept by Camulogenus with an army ready in the field: and last of all, the Legions were kept from their garrison and their carriages with a great river that ran between them and it.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
THe great alteration which the revolt of the Hedui made in Gallia, 
He that will do things well, must vary with the time.  caused Labienus to let fall his former resolutions, and to shape such a course as might best answer the extremity of the tempest. For he that will attain the end of his desires, or make peace with the affections of his mind, must not think at all times to carry away contentment with the strength of his means, or subdue resistance with force of arms, but must be well pleased to be driven with the stream, until he meet with a tide of better opportunity: for oftentimes it falleth out, that the opposition of resisting power is more available than ten Legions commanded by Caesar, or what the Roman Empire could add besides, to so great an army. For there is no quantity so great, but there may be found a greater; nor none so little, but there may be a less: which may teach a man neither to conceit himself in a matchless singularity, nor to despair of a weak condition. And this is that which is so often recommended to the consideration of discreet Governors, whether they be Magistrates in peace, or Commanders in war, to put them in mind of the condition of times, and to carry themselves answerable thereunto: forasmuch as fortunate and happy success, riseth for the most part from such means as have respect to the occurrences of the time, not running always upon one bias, nor failing at all times with a fore-wind; but sometimes to press forward, and sometimes to give back, according as the circumstances of the time shall make way to good fortune.  
Fabius the great Roman thought it no scorn to be called coward, 
Plutarch in the life of Fabius.  or to undergo the displeasure of the people of Rome, while he gave place to the fury of the Carthaginian, and refused to receive a third overthrow. And thus he altered the course of the Roman warfare according to the time, and overthrew that enemy by shunning to encounter him, which in a battle would have hazarded the conquest of Rome. In like manner Cn. Sulpitius the Dictator did imitate this wisdom of Fabius against the Galls, by lingering out the war: Nolens se fortunae committere adversus hostem (as Livy saith) quem tempus deteriorem indies & locus alienus fuceret; Not willing to put the trial to Fortune, when as he dealt with an enemy, which time and ignorance of the place rendered every day weaker and weaker. And to conclude this point, Caesar upon the loss which he received at Dyrrachium, Omnem sibi commutandam belli rationem existimavit, thought it his best way to alter the whole course of the war, as the Story saith: which was nothing else but varying with the time, and helping a bad Fortune with new directions.    

CHAP. XXVII.  
Labienus passeth the river Sequana, and fighteth with the Galls.  
FOr the avoiding of these great difficulties which came so suddenly upon him, 
Caesar.  he knew there was no help to be had, but that which the virtue of his mind would afford him: and therefore calling a council a little before the evening, he adhorted them to excoute such things as he commanded both with diligence and industry; and so taking the ships which he had brought from Melodunum, he divided them amongst the Roman horsemen, and after the first watch he commanded them to go four miles down the river in silence, and there to attend him. He left five cohorts, which he thought to be too weak for any fight, as a garrison to the camp, and sent the other five cohorts of the same legion about midnight with all the carriages up the river, commanding them to make a great noise and tumult as they went. He sought out all barges and boats, and sent them up the river with much noise and beating of oars: and a little while after he himself went quietly with three legions to the place where he had commanded the ships to abide him. At his coming thither, the enemy's discoverers which were disposed on all parts of the river, were suddenly and at unawares surprised by our men, by reason of a sudden tempest that did rise in the mean time: and the army and the horse were by the diligence of the Roman Knights (to whom he had committed that business) carried over. At the same time a little before daylight, the enemy had intelligence that there was an extraordinary noise and tumult in the Roman camp, and a great troup went up the river, and the beating of oars was heard that way, and a little below the soldiers were carried over. Which being known, forasmuch as they judged that the legions were carried over in three places, and that they were so perplexed at the revolt of the Hedui, that they fled away; they divided their forces also into three parts▪ for a garrison being left right over against the Roman camp, and a small band sent towards Glossendium, which was to go so far as the boats went, they carried the rest of their army to meet Labienus. By the dawning of the day all our men were carried over, and the enemy was discovered ranged in battle. Labienus adhorting the soldiers to bethink themselves of their ancient virtue, and to recall the memory of their fortunate battles, and to suppose that Caesar himself was present, under whose leading they had oftentimes overthrown the enemy; he gave the sign of battle. Upon the first affront, on the right wing, where the seventh legion stood, the enemy was beaten back and put to flight; in the left cornet, where the twelfth legion was, the former ranks of the enemy being pierced through and beaten dead down with the piles, the rest notwithstanding did stoutly resist, neither did any man give suspicion of flying. Camulogenus the General was present with his men, and encouraged them to sight, the victory being uncertain. When the Tribunes of the seventh legion understood what was done in the left wing, they showed the legion behind on the back of the enemy, and there began to charge them: and yet none of them forsook his place, but were all enclosed and slain, Camulogenus ending his days by the same fortune. Such of the enemy as were left over against the Roman camps, understanding that the battle was begun, came to second their fellows, and took a hill, but were not able to abide our conquering soldiers; but joining themselves to the rest that fled, were neither protected by the woods nor the mountains, but were all slain by the horsemen. This business being ended, Labienus returned to Agendicum, where the carriages of the whole army were left: and from thence came to Caesar with all the forces.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
LAbienus being to pass the river of Seine, which was strongly guarded by the Galls, was forced to seek a means out of the virtue of his mind, (as Caesar saith,) and to lay such a project as might amuse the enemy, and keep him in suspense what way to take to prevent his passage, until he had effected that which he desired. Which bringeth to our consideration the saying of Epaminondas the Theban, that there is nothing more necessary or behooveful for a General, 
Necessary for a General to understand the purposes of the enem  then to understand the purposes of the enemy. A point so much the more commendable, by how much it is in itself difficult, and hard to be discovered; for it were hard to understand their secret deliberations, which for the most part are only known to the General, or to such chief Commanders as are near about him, when then very actions which every man knoweth, and such things as are done in the open view of the world, are oftentimes doubtful to an enemy.  
Livy hath a notable story to this purpose. Sempronius the Roman Consul giving battle to the Aequi, the fight continued until the night parted them, not without alteration of fortune, sometimes the Romans prevailing, and sometimes the Aequi: the night coming on, both sides being weary and half routed, they forsook their camps, and for their better safety took each of them a hill. The Roman army divided itself into two parts: the one part followed the Consul, and the other a Centurion, named Tempanius, a fellow of great spirit, and had showed much worth in the battle. The next morning the Consul without further inquiry, made towards Rome; and so did the Aequi withdraw their army back into their country: either of them deeming themselves overthrown, and casting victory upon each others shoulders. It happened that Tempanius with that part of the army that kept with him, enquiring after the enemy, found him to be overthrown and fled: whereupon he first went to the Roman camp and made that good, and then marched to the camp of the Aequi, which he took and ri●●ed, and so returned victor to Rome.  
The morning following the battle of Agincourt, 
Holinshetd, Henry 〈◊〉.  Mont●oy the French Herald coming to inquire for prisoners, King Henry asked him who had won the field: To which he answered, That the French had lost it: which was unknown known to that worthy Conqueror. Plutarch writeth, that Cassius killed himself upon the like error, not knowing the fortune of the right wing of his army. And therefore it must needs be a commendable matter, to understand the deliberations of an enemy, when the issue of a battle is oftentimes so uncertain.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
CAmulogenus hath the report in this place of singular knowledge and experience in matter of war, and being of a great age he fought as resolutely as the youngest gallant of them all, which may bring to our consideration the fittest age of life to be wished in a General, 
The fittest age of life for a General.  for the achieving of noble and worthy exploits. Wherein we are to consider, that the youth and former years of a man's age, are plentifully stored with hot blood and nimble spirits, which quickly apprehend the conceptions of the mind, and carry them with such violence to execution, that they bereave the judgement of her prerogative, and give it no respite to censure them; whereby it cometh to pass, that young men are for the most part heedless, inconsiderate, rash and resolute, putting more upon hazard then upon good advice.  
On the otherside, old age is cold in blood, and not so quick of spirit, but being beaten with the rod of long experience, it learneth to be slow and lingering, full of doubts and consideration, inclining rather to a feminine fear, then to a forward resolution.  
Neither of these attributes are simply in themselves the best attendants of noble enterprises: for a hotspur gallant may run apace, but not go sure; and what young man soever is advanced to command, had need of an old man's wit to discharge it. And if authority did at any time fall into the hands of youth in the Roman government, which was very seldom, it was Praemium virtutis, non aetatis; for his virtue's sake, not his age. Pompey was extraordinary happy in that behalf, for he attained the surname of great, because he had deserved the honour of triumph before his beard was grown. And yet Sertorius took such advantage at Pompey's youth, 
Plutarch in the life of Sectorius.  coming against him in Spain, that he said he would have whipped the young boy to Rome again with rods, had not that old woman (meaning Metellus) come to help him.  
Again, where old age heapeth doubt upon doubt, and falleth into the danger of unprofitable lingering, Nec ausus est satis nec providit, it wanteth boldness to steel the enterprise, & falleth also short of good providence, as Tacitus speaketh of F. Valens. 
Hist. 3.  Augustus Caesar purposing to commend Tiberius his successor with an extraordinary praise, said he was a man that never put one thing to be twice consulted of. And it is said of Marius, 
Plutarch in the life of Marius.  that being come to the age of threescore and five years or thereabouts, he showed himself very cold and slow in all his enterprises, forasmuch as age had mortified his active heat, and killed that ready disposition of body that was wont to be in him. The Romans finding Fabius Maximus to be full of doubts and delay, good to defend but not to offend, and Marcellus of a stirring spirit, neither quiet with good nor ill fortune, (as Annibal truly said of him) they thought to join Marcellus youthful courage with Fabius fear and wisdom, and so make a temperature fit for a General; whereupon they called Marcellus the sword, and Fabius the buckler: wherein Caesar of himself was excellent, of whom Suetonius reporteth, Dubium cautior, an audentior; It is uncertain whether he was more wary or daring.  
The best state of years then for this business, is that which tempereth the heat of youth with the coldness of age, and quickeneth the slow and dull proceedings of double advice, with the rashness of youthful resolution: and falleth out between the years of five and thirty and five and fifty. Scipio Africanus commanded the Roman army in Spain at four and twenty years of age, and died at four and fifty. Annibal was chosen General to Asdrubal at six and twenty years, and poisoned himself at threescore and ten. Pompey was slain at nine and fifty, and Caesar at six and fifty. Marcellus kept his youthful resolution to his old days: forbeing threescore years of age, he never longed for any thing more than to fight with Annibal hand to hand.    

CHAP. XXVIII.  
The Galls consult of the carriage of that war.  
THe revolt of the Hedui being known, 
Caesar.  the war waxed greater. Ambassadors were sent out into all parts, and they laboured to draw the rest of the States to their party, as far as either favour, authority, or money could prevail: having got the pledges into their hands which Caesar had left with them, they terrified such as stood doubtful, by threatening to kill them. The Hedui do desire Vercingetorix to come unto them, and to acquaint them with the course of that war▪ which being yielded unto, they labour to have the chief command transferred upon them. The matter growing unto a controversy, a general Council of all Gallia was summoned at Bibract. Thither they repaired in great multitudes: and the matter being put to voices, they all with one consent made allowance of Vercingetorix for their General. The men of Rheims, with the Lingones and Treviri, were absent from this Council: the two first continuing their affection to the Roman party: the Tr●viri were far off, and were annoyed by the Germans; in respect they were absent from that war, and remained neutral. The Hedui were much grieved that they were put by the principality, they complain of the change of their fortune, and wished for Caesar's former indulgence; neither yet durst they disjoin themselves again from the rest, the war being already undertaken; but Eporedorix and Viridomarus, two young men of great hope, were constrained, though unwilling, to obey Vercingetorix. He commanded pledges to be delivered by the rest of the States, and appointed a day for that business. He commanded fifteen thousand horse to be speedily brought together: touching foot forces, he would content himself with those which he had; for his purpose was not to wage battle, but whereas he was very strong in horse, he made no doubt to keep the Romans from corn and forage: only th●y must patiently endure to have their corn spoiled, and their houses burnt; which particular loss would quickly be recompensed with liberty and perpetual sovereignty. These things being ordered, he commanded ten thousand foot to be raised by the Hedui and Segusiani bordering upon the Province; and to them he added eight hundred horse, and sent them under the command of Eporedorix his brother, to make war against the Allobroges. And on the other side he caused the Gabali and the nearest villages of the Arverni to set upon the Helvii, the Rutheni, and the Cadurci, and to depopulate their country. Notwithstanding by secret messages he dealt with the Allobroges, whose minds he thought to be scarce settled from the former war the promised money to their chiefest men, and to give the government of all the Roman Province to their State. To answer all these chances, there were provided but two and twenty cohorts, which being raised out of the Province, were disposed by L. Caesar a Legate to prevent these mischiefs. The Hedui of their own accord giving battle to their borderers, were beaten out of the field, and were driven into their towns with the slaughter of C. Valerius Donotaurus, the son of Caburus the chief man of their State, and of many other. The Allobroges having set many watches and garrisons upon the river Rhine, did with great care and diligence defend their borders. Caesar understanding the enemy to be stronger in horse than he himself was, and the passages being shut that he could not send either into the Province or into Italy for any supplies, he sent over the Rhine into Germany, and got horse from such States as he had quieted the year before, with such light-armed footmen as were accustomed to sight amongst the horse. At their arrival, forasmuch as they were not well fitted with horse, he took the horses from the Tribunes, the Roman Knights, and the Evocati, and distributed them amongst the Germans.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
THere are three principal means to draw a State into a party which of itself standeth neutral, 
Three chief means to win men to favour a matter.  or to win the minds of men, when they carry equal or indifferent affections. The first is, 
1. Favour or friendship.  by favour or friendship; the second, by authority; 
2. Authority.  and the third, by money.  
Friendship relieth upon former respects, and the exchange of precedent courtesies. 
3. Money.  Authority concludeth from future dangers, and the inconveniences which may follow the refusal. Money doth govern the present occasion, and is more general than either favour or authority. The Galls were not wanting to make their party good in any of these three persuading motives: but, as Caesar saith, Quantum gratia, authoritate, pecunia valent, ad sollicitandas civitates n●tuntur: they solicited the neighbour States, as far as friendship, authority, and money would go.  
Wherein as they went about to lay the stock upon it, so they left themselves but one trial for the right of their cause, and joined issue for all upon the fortune of that action: for when they should see their best possibilities too weak, and their uttermost endeavours profit nothing against a mighty prevailing enemy, the greater their hopes were which they had in the means, the greater would be their despair when such means were spent; for it is a shrewd thing for men to be out of means, and not to drive a hope before them.  
It is usual upon such main occasions to employ the chiefest man in a State, in whom the soldiers may have most assurance, and to accompany him with such means as the strength of the Commonweal may afford him: but if their greatest hopes die in his ill success, or wax faint through cold fortune, the kingdom receiveth loss, and the enemy getteth advantage, as may appear by the sequel of this great preparation.    

CHAP. XXIX.  
The Cavalry of the Galls do set upon the Roman army, and are beaten.  
WHile these things were a doing, 
Caesar.  the enemy's forces and the horsemen that were commanded to be levied in all Gallia, met together, and came out of the territories of the Arverni. A great number of these being gathered together, as Caesar marched against the Sequani by the borders of the Lingones, to the end he might the easier relieve the Province, Vercingetorix sat down about ten miles from the Romans in three several camps, and calling the Captains and Colonels of horse to counsel, he told them that the time of victory was now come; for the Romans left Gallia, and fled into the Province: which was sufficient for the obtaining of their present liberty, but availed little for the peace and quiet of future time, forasmuch as the Romans did not purpose to make an end of the war, but to return again with greater forces. And therefore it was necessary to set upon them in their march lad●● with carriages. If the foot did assist their horse, than they were not able to make any way or proceed in their journey. But if (which he hoped would rather happen) forsaking their carriages every man shifted for himself, they would depart both robbed of their necessaries and of their honour: for they need not doubt of the enemy's horse, of whom he was most assured that they durst not go out from amongst the foot forces. And to the end they might be the better encouraged, he would draw all the forces in a readiness out of the camp, and place them so as they might be a terror to the enemy. The horsemen cried out all together, that this resolution might be strengthened with an holy oath: Let him never be received under any roof, or have access to his wife, children, or parents, that did not twice run through the army of the enemy. The thing being well liked of, and every man forced to take that oath, the next day he divided his cavalry into three parts: two armies showed themselves on each side, and the third began to make stay of the vauward. Which being known, Caesar divided his horses likewise into three parts, and sent them to make head against the enemy. At the same time they fought in all parts, the army stood still, the carriages were received within the Legions: if our men were overcharged any where, Caesar bent the Legions that way, which did both hinder the enemy from following them, and assure our men of hope of rescue. At length the Germans having possessed themselves of a hill on the right side, did put the enemy from their place, and followed them as they fled even to the river, where Vercingetorix stayed with the foot companies, and slew many of them. Whereupon the rest fearing lest they should be encompassed about, betook themselves to flight: execution was done in all places. Three of the Nobility of the Hedui were taken and brought to Caesar: Cotus the General of the horse, who at the last election of Magistrates stood in controversy with Convictolitanis; and Cavarillus, who after the revolt of Litavicus, commanded the foot troops; and Eporedorix, under whose command, before Caesar's coming into Gallia, the Hedui made war with the Sequani. All the cavalry being put to flight, Vercingetorix drew in his forces which he had imbattelled before his camp, and immediately after began to march towards Alesia a town of the Mandubii, commanding the baggage to be speedily brought out of the camp and to follow him. Caesar having conveyed his carriages to the next hill, under the custody of two Legions, he followed the enemy as long as the day would give him leave: and having slain some three thousand of the rearward, the next day following he encamped at Alesia.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
THe Galls were much stronger than the Romans in Cavalry, 
Whether the cavalry or infantry be of greater importance and use in a war.  both according to quantity and quality: but the Roman Infantry was greater in virtue and worth than any foot forces of the Galls, notwithstanding their inequality in number. Which showeth that the Romans did more rely upon their legionary soldiers, then upon their Equites: and may serve for an argument in the handling of that question, which is so much debated amongst men of war, whether the horse or the foot companies be of greater importance in the carriage of a war. Which indeed is a question à male d●visis: being both so necessary for the perfect execution of martial purposes, as they cannot well be disjoined. And if we look particularly in the nature of their several services, we shall easily discern the differences, and be able to judge of the validity of their parts.  
Wherein first it cannot be denied, 
Footmen fitter ●o more services than horsemen.  but that foot companies are serviceable to more purposes than troops of horse: for the horsemen are of no use, but in open and champain places; whereas footmen are not only of importance in fielden cou●treys, but are necessary also in mountainous or woody places, in valleys, in ditches, in sieges, and in all other parts of what site or nature soever, where the horsemen cannot show themselves. Whereby it appeareth, that the infantry extendeth its service to more purposes then the cavalry, and maketh the war complete, which otherwise would prove lame and uneffectuall.  
Touching the weight of the business when it cometh to a day of battle, 
The main stroke in a day of battle is given by the footmen.  it resteth for the most part upon the foot troops: for the horsemen are profitable to the army wherein they serve, by making discoveries, by harrying the enemy's country, 
The use of horsemen.  by giving succour or rescue upon a sudden, by doing execution upon an overthrow, and by confronting the enemy's horse; but these are but as second services, and fall short of the main stroke, which for the most part is given by the footmen. Neither doth a rout given to the cavalry serving an army royal, concern the body of that army further than the services before mentioned; but the army doth oftentimes go on notwithstanding, and may well achieve a happy victory: whereas upon the overthrow of the infantry, the horsemen have nothing to do, but to shift for themselves, and get away to their own home. So that it appeareth that the foot companies are the bulk and body of the army, and the horse as the arms and outward parts, having expedient and necessary offices, but always subordinate to the main stroke given by the foot.  
If any man look for proof hereof by example, he shall not need to seek further than the Romans, being masters of the art military, who by an ancient law interdicting the Dictator to have the use of a horse in the wars for his private case, 
The Dictator forbidden the use of a horse in the wars: and why.  intimated, as Plutarch saith, the strength of their army to consist in their footmen, which the General in a day of battle should assist with his presence, and in no wise forsake them if he would. But touching the use of war amongst them, their Equites were so far short of the service performed by their foot troops, that when they would stand to it indeed, they forsook their horses and fought on foot: as in the battle with the Latins at the lake Regillus, which I have already mentioned in my former observations. Neither were the Romans tood horsemen, as it seemeth by Caesar: for he took the horses from the Tribunes and the Roman Equites, and gave them to the Germans, as better Rutters than any Romans. But howsoever a State that aboundeth in horse, and trusteth more in them then in foot companies, may harry a champain country, but shall never be able to follow a war with that strength, as is requisite to make it fortunate.    

CHAP. XXX.  
Caesar besiegeth Alesia, and fighteth with the enemy's cavalry.  
CAesar having viewed the site of the town, 
Caesar.  and knowing the enemy to be much troubled for the overthrow of their horse, in whom they put all their hopes, exhorting the soldiers to take a little pains, he determined to enclose the town round about with a ditch and a rampire. Alesia was sited on the top of a hill, in a very eminent place, and not to be taken but by a continued siege. At the foot of the hill ran two rivers on each side of the town: before the town there lay a plain of three miles in length: the other sides were enclosed round about in a reasonable distance with hills of equal height with the town. Under the wall on the East side lay all the forces of the Galls, having drawn a ditch and a dry wall on that part of eight foot in height: the whole circuit of the works which the Romans made to enclose the town about, contained eleven miles. Their camp was sited in a convenient place, where there were made three and twenty castles, which in the day time were kept by garrisons, to prevent any sudden attempts of the enemy, and in the night by strong watches. The work being begun, there happened a skirmish between the cavalry of both sides in that plain which lay before the town of three miles in length. They fought eagerly on both sides. Our men being overcharged, Caesar sent the Germans to second them, and set the Legions before the camp, lest there might happen any sudden sally by the foot of the enemy. Upon the safeguard of the Legions our men took courage. The enemy was put to flight, and being many in number one hindered another, and stuck in heaps in the straight passage of their gates. The Germans followed them close to their fortifications, and made a great execution amongst them. Many of them forsaking their horses attempted to leap the ditch, and to climb over the dry wall. Caesar commanded the legions imbattelled before the camp to advance a little forward. The Galls that were within the fortification were no little troubled: for thinking the enemy would presently have come unto them, they made an alarm: some were so frighted that they broke into the town. Vercingetorix commanded the gates to be shut, lest the camp should be left naked of defendants. Many of the enemy being slain, and very many horses taken, the Germans fell off and returned to Caesar.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
FOrasmuch as casualty and chance have oftentimes the prerogative of a service, 
One event is not so certain for the approving of a cause, as when it is seconded with another of like condition.  and in misdeeming opinions do carry away the honour from virtue and valour: the first trial of a fortune is not of that assurance, nor so much to be trusted, as when it is seconded again with the like effect: for when a matter by often trial falleth out to be of one and the same quality, it showeth a certainty of a cause, producing ends of like condition. The Galls (as it seemeth) were much discouraged upon the first overthrow of their horse, in whom they so much believed, and altered the course of their high resolutions so far, as where before they swore the overthrow of the Romans, they were now content to take the protection of a strong town: but this second foil which they received, did so assure them of a harder confrontment and stronger opposition than they were able to bear, that they never thought of any further trial, but were content to go away losers, rather than to hazard their lives in a third combat. And thus, when a second event backeth a former fortune, it taketh away the suspicion of casualty, and maketh the winner bold, and the loser desperate. Pompey was so transported with joy for the blow which he gave Caesar at Dyrrachium, that he sent letters of that day's victory into all parts of the world, and made his soldiers so secure touching the issue of that war, ut non de ratione belli cogitarent, sed vicisse jam sibi viderentur, that they never thought how the war was to be carried on, esteeming themselves already absolute victors: not remembering, as Caesar saith, the ordinary changes of war; wherein oftentimes a small matter, either of a false suspicion, or of a sudden fright, or some other accident, doth endanger an army, which the enemy taketh to himself, perinde ac si virtute vicissent, as if he had overcome by his valour.    

CHAP. XXXI.  
Vercingetorix sendeth away the horse: Caesar encloseth Alesia with a strong wall.  
VErcingetorix thought it best to dismiss all the horse, 
Caesar.  and send them away in the night, before the fortifications were perfected by the Romans. At their departure he commanded them, that every man should repair unto his own State, and send all to the war that were able to bear arms. He layeth open his deserts towards them, and doth adjure them to have regard to his safety, and not to suffer him to be delivered over to the torture of the enemy, that had so well deserved of the common liberty; wherein if they should prove negligent, fourscore thousand chosen men would perish with him in that place. And looking into their provisions, he found that they had corn scarce for thirty days, but by sparing and good husbandry it might be made to serve longer. With these mandates he sent out the horsemen in silence about the second watch of the night, at that part of the town where the works were not perfected: he commanded all the corn to be brought unto him upon pain of death. The cattle he distributed to the soldiers by pole, whereof there was great store brought out from the Mandubii: the corn he began to measure out very sparingly. All the forces which he had placed before the town, he received within the walls; and so he purposed to attend the supplies of Gallia. Which being known by therunne-awayes and captives, Caesar appointed to make these fortifications. He drew a ditch of twenty foot in breadth and depth, with straight sides, as broad at the bottom as at the top. The rest of the work he made forty foot short of that ditch, which he did for these reasons; that the whole body of the Romans might not easily be enclosed about with an army of soldiers, which he thought to prevent by taking in so great a circuit of ground; and secondly, lest the enemy sallying out upon a sudden, should in the night come to destroy the works, or in the daytime trouble the soldiers with darts and casting weapons as they were busied about the works. This space of forty foot being left, he made two ditches of fifteen foot in breadth and depth, the innermost whereof being carried through the fields and the lower ground, he filled with water drawn out of the river. Behind them he made a ditch and a rampire of twelve foot, and strengthened it with a parapet and pinnacles, and with great boughs of trees cut in cags like unto a Heart's horn, which he set where the hovels were joined to the rampire, to hinder the enemy from climbing up; and made towers round about the whole work, in the distance of fourscore foot one from another. At the same time the Roman soldiers were both to get stuff for the fortification, to go a harvesting for provision of corn, and to make such great works. Our forces being much weakened, and being to seek corn and stuff far off from the camp; the Galls also oftentimes attempting to destroy the works, and to sally out of the town at divers ports: therefore Caesar thought it fit to add thus much more to the foresaid works, that the fortifications might be made good with the less number of men. He made ditches round about the works of five foot deep, and in them he planted either the bodies of trees, or great firm boughs sharpened into many pikes and snags, being bound together at the bottom, that they might not be easily plucked up, and spreading themselves at the top into very sharp cags. There were of these five ranks, so combined and enfolded one in another, that which way soever the enemy should enter upon them, he would necessarily run himself upon a sharp stake▪ these they called Cippi. Before these, in oblique courses, after the manner of a quincunce, were digged holes of three foot deep, narrow at the bottom like a sugar loaf: these they set with round stakes of the bigness of a man's thigh, with a sharp hardened point, in such sort that they stuck not above four fingers out of the earth; and for the better fastening of them, they stuck all a foot within the ground: the rest of the hole for the better ordering of the matter, was hid with osiers and spreads. Of these were eight courses three foot distant one from another: and these they called Lilies, from the resemblance they had to the figure of that flower. Before these were galthrops of a foot long fastened in the earth, and headed at the top with barbed hooks of iron, sowed up and down in all places in a reasonable distance one from another: and these they called Stimuli. The inner fortifications being thus perfected, he followed the even and level ground as much as the nature of the place would give him leave, and took in fourteen miles in circuit, and made the like fortifications in all points against the enemy without, as he had done against the town; to the end that if he were driven upon occasion to depart and leave the works, it might be no danger for him to leave the camp; forasmuch as a few men would defend it. He commanded every man to have forage and provision of corn for thirty days.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
I Promised in my former observation to speak somewhat touching the Roman works, and to show the use they made of them in their greatest occasions: but this description of the works at Alesia, doth so far exceed the enlargement of commenting words, that it hath drowned the eloquence of great Historians, and in stead of expositions and enforcements, hath drawn from them speeches expressing greater admiration than belief. Circa Alesiam (saith Paterculus) tantae res gestae, quantas audere vix hominis, perficere nullius nisi Dei fuerit: So great things were done at Alesia, that they might seem too great for any man to attempt, or any but a god to effect. To enclose a town with a ditch and a rampire of eleven miles in circuit, was a matter worthy the Roman army: but to add such variety of works, and to make such strange trapes and oppositions against an enemy, was admirable to the hearer; and not that only, but to make the like works without, to keep the Galls from raising the siege, did double the wonder: by which works he did besiege and was besieged, took the town and overthrew the enemy in the field.  
Such as since that time have imitated this industry only by a small ditch and a rampire (for I think no man ever made such works) have wrought wonders in matter of war. Castruccio got the name of renewing the ancient military discipline in Italy, chiefly for that he besieged Pistoia, and with the help of a double trench, according to the example of Caesar, he kept in the Pistoyans on the one side, and kept out an army on the other side of thirty thousand foot and three thousand horse, in such manner as in the end he took the city and made their succours of no effect. The State's army of the united Provinces under the leading of Grave Maurice, did the like at the town of Grave in the year 1602. But of this at Alesia may well be said that which Livy speaketh of the battle at Nola: Ingens eo die res, ac nescio an maxima illo bello gesta sit: A great piece of service was done that day, and I think I may call it the greatest in that whole war.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
IT is here delivered, that the outward circuit of the works contained fourteen miles, and the circuit of the inward works eleven miles: upon which ground Justus Lipsius maketh an unjust conjecture of the space between the outward and the inward works where the Romans day encamped. 
Justus Lipsius mistaken.  For according to the proportion between the circumference and the diameter, 
〈◊〉, Lib. 2. Dial. 2.  he maketh the diameter of the greater circled four, and of the lesser three miles: and then he taketh the lesser diameter out of the greater, and concludeth the space to be almost a mile between the inner and the outward rampire, where the Romans lay encamped between the works: and lest the matter might be mistaken in cyphers, he doth express it at large in significant words, whereby he maketh the space twice as much as indeed it was. For the two circles having one and the same centre, the semidiameter of the one was to be taken out of the semidiameter of the other, and the remainder would amount almost to half a mile; which according to the ground here delivered, was the true distance between the works, if the nature of the place (whereunto they had a respect) would suffer them to keep the same distance in all parts. But aliquando bonus dormitat Homerus, Homer himself is out sometimes; and no disgrace neither to the excellency of his learning, deserving all honour for the great light which he hath brought to the knowledge of Histories, and for redeeming the truth from blots and Barbarism.    

CHAP. XXXII.  
The Galls raise an army of 248000▪ to raise the siege at Alesia.  
WHile these things were a doing at Alesia, the Galls having summoned a Council of the Princes and chiefest men of each State, 
Caesar.  they thought it not convenient to take all that were able to bear arms, according to Vercingetorix direction; but to proportion out a certain number for every State; lest that of such a confused multitude there would be no government, being not able to know their soldiers, or to martial them in any good order, or to make provision of victual for so great a body. The Hedui and their clients, the Segusiani, Ambivareti, Aulerci Brannovices, and Brannovii, were commanded to send out five and thirty thousand: the Arverni with their clients, the Heleuteri Cadurci, Gaballi, Velauni, as many: the Senones, Sequani, Bituriges, Santones, Rutheni, Carnutes, twelve thousand: the Bellovaci, ten thousand: the Lemovices as many: the Pictones, Turones, Parisii, Heleuteri Suessiones, 8000: the Ambiani, Mediomatrices, Petrocorii, Nervii, Morini, Nitiobriges, 5000: the Aulerci Cenomani, as many: the Atrebates, 4000 the Bellocassis, Lexovii, Aulerci Eburones, 3000: the Rauraci and Boii 30000: the States bordering upon the Ocean, whom by the custom of Gallia they call Aremoricae, such as are the Curiosolites, Rhedones, Ambibarri, Cadetes, Osismii, Lemovices, Veneti, Unelli, six thousand. Of these the Bellovaci refused to give their number, saying, that they would make war with the Romans in their own name, and according to their own directions, neither would they serve under any man's command. Notwithstanding being entreated by Comius, for his sake they sent two thousand. Caesar as we have heretofore delivered, had used the help of this Comius the years before in Britain, being both faithful and serviceable: in recompense of which service he had freed his State of all duties to the Roman Empire, and restored unto them their ancient laws and customs; and to himself he had given the Mor●●i. Notwithstanding such was the universal consent of all Gallia, to redeem their liberty and their ancient honour in matter of war, as neither friendship, nor the memory of former benefits could any way move them, every man intending that war as far as either the power of his mind or the possibility of his means would reach unto: and having drawn together eight thousand horse, and two hundred and forty thousand foot, they mustered their forces in the confines of the Hedui, where they appointed captains; and the chief command was given to Comius of Arras, and to Viridomarus and Eporedorix, Hedui, and to Vergasilaunus of the Arverni, cousin-germa●n to Vercingetorix. To these there were certain chosen out of every State to give assistance in council of war: and all of them went jocundly and full of hope to Alesia. Neither was there any man that did think, that the very sight of such a multitude was able to be endured, especially when the fight would grew doubtful by sallies made out of the town, and so great forces of horse and foot should be seen without.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
VErcingetorix desire was to have had as many of the Galls sent to his rescue as were able to bear arms, grounding himself upon that maxim; Where the whole State is in question, there the whole forces of that State are to be employed. But the other Princes of Gallia thought it not expedient to raise so great a number: for they would have accrued to such a multitude of people, as could not have been contained within the rules of government▪ which may bring to our consideration that which the course of these times doth not often bring into dispute: 
What number of men are a competent proportion for any service.  What number of men well martialled and with good discipline, are a competent proportion for any service. Xerxes' army which he carried into Greece, was famous for two respects: First, in regard of the multitude, which was so great, that when he himself returned back into Asia, he left behind him three hundred thousand of the best soldiers chosen out of the whole army, under the conduct of one Mardonius. Secondly, that of so many fight men, there were two hundred and threescore thousand slain in one battle, with the loss of one thousand and three hundred Grecians. Whereby it appeareth, that the conquest of a kingdom doth not necessarily follow the multitude of soldiers in an army; for either Xerxes' army was too few in number to conquer Greece, or too many to be well martialled.  
Marius with fifty thousand men defeated the Cimbri that were so many in number, 
Plutarch in the life of Marius.  as they made a battle of thirty furlong square, and of them he slew a hundred and twenty thousand, and took threescore thousand prisoners. And for that I do remember of that which I have read, the greatest conquests that ever were made, were achieved with armies under fifty thousand fight men. The great Alexander subdued all Asia, and fet the Monarchy from the Persian into Greece with thirty thousand men.  
The Romans had very seldom ten legions in an army, which was about that rate, but commonly their conquering armies were far under that proportion. 
Plutarch in the life of Paulus Aemilius.  Paulus Aemilius only had a hundred thousand in his army against Perseus, and won the battle in an hour. The condition of our times requireth no dispute touching this point, for we seldom see an army of fifty thousand men in the field, unless it be the Turk or some such Monarch.    

CHAP. XXXIII.  
Critognatus his speech at Alesia, touching the keeping of the town.  
THey that were besieged in Alesia, 
Caesar.  the day being passed by which they looked for succour, their corn being spent, and not knowing what was done abroad, entered into consultations touching the end of their fortune; and divers opinions being delivered, some of them tending to the yielding up of the town, and others persuading that as long as strength lasted there might be sallies continually made upon the enemy: I will not omit the speech of Critognatus, for the singular and wicked cruelty which it imported. He was a man of great birth and authority amongst the Arverni. I will say nothing (saith he) of their opinion, that call base servitude by the name of rendry: neither do I think them fit to be accounted citizens, or to be admitted to council of State. With them will I deal that like well of sallies, in whose advice and counsel, even by all your consents, the memory of ancient virtue seemeth to consist. It is no virtue, but a weakness of the mind, not to be able to bear want a little while. It is an easier matter to find men that will offer themselves willingly to death, than such as will endure labour with patience. For mine own part, I could like well of that opinion, (for honour much prevaileth with me;) if I did not see a further loss then of our lives. But in these our consultations let us look upon all Gallia, whom we have called together to succour us. What spirits do you think would our friends and kinsmen conceive, fourscore thousand men being slain in one place, if they were constrained to wage battle upon their dead carcases? I would not have you to defraud them of your help, that do neglect all peril for your sake; nor by your foolishness and your rashness, or the weakness of your mind, throw down all Gallia, and cast it into perpetual bondage. Do you doubt of their faith and constancy, because they came not by a day? What do the Romans than mean in these outward works? Do you think they make them for exercise, or to pass away the time? If you cannot then receive assurance by their messengers, all passage being stopped, use them for witnesses that their coming is at hand, for fear whereof they labour night and day. What then? my advice is that we do as our forefathers did in a war against the Cimbri and Teutones, not equal to this, who being shut up within their towns, and brought to the like necessity, did satisfy their hunger with the bodies of such as were found unfit for war, neither did they yield themselves unto the enemy: whereof if we had not an example, yet I would judge it an excellent thing to be begun now for liberties sake, and to be left to posterity. For what war was like this? Gallia being wasted and dispeopled, and the kingdom brought into great misery, the Cimbri at length forsook our country, and sought out other territories, and left unto us our laws, customs, lands & liberty. For the Romans, what is it they desire? or what would they have? But being drawn on with malice and envy, whom they understood to be a noble and a warlike nation, their fields and cities they did desire to take from them, and to yoke them with eternal bondage; as never making war with other condition. For if you be ignorant what they do far off in other countries, look at home in that part of Gallia which is reduced into a Province. Their laws and customs being changed, it is subjected to the axe and to perpetual servitude. Their opinions being delivered, they decree, that such as through age or sickness were unfit for war, should depart the town; and that they should prove all means, before they yielded to Critognatus opinion: and yet if the matter so required, to consent unto it, and to attend their succours rather than to yield to any rendry and condition of peace.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
IT is oftentimes made questionable in the extremity of a siege, 
How long a Commander may hold out in a siege.  how far the Commanders may go in continuing their resistance to the danger and hazard of the people besieged. whether they may not in honour proceed as far as Critognatus opinion would draw them: or how they may know when to leave it, in the very point of discreet and valiant carriage. Which is to be answered according to the quality of the enemy that giveth siege to the place. For against a treacherous and disloyal enemy, that maketh profession of infidelity, and would not stick after a composition to ensnare them in a greater danger than the peril of death, there would be much endured rather than to undergo so hard a fortune. And yet I do no way approve the cruel resolution of this Gall, but do rather commend the example of the Hungarians at the siege of Agria. 
Ag●i●.  For in the year 1562. Mahomet Bassa lay before that town with an army of threescore thousand Turks, and laid battery to it with fifty canons. There were within the Town two thousand Hungarians, who endured and put off thirteen most terrible assaults of the enemy: and for the better strengthening of their high resolution, they took a mutual oath that no man upon pain of death should once speak of a treaty, or of giving up the Town, or to make any answer to the enemy but by the harquebuse or the canon: And if the siege should happen to continue long, rather to die for hunger then to put themselves in the hands of so cruel and barbarous an enemy. They determined further, that such amongst them as were not serviceable with a weapon, should attend continually to reinforce the rampire and repair the ruins. And to avoid treachery, they took order that there might be no assemblies in the city above the number of three together. They commanded likewise that all the victual as was either public or private, should be divided into equal portions amongst the soldiers, and the best of it should be reserved for such as were hurt in fight. It is further reported, that the Bassa having oftentimes offered a treaty, they only showed for an answer to his summons a funeral bier covered with black, lifted up above the wall between two pikes, to signify thereby that they would not come out but by death.  
As this is a degree short of Critognatus resolution, so I do not deny but that a General may give up a Town before he come to these terms with true honour and wisdom. But the matter (as I have said) consisteth altogether upon the circumstances interlaced. But that which is further to be observed in this place, is the extreme contrariety of opinions, which are usually delivered upon dispute of such difficult cases, wherein Quantum alteri sententiae deest animi, tantum alteri superesse solet; one man's opinion speaks too much courage, and another's as much too little: 
Lib. 2. 〈◊〉. civ.  as Curio said upon the like occasion. Medio tutissimus ibis,— The mids the safest way, was Phoebus' direction to his son Phaeton in a matter of difficulty and great hazard, and observed in this place by the Galls.    

CHAP. XXXIIII.  
The Galls do set upon Caesar's camp, both from the town and the field side.  
THe Mandubii, 
Caesar.  who had received the army into the town, were themselves thrust out with their wives and children. They coming to the Roman works, did with weeping tears beseech them to receive them into bondage, and relieve them with food. Caesar gave order they should not be received, and set a guard on the rampire to keep them out. In the mean time Comius, and the rest of the Captains, that had the chief command given them, came to Alesia with all their forces, and having taken a hill on the outside, they sat down not above half a mile from our works. The next day bringing their cavalry out of their camp, they filled all that plain, which, as I have already said, extended three miles in length before the town, setting their foot-forces a little distant from that place, and hiding them upon higher ground. The prospect lay open out of the town into the field: and upon the sight of these succours they ran together, and congratulated each other, and all their minds were filled with gladness. And thereupon the next day they brought their forces and placed them before the town, and began to cover the next ditch unto them with hurdles, and to fill it up with earth, and to provide themselves to sally out, and to endure all chances. Caesar having disposed of all his army on each side of the works, that if there were occasion, every man might both know and keep his place, he commanded the cavalry to be carried out of the camp, and to charge the enemy. There was a fair view out of all the camps, which were seated round about upon the ridge of the hill, and all men's minds were bend upon the expectation of the event of the fight. The Galls had mingled amongst their horse some few archers and light-armed soldiers, which might relieve their fellows being overcharged, and sustain the force and assault of our horse. By these were many hurt upon a sudden, and forsook the fight. The Galls being persuaded that their men had the better of the fight, perceiving our men to be overcharged with multitude on all sides, as well those that were besieged, as the other that came to relieve them, they took up a shout and a howling to encourage their people. And forasmuch as the matter was carried in the sight of all men, so that nothing could be hid whether it were well or ill done; the desire of honour and the fear of ignominy did stir up both sides to prowess and valour. And having fought with a doubtful fortune from noon-tide until almost Sunsetting, the Germans on the one side with thick-thronged troops gave a fierce charge upon the enemy, and put them to flight whereby it happened that the archers were circumvented and slain. In like manner on the other side, our mea finding them to give ground, did follow them even to their camps, and gave them no time to recover themselves. Such as were come out of Alesia, returned back sad into the town despairing of victory. One day being intermitted, in which time they made provision of great store of hurdles, ladders and hooks, about midnight they marched silently out of their camp, and came to the works on the field side; and taking up a sudden shout, to give notice of their coming to them of the town, they cast their hurdles upon the ditches, and with slings, arrows, and stones they began to put our men from the rampire, and to put in practise such things as belong to a siege. At the same time the shout being heard, Vercingetorix sounded the trumpet, and brought his men out of the town. Our men betook themselves to the fortifications, according as every man's place was allotted him the day before; and with slings and bullets which they had laid ready upon the works, they did beat down the Galls, their sight being taken away through the darkness of the night. Many wounds were received on both sides, and many weapons were cast out of engines. M. Antonius, and C. Trebonius, Legates, who had the charge of those parts where our men were most laid to, caused men to be taken out of the further Castles, and to be brought to second them. The Galls being a good way distant from the works, did much hurt with multitude of weapons: but approaching nearer, either they struck themselves unwittingly upon the galthrops, or falling into the holes, were struck through the bodies with the sharp stakes, or died with mural piles, being cast from the rampire and the towers. Many wounds being received on all sides, as the day appeared, the Galls fearing lest they should be charged on the open side by a sally from the upper camp, retired back again to their fellows. On the inner side, whilst they brought out such things as were prepared beforehand by Vercingetorix, and were filling up the first ditches, being somewhat long in the execution of these things, they understood that the other Galls were departed before they themselves could come near the works: and thereupon they returned into the town without doing any thing.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
THe Galls committed the command of this great army to four Generals, 
One army would have one General.  contrary to practise of warlike nations, and the order which nature observeth throughout all the several kinds of creatures: amongst whom there was never body found of many heads, but one Hydra, being made as it seemeth, or rather feigned to be made, to the end that Hercules might have a task answerable to himself, and make it one of his twelve labours to kill the beast. The serpent Amphisibaena is said to have two heads, 
Et gravis in geminum caput Amphisibaena.  whereby she either looseth the use of local motion, or at the least moveth so imperfectly, one head taking one way and the other another way, as there is no certain or direct passage in her creeping.  
These many-headed armies do resemble these serpents, being carried according to the sense of their several heads, and distracted by the diversity of their many Leaders. The government of Rome consisting of several magistrates having sovereign authority, gave occasion oftentimes to make two heads to one body, but with such success, as they were forced in the end to create one head for the repairing of that loss, which the multiplicity of leaders had brought upon their State; as it happened in the war against the Fidenates revolted, which nothing but their recourse to a Dictator could make happy to their Empire. Whereupon Livy saith; Tres Tribuni, potestate consulari, documento fuere quam plurium imperium bello inutile esset; tentando ad sua quisque consilia, cum ali● aliud v●deret●r, aperuerunt ad occasionem locum hosti: The three Tribunes with consular power, clearly showed how inconvenient a thing it is to have more than one commander in chief: for while every one adheres to his own advice and judgement, one man thinking this thing convenient, another that, they open a way to the enemy to make advantage against them. In the time of their Consuls, Quintius and Agrippa being sent against the Aequi, Agrippa referred the business wholly to his colleague, concluding as Livy saith: Saluberrimum in administratione magnarum rerum est summum imperii ad unum esse; It is the safest way in the managing of great affairs to have one man bear the chief sway. And therefore as one body requireth but one head, so one business would have but one director, 
Tacit●s.  forasmuch as Aemulatio inter pares, & ex eo impedimentum; Emulation, and consequently hindrance, will be amongst equals.    

CHAP. XXXV.  
The Galls do choose out sixty thousand of their best men, and do assault the weakest part of Caesar's camp.  
THe Galls being repelled twice with great loss, 
Caesar.  do fall into consideration what they were next to do. They call unto them such as were well acquainted with the nature and site of the place, by whom they understand of the situation of the upper camp. On the north side there lay a hill, which by reason of the greatness of the circuit, our men could not take in within the compass of their works: and thereupon were necessarily constrained to lay their camp in an unequal place somewhat shelving. This part was kept by Caius Antistius Rheginus, and Caius Caninius Rebilus with two Legions. This being known by the discoverers, the Captains of the enemy chose out sixty thousand of those States which carried the greatest opinion of manhood, and did secretly determine amongst themselves, how and in what sort they would have the service carried, and do determine to put it in execution when the Sun should be near about the noon meridian, appointing Vergasilaunus to command those forces, being one of the four Captains, and kinsman to Vercingetorix. He going out of the camp in the first watch of the night, came to the end of his journey a little before day, and hiding himself behind a hill, commanded his soldiers to refresh themselves from the former night's travel. And when it began to be towards noon, he made towards that part of the camp which I have before mentioned: and at the same time the horsemen began to approach towards the works, and the rest of the forces showed themselves; before the camp. Vercingetorix perceiving this out of the watchtower of Alesia, went out of the town, and carried with him long poles, hooks, and such other provisions which he had made ready before hand for a sally. They fought at one instant in all places, all ways were tried: and where they thought it to be weakest, thither they ran. The Roman forces were dismembered by reason of the large extension of their works, so that they could not easily defend many places: and the shout which was made behind their backs, did much affright our men, forasmuch as they perceived that their danger did consist in other men's valour. for such things as are absent do for the most part greatly perplex and trouble men's minds. Caesar having got a convenient place, doth see what is done in every part: if any were overcharged he sent them succour, and was ready to answer all occasions on both sides the camp. He told them that that was the time, wherein it was behooveful for them to fight. The Galls would despair of all good success, unless they broke down the works. The Romans if they obtained their purpose, might expect an end of their labours. The greatest contention was about that place to which Vergasilaunus was sent. A small rising in a place doth give much advantage in a shelving descent. Some cast weapons, others put themselves into a Testudo, and came under the works. The wearied and over-laboured were seconded by fresh supplies. Every man cast earth into the works, which raised it so high, that the Galls had advantage of ascent: and the pikes and sharp stakes which the Romans had cunningly hid under the earth to annoy the enemy, were thereby covered. It came at last to that pass that our men wanted both strength and weapons. Which being known, Caesar sent Labienus with six cohorts to relieve those hat were overcharged, commanding him (if the could not bear out the charge) to sally out upon them, but not unless he were constrained unto it. He himself went about to the rest; adhorting them not to faint under their labour, forasmuch as the fruit and benefit of all their former battles consisted in that day and that hour. The enemy within being out of hope of doing any good upon the works made in plain and champain places, by reason of the strength of the fortifications, tried what they could do in steep and broken places; and thither they brought those things which they had prepared. With the multitude of their casting weapons, they cast out such as fought from turrets, they filled their passages with hurdles and earth, they broke down the parapet and the rampire with hooks. Caesar sent first young Brutus with six cohorts, and after him Fabius a Legate with seven more, and at length as the fight waxed hot, he went himself with a fresh supply. The fight being renewed and the enemy beaten off, he hasted to that place whither he had sent Labienus, and took four cohorts out of the next Castle. Part of the horsemen he commanded to follow him, and the rest to compass about the outward works, and to set upon the enemy behind. Labienus finding that neither rampire nor ditches were able to keep out the enemy, having got such forces together as were drawn by chance from the works nearest hand, to the number of thirty nine cohorts, he acquainted Caesar by messengers what he thought fit to be done. Caesar made haste to be at the fight. His coming being known by the colour of his garment, which he was accustomed to wear in time of battle, and the troops of horse and the cohorts being discovered which he had commanded to follow him, as the shelving and declining places were subject to the view of higher grounds; the enemy begun the fight. a great shout was taken up on both sides. Our men having thrown their piles, betook themselves to their swords. Suddenly the horsemen were discovered behind them, and other cohorts made their approaches towards them. The enemy turned his back and fled: the horsemen met them as they fled. the slaughter was great in that place. Sedulius, a Captain and Prince of the Lemovici, was slain. Vergasilaunus was taken alive. Threescore and fourteen ensigns were brought unto Caesar: and very few of so great a number returned safe into their camp. Those of the town beholding the slaughter and flight of their friends, being out of all hope, drew back their forces from the works. This being known, the Galls fled presently out of their camp: and if the soldiers had not been wearied with that day's labour, they might easily have destroyed all their enemies. About midnight the horse being sent out to fall upon the rearward, a great number was taken and slain, the rest escaped into their countries.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
IT is an old saying of a hungry man, That it is an easier matter to fill his belly then his eye: which is as true in other cases; wherein our desires are oftentimes so great, that we think no means sufficient to accomplish the same: but when we shall come to put it in trial, and suffer every man to be measured with his own foot, it will appear that our desires are better applied to the infinity of the mind, then to the necessary occasions of our life. Vercingetorix was so far interessed in the success of this war, that he thought all the able men of Gallia not enough to make it happy unto him: but the other Princes that were not so deeply touched, and yet stood as well affected to the cause, refused to enrol all that were able to bear arms, but thought two hundred forty and eight thousand men to be a competent force for this service. But coming to the execution of the business, they employed only sixty thousand: and when they failed of their endeavour, and were routed and overthrown by the Romans, the rest stayed no longer to dispute the matter, but fled all away by night. Which showeth the difference between the affections which are forerunners of a cause, and such as grow and increase with a business, and are not commonly found in one and the same subject in their greatest strengths. For these antecedent desires are like women's longings; 
A little is enough to save a longing.  strong and violent at first, but decaying as fast again before they come to any ripeness: whereas such affections as rise from the carriage of a business, and grow from the occurrences of that proceeding, are not so easily abated, but do hold out strong either for constancy or obstinacy.    

CHAP. XXXVI.  
Vercingetorix yieldeth himself and the town to Caesar.  
THe next day Vercingetorix having called a Council, 
Caesar.  told them, that he had not undertaken that war for his own occasions, but for the cause of common liberty: and forasmuch as they were necessarily to yield to fortune, he made offer of himself unto them, either to satisfy the Romans with his death, or to be delivered unto them alive. Ambassadors were sent to Caesar touching that point. He commanded their arms to be delivered, and the Princes to be brought out. He himself sat in the fortifications before the camp: thither the captains were brought, Vercingetorix was delivered; their weapons were cast out. The Hedui and the Arverni being reserved, to the end he might recover the rest of the States by them; of the rest of the captives, he gave throughout all the army, to every man a prisoner, by the name of a booty. These things being ended, he went to the Hedu●, and received in the State. Thither did the Arverni send Ambassadors unto him, promising to obey whatsoever he commanded. He demanded a great number of hostages, and sent the Legions into their wintering camps. He sent home twenty thousand captives to the Hedui and the Arverni. He sent T. Labienus with two Legions and the horse into the Sequani, and gave him M. Sempronius Rutilius to assist him. He lodged C. Fabius and Lucius Minutius Basilius with two legions amongst the men of Rheims, lest they should receive any damage by the near bordering Bellovaci. He sent C. Antistius Reginus to the Ambivareti, and T. Sextius to the Bituriges, and C. Caninius Rebilus to the Rutheni, with each of them a Legion. He placed Q. Tullius Cicero and P. Sulpitius at Cavillonis and Matiscona of the Hedui upon the river Arar, for provision of corn: he himself determined to winter at Bibract. These years' service being known at Rome, there was a feast of thanksgiving appointed for twenty days together.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
VErcingetorix notwithstanding a hard fortune, entertained a noble resolution: for having first acquainted the Galls that he had not undertaken that war for any respect to himself, but for the cause of Gallia, and the ancient liberty of that continent; he made offer to satisfy the angry Romans with his body dead or alive.  
Plutarch reciteth the manner of his delivery to be in this sort: 
Plutarch in the life of Caesar.  Being armed at all parts, & mounted on a horse furnished with a rich caparison, he came to Caesar, & road round about him as he sat in his chair of Estate; then lighting off his horse, he took off his caparison and furniture, and unarmed himself, and laid all on the ground, and went and sat down at Caesar's feet, and said never a word. Caesar at length committed him as a prisoner taken in the wars, to be led afterwards in his triumph at Rome: but the civil wars did cut off that solemnity.  
If it be demanded, what became of these great Princes and personages after the triumph: It will appear that they did not struck their heads, or make more of them then of miserable captives. For Paulus Aemilius, 
Plutarch in the life of Paulus Aemilius.  after the noble triumph for king Perseus, pitying his fortune and desiring to help him, could never obtain other grace for him, then only to remove him from the common prison, which they called Carcer, into a more cleanly and sweeter house: where being straight guarded, he died, either by abstinence, or being kept from sleep by the soldiers. Two of his sons died also, but the third became an excellent Turner or joiner, and could write the Roman tongue so well, that he afterwards became Chancellor to the Magistrates of Rome. And thus the Romans dealt with their captive Princes, making them examples of Fortune's unconstancy, and turning their diadems into shackles of iron.  
And thus far did Caesar comment himself upon the wars he made against the Galls, being a noble and a worthy people, and bred in a large and fertile Continent; the inhabitants whereof have in all ages, even to these times, challenged an eminency, both for politic government and martial prowess, amongst the Western kingdoms of the world: their actions and carriage from time to time deserving as honourable memory, as these wars recorded by Caesar's own hand; whereof Paulus Aemilius, Philip Commines, and of late John de Seres are very pregnant witnesses. They continued under the Roman government four hundred forty and one years, according to the computation made by John tilius, reckoning from the last victory in Caesar's Proconsulship, to the time of Marcomerus a General of the French, by whose prowess and means they denied to pay that homage and tribute to the Emperor Valentinianus, which Vercingetorix had lost to Caesar.  
The next Summer's service compiled by Hirtius, I have purposely omitted, as intending no further matter than what Caesar hath related, who best knew the whole project of that business.  
And thus endeth the seventh and last Commentary, written by Caesar of the war he made in Gallia.  
FINIS.     

OBSERVATIONS Upon CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES of the civil WARS betwixt HIM and POMPEY.  
By CLEMENT EDMUND'S Remembrancer of the City of London.  
LONDON, Printed by ROGER DANIEL: 1655.   

The first Commentary of the civil Wars.  
The Argument.  
THis Commentary containeth the Motions and Contentions at Rome, concerning Caesar's giving up his government: The rent in the State, upon the disagreement of the Senate: How either side bestirred themselves, to seize upon the Provinces. Pompey got the East, and Caesar the West part of the Empire; and defeated Afranius and Petreius in Spain.  

CHAP. I.  
The Senate's affection on Caesar's behalf.  
letters being delivered by Fabius to the Consuls from C. Caesar, 
Caesar.  it was hardly obtained by the extreme importunity of the Tribunes, to get them read in the Senate: but to consult thereof, or to bring the Contents in question, would not be granted. The Consuls propounded businesses concerning the state of the City. L. Lentulus, Consul, protested his assistance should not be wanting, neither to the Senate nor to the Commonweal, if they would speak their minds freely and boldly: but if they respected Caesar, and had an eye to his favour (as in former times they usually had) he would then take a course for himself, and not regard the authority of the Senate; neither wanted he means of entrance into Caesar's friendship and good acceptance. To the same effect spoke Scipio; That Pompey was resolved to be aiding to the Commonweal, if the Senate would stand to him: but if they temporised, and dealt coldly, in vain hereafter should they seek aid from him, albeit they instantly desired it. This speech of Scipio's seemed to come from Pompey's own mouth, he himself being present, and the Senate kept within the City. Some others spoke more temperately. As first M. Marcellus, who thought it not convenient that the Senate should bring these things in question, until they had made a levy of soldiers throughout all Italy, and enrolled an Army; by whose protection, they might safely and freely determine what they thought fit. At also M. Calidius, who thought it requisite, that Pompey should go to his Provinces and Governments, to remove all occasions of taking Arms: For Caesar having two Legions newly taken from him, feared that Pompey kept them near about the city to his prejudice. And likewise M. Rufus, varying some few words, declared himself of Calidius opinion. All these were bitterly reproved by L. Lentulus the Consul; who utterly denied to publish what Calidius had sentenced. Marcellus feared with these menaces, retracted his opinion. And so, what with the clamour of the Consul, the terror of the present Army, and the threatening used by Pompey's faction, most of the Senators were compelled against their will, to allow that which Scipio thought fit: which was, that by a certain day Caesar should dissolve and dismiss his Army; which if he did refuse to do, that then he openly showed himself an Enemy to the Common-weal. M. Antonius and L. Cassius, Tribunes of the people, did oppose this decree. Their opposition was instantly spoken unto; and many sharp and hard censures were given upon the same: for according as any one spoke most bitterly and cruelly, so they were most highly commended by Caesar's Enemies.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
AS the former Commentaries do carry in their front the ensigns of honour, displaying the military valour of the Roman people in the Continent of Gallia, and other Kingdoms of warlike Nations: so are these Relations branded in the forehead with a note of Infamy, and titled with the direful name of civil war. An odious and decried cause, ill befitting the integrity of that State, or the excellency of the Actors, which are chief in this Tragedy; who neglecting all that might either enlarge the Empire, or repair Rome's honour for the loss of Crassus, chose rather to imbrue their ambitious swords in the blood of their own Country, 
a P●tes Aquilas, & pil● minantia p●●s Bella ge●i pla●u●e ●ull●s habitura triumph●s. Luc. lib. 1.  Eagle against Eagle, and Pile against Pile, in a war which could challenge no Triumph. If it be now demanded, as formerly it was,  
Quis furor, o Cives? quae tanta licentia ferri?  
What fury's this? what these licentious arms?  
Was it Pompey's Ambition, or Caesar's high Thoughts, that bereft the State of liberty, with the loss of so many Romans? It were besides the scope of these discourses, to lay an imputation upon either of those Worthies; the one being chief Assistant to the Empire, when she put off her Consulary Government, and the other sitting sole at the helm, directing a course to fetch in many Caesars. Only this I may truly say with Tacitus; 
b Arm● civilia neque parati, neque haberi, per bon●s Artes possun●. Tac. 1. An.  That civil wars were never set on foot by justifiable courses. Yet for the Readers better direction, and for opening the truth of this story (
c Amicus Socrates, amicus, Pl●to: m●g●s amica veritas. Aristo. 1. Ethic. Pom. Mag. Constantine was ●o jealous thereof, that he published an Edict, that the honour of all victories should be attributed to him, although they were achieved 100 leagues off.  which is more to be regarded then either Socrates or Plato's friendship) it shall not be impertinent to fetch the causes of this war a little higher in a word than these Commentaries do afford them.  
The histories of that age do all intimate, that when Rome had ennobled Pompey with her service, and styled him by employments with the title of Greatness, as a satisfaction for the injuries done unto his father; he (forgetting the rights of a State, which challengeth the renown of other men's labours, and suffereth no subject to be copartner therein, further than by approbation of service and obedience) assumed to himself the honour due to the Commonweal, and became proud of that which was none of his: in which conceit, the ambition of his spirit kept no measure, but overvalued his merits so far, that he thought himself rather a Sovereign than a servant. So easily are men bewitched, when the favour of a State hath once made them absolute, and put itself under the awe of private command. In this height of greatness and authority, he made way for Caesar, his father in law; who had a spirit as subject to ambition, and as capable of public dignities, as any one amongst all the Patrician Families: and upon the ending of his first Consulship, in the year of Rome 695, obtained the government of Gallia Transalpina, and likewise of that other Gallia which they called Cisalpina, containing the Countries that lie between the Alps and the 
d Fonte cadit medico, parvisque impellitur undis Puni●eas Rubicon, & Gallica ●●rtus Limes ab Aus●niis disterminat 〈◊〉 colonis. Lucan. lib. 1.  little River Rubicon, together with Sclavon●a, and four legions of soldiers, for the term of five years. At the expiration whereof, his charge was continued, by the like favour and meditation of 
e Facta tribus dominis communis Roma— Pompe●o Caesari & Crasso.  Pompey, and the assistance of Crassus, for five years longer, with a redoubling of his forces. But after that Crassus was slain in the Parthian war, and that Julia, Caesar's daughter, whom Pompey had married, was deceased (whereby Caesar stood single, without any tie of alliance, or other 
a Nam sola futuri Crassus erat belli m●●dius mor—  counterpoise of a third party, to hold them balanced at the same weight as they stood while Crassus lived) Pompey, jealous of those victories and passages of Arms which Caesar had achieved by his valour, and impatient of any 
b Nulla sancta societas, nec fides regni. Ennius. Nec querquam jam ferre potest, Caesarve priorem, Po●peiusve parem— Luc. lib. 1.  partner in point of Lordship; found means first to draw two legions from him, under colour of the Parthian war; and afterwards got a Decree of Senate, to send him a successor before his time was expired; and withal, to return as a private person to Rome, to render an account of his Actions during his employment. Which Caesar taking as an assurance of his downfall, gave 
c Ardua res haec est, opibus non tradere mores. Martial.  huge sums of money to gain Paulus Aemilius, one of the Consuls, and C. Curio, a Tribune of the people, to resist this Decree. Howbeit, the succeeding Consuls being both his enemies, having no farther hope of repealing the same, he entreated in the end, that he might hold only Gallia Cisalpina and Illyricum with two legions, until he should obtain the Consulship; which was the effect of these Letters delivered by Fabius. And being denied by Pompey's faction, in these partial and tumultuous assemblies of the Senate, caused him to forfeit his loyalty to the State, verifying the old saying, 
d Saepe majori fortunae locum fecit injuria. Seneca Epist. 91.  That oftentimes an injury maketh way to a greater fortune.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
COncerning the opposition of the Tribunes, 
The Tribunes of the people.  it is to be understood, that the people eaten up with usury and other grievous exactions, forsook both the City and the Camp, when the State had war with the Volsci and the Aequi; and taking themselves to a Mountain near unto Rome, would not return from thence, until the Senate had given order for their grievances. In which transaction it was agreed, that there should be Magistrates chosen out of the body of the people, to counterpoise the power of the Senate, and to restrain the boundless authority of the Consuls: which office was reckoned in the number of their holiest things, never to be violated either in word or deed, but the offender should redeem it with the loss of his life. Their whole power consisted in letting and hindering. As when either the Senate, or any one Senator, went about a matter which might be prejudicial to the people in general, or to any one of the commonalty in particular; then did the Tribunes interpose their authority, to frustrate and avert the same: which was available, albeit the matter was gainsaid but by one Tribune only. By which intervention they kept the Senate in awful moderation, and were always profitable to the State, but when they happened upon factious and turbulent persons; howbeit, their power was bounded with the walls of Rome, and extended no further than the gates of the City. Their doors were never shut, but stood open night and day, for a refuge to such as should fly to them for succour: neither was it lawful for them to be absent from Rome a whole day together. The robes of their Magistracy were of Purple; as Cicero intimateth in his oration Pro Cluentio. This Tribunitian power began about the year of Rome 260; was suppressed by Sylla; restored by Pompey; and utterly taken away by the Emperor Constantine.  
If it be demanded what kind of Commonwealth this Roman government was; 
What kind of Commonwealth was this of Rome.  it is to be understood, that upon the expulsion of their Kings, the sovereignty rested in their Consuls. For, as 
a Libe●tatis originem inde magis, quia annuum consulare Imperium factum est, quam quod diminutum q●icquam sit e●●egia potestate, numores. Liv. lib. 2.  Livy saith, there was nothing diminished of kingly government, save only for the better establishing of liberty, that the Consular dignity was made Annual. But that held not long, for Publicola imparted this sovereignty to the Communality, making it lawful to appeal from the Consuls to the people. Whereby 
b His legibus dissolutum est imperium consulare. etc. Liv. lib. 4.  the Consular sovereignty was dissolved, and the people took occasion to oppose themselves against the Fathers. Hence grew the reciprocal invectives between the Senate and the Tribunes; and when the Consul sent a 
c Lictor.  Sergeant to the Tribune, the Tribune would send a 
d Vi●tor.  Pursuivant to the Consul. And so the Commonwealth halted between an Aristocracy and a Democracy, until at length the vogue of the Communality drew it to a perfect Democracy, and made their Acts of Senate of no value, unless they were ratified by the people. Howbeit, the Senate afforded always many famous and eminent men, such as having enlarged the bounds of their Empire, and kept on foot their ancient valour, and were the flower of that people, 
Cyneas interrogatus à Pyr●ho qualis Roma asset; Respondit, Regum urbem sibi videri. Just. lib. 8.  which Cyneas called a town of kings, were consequently so engaged in the businesses of the State, that matters were for the most part carried as they stood affected; as appeareth by this passage of Caesar.   

THE THIRD OBSERVATION.  
THirdly, 
Faction in a Council, is an enemy to the public good.  we may observe, that violence and partiality are the bane of all consultations: especially, when the common good is shadowed with private respects. And albeit the gravity of the Roman Senate far exceeded all that can be spoken of other Counsels of State, rectifying the inordinate affections of any Catiline that would lift up his head higher than his fellows: yet here it suffered equity and indifferency to be suppressed with faction, giving way to violence, 
e Name male cuncta minist●●t impetus, & stimulat non rato privati odii pertinaci● in publicum e●itium. Tac. 1. hist.  which governeth all things untowardly, and with cords of private hate oftentimes draweth the Commonwealth into utter desolation. For prevention whereof, the Athenians swore their Senators to make the common good the chiefest scope of all their counsels: 
Atheniensis Senator jurabat se praecipue populo consulturum. Demost conc. Naearc.  Implying thereby, that private respects are always offensive to public ends; and the State ever suffereth, when favour prevaileth against the common profit.  
Tully going about to direct a Counsellor in this behalf, only wisheth a man to deliver sincerely what he thinketh of any matter, 
1. Philipp.  although he happen to stand alone in his own conceit: for the issue of a business doth not so much concern a Counsellor, as to speak truly his opinion thereof. And to that end, the custom of the Roman Senate was, that the youngest, and such as came last in place should declare themselves first; that they might not be forestalled in their opinions, nor put besides that they would have spoken; together with the equality which it made of their voices: for things first spoken, do always stick fastest in our apprehensions. And for that cause, 
Arist. 7. polit. 17.  Theodorus (a Greek Tragedian) would never show himself on the stage after any other Actor; as holding the first passages to affect most the Spectators. Notwithstanding which custom, 
Sueton, in vita Julii Caesaris.  it is reported that Caesar, in favour of Pompey, after their new-made alliance, would take his voice first, thereby to anticipate the opinion of others that should follow.  
The Emperors (as it seemeth) took what place they pleased: 
Tacit. 1. Annal.  for Tiberius, in Marcellus cause, said, that he would sentence openly, and upon oath, that other men might do the like. Whereunto Cn: Piso replied; What place wilt thou take to declare thyself, Caesar? for if thou speak first, I know how to follow; if last, I am afraid I shall descent from thy opinion. But that which is most unblamable in matter of counsel is, when they come to the Senate house as to a prize of flattery. 
Tacit. 6. Annal.  Wherein L. Piso is deservedly commended, for that he never willingly showed himself of a servile opinion; but when necessity forced him, he tempered it with wisdom. Neither is it the least mischief, that the condition of sovereignty is such as will hardly endure reproof, but must be disguised, 
Plutarch.  as Apollonius corrected Lions, by bearing Dogs before them.    

CHAP. II.  
The Senate proceed against Caesar with all eagerness.  
THe Senate rising a little before night, 
Caesac.  were all sent for to Pompey. He commended the forward for what they had done, and confirmed them for after resolutions; reprehended such as showed themselves indifferent, and stirred them up to more forwardness. Many which were of Pompey's former Armies were sent for, upon of reward and advancement: Many of the two legions which lately came from Caesar, were commanded to attend; insomuch as the City swarmed with soldiers against the election of new Magistrates. C. Cu●io called out the Tribunes of the people. All the Consul's friends, the kinsfolks and allies of Pompey, and such others as had any former enmity with Caesar, were compelled into the Senate. By the presence and votes of these men the weakest were terrified, the doubtful confirmed, and the most part were cut off from giving absolute and free voices. L. Piso the Censor, and L. Ro●cius the Praetor, offered themselves to go to Caesar, to advise him of these things; requiring but six day's space to return an answer. Others thought it fit, that Ambassadors should be sent to Caesar, to give him notice of the pleasure of the Senate. To all these was opposed what the Consul, Scipio, and Cato thought fit. Cato was incited through former enmity, and specially by the repulse of the Praetorship. Lentulus, out of a consideration of his great debts, hoping to command an Army, to govern Provinces, and to receive the liberal acknowledgements of Kings, whom he should thereby procure to be styled with the Title of friends to the people of Rome; insomuch as he would not stick to boast in private, that he was like to prove a second Sylla, on whom the sovereign command of the Empire would be conferred. Scipio was drawn on by the same hope of having the government of a Province, or the command of an Army, which by reason of his alliance he thought to share with Pompey; being otherwise afraid to be called into justice; as also through flattery and ostentation, both of himself, and other great friends, which were able to sway much, as well in the course of justice, as in the commonwealth.  
Pompey in his particular was much provoked by Caesar's enemies, 
Pompeius' ut primum ●empab. ●ggressus est, non quemquam animo pa●em 〈◊〉 Vell●ias Pater ●ul.  and specially for that he could endare no man to be his equal. He was alienated altogether from Caesar's friendship, and had reconciled himself to their common Enemies; the greatest part of whom were by his means gained to Caesar, in the time of their alliance. He was also moved by the dishonour which he had gotten by taking those two legions from their journey towards Asia and Syria, and using them for the advancement of his own particular. Which things moved him to draw the matter to Arms. For these respects all things were carried impetuously and confusedly; neither was 〈…〉 sure given to Caesar's friends to advertise him thereof; nor yet to the Tribunes, to avoid the danger which was falling upon them, or to use their right of opposition which L. Sylla left unto them: but within seven days after they were entered into their office, they were forced to shift for their safety; notwithstanding that the most turbulent and seditions Tribunes of former times, were never put to look into their affairs, or to g●ve account of their actions, before the eighth Month. In the end, they betook themselves to that extreme and last Act of Senate, which was never thought upon, but when the city was upon the point of burning, or in the most desperate estate of the Commonweal: That the Consuls, Praetors, Tribunes of the people, and such as had been Consuls, and were resident near about the city, should endeavour that the Commonweal might not be endangered. 
Ne quid respub, detrimenti capiat. Consecuti sunt dies Co●●iales, per quos senatus haberi non poterat. Cic. L. frat●i.  This Act was made the seventh of the Ides of January: so that the five first days, in which the Senate might sit, after that Lentulus was entered into the Consulship (excepting only two days for the general assembly of the people) most heavy and cruel Decrees were made against the authority of Caesar, and against the Tribunes of the people, famous and worthy men; who thereupon fled presently out of the city, and came to Caesar: who being then at Ravenna, attended an answer to his easy and modest demands, if by any reasonable course matters might be drawn to a peaceable end.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
IT is the condition of humane nature, to make good that which once it hath avouched, although the matter be of small consequence in particular, and tendeth rather to infamy then to profit; neither will it easily be reclaimed by motives of reason, but is rather incited thereby (per Antiperistasin) to persist in wilfulness, then to hearken to that which is more convenient; 
Ut gratia oneri, sic ultio in quaestu habetur, Tac.  especially, when either jealousy or revenge do imply an advantage: for then partiality keepeth no measure; but to justify an error, runs headlong into all extremities, and ●●eth to the last refuge of desperate and deplored cases, to make disordered passions seem good discretion. Which evidently appears by Pompey's faction, in resolving of that desperate Act of Senate, which was never thought of but in most eminent danger. For as in foul weather at sea, when a ship rideth in a dangerous road, and through the violence of the tempest, is upon the point of shipwreck, the Mariners are wont to cast out a sheet-Anchor as their last refuge: 
Suprema lex Salus reipub.  so had Rome anciently recourse to this Decree, at such times as the Commonwealth was in imminent and extreme calamity; whether it were by enemies abroad, or by serpents in their bosom at home. 
Lib. 3.  Livy speaking of the war of the Aequi, saith; The Senators were so affrighted, that following the form of the Decree which was always reserved for cases of extremity, they ordained that Post humius (one of the Consuls) should take care that the Commonwealth might not be endangered. The like was used in civil and intestine seditions: as when Manlius Capitolinus aspired to a Tyranny; 
Plutarch in the life of Cicero.  and as likewise in the tumults of the Gracchis, the conspiracy of Catiline, and other times of like danger. For albeit the Consuls had all sovereign authority, as well in war as in peace: yet nevertheless there were certain reserved cases wherein they had no power, without express order from the Senate, 
5. Philip. Cons●lious totam Rempub. commendendam censco, ●isque permittendum ut rempub. defendant, provideantque nequid detrimenti respub. accipiat.  and assent from the people; as, to levy an Army to make war, to take money out of the Treasury: whereas upon such a Decree, they were enabled to dispose of all businesses of State, without further moving of the Senate or people, which Tully noteth in his Orations against Antony. I think it fit (saith he) that the whole state of the Commonweal be left unto the Consuls, and that they be suffered to defend the same; and to take care that the Commonweal be not endangered.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
I May not omit (for the better understanding of this noble History) to say somewhat of the Persons here mentioned. And first of Fabius, 
Fabius.  as descended of the noblest and most ancient Family of the Patrician Order; being able of themselves to maintain war a long time against the Veijs, a strong and warlike town, until at length they were all unfortunately slain by an ambushment: 
2. De Fastis.  which Ovid mentioneth, where he saith;  
Haec fuit illa dies, in qua, Veientibus arvis,  
Tercentum Fab●iter cecidere duo.  
This was that black day, when in Veian field  
Three hundred and six Fabi● were killed.  
Only there remained of that house a child then kept at Rome; which in tract of time multiplied into six great Families, all which had their turn in the highest charges and dignities of the Commonweal: amongst whom, he that supplanted Hannibal by temporising, and got thereby the surname of Maximus, 
Fab. Max.  was most famous, as Ennius witnesseth;  
Unus homo nobis cunctando restituit rem:  
Non ponebat enim rumores ante salutem.  
Ergo postque magisque viri nunc gloria claret.  
One man by wise delay hath saved our State;  
Who rumours after public safety set.  
For which his fame grows every day more great. But C. Fabius, here mentioned, never attained to any place of Magistracy, other than such commands as he held in the wars under Caesar.  
Lentulus' 
Lentulus.  the Consul was of the house of the Cornelii, from whom are said to come sixteen Consuls. He was from the beginning a mortal enemy to Caesar, and so continued to his death, which fell unto him in Egypt, by commandment of King Ptolemy, after Pompey was slain.  
Scipio was father in law to Pompey, after the death of Julia, Caesar's daughter; 
Scipio.  and by that means obtained the government of Asia. In the beginning of the civil war, he brought good succours to assist his son in law, as it follows in the third Commentary: and upon the overthrow at Pharsalia he fled into afric, where he renewed the war, and became chief Commander of the remaining party against Caesar; but being in the end defeated, he made towards Spain: and fearing by the way lest he should fall into his enemy's hands, he slew himself.  
Marcellus was of the ancient Family of the Claudii, 
Marcellus.  which came originally from the Sabines: On his behalf there is an Oration extant of Tully's, entitled, Pro Marcello. He was afterwards slain by one Chilo.  
M. Antonius is famous in all the Roman histories, 
M. Anton.  for attaining in a small time to so great a height in that government. For in all the wars of Gallia, he was but a Treasurer under Caesar, which was the least of all public places of charge. In the beginning of the civil warns he was made Tribune of the people; and within less than eight years after, came to be fellow-partner with Octavius Caesar in the government of the Empire. And if Cleopatra's beauty had not blinded him, he might have easily through the favour of the soldiers supplanted his Competitor, and seized upon the Monarchy.  
The name of Cassius was ominous for trouble to the state of Rome, 
Cassi●s.  and their ends were as unfortunate. This L. Cassius, for his part, after the great troubles he had stirred up in Spain, was drowned in the mouth of the River Eber.  
Piso was made Censor in the Consulship of L. Paulus and Claudius Marcellus, 
Piso.  having himself been Consul eight years before, in the year of Rome 695, succeeding Caesar and Bibulus; and was the man against whom Tully penned that Oration which is extant in Pisonem. Touching the office of Censor, it is to be understood, that about the year of Rome 310, the Consuls being distracted with multiplicity of foreign business, omitted the Censure or assessment of the City for some years together: whereupon it was afterwards thought fit, that there should be a peculiar officer appointed for that service, and to be called Censor; forasmuch as every man was to be taxed, ranked and valued, according to his opinion and censure. The first part of their office consisted in an account or valuation of the number, age, order, dignity, and possession of the Roman citizens: for it was very material for the State to know the number of their people, 
To know the number of Citizens.  to the end they might be informed of their own strength, and so shape their course accordingly, either in undertaking wars, transplanting Colonies, or in making provision of victuals in time of peace. It was also as requisite to know every man's age, 
Their age.  whereby they grew capable of honour and offices, 
De Fast.  according to that of Ovid;  
— finitaque certis  
Legibus est aetas, unde petatur honos.  
— In certain laws  
Age is defined, 
Halicarnasseus, lib. 4.  and thence is honour had. M. Antonius commanded that the names of the Roman children should be brought into the Treasury within thirty days after they were born; 
Go●●fred ad L. aetatem 3.  according to which custom, 
●. D● Cens.  Francis the French king published an Edict, Anno 1539, that every parish should keep a Register of Burials and Christen: which since that time is used in England.  
The distinction of conditions and states, 
Their calling.  ranging every man in his proper order, is as necessary in the Commonweal, 
Majorum primus quisquis fuit ille tuorum, Aut Pastor ●uit, aut illud quod dicere nol●. Their ability.  and as worthy of the Censors notice, as any thing besides. Neither may the assessment of men's abilities be omitted: which was ordained, that every man might bear a part in the service of the State. In which respect 
* Florus l. ●. cap. 6.  Servius Tullus is commended, for rating men according to their wealth; whereas before that time every man paid alike: for men are taken to be interessed in the Commonweal according to their means. The last and basest sort of Citizens were named Capitecensi, 
Gell. lib. 16. cap. 10. Aetis.  and were set in the Subsidy at three hundred seventy five pieces of money. Such as were not assessed, had no voice in the Commonweal.  
The second and chiefest part of this office was in reforming manners, 
Poly. lib. 6.  as the ground-plot and foundation of every Commonwealth; to which end they had power to inquire into every man's life. If any one had played the ill husband, and neglected his Farm, or left his Vine untrimmed, the Censors took notice of it. If a Roman knight kept his horse lean, it was a matter for them to look into. They deposed, or brought in, new Senators. They reviewed all degrees and conditions of men: advanced this man from a mean Tribe to a more honourable, and pulled another down. They had the care of buildings, repairing of high ways, with other public works; and were reputed of the best rank of Magistrates in Rome. 
L. Roscius.  L. Roscius had formerly been one of Caesar's Legates in Gallia: as appeareth in the fifth Commentary; Tertiam in Essuos, L. Roscio; the third legion amongst the Essui, under L. Roscius. The Prator was Judge in causes of controversy, and differences between party and party; and was as the Caddy amongst the Turks.    

CHAP. III.  
The Senate prepareth for war.  
THe next day after the Senate assembled out of the City: 
Pompey having a charge of an Army, could not enter into the City, prohibited by divers laws.  where Pompey (according to such instructions as he had formerly given to Scipio) extolled their constancy and magnanimity; acquainted them with his forces, consisting of ten legions in Arms; and further assured them, he knew of a certain that Caesar's soldiers were alienated from him, and would not be drawn either to defend or follow him. And upon the assurance of these remonstrances, other motions were entertained. As first, that a lev●e should be made throughout all Italy. 
Faust. Silvius.  That Faustus Silvius should forthwith be sent as Propraetor into Mauritania. That money should be delivered out of the Treasury to Pompey. That king Juba might have the title of friend and confederate to the people of Rome. 
Rex Juba, socius & ●●micus.  which Marcellus contradicting, stopped the passage thereof for that time. Philippus, Tribune of the people, countermanded Faustus commission. Other matters were passed by Act. 
Gallia and Syria were two consulary Provinces.  The two Consular, and the other Praetorian Provinces, were given to private men that had no office of Magistracy. Syria fell to Scipio, and Gallia to L. Domitius. Philippus and Marcellus were purposely omitted, 
Q●o●um nemo stultior est qúam L. Domitius.  and no lots cast for their employment. Into the other Provinces were sent Praetors, without any consent or approbation of the people, as formerly had been accustomed: 
Cic. ad Atticum. Paludati exeunt.  who having performed their ordinary vows, put on their Military garments, and so took their journey. The Consuls (which before that time was never seen) went out of the City, and had their Sergeants privately within the City, and in the Capitol, against all order and ancient custom. A lev●e was made over all Italy: Arms and furniture was commanded: Money was required from Municipal towns, and taken out of Temples and religious places. All divine and humane Rights were confounded.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
THe neglect of Ceremonies and forms in matter of State, 
The use of Ceremonies.  is the ruin and abolishment of a Commonweal. For if it hold generally true which Philosophers say, 
Forma dat nomen & esse. Arist.  That the form giveth being to whatsoever subsisteth, and that every thing hath his name from his fashion and making: than it must necessarily follow, that the life and perfection of a State dependeth wholly of the form; which cannot be neglected but with hazard of confusion. For compliments and solemnities are neither Nimia nor Minima (as some have imagined,) 
Nimia nec Minima▪  either superfluities, which may be spared, or trifles of small consequence. But as the flesh covereth the hollow deformity of the bones, and beautifieth the body with natural graces: so are ceremonies, which ancient custom hath made reverend, the perfection and life of any Commonweal; and do cover the nakedness of public actions, which otherwise would not be distinguished from private businesses. And therefore the neglect of such ceremonies, as were usually observed to ennoble their actions, 
Civitatis legibus conservatis, salva quoque populi dominatio.  was as injurious to the safety of the Empire, and as evident a demonstration of faction and disloyalty; as the allotment of Provinces to private persons, or whatsoever else they broached, 
Aesch. in C●esiphont.  contrary to the fundamental rights of the public Weal.  
Concerning which it is to be understood, 
The manner of disposing of the Provinces and governments.  that no man was capable of those governments, but such as had born the chiefest offices and places of charge. For their manner was, that commonly upon the expiration of their offices, the Consuls and Praetors did either cast lots for the Provinces, 
Sortiri Provincias, Comp●rare Provincias. Lib. 43.  which they called Sortiri provincias; or did otherwise agree amongst themselves how they should be disposed, and that they termed Comparare Provincias, L●vie toucheth both the one and the other; Principio insequentis anni cum Consules novi de Provinciis retulissent, primo quoque tempore, aut comparare inter eos Italiam & Macedoniam, aut sortiri placu●t: in the entrance of the next year, when the new Consuls had proposed the business of the Provinces; it was forthwith embraced, that they should either divide by agreement Italy and Macedonia betwixt them, or take them as their lots fell. Howbeit sometimes the people (whose assent was always necessary) interposed their authority, and disposed the same as they thought expedient. But such as had never born office of charge in the State, were no way capable of those dignities, nor thought fit to command abroad, having never showed their sufficiency at home.  
For the manner of their setting forward out of Rome, 
The manner of their setting forward to their governments.  after they were assigned to employments, it appeareth by infinite examples of histories, that they first went into the Capitol, and there made public sacrifices and solemn vows, either to build a Temple, or to do some other work worthy good fortune, if their designs were happily achieved; 
Vota nuncupate.  which they called Vota nuncuparc, the solemn making of vows. And he that had made such a vow, 
Voti reus.  stood voti reus, tied by vow, until his business sorted to an issue: and after he had attained his desire, 
Macrob. li. 3. cap. 2. Saturn.  he was voti damnatus, bound to perform his vow, until he had acquitted himself of his promise.  
Touching their habit expressed in this phrase, Paludati exeunt, 
Paludati.  it appeareth, as well by ancient Sculptures, as Medals, that Paludamentum was a cloak used and worn by men of war, whether they commanded in chief, or as Lieutenants and Centurions; and was tied with a knot upon their left shoulder. Festus calleth all military garments, 
●ib. 6. de 〈◊〉 Lat.  Paludamenta. And Varro giving a reason of that name, saith; Paluda à Paludamentis, sunt haec insignia & ornamenta Militaria. Ideo ad bellum cum exit Imperator, ac Lictores mutant vestem, & signa incinuerunt, Paludatus dicitur proficisci: quae, propterea quod conspiciuntur qui ea habent, & Palam siunt, Paludamenta dicta. Paludamenta are military ornaments. So when the Emperor removes, and the Sergeants change their garment, he is then said to march Paludatus. which garments, in regard they are conspicuous which wear them, and so are taken notice of, are called thence Paludamenta. The colour of this cloak was either purple or white. And therefore it was held a presage of ill fortune, 
Valerius, li. 1. cap. 6.  when at Carrae, a City in Mesopotamia, one gave Crassus a black cloak in stead of a white, as he went to lose the battle to the Parthians.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
THe Romans not contented with the spacious circuit of the sun, 
Raptores orbis, postquam cunctis v●stantibus defuere Terrae, & More scrutantur: quos nec oriens nec occidens sa●●averit. Tac.  bounding their Empire with the East and the West, but for want of Regions and Country's searching the vastness and depth of the seas, did seldom acknowledge any other sovereignty, or leave a party worthy their amity, in any remote angle of the then-known world. But if any Prince had been so fortunate, as to gain the favour and estimation of a friend or a confederate to the State, it was upon special and deserved respects, or at the instance of their Generals abroad, informing the worthiness of such Potentates, and the advantage they might bring to the service of the Empire. Which appeareth by that of Livy concerning Vermina, king Syphax son; that 
* Neminem esse Regem solitum & amicum a Senatu Populoque Rom. appellati, nisi qui optime de Repmeritus esset, lib. 1. decad. 4.  no man was at any time acknowledged either a king or a friend by the Senate and people of Rome, unless first he had right well deserved of the Common-weal.  
The manner of this acknowledgement is likewise particularly expressed by Livy in another place, 
Sequenti dic etc. lib. 10. dec. 3.  speaking of Scipio. The day following (saith he) to put king Massinissa out of his grief and melancholy, he ascended up to his Tribunal, and having called an assembly of the soldiers, presented him before them: where he first honoured him with the appellation of king, accompanied with many fair praises; and then gave him a crown of gold, a cup of gold, a chair of State, 
Lib 1. de bell. Gal.  a sceptre of Ivory, and a long robe of Purple. To which agreeth that of Caesar: That Ariovistus was by the Senate styled by the name of King and Friend, and presented with great and rich gifts; which happened but to few, and was only given by the Romans to men of great desert. Howbeit, such as had governments and employments abroad did oftentimes make profit of giving this honour: 
Et (pe appellandorum Regum Rex Juba, socius & amicus.  whereof Caesar taxeth Lentulus in the former chapter. And in this sense was king Juba brought in question, to be called by the Senate a Friend and Associate to the State of Rome.   

THE THIRD OBSERVATION.  
TOuching the franchises and liberties of the towns of Italy, and others in the dominions of the Roman Empire, called Municipia; it is to be noted, 
Municipes, Lib. 6. cap. 11.  that according to Gellius, those were called Municipes, that being governed by their own laws, and their own Magistrates, were nevertheless endowed with the freedom of Rome. And therefore Adrianus marvelled, that the Italicenses and Uticenses did rather desire to be Coloni, and so tied to the obedience of foreign and strange laws, then to live in a Municipal State under their own Rights and Customs; 
Lib. 11.  and as Festus addeth, with the use of their peculiar rites for matter of Religion, such as they anciently used, before they were privileged with the immunities of Rome.  
For the better understanding whereof, we are to observe, that there were degrees and differences of Municipal towns: 
Municipium. 〈…〉.  for some had voices with the Roman people in all their elections and sus●rages; and some others had none at all. For Gellius in the same place saith, that the Cerites obtained the freedom of the City, for preserving the holy things of Rome in the time of the war with the Galls, 
C●●ites Tabulae. Livy lib. 6.  but without voice in elections. And thence grew the name of Cerites' Tabulae, wherein the Censors enrolled such as were by them for some just cause deprived of their voices. And the Tusculani, being at first received into the liberties of the City according to the admission of the Cerites, were afterward, by the free grace of the people, made capable of giving voices.  
The means of obtaining this freedom was first and specially by Birth: 
Livy lib. 3.  wherein it was required (as may be gathered by Appius Oration) that both the Parents, as well the mother as the father, should be free themselves. Howbeit Ulpian writeth, that the son may challenge the freedom of the State, wherein his father lived and was free. So that the father being of Campania, and the mother of Puteolis, he judgeth the son to belong to Campania: According to that of Canuleius, 
Livy lib. 3.  That the children inherit the condition of the father, as the head of the Family, and the better rule to direct in this behalf. Nevertheless Adrianus made an Act of Senate in favour of issue; That if the wife were a citizen of Rome, and the husband a Latin, the children should be Roman Citizens. And the Emperor Justinian caused it likewise to be decreed, that the mother being a freewoman, and the father a bondman, the son should be free. Such as were thus born free were called Cives originarii. 
Cives originarii.   
The second means of obtaining this freedom was by Manumission, or setting bondmen at liberty: for in Rome, all men freed from bondage were taken for Citizens; and yet ranked in the last and meanest order of the people.  
The third means was by gift, or cooptation: and so Romulus at first enlarged and augmented Rome; Theseus, Athens; Alexander Magnus, 
Polyder.  Alexandria, sited at the outlets of Nilus; and Richard the first, 
Virg.  London; by taking all such strangers into the freedom of the City, as had inhabited there for ten years together. The Emperors were profuse in giving this honour. Cicero slouts Caesar, for taking whole nations into the freedom of the City; 
1. Philip.  and Antony gave it to all that lived in the Roman Empire. Whereupon, as Ulpian witnesseth, Rome was called Communis Patria. Popular States were more sparing in this kind; as may be deemed by the answer of one of the Corinthian Ambassadors to Alexander: 
Seneca 1. de benefac. cap. 13.  We never gave the freedom of our City (saith he) to any man but to thyself and Hercules. 
Herod. lib. 9  And until Herodotus time, the Lacedæmonians had never admitted any, but only Tisamenus and his brother.  
The privileges of this freedom were great; 
An quisquam amplissimus Galliae, cum insimo Cive Romano comparandus est?  for the Citizens of Rome were held to be Majestate plenos. Is the best man of Gallia (saith Tully) to be compared with the meanest Citizen of Rome? And hence came that law, requiring, that the life of a Citizen should not be brought in question, but by the general assembly of the people. 
Cicero pro M. Font. De cipite Ci●is nisi per maximum commicia. tum, ollo●que quos censores in partibus populi locassint, ne ferunto. Cic. 3. de legib.  Venres having condemned one Cossanus, a Roman Citizen in Sicilia, Tully urgeth it as a matter unsufferable: Facinus est (inquit) vinciri Civem Romanum, scelus verberari, prope parricid●um necari, quid dicam in crucem agi? It is a great crime to bind a Roman Citizen, an heinous wickedness to beat him, little less than parricide to kill him; what then shall I call the hanging of him? with many the like examples▪ besides the possibility they were in, if their sufficiency were answerable accordingly, to become great in the State; and consequently, Commanders of the Empire.    

CHAP. IU.  
Caesar tasteth the affection of the Soldiers.  
CAesar understanding of these things, 
Bellorum O socii, qui mille pericula mortis Mecum, ait, experti, decia o jam vin●tis anno, etc.  called the soldiers together, and acquainted them with all the injuries which his Enemies from time to time had done unto him; complaining that Pompey was by their practice and means alienated from him, and drawn through envy of his good fortune to partialize against him; notwithstanding that he had always affected his honour, 
Luc. lib. 1.  and endeavoured the advancement of his renown and dignity: Lamenting likewise the precedent which this time had brought into the State, that the Tribunes authority should be opposed and suppressed by Arms, which former ages had by force of Arms reestablished. For Sylla having stripped the Tribuneship naked of all rights and prerogatives, yet left it the freedom of opposition: But Pompey, who would seem to restore it to the dignity from which it was fallen, did take away that power which was only left unto it. The Senate never resolved of that Act, That the Magistrates should take a course for the safety of the Commonweal, whereby the people were necessarily summoned to Arms, but in times of pernicious laws, 
Whereof Lex Agraria was the chiefest.  upon the violence of the Tribunes, or the mutiny and secession of the people, when the Temples and high places of the City were taken and held against the State: which disloyalties of former ages were expiated and purged by the fortune and disaster of Saturmnus and the Gracchis. But at this present, there was no such matter attempted, so much as in thought; no law published; no practice with the people; no tumult; no departure out of the City. And therefore he adhorted them, that forasmuch as under his leading and command, for nine years together they had most happily carried the government, fought many prosperous and victorious battles, settled all Gallia and Germany in peace; they would now in the end take his honour into their protection, 
Plutarch saith, he had then but 5000 foot, and 300 horse on that side the Alps: which amounteth to the just number of a legion.  and defend it against the malice of his adversaries. The soldiers of the thirteenth legion which were present (for them only had he called out in the beginning of the troubles, and the other legions were not as yet come) cried out instantly, That they were ready to undertake his defence against such wrongs, and to keep the Tribunes of the people from injury.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
AS Publick-weals and Societies are chiefly supported and maintained by justice: 
Cic. 1. ossicio.  so likewise, such as live in the civil community of the same, and enjoy the benefit of a well-qualified government, do take themselves interessed in the maintenance of justice, and cannot endure the tyranny of wrongs; 
Nihil justius quam propulsare injuriam.  unless happily (as every man is partial in his own cause) they be the authors thereof themselves. The first duty of justice, 
Xenophon Cyropaed. lib. 1.  which is, Ne cui quis noceat, That no man hurt another, did Caesar make the theme of his Oration to his soldiers; 
Justitiae primum 〈◊〉 est ne cui q●is no●eat.  aggravating his particular injuries, by opening and enforcing the malice of his Adversaries: and making the State a party in his sufferings, 
Cic. lib. ●. de officiis.  through the oppression and defacing of the Tribuneship; which in times of liberty and just proceeding, was sacred and inviolable.  
These remonstrances were apprehended by the soldiers, as matters specially concerning their duty; 
Qui non defendit nec o●sistit si pote● injuriae, 〈…〉 in vitio, qu●m si parents, ●ut amicos, aut patriam, aut so●ios deserat. Cic. lib. 1. offis.  holding themselves either bound to redress them, or other wise to be guilty of betraying their parents, country, companions and friends. Some report, that one ●●elius, a Primipile of Caesar's Army, making answer to this speech, gave assurance of the soldiers good affection; which the rest approved with a general acclamation. Howbeit the argument lay couched in a Sophism, pretending Caesar's right, but concluding the ruin of the State.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
SEcondly, 
Opulentis civitatibus venenum seditio, magna imperia mortalia reddidit.  we may observe, that as discord and dissension, ●ending asunder the bonds of civil community, are the bane of flourishing and opulent Cities, and make the greatest Empires examples of Mortality: so by the same rule of discourse, it is also true, that the mutual respects of well-qualified friendship, 
Liv. lib. 2.  are as expedient, both for the fastening of the joints of a public State, 
Non Exercitus neque Thesauri praesidia regri sunt, verum amici. Sallust. in bello Jugurth.  and for keeping the particular parts in due temper and proportion, as either treasure, or Armies, or any other thing required thereunto. Hence it is that 
* Lib. de amicitia.  Cicero saith, that we have as much use of friendship, as of fire and water: and that he that should go about to take it from among men, did endeavour (as it were) to take the sun out of the heaven; which by heat, light, and influence, giveth life unto the world. 
Ut quisque maxime opibus, principatu, & potestate excellit, ita amicis maxime indiget.  And as men are eminent in place and authority, and have use of many wheels for the motion of their several occasions; so have they the more need of amity and correspondency, to second the multiplicity of their desires, and to put on their businesses to their wished ends. 
Arist. Etn. 8.     

CHAP. V.  
Caesar taketh Ariminum; receiveth and answereth messages from Pompey.  
CAesar having sounded the minds of the soldiers, went directly with that legion to Ariminum, 
Rimini.  & there met with the Tribunes of the people that were fled unto him; sent for the rest of the legions from their wintering Camps, and gave order they should follow him. Thither came young L. Caesar, 
L. Caesar.  whose father was a Legate in Caesar's camp. And after some speech of the occasion of his coming, acquainted Caesar, that Pompey had given him a message in charge to be delivered unto him: which was, that he desired to clear himself to Caesar, lest he might peradventure take those things to be done in scorn of him, which were commanded only for the service of the State; the good whereof he always preferred before any private respect: and that Caesar likewise was tied in honour to lay aside his indignation and affection for the Commonwealths sake; and not to be so transported with anger and disdain of his Adversaries, as he seemed to be, lest in hoping to be avenged of them, he should hurt the public weal of his Country. He added somewhat more of the same subject, together with excuses on Pompey's behalf. Almost the selfsame discourse, and of the selfsame things, Roscius the Praetor dealt with Caesar, and said that he had received them in charge from Pompey. Which although they seemed no way to satisfy or remove the injuries and wrongs complained of; yet having got fit men, by whom that which he wished might be imparted to Pompey, he prayed them both, for that they had brought unto him what Pompey required, they would not think it much to return his desires to Pompey; if happily with so little labour they might accord so great differences, and free all Italy from fear and danger. That he had ever held the dignity of the commonweal in high regard, and dearer than his own life. He grieved much that a benefit given him by the people of Rome, should be spitefully wrested from him by his adversaries; that six months of his government were to be cut off, and so he to be called home to the City: notwithstanding the people had commanded at the last creation of Magistrates, that there should regard be had of him, although absent. Nevertheless, for the Commonwealths sake he could be content to undergo the loss of that honour. And having writ to the Senate that all men might quit their Armies, he was so far from gaining the same, that chose a levy was thereupon made throughout all Italy; and the two legions which were drawn from him under a pretence of the Parthian war, were still retained about the City, which was likewise in Arms. And to what tended all this, but his destruction? And yet notwithstanding he was content to condescend to all things, and to endure all inconveniences for the cause of the Public weal. Let Pompey go to his government and Provinces; let both the Armies be discharged; let all men in Italy lay down their Arms; let the city be freed of fear; let the assemblies of the people be left to their ancient liberty; and the whole government of the State remitted to the Senate and people of Rome. For the better accomplishment whereof, under well-advised and secure conditions, let an oath be taken for due keeping of the same: or otherwise, let Pompey approach nearer unto him, or suffer Caesar to come nearer to him, that these controversies might happily receive an end by conference.  
Roscius having this message, 
Capua. Cicero, lib. 7. ad Atticum, Epist. 13. saith, that this answer was made at Thian●m, in the territories of L●vour, the 25 of January.  went to Capua, accompanied with L. Caesar; where finding the Consuls and Pompey, he delivered unto them Caesar's propositions. They having consulted of the matter, made an answer in writing, and returned it by them to Caesar, whereof this was the effect; That he should return into Gallia, quit Ariminum, and dismiss his Army: which if he did, Pompey would then go into Spain: In the mean time, until assurance were given that Caesar would perform as much as he promised, the Consuls and Pompey would not forbear to levy soldiers. The condition was too unequal, to require Caesar to leave Ariminum, and to return into his Province; and Pompey to hold Provinces and legions belonging to other men: to have Caesar dismiss his Army, and he to raise new troops: to promise simply to go to his government, but to assign no day for his departure: insomuch, that if he had not gone until Caesar's time of government had expired, he could not have been blamed for falsifying his promise. But forasmuch as they appointed no time for a conference, nor made any show of coming nearer, there could no hope be conceived of peace.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
CAesar lying at Ravenna, within his government of Gallia, and understanding how matters passed at Rome, 
Plutarch in vita Caesaris.  according as Plutarch reporteth, commanded divers of his Centurions to go before to Ariminum, without any other armour than their swords; and to possess themselves thereof with as little tumult as they could. And then leaving the troops about him to be commanded by Hortensius, he continued a whole day together in public sight of all men, to behold the fencing of the Sword-players. At night he bathed his body, and then kept company with such as he had bidden to supper; and after a while rose from the table, wishing every man to keep his place, for he would instantly come again. Howbeit, having secretly commanded some of his followers to attend him, in such manner as might give least suspicion, he himself took a Coach which he had hired; 
Multa videri volumus velle, said no 〈◊〉. Seneca, epist. 96.  and making show of going a contrary way, turned suddenly towards Ariminum. When he came to the little river Rubicon, which divided his government from the rest of Italy, he stood confounded through remose of his desperate design, and wist not whether it were better to return or go on: but in the end, laying aside all doubtful cogitations, he resolved upon a desperate Adage, 
Let it lie upon the Dice.  importing as much as Fall back, fall edge: and passing over the River, never stayed running with his Coach, until he came within the City of Ariminum; 
Bonum est dum adhuc stit navis in portu, praecavere tempestatem faturam; & non eo tempore, quo in medi●s, irrue●is procellas, trepidare. Joseph. de bello Jud. l. 2.  where he met Curio and Antonius, Tribunes of the people, and showed them to the soldiers, as they were driven to fly out of Rome, disguised like slaves in a Carrier's cart.  
It is said, that the night before he passed over this River, he dreamt that he lay with his Mother in an unnatural sense. but of that he himself maketh no mention. This City of Ariminum is now called R●mini, and standeth in Romania, upon the Adriatic sea, in the Pope's dominion. The River Rub●con was anciently the bounds of Gallia; over which Augustus caused a fair bridge to be built with this inscription:  
JUSSU. MANDATUVE. P. R. COS. IMP. MILI. TIRO. COMMILITO. MANIPULARIS-VE. CENT. TURMAEVE. LEGIONARI-VE. ARMAT. QUISQUIS. ES. HIC. SISTITO. VEXILLUM. SINITO. NEC. CITRA. HUNC. AMNEM. RUBICONEM. DUCTUM. COMMEATUM. EXERCITUM-VE. TRADUCITO. SI. QUIS. HUJUSCE. JUSSIONIS. ERGO. ADVERSUS. FECIT. FECERITVE. ADJUDICATUS. ESTO. HOSTIS. P. R. AC. SI. CONTRA. PATRIAM. ARMA. TULERIT. SACROSQUE. PENATES. E. PENETRALIBUS. ASPORTAVERIT. SANCIO. PLEBISCI. SENATUS-VE. CONSULT. ULTRA. HOS. FINES. ARMA. PROFFER. LICEAT. NEMINI. S. P. Q. R.  
The substance whereof is; That it should be unlawful for any man to come over the said River armed, under penalty of being adjudged an enemy to the Commonwealth, and an invader of his own Country.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
IF this manner of proceeding be brought into dispute, and the reason required why Caesar kept not himself in the province of Gallia, where he might have held his government according to his own desire, or otherwise have drawn his adversaries to buckle with the strength of those conquering Legions, and so brought the business to a short end, with as great probability of good success, as by any hazard of undertaking: It is to be understood, that in cases of this nature, which seldom admit any treaty of accord, he that striketh first, and hath the advantage of the forehand, is well entered into the way of victory. For the rule is of old, 
Magis terrorem incu●●, ●t invadere vo●enti prior occurras, quam ut te repugnaturum significes.  That if an enemy hath a design in hand, it is far more safe to begin first, and by way of prevention to give the onset on him, rather than to show a readiness of resisting his assaults. For if blows (of necessity) must be way-makers to peace, it were a mistaking to be either wanting or behindhand therein; besides the gain which attendeth this advantage. 
Thucyd. lib. 6.  For he that stands affected to deny what is just, 
— Arma tenenti Omnia dat, qui-justae negat—  and of right due, doth nevertheless grant all things which the sword requireth; and will not stick to supply all unjust refusals, with as great an overplus of what may be demanded. 
Lucan, lib. 1.  For which cause, Caesar stayed not the coming of his whole Army, but began with those forces which were ready at hand: and so preventing all intendments, he put his adversaries to such a straight, that they quitted Italy for fear, and left Rome (with whatsoever was sacred or precious therein) to the mercy of them whom they had adjudged enemies to their Country.    

CHAP. VI  
Caesar taketh divers Municipal Towns.  
FOr which regard, 
Caesar.  he sent M. Antonius with five cohorts to Aretium: 
Half a legion, being about 2500 men.  but he himself stayed at Ariminum with two legions, and there intended to enrol new troops; 
Pisaurum, Pesarò Ital. Fanum. Ancona. Tignium.  and with several cohorts took Pisaurum, Fanum, and Ancona. In the mean while, being advertised that Thermus the Praetor did hold Tignium with five cohorts, and fortified the place, and that all the inhabitants were well inclined towards him; he sent Curio thither with three cohorts, which he had at Pisaurum and Ariminum. Upon notice of whose coming, Thermus (doubting of the affection of the town) drew his cohorts forth of the City, and fled. The soldiers by the way went from him, and repaired homeward. Curio was there received with the great contentment and satisfaction of all men. Upon notice whereof, Caesar conceiving hope of the favourable affections of the Municipal towns, brought the cohorts of the thirteenth legion out of their garrisons, 
Auximum, Actius Varus.  and marched towards Auximum; a town held by Actius, with certain cohorts which he had brought thither with him, who having sent out divers Senators, 
Picenum.  made a levy of men throughout all the Country of Picenum.  
Caesar's coming being known, the Decuriones of Auximum repaired to Actius Varus, accompanied with great troops of people: and told him that the matter concerned not him at all; for neither themselves, nor the rest of the Municipal towns, would shut their gates against such a Commander as Caesar was, that by great and worthy service had so well deserved of the Commonwealth: and therefore advised him to consider what might ensue thereof, and the danger which might befall him in particular. Varus being throughly wakened at this warning, drew out the garrison which he had brought in, and so fled away: and being overtaken by a few of Caesar's first troops, was compelled to make a stand; and there giving battle, was forsaken of his men. Some of the soldiers went home, and the rest came to Caesar. 
L. Pupius.  Amongst them was taken L. Pupius, Centurion of a Primipile order, which place he had formerly held in Pompey's Army. Caesar commended Actius soldiers; sent Pupius away; gave thanks to them of Auximum; and assured them of a mindful acknowledgement on his behalf for this service.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
AMongst other things which serve to enable our judgements, and do make men wise to good fortune, that which is gathered from similitude or likeness of quality, is not the unsurest ground of our discourse; but oftentimes giveth more light to guide our passage through the doubtfulness of great enterprises, than any other help of reason. For he that will attend an overture from every particular, and tarry for circumstances to accomplish all his purposes, and make no use of instances to better his advantage, shall never wade far in businesses of moment, nor achieve that which he desireth, Which Caesar well observed: for upon the accidental discovery of the disposition of one town, he thereby took occasion to make trial how the rest stood affected; and either found them or made them answerable to his hopes.  
Concerning these places taken by Caesar, 
Pesarò Ital. Plut. Anto.  it is to be understood, that Pisaurum is sited on the Adriatic sea, and belongeth to the Duchy of Urbine: a town famous of old, by reason of the prodigious opening of the earth, and swallowing up the inhabitants before the battle of Actium, some few years after it was thus taken by Caesar.  
Fanum was so called of a fair Temple which was there built to Fortune. 
Fanò Ital.  Tacit. Annal. 10. Exercitus Vespasiani ad Fanum Fortunae iter sistit; The Army of Vespasian made a halt at the Temple of Fortune. It is a small town on the same sea, and belongeth to the Pope.  
Ancona is a famous town upon the Adriatic sea, 
Ancona.  sited upon a bow-like promontory, which taketh in the sea between two forelands; and so maketh one of the fairest Havens of all Italy, as well for largeness as for safety. From whence riseth that common saying, expressing the rareness and singularity of three things; Unus Petrus in Roma, One Peter in Rome; noting the beauty of Saint Peter's Church: Una Turris in Cremona, One tower in Cremona; the excellent workmanship of a Steeple there: And unus Portus in Ancona, One Haven in Ancona; which is this Haven. The Emperor Trajan, to give it more shelter, and keep it from the fury of the wind, raised the top of the Promontory in fashion of a half moon, with a mount made of great Marble stones; and made it Theatre-wise, with descents and degrees to go to the sea; together with an Ark triumphal in memory thereof. The town is now under the Pope.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
THis word Decurio hath a double understanding: 
Decuriones.  for Romulus having 3000 foot and 300 horse, divided them into three Tribes, and every Tribe into ten Curies, containing a hundred footmen and ten horsemen. Whereby Marcellinus concludeth, that Decuriones & Centuriones à numero cui in Militia praeerant d●cebantur; they were called Decurions and Centurions from the number they commanded in the wars. 
Lib. ●. cap. 14.  But Vegetius is more particular in this point. A Company of footmen (saith he) was called a Century or Maniple: and a Troup of horse was called Turma, of Ter-denos, containing thirty men, whereof the Captain was named Decurio. 
Lib. ●. d● bell. Gall.  In which sense Caesar speaketh; Ea res per fugitivos L. Aemili● Decurionis equitum Gallorum hostibus nunciatur: This business was bewrayed to the enemy by the fugitives of L. Aemilius a Decurion of the French horse. But in this place it hath another signification: for the Romans, when they sent any Citizens to people and inhabit a place, chose out every tenth man; such as were found most able, and of best sufficiency to make and establish a public Council; whom they called Decuriones; according as Pomponius and other Civilians understand it. So that these Decuriones were the Senate of that place.    

CHAP. VII.  
Lentulus flieth in great fear out of Rome. Caesar cometh to Co●finium.  
THese things being reported at Rome, 
Caesar.  the City was suddenly struck into such a terror, that when Lentulus the Consul came to open the Treasury, to deliver out money to Pompey according to the Act of Senate, he fled out of the City, 
Sanctiore Aerario.  and left the inner chamber of the Treasury open. For, it was reported (although untruly) that Caesar was near approaching, and that his Cavalry was hard at hand. Marcellus, the other Consul, together with most of the other Magistrates, followed after. Pompey departing the day before, was gone to those legions which he had taken from Caesar, and had left in Apulia to winter. In the mean while the enrolment of soldiers ceased within the City. No place seemed secure between that & Capua. 
Capua.  There they began first ot assemble and assure themselves; impresting for soldiers such as by Julius' law were sent thither to inhabit. 
●ex Juli●.  And the Fencers which were there trained and exercised by Caesar, for the entertainment of the people of Rome, were by Lentulus brought out, set at liberty, mounted upon horses, and commanded to follow him. But afterwards, upon advice of his friends (every man's judgement disallowing thereof) he dispersed them here and there throughout Campania, for their better safety and keeping.  
Caesar dislodging from Auximum, marched throughout all the country of Picenum, 
Picenum.  and was most willingly received by all the Praefectures of those Regions, and relieved with all necessaries which his soldiers stood in need of. Insomuch as Commissioners were sent unto him from Cingulum, 
Cingulum.  a town which Labienus had founded, and built from the ground at his own charges, promising to obey whatsoever he commanded whereupon he required soldiers, and they sent them accordingly. In the mean time the twelfth legion overtook Caesar; and with these two he marched directly to Asculum, 
Asculum.  a town which Lentulus Spinther held with ten Cohorts: who understanding of Caesar's approach, left the place; and labouring to carry the troops with him, was forsaken by the greatest part of the soldiers: and so marching with a few, happened by chance upon Vibullius Rufus, sent of purpose by Pompey into the Country of Picenum, to confirm and settle the people. Vibullius being advertised how matters went there, took the soldiers, and so dismissed him of his charge: gathering likewise from the confining Regions, what cohorts he could get from Pompey's former inrolments; and amongst others, entertained Ulcilles Hirus, 
Ulcil▪ Hirus.  flying with six cohorts out of Camerinum, 
Camerinum.  whereof he had the keeping. These being all put together, made thirteen cohorts; with which by long marches he made towards Domitius Ae●obarous, 
Domtius Aenobarb.  who was at Corfinium, 
Corfinium.  telling him that Caesar was at hand with two legions. Domitius had raised twenty cohorts, out of Albania, Marsia, 
Albania. Marsia.  and Pelignia, 
Pelignia.  adjacent Countries. Asculum being taken in, and Lentulus driven out, Caesar made inquiry after the soldiers that had left Lentulus, and commanded them to be enrolled for him. And after one day's abode for the provision of Corn, he marched towards Corfinium. Upon his approach thither, Domitius sent five cohorts out of the town, 
2500. men.  to break down the bridge of the River, which was about three miles off. The vanguard of Caesar's Army incountering with Domitius soldiers, drove them from the bridge, and forced them to retreat into the town: whereby Caesar passed over his legions, made a stand before the town, and encamped himself under the walls.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
IT is well observed by Guicciardine, 
Sempre è congiunto in un medesimo ●ugget. to I'Insolentia con la Timiditá. Lib. 2.  That Insolency and Timidity are never found asunder, but do always accompany one another in the same subject: For the mind being the centre of all such motions, doth according to every man's nature, give the like scope to passions of contrariety, and extend them both to an equidistant circumference: as, if Courage shall happen to dilate itself to Insolency, then is Doubtfulness in like manner enlarged to Cowardice; and will embase men's thoughts as low, as they did rise in height by insulting. For which cause it is advised by such as treat of Morality, that men be well wary in admitting dilatation of passions, or in suffering them to fly out beyond the compass of Reason, which containeth the measure of Aequability, 
De Officiis.  commended by Cicero, to be observed throughout the whole course of man's life. Lentulus' the Consul may be an instance of this weakness, and learn others moderation by shunning his intemperancy. For in question of qualifying the rage of these broils, and sorting of things to a peaceable end, his arrogancy was incompatible with terms of agreement, and overswayed the Senate with heedless impetuosity. And again, when his authority and Consular gravity should have settled the distracted Commons, and made good his first resolution, his overhasty flying out of the City did rather induce the people to believe, that there was no safety within those walls, not for so small a time as might serve to have shut the Treasury at his heels; and so he became as abject, as before he showed himself insolent.  
Concerning these words (Aperto sanctiore Aerario, 
Aerarium.  rendered, the inner chamber of the Treasury left open) it is to be noted, that Aerarium was their public Treasury; and by the appointment of Valerius Publicola, 
Plutarch. in vita Publicolae. Aerarium populus Romanus in ●de Saturni habuit, Festus.  was made within the Temple of Saturn: whereof divers men make divers conjectures. Macrobius saith, that as long as Saturn continued in Italy, there was no theft committed in all the country: and therefore his Temple was thought the safest place to keep money in. Plutarch thinketh rather, that the making of the Treasury in that place, did allude to the integrity of the time wherein Saturn reigned; for avarice and deceit was not then known amongst them. S. Cyprian is of an opinion, that Saturn first taught Italy the use and coinage of money; and therefore they gave the keeping thereof to his Deity. Howsoever, it is manifest, that not only the public Treasure was there kept, but also their Records, Charts, Ordinances and Edicts: together with such books as were, 
Libri Elephantini.  for their immeasurable greatness, called Libri Elephantini; containing all their Acts of Senate, and deeds of Arms achieved by the Commanders abroad, as also their military Ensigns which they fetched always from thence when they went into the field: 
Signa ex●● Aerario prompta feruntur ad Dictatorem Liv. lib. 4.  and there likewise did such Ambassadors as came to Rome enregister their names, as Plutarch affirmeth.  
It was called Aerarium of Aes, signifying Brass; for that the first money used by the Romans was of that metal, until the year of Rome 485, as Pliny witnesseth; 
Lib. 3. cap. 33.  when they began first to coin pieces of silver marked with the letter X. whereof the ytook the appellation of Denarium, as valuing ten asses of brass, which before they used for their coin; and every of the said asses weighed 12 ounces. Touching their order observed in their Treasury, for their disposing and laying up of their moneys, we must understand, that as bodies politic require necessary and ordinary treasure to be employed in such manner, as may best concur with the public honour and weal of the same; so there must be special care to provide against unusual and extraordinary casualties, which are not removed but by speedy and effectual remedies. According to which providence the Romans disposed of their treasure, and took the twentieth part of their receipt, which they called Aurum vicesimarium, 
Aurum vicesimarium.  and reserved it apart in an inner chamber; where it lay so privileged, that it was a capital crime to touch it, but in extreme and desperate necessity: as in time of war with the Galls, or in a sedition and tumult of the people. Livy affirmeth as much, where he saith, 
Lib. 24.  Caetera expedientibus quae ad bellum opus erant consulibus, aurum vicesimarium, quod in sanctiore Aerario adultimos casus servatur, promi placuit: prompta ad quatuor millia pondo Auri. The Consuls furnishing all other things needful for the war, it was resolved that the vicessimary gold should be brought forth and employed: which said gold was reserved in the inner Treasury, till such time as affairs happened to be in a desperate condition. Accordingly, there was 4000 pound of gold taken out.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
SUch as affect offices and dignities in a State, must ever have means to court Sovereignty, according as may best suit with her Politia, either as she is espoused to a Monarch, or left in trust to a Multitude. Hence it was that the Romans, to gain the favour of the people, and to make way for their own ends, were very sumptuous in setting forth shows and spectacles, of divers sorts and fashions; and specially of Gladiators or Fencers, as best fitting a Roman disposition, and more pleasing than others of any kind. 
Pro Roscio.  Equidem (saith Tully) existimo, nullum tempus esse frequentioris populi, quam illud Gladiatorum, neque concionis ullius, neque vero ullorum Comitiorum; I verily believe that there is at no time a greater concourse of people, then is at the fenceing-playes; neither at an Oration, nor at an Assembly of the State. And in another place; Id autem spectaculi genus erat, quodomni frequentia, atque omni hominum genere celebratur, quo multitudo maxime delectatur; That is a kind of show, which is celebrated with the flocking together of all sorts of people; it being a thing the multitude are extremely delighted with.  
Their manner was to keep great numbers of these Fencers, in some convenient and healthful towns of Italy, as at Ravenna, and Capua (which were as Seminaries of these people) and there to train them up in the feat of fencing, until they had occasion to use them in their shows, 
And therefore ●h●y were called, Bustuari●, a Bustis.  either at their triumphal entries into the City upon their victories, or at the funeral solemnity of some personage of memory, or otherwise at their feasts and jollities.  
Quinetiam exhilarare viris convivia caede  
Mos olim, 
Sil. Ita●.  & miscere epulis spectacula dira.  
The death of men made mirth at feasts of old,  
And banquets than were graced with fencers bold.  
They fought commonly man to man, at all advantage, and were seldom excused, until one of the two lay dead upon the place. Neither was he then quitted that had slain his companion, but stood liable to undertake another, and so a third, until he had foiled six or seven Combatants. And if his hap were to prevail so often, he was then honoured with a Garland wound about with ribbons of wool, 
Lemnisc●.  which they called Lemnisci, and received of the Praetor a great knotted staff, 
Spectatum s●tis & don●tum jam ●ude. Hor. The Romans never used these Gladiators in any u●ilitary service, but only in civil wars.  called Rudis; which he afterward carried about with him as an ensign of liberty. These bloody spectacles continued unto the time of Constantine the great, and were by him prohibited, as likewise also by Arcadius and Honorius; and utterly abolished after the reign of Theodorick, king of the Goths. Let him that would look further into the fashion of these shows, read what Lipsius hath written concerning the same. That which I observe herein is, 
A● deform insuper auxilium, 〈◊〉 millia Gladiatorum: sed per civilia arma severis ducibus usurpatu●. Tac. hist. 1.  the use which the State made hereof: for howsoever these sights and solemnities were set forth for the compassing of private ends; yet nevertheless the Commonweal drew benefit from the same. For a multitude being of a fickle and mutable nature, are no way so well settled with contentment of the time, or kept from novelties and innovations, as with public shows and entertainments; which are as stays to their affections, that they swerve not from the government by which they live in civil consociation. So we read how the Grecians instituted, as popular entertainments, their Olympian, Nemean, Isthmian, and Pythian Games; The Romans, their Apollinary, Secular, Gladiatory, and Hunting shows, with Tragedy's and Comedies: and all for the satisfaction of the people. Wherein, howsoever the Grecians seem more judicious, for inventing such Games as might both exercise and entertain the people; yet the Romans sailed not of the end aimed at in these spectacles, which was, to inure them to blood and slaughter, and to make them dreadless in cases of horror.  
But to leave all shows of this nature, as either too little for earnest, or too much for pass-time; it shall suffice to note, that these public entertainments are so far expedient as they consist of pleasure and comeliness: for as their chiefest end is to pleasure and content the people; so their manner must be directed by lawfulness and honesty. In which respect, a Tragedy is more commendable than a Comedy; forasmuch as few comical arguments do sympathise with honesty.   

THE THIRD OBSERVATION.  
TO be great and of a large proportion, doth not take away casualties of inconvenience; nor can it give a privilege, to free things from distemperature: Tall men are as subject to Fevers, as others of lesser stature; and great Empires as easily disturbed, as the States of petty Princes.  
O faciles dare summa Deos, 
Lucan. lib. 1.  eademque tueri,  
Difficiles! 
P●rare, & quaerere 〈◊〉: tueri diffi●ilius, Liv●e Lib. 37. —  
O Gods easy to grant, but to preserve  
Your gifts as hard!—  
It is easier to attain the end of high desires, then to keep it being got: and better is the assurance of seeking, then of possessing. The Roman people that had overawed the world with Arms, and left no kingdom unfoiled with the fear of then legions, were as much dismayed at a subjects disloyalty, as was possible for a mean State to be amuzed upon an alarm of any danger. And that City which suffered no enemy to approach near her confines, but in the condition of a Captive, was not trusted as able to give her own people safety.  
— sic turba per Urbem  
Praecipiti lymphata gradu, velut unicarebus  
Spes foret affl●ctis patrios excedere muros,  
Inconsultaru●●.—  
— So through the streets  
With headlong madness ran the multitude,  
As if their case no other hope had left  
Of safety, then to quit their native walls.  
The advantage is, that kingdoms of great command have great helps in cases of disturbance; but are otherwise as subject to apprehensions of distrust, as those of lesser power to resist.    

CHAP. VIII.  
C●sar goeth on with the siege of Corfinium, and taketh it.  
DOmitius being thus engaged, 
Caesar.  sent out skilful men of the Country, with promise of great reward, to carry Letters to Pompey, entreating and praying, that he would come and relieve him; for Caesar, by reason of the straightness of the passages, might with two Armies be easily shut up: which opportunity if he neglected, 
15000. men, or thereabout.  himself, with above 30 cohorts of soldiers, besides a great number of Senators and Roman Knights, were in danger of running a hard fortune. In the mean time, he exhorted his men to courage and resolution; placed his 
* Tormenta.  Artillery on the walls; assigned every man his quarter to be made good; promised in public assembly of the soldiers, four acres apiece to each man out of his own lands and possessions, and the like rateable parts to the Centurions and Evocati. Meanwhile it was told C●sar, that the inhabitants of Sulmo, a town distant seven miles from Corfinium, 
Sulmo.  were desirous to receive his commands, but that they were restrained by Q. Lucretius a Senator, and Actius Pelignus, that kept the town with a garrison of seven cohorts. Whereupon he sent thither M. Antonius with sive cohorts of the seventh legion: whose Ensigns were no sooner discovered by those of the town, but the gates were opened, and the inhabitants and soldiers came all out, to gratulate and welcome Antonius. Lucretius and Actius conveyed themselves over the wall. Actius being taken and brought to Antony, desired to be sent to Caesar. Antonius returning the same day, brought Actius and the soldiers that were found in Sulmo, to Caesar; whom he took to his Army, and sent Actius away in safety.  
Caesar, the three first days, made great works to fortify his Camp; caused store of corn to be brought from the towns next about him; and there determined to stay the coming of the rest of his forces. Within the space of those three days the eighth legion came unto him, with 22 cohorts newly enroled in Gallia, together with three hundred horse, which the King of Noricum had sent unto him. Upon the arrival of which forces, he made a second Camp on the other side of the town, and appointed Curio to command it. The rest of the time was spent in compassing the town with a Ramp●er and with Castles. The greatest part of which work being finished, it chanced at the same time, that such as were sent to Pompey returned. The Letters being read, Domitius dissembling the truth, 
Du●es rebus afflict is 〈◊〉 de industria simulant. Seneca ad P●ly.  gave out in the council of war, that Pompey would come speedily to succour them: and therefore wished that no man should be dismayed, but to prepare such things as were of use for the defence of the town. but he himself conferring secretly with some of his familiar friends, consulted how he might escape away. But forasmuch as his looks agreed not with his words, and that his carriage seemed more troubled and timorous then usual, and likewise his secret conferences with his friends were more than ordinary, as also by his avoiding of public counsels and assemblies as much as he could, the matter could be no longer dissembled. For Pompey had writ back, that he would not hazard the cause, by drawing it into such terms of extremity: neither was Domitius, engaged in the keeping of Co●finium by his advice or consent: and therefore, if by any means he could, he should quit the place, and bring the forces unto him. But the siege was so straight, and the works did so begird the town, that there was no hope of effecting it. Domitius purpose being known abroad, the soldiers within the town, about the beginning of the evening forsook their stations, and drew themselves apart; and thereupon had conference with the Tribunes of the soldiers and Centurions to this effect: That they were besieged by Caesar, whose works and fortifications were almost finished; their General Domitius (in hope and confidence of whom they were engaged in that place) setting aside all matters whatsoever, was bethinking himself how he might escape and fly away: and in regard thereof, they were not to neglect their own safety. The Marsi at first began to differ from the rest upon that point, & possessed themselves of that part of the town which seemed to be strongest: and such a dissension thereby grew amongst them. that they had almost gone to blows. Howbeit, understanding a while after (by messengers which passed to and fro between them) of Domitius purpose to fl●e away, whereof formerly they were ignorant; they agreed together, and with one consent brought Domitius out into open public; and sent some to Caesar, to let him know, they were ready to open the gates, to receive his commandments, and to deliver Domitius alive into his hands. Upon advertisement whereof (albeit Caesar found it a matter of great consequence, to gain the town with as much speed as he could, and to take the soldiers into his Camp, lest either by large promises and gifts, or by entertaining other purposes, or otherwise through false bru●ts or dev●sed messages, their minds might happily be altered, as oftentimes in the course of war, great and eminent chances and alterations do happen in a small moment of time; yet for that he feared lest the nighttime might give occasion to the soldiers upon their entrance to sack and pilfer the town) he commending those that came unto him, sent them back again, and willed that the gates and the walls should be kept with a good guard. He himself disposed the soldiers upon the work, which he had begun; not by certain spaces and distances, as he had accustomed in former times, but by continual watches and stations, one touching another round about all the fortifications. Moreover, he sent the Tribunes and Captains of the horse about, and willed them to have a care that there might be no eruptions or sallies, and that they should look to the private slippings out of particular men. Neither was there any man so heavy or dull, that suffered his eyes to be shut that night: for so great was the expectation of what would ensue, that no man thought of any other thing, then of what would happen to the Corfinians, to Domitius, to Lentulus and the rest. About the fourth watch of the night, 
Lentulus Spinther.  Lentulus Spinther spoke from the wall to our soldiers that had the watch, and signified that he would willingly have leave to come to Caesar. Which being granted, he was sent out of the town, attended with some of Domitius his soldiers, who left him not until he came in sight of Caesar. With him he dealt concerning his life, and pra●ed him to pardon him; put him in mind of their former familiarity; acknowledged the favours received from Caesar, which were very great; namely, that by his means, 
Collegium Ponti●●um.  he was chosen into the College of Priests, that upon the going out of his Praetorship, he obtained the province of Spain, and in his suit to be Consul, he was much assisted by him.  
Caesar, interrupting his speech, told him, that he came not from his government to hurt any man; but to defend himself from the injuries of his adversaries; to restore the Tribunes of the people to their dignity, that were thrust out and expelled the City; and to put himself and the people of Rome into liberty, which were oppressed with the partialities of a few factious persons. Lentulus, being reassured upon this answer, prayed leave to return into the town; and the rather, that this which he had obtained touching his own safety, might give hope to the rest: amongst whom some were so affrighted, that be doubted they would fall into some desperate course. And having obtained leave, he departed. Caesar, as soon as it was day, commanded all the Senators and Senators children, together with the Tribunes of the soldiers, and the Roman Knights, to be brought out unto him. Of Senators there were L. Domitus, P. Lentulus Spinther, Vibullius Rufus, Sex. Quintilius Varus, the Treasurer, L. Rubrius; besides Domitius his son, and many other young men; with a great number of Roman Knights and Decurions, whom Domitius had called out of the Municipal Towns. These being all brought forth unto him, were protected from the insolences and injuries of the soldiers. Moreover, he spoke a few words unto them, concerning the ill requital on their behalf, for the great benefits he had done unto them: and so sent them all away in peace.  
The sixty Sestertia of gold which Domitius had laid up in the public Treasury, being brought unto him by the two chief Magistrates or Ba●lifs of Corfinium, 
Duumvir●.  he redelivered to Domitius; lest he should seem more continent in taking away men's lives, than their moneys: although he knew that this money was part of the public treasure, and delivered out by Pompey to pay soldiers. He commanded Domitius his party to be sworn his soldiers. And that day removing his Camp, went a full days march (after a stay of seven days about Corfinium) through the confines of the Marrucini, Frentani, and Larinates, and came into Apulia.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
AS it is true, 
Latius Pat●t ossiciorum qu●m juris Regula.  that a friend is not solely tied to the respects of right, but doth give more advantage by offices of good endeavour, then by that which duty requireth: so is it dangerous for a man to put his ●ickle further into a harvest, than haply may deserve thanks of the owner. 
Stultitiae videtur, alienam rem suo periculo curare.  Neither can it be cleared from imputation of folly, to care another man's business, with hazard and peril of our own fortune. Howbeit, the current and drift of things doth oftentimes so engage both our persons and affections, 
Sallust. de b●llo Jugurth.  either in the main action itself, or in some circumstances of the same, that we cannot avoid the hazard of rebuke, if our endeavours do not sort with his liking that is to approve them. Whereof Domitius may be an instance; who, taking Corfinium on the behalf of the State, was nevertheless disavowed in his merit, and consequently brought into extremity of danger, for his over-forwardnesse in the service of his Country. Such liberty hath sovereignty, either to take or leave, when the event shall not rise answerable to a good meaning.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
When a party is fallen into an exigence, it hath no better remedy for relief then that of the Comic, Redimas te captum quam queas minimo; redeem yourself at as cheap a rate as you can. Which is not understood, that we should clear the head, and leave the rest of the members to misfortune: for that were to draw a double mischief on the whole body. But the head is to escape with as little prejudice to the other parts, as by wisdom and virtue may be gained: and so much the rather, lest in seeking to purchase safety with hazard of the other members, it draw the whole destruction upon itself; as it fell out with Domitius: who going about to fly out of the town, and to leave such forces as by his means were embarked in that cause, was justly made the sacrifice of their peace. Silvius deserved better to be followed by men of adventure: for, being moved to escape himself away by night, and to leave his troops to such fortune as Jugurth upon advantage should put upon them; 
Sallust. de bello Jug●rth.  he answered, Etiamsi certa pestis adesset, mansurum potius, quam proditis quos duccbat, turpi fuga, incertae, ac for sitan paulo post morbo interiturae vitae parceret: Although the plague were never so near and certain to befall him, yet he would stay by it, rather than by a base slight betray those under his command, thereby to save his fickle life for a time, which it may be some disease or other would immediately after deprive him of. And therefore, if a Commander shall at any time go about to betray his forces, with hope of his own safety, the issue will bring out either his dishonour, or his confusion.   

THE THIRD OBSERVATION.  
SUch as undertake great designs, do likewise project the means of achieving the same, and do propound unto themselves such principles to be observed, as they take to be special way-makers to the fortune they reach at; from which grounds they seldom or never swerve. As appeareth by this of Caesar: who aiming at the sovereignty of that Empire, and knowing no way so direct to lead him thereunto, as to climb up by the steps of Mildness, and to make his Adversaries debtors to his Clemency, he left aside his Maxims of war, to hold firm that principle; and did forbear to gain a town of great importance, with that speed which occasion and opportunity did afford him, and to take the troops into his Camp, for the prevention of such chances and changes, as do happen in a small moment of time, lest his soldiers entering into the town, after the shutting of the evening, might take leave of the nighttime to make forfeiture of his mercy.  
It shall therefore be well beseeming the wisdom of a Leader, to have always respect to the principles of his Means, and to distinguish between that which is fit and that which is more fit, in the native carriage of his business.   

THE FOURTH OBSERVATION.  
COncerning this Coll●gium Pontisicum, 
Collegium Pontisicum.  the College of Priests, we are to note, that Numa, the founder of the Roman Commonweal, for the preventing of partialities and factions in that State, which at that time consisted of two Nations or Tribes, did break the whole body into many small parts and fractions, 
Pl●ta●●h in th● life of Nu●a.  making his division by Arts and Occupations; whereby he ordained, that all Minstrels or Trumpeters should be incorporated into one Brotherhood; and that in like manner, Goldsmiths, Carpenters, Dyer's, Shoemakers, Coriers, Tanners, Bel-founders, Potters, and all other trades and Sciences, should have their peculiar body or Fraternity; appointing them feasts, assemblies, and services, according to the worthiness of each mystery, as Plutarch hath observed in the life of Numa.  
Valerius Maximus maketh mention of the College of Pipers or Minstrels. 
Cap. de instituti.  And Plinte, in like manner, 
Lib. 34. cap. 1.  mentioneth the College of Copper-smiths. 
Lib. 2.  Cicero taketh notice of the college or company of Merchants, 
Epist. ad Q●. ●ratrem. Epist. 5.  which he calleth Collegium Mercurialium; for that of old time, the nimble-tongued Mercury was believed in, as the Guider and Protector of Merchants. The privileges and customs wherewith these Fraternities were endowed, 
In L. 1. §.  are set down by Caius the Civilian. There are certain Colleges at Rome, saith he, incorporated by Act of Senate, and established with good ordinances and constitutions, having certain things in common, in imitation of the public weal: 
L. Pater silium. §.  and as Scevola further noteth, with power to make laws, for the better government of such Colleges and Societies; so the same be not contrary to the fundamental laws of the State. After the same manner, the Priests had their peculiar College or corporation; and at the first institution were but four in number, and all of Patrician families, unto the year of Rome 454; at what time there were four of the Commons chosen, and added to the former number; 
Lib. 36.  whom Silvius increased to fifteen, as Dio witnesseth. And these were called Collegium Pontisicum, whereof this Pontifex Maximus was precedent: one of the absolutest dignities of Rome, as being for term of life, and of greatest and divine authority. Which general distribution of the Romans into trad●s and mysteries, doth not unfitly bring into remembrance, that which is usual amongst the Turks, who by their law are all bound to be of an occupation; not excepting the Grand Signior himself. For he that now upholds the Ottoman family, by the name of Sultan Acm●t, 
Acome●● the great Turk.  is a professed maker of Rings, which the Turks do wear on their thumb when they shoot, 
〈◊〉 Bassa, N●iler, or pare● of nails.  to let the string go easily without hurting them: and his father Mahomet was a Fletcher, and made arrows. In like manner, all his Courtiers are of trades and occupations; and every man is called by the title of his Art: 
Bustangi Bassa, Gardener.  as, he that was lately Visier Bassa to the present Sultan, was called by the name of Natcash Bassa, the Visier Painter, being indeed the Sultan's Painter. Neither are they ashamed to acknowledge as much: for, opening Letters which were sent into Turkey out of Christendom, that were limmed about the Margin, he said, he could paint as well as that himself.   

THE FIFTH OBSERVATION.  
THe fifth thing which I observe out of these passages at Corfinium, is, the restoring back of such moneys to Domitius, as were brought unto Caesar by the Officers of the town, and which he knew to be of the public treasure of the State. Which howsoever it may seem admirable to the hearers of these times, wherein there is but this one rule for matter of money, Unde habeas quaerit nemo, sed oportet habere, No body asks how you come by it, but it must be had: Yet such as will lay a sure foundation of honour, and thrive in the courses which they follow, must not be ignorant, 
Caput autem est in omni procuratione 〈◊〉, & muneris publici, ut avaritiae pellatur etiam minima suspicio.  that there is nothing more requisite to gain opinion and reputation in the carriage of any public business, then to be clear of the least suspicion of covetousness. Neither is there any means that will sooner win a multitude, to believe in those things which are set abroach by public Authority, than those two virgin virtues, Abstinence and Continency: especially when they are found in Princes and chief Commanders, that can otherwise justify their actions with sovereignty and uncontrollment. 
Nulla autem re, conciliare facilius bene. volentiam multitudinis 〈…〉 qui 〈◊〉 praesunt, quam abstinentia & contin●ntia. Cicero.  Nor, on the other side, did ever Apollo give out truer Oracle than that, which said, That there was no means to ruin Sparta but by Avarice.  
In which sense, 
a Cic. lib. Offici.  C. Pontius the Samnite wished, that the Gods had reserved him to times wherein the Romans would have been corrupted with gifts: for than he would soon have seen an end of their Commonweal. And certainly that Empire could never have towered so high, nor continued firm so many ages, had not her foundation been laid by men of admirable temper in this kind: Such as was Paulus Aemilius; who having sacked Macedonia, and brought as much wealth into the public Treasury as gave an end to Tributes and Subsidies, was no way the richer (but in honour) for all that he had taken. And such also was Scipio Africanus; that of all the wealth of Carthage, brought nothing into his private house, but a high and triumphant Name, as a merit of his virtues and deeds of Arms: leaving behind him this Oracle, as a document to following times; 
Imperatores muneribus hi●ntes, Hostibus s●nt perutiles.  That covetous Captains are good to none but to the Enemy. And to conclude, such was M. Curius; who having triumphed of the Samnites, the Sabines, and Pyrrhus, refused a great mass of Gold, 
Appian. de bell. Hispan. Cic. Cato Major.  which was offered him by the Samnites: esteeming it more honourable to command them that had Gold, then to have Gold of his own. Howbeit, such is the frailty of humane nature, that for the most part, men have always suffered their desire of money to increase with their wealth, although it were to their ruin and destruction. Which Caesar well discerned, as appeareth by that which he writ to Opius, touching this accident: Haec nova sit vincendi ratio, ut misericordia & liberalitate nos muniamus; It is a new way of conquering, to strengthen ourselves by mercifulness and liberality.   

THE six OBSERVATION.  
UPon occasion of Caesar's calling unto him, out of the town, Senatores, senatorumque filios, Equitesque Romanos, the Senators, sons of Senators, and Roman Knights, it shall not seem impertinent, to note the degrees and conditions of state whereof the Roman people consisted. For the better clearing whereof, it is to be understood, that by that notable transaction at Comitium, between Romulus and Tatius, it was agreed, That both those Nations should dwell together at Romulus' town, which after his name, should be called Rome; and that the inhabitants thereof should be named Quirites, after the name of Tatius City. Howbeit, specially they were divided into three Tribes, whereof they which were of Romulus' party, 
Plutarch. in vita Romuli.  were called after his name, Rhamnenses; those that came with Tatius, Tatienses; and the third Tribe Lucerences, of Lucus, a Grove: forasmuch as they being neither of Romulus' retinue, nor yet of the Sabines, were nevertheless met together at that place, from divers parts, as at a Grove, where commonly assemblies were made to offer sacrifice, and to perform their heathenish solemnities.  
Each of these Tribes were divided by Romulus into ten Curiae; and so made the number of thirty Curiae. And out of each of these Curiae he chose three persons, such as by their presence and sufficiency seemed fittest, and most worthy; which amounted to ninety. To whom, out of every Tribe he further added three, and one more of his own choosing, to make the number up a hundred; whom he established as his Council or Senate: 
Senatus.  by whose advice he resolved of all matters of consequence, either concerning peace or war, as Dionysius Halicarnasseus noteth. Howbeit Plutarch saith, 
Lib. 2.  they were seldom assembled but to understand the King's pleasure; and had no other preeminence in the Commonweal, saving they were the first that did know what was purposed. Howsoever, they were styled by the name of Senatores, quasi seniores, as thereby qualified to be admitted to Counsel: and in the same sense they were called Patres.  
The Senate being thus established, Romulus selected out of every of those Curiae ten young men, and so made up the number of three hundred, for a guard to his person; who for their readiness and numblenesse were called Celeres, 
Celeres or Equites: ordo Equestris.  all mounted on horseback: whence grew their Ordo Equestris, or band of Roman knights, which were the mean between the Senate and the people, and as a Seminary to supply the Senate; for out of them were the Senators taken. The rest, that were not of these two Orders, 
Plebs, or populus.  were comprehended under the name of the Commons, or Populacy. Whereby it appeareth that Rome consisted of three estates, Senators, Knights, and the Commons, according to that of Ausonius;  
Martia Roma triplex; Equitatu, Plebe, Senatu.  
Of three sorts Rome consists, Knights, Commons, Senate.  
Touching the number of Senators, it is further to be noted, that Tarqvinius Priscus, to gain the favour of the people, took a hundred of the Commons, and added them to the Senate, who were called Senatores minorum Gentium. 
Senatores minorum Gentium.  And Brutus having reduced it to a Commonweal, made them up three hundred out of the band of Knights; and from that time they were called Patres conscripti. 
Patres conscripti.  Neither were they at all times limited in that number: for the seditious Gracchis added three hundred more unto them; and Julius Caesar admitted unto the Senate all manner of persons. In which regard Augustus (as Suetonius saith) Senatorum affluentem numerum deformi & incondita turba (erant enim super mille, 
Sueton. 35.  & quidam ind●gnissimi) ad modum pristinum & splendorem redegit: Reduced the excessive number of Senators, which was become a deformed and shapeless company (for they were above a thousand, and divers of them unworthy fellows) to their ancient way and splendour.  
Concerning a competency of wealth, to make a man capable of the place of a Senator, we may observe, that in the reign of Servius the King, he that was worth a thousand asses (which are about three hundred pound sterling) was eligible. But the riches of the Empire increasing, a Senators wealth was rated at nine thousand pound, according to Suetonius; Senatorum censum ampliavit, 
Sueton. 41.  ac pro octing●ntorum millium summa duodecies H●S taxavit, supplevitque non habentibus. The wealth of a Roman Knight was rated at three hundred threescore, or thereabouts.  
This Corfinium was the chief town of the Pelignians, 
Corfinium.  and stood in the centre of Italy, 
Strabo, lib. 6.  where all the confederate people assembled when they consulted of war against the Romans, for their right of Burgeship, or freedom of the City, which was then denied them: which war was called Bellum sociale Marsicum, and Italicum. There is now nothing remaining of that town but the ruins, as a mark of the place where it anciently stood, upon a Plain, commonly called Pentina, or Sant Peligno.    

CHAP. IX.  
Pompey goeth to Brundisium: Caesar maketh means to treat with h●m.  
POmpey understanding of these things which had passed at Corfinium, 
Caesar.  departed from Luceria, and went to Canusium, 
Luceria.  and from thence to Brundisium; causing all the power he could to be raised by new musters and inrolments, arming shepherds and slaves, and mounting them on horseback; of whom he made some three hundred horse. In the mean time L. Manlius, the Praetor, fled from Alba with six cohorts; and Rutilius Lupus, Praetor, fled from Tarracina with three cohorts: who descrying afar off the Cavalry of Caesar, commanded by Bivius Curius, forsaking the Praetor, turned their Ensigns towards Curius, and joined with him. In like manner the days following, divers other cohorts came in as they marched, some to the foot troops, and some to the horse. Cn. Magius of Cremona, master of the works and of the munition in Pompey's Army; was taken on the way, and brought back to Caesar: whom he sent back again to Pompey, with commission to treat with him to this effect: Forasmuch as there had yet happened no opportunity of meeting or conference, he was now determined to seek him at Brundisium; for it much imported the Commonweal, and every man's safety in particular, that they two might confer together. Neither could things be so well handled upon so great a distance of way, where the articles of treaty must be carried to and fro by a third party, as when they met face to face to conclude of the conditions.  
This message being first given, he came to Brundisium with six legions; four legions of old soldiers, and the other raised by new inrolments, or made up as he came along the Country: for he had presently dispatched Domitius his cohorts from Corfinium into Sicily. At his coming, he found the Consuls gone over to Dyrrachium with the greatest part of the Army, and Pompey remaining at Brundisium with twenty cohorts. Neither could he certainly be informed, whether he remained at Brundisium to make good the town, whereby he might the easier be master of the Adriatic sea, and command both the utter parts of Italy, and the Regions of Greece, and so to keep the war on foot on the one side and on the other; or whether he stayed there for want of shipping. Howsoever, he would not endure that Pompey should think he could not be forced to quit Italy; and therefore resolved to stop up the mouth of the Haven, and to take away the use thereof: which he went about in this manner. Where the mouth of the Haven was narrowest, 
Caesar besieged Pompey at Brundisium, the 23 day of february 〈◊〉 cond. 704.  he raised great mounts of earth on either side near unto the shore; for there the Sea was shallow: but going further into the deep, where no such mounts could be raised, he placed double slottes of wood, right against the same mounts, of thirty foot square; and at the corners cast out four Anchors to fasten them, that they might not be tossed up and down by the waves. These flottes being thus placed, he then added other flottes of the same scantling, and covered them with bavin and earth, to the end men might come readily upon them to defend them. He armed them in front and on each side with hurdies and gabions; and on every fourth flotte made a tower of two stories high, the better to defend them from violence of shipping, and from burning.  
Against this work Pompey sent out great ships of burden, which he found in the Haven, armed with towers of three stories high, full of munition, and all sort of weapons, to hinder and disturb the same. So that every day they fought afar off each with other, with slings, arrows, and other casting weapons. Which business Caesar so carried, as being willing not to let fall the conditions of peace, if happily it might be effected. And albeit he greatly wondered that Magius, whom he had sent to Pompey, did not return again: and that this Treaty so often attempted, did hinder much his designs: yet he thought it fit by all means to persevere therein: and therefore sent Caninius Rebilus, one of his Legates, an inward friend of, 
Pompey's son married 〈…〉 daughter.  and near allied to Scribonius Libo, to speak with him: commanding him to persuade Libo to mediate a reconciliation, and that Caesar himself might speak with Pompey. It might be, that thereupon both of them would yield to lay down their Arms upon equal conditions: the greatest part of which honour would redound to Libo, if by his intercession the war might take an end.  
Libo having heard Caninius, went straight to Pompey; and within a while returning, told him, That forasmuch as the Consuls were absent, there could be nothing done touching an agreement. Whereupon Caesar resolved to let fall the matter of▪ Treaty, which he had so often attempted, and to prepare for war.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
THis accident of taking Cn. Magius, hath made known an officer of great place and use in the Roman Army, 
Praefectus Fab●ûm.  of whom otherwise their Histories make little mention. For, howsoever there is found in these Commentaries many particular descriptions of admirable and incredible works, such as may seem to be made rather by Giants and Cyclopes, than any labour of man; yet there is no mention of any Praefectus fabrûm, or Master of the works in any of Caesar's Armies. Howbeit Vegetius, 
Lib. 2. cap. 11.  expressing their singular care to have in abundance all manner of provisions requisite for an Army, saith; That to every legion did belong Carpenters, Bricklayers, Smiths, Painters, and other Artisans, skilful and fit to build lodgings for their wintering Camps; to make Engines and devices for war; such as were their portative, or ambulatory towers, targets, morions, corslets, bows, arrows, darts, and piles, or whatsoever else might serve, either for offence or defence. Which Artificers were all known by the name of Fabri; and he that was Chief, and had the command of them, was called Praefectus Fabrûm. 
Plutarch in the life of Cicero.  And in like manner Plutarch showeth, that there was such an officer; as also that the place was given by the General; where he saith, that Vibius a Sicilian refused to lodge Cicero, as he passed to exile through Lucania; although that in his Consulship he had bestowed upon him the place of Praefectus Fabrûm. And albeit Caesar maketh no mention of any such officer; yet Catullus doth it for him, in such biting Trimetres as will not be forgotten:  
Quis hoc potest videre, quis potest pati,  
Nisi impudicus, & vorax & Helluo,  
Mamurram habere, quod Comata Gallia  
Habebat & ultima Britannia?  
Who can this endure to see,  
But must a wanton glutton be,  
That Mamurra should have all  
Fetched from Britan and from Gall?  
Of which Mamurra Pliny thus writeth; 
Lib. 36. cap. 6.  Cornelius Nepos, saith he, writeth that Mamurra, a Roman knight, born at Formia, and Master of the works under Caesar in Gallia, was the first that covered all the walls of his house, which he built in Mount Coelius, with leaves of Marble. Neither let any man disdain the Author as a mean person; for this is that Mamurra, whom Catullus doth note in his verses; whose house was far more stately than Catullus did express, by saying he had gotten all the wealth of Gallia Comata. For the said Cornelius affirmeth, that he was the first in Rome that made the pillars of his house of solid Marble, even hewn out of the quarries of Caristus, or Luna. Thus far goeth Pliny. Out of which may be noted, that exorbitancy in gaining doth produce the like course in spending; and howsoever such come in may be close and secret, 
Epist. ad 〈◊〉 lib. ●. Epist. 8.  yet the issue out will proclaim it in profuse and lavishing manner: and therefore such as command in these places, and have such means to enrich themselves, had need to be clean-fingered. Caesar writing to Opius, mentioneth the taking of this man, as a thing of some note. Cn. Magium, Pompeii Praefectum deprehendi scilicet, meo instituto usus sum, & eum statim missum feci: jam duo Praefecti fabriûm in meam potestatem venerunt, & à me missi sunt: When I had taken Cn. Magius, a master of the works to Pompey, according to my usual manner, I let him go. So that there have two Masters of the works fallen into my hands, and I have let them both freely go. Concerning the use of these manual Arts, and the prerogative they have in well-ordered States; it is to be noted, that without these, no City can conveniently be built, fortified, or furnished with Arms. And thereupon such Artisans have always challenged a place of chief regard in the Commonweal. Whence it was, that Ulysses scorned not se fabrum profiteri, to profess himself such an Artisan. 
〈…〉. 23.    

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
THe Maxim proprium, or most proper part of war is opposition; and that universal, rather than any other kind of repugnancy: for there is no sympathising condition between two enemy Armies, otherwise then by▪ mutual exchange of velle & nolle, throughout the whole course of their intendments; as may be here observed upon Caesar's arrival at Brundisium. For finding Pompey to remain there after the departure of the Consuls, and not certainly informed of the reason of his stay; lest he should think he could not be forced to quit Italy, Caesar went about to thrust him out headlong: or otherwise, if his purpose were to follow after the Consuls to Dyrrachium, Caesar's design than was to shut him in, and so to have followed the rule of contradiction, by which soldiers are directed in their achievements.  
Concerning the site of Brundisium, which hath ever been famous for the commodiousness of the Haven, and the usual port where the Romans took shipping for Greece, being but a hundred Italian miles distant from Apollonia in Epirus; 
〈…〉.  we are to note, that the town standeth upon a Langet of earth, extended into the Haven Peninsule-like from the main land, resembling the neck and head of a Stag, and in that regard is called Brundisium, of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which signifieth a Stag: which Langet hath many crooked guts, or inlets of the Sea, capable of great shipping; besides the two main Ports on either side of the town, which with the rest of the Haven, make the safest and fairest road of that part of the world. The mouth of the Haven where Caesar made his flottes, is very straight; and opposite thereunto, some three miles distant into the Sea, standeth a small Island, to abate the violence and rage of the waves. Now to besiege Brundisium, it was requisite to take away the use and benefit of the Haven: which Caesar attempted with such rare and artificial works (of mounts where the Sea was shallow, and of flottes where the water was deep; and those made firm with earth, and fenced with hurdles and turrets, that the Reader may discern it, by the description, to be a Masterpiece of excellent invention.   

THE THIRD OBSERVATION.  
IT is truly said of old, That peace is not dear at any rate. Which Antiochus well understood, when he bought it of the Romans for twelve thousand Attic talents, 
Livy lib. 8. Dec. 4.  and 540000 bushels of wheat: Esteeming it as the sovereign happiness of man's fortune, and an extraordinary effect of those intelligent spirits, which guide the motions of the celestial spheres, to keep the elements in a disagreeing concord, and the feet of men in the paths of tranquillity. Hence it is, that such as are instruments of so great a good, and shall thereby happen to redeem a Nation from horror and confusion, have in all ages been crowned with honour and renown, as the due reward of a Mediator of Peace. And therefore Caesar, persuading Libo to negotiate a cessation of Arms, and to work in Pompey a disposition to an agreement, propounded the honour which attended this service, and the merit of that endeavour which brought back peace into the Empire.    

CHAP. X.  
Pompey leaveth Brundisium, and shippeth himself for Greece.  
THe work being half perfected, 
Caesar.  and nine days labour bestowed upon it; the ships that had transported the Consuls and the other part of the Army, returned from Dyrrachium to Brundisium: and thereupon Pompey began to fit himself for a departure; being induced thereunto either by the works which Caesar had begun, or by a resolution formerly taken to quit Italy. And the better to retard Caesar's prosecution (lest upon his issuing out, the soldiers should enter the town) he mured up the gates, and stopped the entrances of the streets and passages, sunk ditches and trenches cross the ways, & therein stuck sharp piles and stakes, and covering the same with slight hurdles, leveled it with thin and light earth: leaving only two ways free, which went unto the Haven, which he hedged in with a strong Palisado of huge sharp Piles.  
These things being thus prepared, he commanded the soldiers to get a shipboard, without noise or tumult; and left upon the walls and in the towers, here and there, some of the readiest Slingers and Archers, to be called away upon a warning-signe, when the rest of the soldiers were all shipped; appointing Galleys to take them in at an easy and safe place. The inhabitants of Brundisium, oppressed with the injuries and contumelies of Pompey and his soldiers, did favour Caesar's party; and understanding of this departure, whilst they were running up and down, and busied about getting abroad, gave notice thereof from the tops of their houses. Which being perceived, Caesar (not to omit any opportunity of achieving his purpose) commanded ladders to be prepared, and the soldiers to take Arms. Pompey a little before night weighed Anchor: and the soldiers keeping guard on the wall, upon the watchword given, were all called from their stations, and by known passages repaired to the ships. Caesar's soldiers with Ladders got upon the wall: but being admonished by them of Brundisium to take heed of the blind d●tch, 
〈◊〉 Vallum.  they stood still. At last, they were brought a great compass about, and so came to the Haven; and with skiffs and boats, seized two ships with soldiers, which stuck by chance upon the Mounts which Caesar had made.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
FOrasmuch as this manner of Pompey's departure from Brundisium, 
Plutarch in 〈◊〉 of Pompey.  and the sleight he used to embark himself and his Army without danger of Caesar's entering the town, is commended for one of the best stratagems of war that ever he used; let us a little consider the parts thereof, which present themselves of two sorts: the one consisting of the works he made, to hinder and retard Caesar's entrance, if happily he should have knowledge of his departure; and the other, in the cleanly conveyance of his men aboard, without noise or tumult, and the semblance he made of keeping the town, by continuing watch upon the walls, to the end there might be no knowledge taken thereof. The works were of three sorts. For first he ●ured and stopped up the ends and entrances of streets and lanes, which might give access to a pursuing enemy. And to that end also, he sunk ditches, or trenches, cross the ways and passages: which he stuck full of sharp stakes and galthrops, and covered them with light and thin hurdles, that the Enemy might not espy them. And thirdly, hedged in the ways leading to the Port, with a strong Palisado of huge sharp piles. And so used both the Lions and the Fox's skin, to avoid the danger which might have fallen upon him, if Caesar happily had found means to attach them, as they were encumbered in getting to their ships, and disposing themselves to fly away. Which being an occasion that might have given him great advantage, was in this manner carefully prevented by Pompey. Howbeit, this his quitting Brundisium is censured but for a faulty resolution handsomely carried: for Cicero doth much blame him for abandoning Italy; 
Cicer. Epist. ad Atticum.  calling it a Themistoclean policy, to persuade his party to forsake their Country, and to leave the best of their pleasures, and the weakest of each sex, to such misery and desolation, as moved pity in those that considered but the condition of the dogs and brute beasts; as it fell out at Athens, when Themistocles persuaded the Athenians to leave their town and Country, and betake themselves wholly to sea, to fight against Xerxes.    

CHAP. XI.  
Caesar dispatcheth forces into Sardinia and Sicily. Cato's endeavour to keep Sicily for Pompey.  
ALbeit Caesar well knew, 
Caesar.  that it much imported a speedy end of the business, to get ships and pass the Seas after Pompey, before he could join himself with the forces of the transmarine parts; yet doubting the lets, and the long time before it could be effected, for that Pompey had taken with him all the shipping he could get, and thereby left him for the present no means to follow after: it remained that he attended shipping to be brought from remote parts, as out of Gallia, from Ancona and the straits; which at that time of the year, would require a long and troublesome passage. In the mean time, he thought it no way fit that Pompey's old Army, and the two Provinces of Spain should be settled and assured; (one of them being deeply engaged to Pompey for many great and ample benefits:) or that they should have time to raise new troops, especially of horse; or that Gallia or Italy should be solicited or wrought from him in his absence. And therefore for the present, he resolved to desist from making any further pursuit after Pompey, 
Bailiffs.  and to go into Spain; giving order to the Duumviri of all the Municipal towns, to provide shipping, and send it to Brundisium. He sent Valerius, a Legate, into Sardinia with one legion; and Curio, the Propraetor, into Sicily with three legions; commanding him, after he had possessed Sicily, to transport his Army into Africa. Marcus Cotta governed Sardinia, and M. Cato Sicily. Tubero should by lot have held Africa.  
The Caralitani understanding that Valerius was to be sent unto them, before he had left Italy, of their own accord thrust Cotta out of the town. Cotta amused thereat, and perceiving withal that the whole Province gave consent unto it, fled presently out of Sardinia into Africa. Cato prepared and new trimmed the Galleys in Sicily, giving order to the towns to build new, and prosecuted his direction with great diligence. Moreover, by his Legates, he mustered and enrolled Citizens of Rome in Lucania and Brutia, requiring rateable numbers of horse and foot from the towns in Sicily. Which things being almost accomplished, understanding of Curio his coming, he complained in public how he was abandoned and betrayed by Pompey; who, without any providence or preparation, had engaged himself in an unnecessary war: and yet being demanded by himself and the rest in the Senate, answered confidently, that he was provided of all necessaries fit for war. And after he had thus publicly complained, he fled out of the Province. By which means, Valerius found Sardinia, and Curio Sicily, void of government, and thither brought their Armies.  
Tubero arriving in Africa, found Actius Varus commanding the Province: who (as we have formerly showed) having lost his cohorts at Auximum, fled forthwith into Africa, and of his own authority possessed himself of the Province, which he found without a Governor. He got together by new inrolements two complete legions, which he raised by his knowledge and experience of the people of that Country, by reason he had governed that Province as Praetor some few years before. Tubero arriving with his fleet at Utica, was by Varus kept out of the town and the Haven; neither would he suffer him to set his son ashore, which was sick, but compelled him to weigh Anchor and depart.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
THis Chapter maketh the first period of this War, 
Plutarch in the life of Pompey.  as it is taken from the beginning of these Civil Broils, unto Pompey's forsaking Italy, which was begun and ended in the space of 60 days: and also openeth the gate to second resolutions, which are prosecuted, as the sequel of the History will manifest: Containing likewise the reasons, why Caesar made not present pursuit after Pompey, as the hinges of the succeeding War, and the true causes of the consequents of the same. In the consideration whereof, albeit Caesar understood the advantage of him that prosecuteth a receding enemy, and the hopes which might be thereby conceived of a speedy end of that war; yet having no ready means to accomplish his desire, he thought it better to prevent such inconveniences as might happily have fallen out upon the same: and so to keep his party in a progress of their active thoughts, by clearing and assuring that Western part of the Empire, which Pompey had left unto him by his departure; rather then to leave an enemy on his back, or to admit a cooling and languishment of their resolutions, through expectation of shipping, to follow that course which otherwise had been without exception.  
In the carriage whereof we may observe, that as upon the first breaking out of these troubles, they scambled for the towns of Italy, and sought to strengthen their parties by such as had no voice in the grand Chapter of the Senate, 
Europa prima & prae ●antissima mundi pars, App●●n. Europa 〈◊〉 victoris omnium gentium populi, longeque terrarum pulcherrima. Plin. lib. 3. c. 1.  but only injo●ed the benefit of Municipal rights; so now being parted asunder, and the contagion of this intestine evil spread abroad, and grown to more ripeness, they made like haste to fasten upon the remoter Provinces, wherein Caesar had the better portion. For in his share were contained Italia, Gallia, Britannia, Hispania, Sicilia; which being the prime Countries of Europe, were consequently the flour of that Empire, for that Europe hath ever been taken for the principal and chiefest part of the world.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
SEcondly, we may observe in Cato, the effects of a Stoical or formal spirit, which are more valuable in the easiness of peace, then in the difficulties of war. For, howsoever he made show of bestirring himself, in rigging and trimming up the Galleys of his Province, commanding more to be built, raising new troops of horse and foot, and prosecuting his commands with purpose of an exact account: yet in the end, understanding of Curio his coming, he spent his fury in complaining of his friends, and laying the cause of those garboils upon him, whom by election and consent he had formerly set up, to make head against such, as otherwise may be supposed would have contained themselves in a better measure of moderation.    

CHAP. XII.  
Caesar goeth to Rome; and, calling a Senate, complaineth of the injuries done unto him.  
THese things being ended, 
Caesar.  that the soldiers might for the residue of the time be a little eased and refreshed, Caesar brought them back into the next Municipal towns; he himself went directly to the City: and having called a Senate, he layeth open the injuries and wrongs offered unto him by his Adversaries; showeth them, that he never sought honour in the State by extraordinary means, only he looked to have enjoyed the full time of his Consulship, and therewith to have been contented: which was no more than any Citizen might stand for. The Tribunes of the people had required, that consideration might be had of him in his absence, notwithstanding the opposition of his enemies, and Cato his bitter resistance, spending the time, after his old manner, with long and tedious speeches: which if Pompey (being Consul) had disliked, why did he suffer that to pass which was enacted? But if then he did allow and like of it, what reason had he to hinder him from enjoying a benefit which the people of Rome had bestowed upon him? From that, he fell to speak of his patience: which appeared, in that of his own accord he moved that either party might quit their forces; which might have been very pr●●diciall to his honour and dignity: Declared what had been the malice and bitterness of his Adversaries, who refused to do that themselves, which they required of another man; choosing rather to imbroile and confound the whole State, then to forgo the command of an Army: Spoke at large as well of the wrong done unto him, by taking the two legions from him, as also for their hard and insolent dealing, in putting the Tribunes of the people by their place and authority.  
He forgot not likewise to relate the conditions which he propounded; the conference which he desired, and would not be granted. In regard whereof, he prayed and required, that they would take the charge of the Commonweal, and give a helping hand to him for the government thereof. But if they should upon any doubt or mistrust refuse to join with him, he would not much importune them, but would take it into his own hands▪ and in the mean time, let Commissioners be sent to Pompey to treat of peace. Neither did he respect what Pompey a little before had said in the Senate, That to whom soever Ambassadors were sent, to such seemed to be ascribed Authority and Preeminence; as, on the contrary part, such as sent them, manifested an apprehension of fear; for these were arguments of pusillanimity. For his part, as he had gone beyond him in deeds of Arms and noble acts; so would he in like manner, endeavour to excel him in justice and equity.  
The Senators were well pleased that Ambassadors should be sent: but there was no man found that would go; every man refusing in particular, for fear of Pompey; who, upon his departure from Rome, had said in the Senate, That he would hold him that stayed at Rome, in the same condition with them that were in Caesar's Camp. So that three days were spent in debate and excuses; L. Metellus, 
L. Metellus.  Tribune of the people, being drawn by Caesar's adversaries, to protract the time; and to hinder any matter which Caesar should propound unto them.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
FIrst, we may observe, how irksome it is to humane nature, for him that hath tasted the sweetness of authority, to forgo the reins of command, and again to inrolle his name in the list of common duty; descending from the throne of sovereignty, to the condition of obedience, and to lose his eminency in respectless equality: especially, 
Faelicitatis & modera●ienis divid●●● 〈◊〉.  if the honour be Military, and of Martial nature. For that fasteneth on us with a stronger hold, than any other power; being less capable of moderation, and waited on with the eyes and expectation of present and future ages. Whereby men grow desperately jealous of the opinion of the world, and cannot endure to quit themselves of that care, although they have attained to the full time of their deliverance: but to be supplanted in the midst of so glorious a race, or to be pulled out of the seat of Magistracy by an abortive miscarriage, is able to enrage an ambitious spirit so far beyond the bounds of modesty, that it will not spare any endeavour to confound the greatest Empire, with irrecoverable calamities.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
SEcondly, we may observe the disposition of those Senators, that by their staying at Rome, became neutral in that Faction; and thereupon refused either to take Caesar's commands, or to present themselves to Pompey, as Mediators of peace. Plutarch hath two reasons, why the Senators would undertake no such matter of Commission as was required by Caesar. The first is this which is here expressed; 
Denur●●●● Pompeio pro hostibus s● habiturum qui reipub. d●fuissert; ipse medios & neutrius partis, suorum sibi numero futuros pronunciavit. Suetonius 75. Ci●●●o 10. Epist. ad At●icum. Plutarch. Lucan. Appian. Horus.  every man fearing the displeasure of Pompey, who at his departure from Rome, had protested to hold them for enemies that went not along with him: whereas Caesar censured their forbearance with better advantage to himself, and took their neutrality as an argument of becoming his followers. The other reason which Plutarch avoucheth, is the opinion which the Senators had of Caesar's double dealing; as not carrying his heart in his mouth, but pretending that which he never meant. For they could not be persuaded that his end was a cessation of Arms, or such a peace with Pompey as should have kept on foot their ancient liberty; but sought rather pretexts of good meaning, to colour his design of making Rome his servant. Howsoever, we may not omit what is reported to have happened between him and Metellus, more than he himself speaketh of. For, going about to take Money out of the Treasury, he was there stoutly resisted by this Metellus, of whom he complaineth; alleging the Laws and Acts of the State, forbidding any man to touch that Money, but in such times of extremity as were therein expressed.  
To which Caesar answered; That those Laws were only made for time of peace: but now, Arms and war required another course of proceeding. Nevertheless Metellus 
* Non nisi per nostrum vobis percussa patebant Templ● latus, nullasque feres, sine s●nguine sacro, Sparsa●, raptor, opes. Lucan. lib. 3 Dignum ●e Caes●ris ita, Nu●●us honour faciet● Idem ●odem.  would not suffer him to break open the doors, until Caesar advised him to be gone if he loved his life; for it was easier for him to dispatch him then to speak it: and so entered and carried away the Treasure. Whereupon groweth that of Florus, Censum & patrimonium populi Romani ante rapuit quam Imperium; He carried away the treasure and patrimony of the people of Rome, before he got the Empire.  
And Appian, deriding the scrupulosity of the ancient Romans, that would not touch that Treasure but in extremity of war against the Celiae or Galls, saith that Caesar might lawfully take it, for that he had vanquished and subdued the Galls; whereby the Romans had no further cause to fear them.    

CHAP. XIII.  
Caesar leaveth the City, goeth into Gallia, and treateth with the Marseillians.  
CAesar perceiving their resolution, 
Caesar.  after he had spent there in vain some few days (that he might not lose any more time, and leave those things undone which he purposely intended) he left the City, and went into the further Gallia. Upon his arrival there, he understood that Pompey had sent into Spain Vibullius Rufus, whom Caesar had a little before taken at Corfinium and dismissed him: and that Domitius likewise was gone to take Marseilles, with eight Galleys, which he set out from Sicilia and Sardinia, and manned them with slaves, men enfranchised, and his own husbandmen: sending as messengers before, certain young noblemen of Marseilles, with whom Pompey upon his departure from the City had earnestly dealt, that Caesar's new favours might not put out of their remembrance the old benefits which he had done unto them. Those of Marseilles having received this message, shut their gates against Caesar, called into the City the Albicans, barbarous and mountainous people (who of ancient time had held amity with them, and dwelled upon the hills above Marseilles,) brought Corn from all the adjacent Regions and castles into the town, set up offices and forges to make Arms, repaired both their walls, their navy, and their gates.  
Caesar called out unto him some fifteen of the chiefest men of Marseilles, & treated with them, that the beginning of the war might not grow from that town; who should rather follow the example of all Italy, then apply themselves to the will of any one man: not omitting such other persuasions as he thought pertinent to a sound resolution. These men reported at Marseilles what Caesar had delivered, and by the common consent of the town returned this answer; That they understood, that the people of Rome was divided into two parts; neither was it in them to judge, or could they discern which of the two was in the right. The Leaders of these two factions were Pompey and Caesar, both special Patrons and Benefactors to their City: of whom, one had augmented the public revenues of the State, and endowed it with the lands and territories of the Volcae Arec●mici, and the Helvijs; the other, having conquered and subdued 
* By this Gallias, is understood some place near to Marseilles.  Gallias, gave it unto them, whereby their tributary Incomes were much augmented▪ and therefore, as they were equally bound to both for their favours, so would they carry to both an equal respect, not aiding either of them against the other, or receiving them within their gates.  
Whilst these things were in handling, Domitius arrived at Marseilles with his shipping; and being received in, was made Governor of the City, and had the whole direction of the war committed unto him. By his appointment the ●leet was sent out into all Coasts; and such ships of burden as they found, they brought in: the nails, timber, and tackling whereof, they took to mend and rig out other ships. What Corn soever was found in the City, was brought in public keeping; reserving the surplus of victual and provision for a siege, as occasion should require.  
Ca●sar, provoked with these injuries, brought three legions to Marseilles, determined to make towers and mantelets ready for an assault, and to build twelve new Galleys at Arles; which were armed, rigged, finished, and brought to Marseilles, within thirty days after the timber was cut down. Of these he made D. Brutus' Admiral, and left C. Trebonius to follow the siege.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
FRom the Marseillians we may learn, that it is far easier to say well then to do well: for howsoever they were able to discern the truth, and to give an answer to Caesar, well-beseeming the fame and opinion of their literature and knowledge, 
August●● dunum vetustissima post Massiliam bonarum artiu●●edes, Tacit. 3. Annal. Strabo lib. 4.  (being an Academy little inferior to the best, and in later times more frequented by the Romans, for the study of Oratory and Philosophy, than Athens, or any other such chief seat of the Muses;) yet in their actions they disavowed all: taking upon them most unseasonably to arbitrate those differences, and to show their opinion of the quarrel, 
C●●que alii famae populi terrore paverent, Phocais in dubiis ausa est servare juventu● Non Graia levitate ●idem, signataque jura, Et causas, non fata sequi.— Lucan. l. 3.  by taking part with one faction. Wherein their error the more appeared, in that the party grieved was not liable to their award, but rather had occasion to gain thereby a double honour to himself; first, by forcing them, and then by pardoning their rashness. And yet some Writers do think, they did no more than they were tied unto by former treaties, and leagues with the Empire (which they took to consist in Pompey's party) whereof they were loyal and zealous confederates; as appeareth by their love, when Rome was taken by the Galls: for having news thereof, and understanding of the composition which was to be made to raise the siege from the Capitol, they provided all the gold and silver they could get, and sent it to Rome for that service. In regard whereof they were endowed with many Privileges and Immunities, both in the City, and elsewhere in the Empire. Howsoever, their hap being to respect more an exact observance of what had passed, than the fatal succeeding course of things, drew upon them a sharp and bitter war; whereof they could not be freed, but by submitting themselves to his mercy whom they had rejected. And thus we see verified that of the Poet; 
Horace.   
Quicquid delirant Reges plectuntur Achivi.  
King's play the fools, and the poor people suffer.  
Which implieth also how dangerous it is, for men of authority and employment to be subject to wilful ambition. For as their service is of great importance to government, when it is attended with well qualified affections; so are their motions as fearful, which are carried with the violence of exorbitant passions: especially, considering the means they have, either to misimploy the power of the State, or to give way to such inconveniences as may necessarily pervert all things but the ends they aim at: besides the aptness of a high spirit, not to doubt the truth of that saying which is attributed to Caesar, Si violandum est jus, regnandi gratia violandum est; If a man would violate all right and law, he would do it for a kingdom.    

CHAP. XIV.  
Caesar hasteth into Spain.  
Whilst these things were prepared and put in order, 
Caesar.  he sent C. Fabius, one of h●s Legates, with three legions, that had wintered about Narbone, before him into Spain; commanding him with all speed and diligence to take the passage of the Pyrenean hills, which were kept at that time with the forces of L. Afranius: 
Afranius.  and gave order for the other legions which wintered further off, to follow after. Fabius, according to his directions, made haste, put the Garrison from the passage, and by great journeys marched towards Afranius Army.  
Upon the arrival of Vibullius Rufus, who (as it is formerly related) was sent by Pompey into Spain, 
Petreius. Varro.  Afranius, Petreius, and Varro, Pompey's Legates (of whom▪ the one governed the nearest Province of Spain with three legions; the other held the Country from the 
* Saitus Castalonensis.  forest of Castille, to the river 
* Guadiana. jure pari rector, castris Afranius illis, Ac Petreius erat— Lucan. l. 3.  Ana, with two legions; and the third commanded the Vectones and Lusitania, with the like number of legions;) did so dispose and divide their charges, that Petreius was appointed to bring his legions out of Lusitania, through the territories of the Vectones, and join himself with Afranius; and that Varro with his power, should keep the further Province of Spain. Which being so resolved and determined, Petreius having commanded the Lusitanians to levy horsemen, and other auxiliary forces; and Afranius likewise having made the like levy in the territories of the 
* Nos Celtis geni●i, & ex Iberis. Martial. lib. 4.  Celtiberi, 
* A valiant people, descended from Lacedemor; of whom Sil. Ital. saith, D●mnatum vivere paci.  Cantabri, and the rest of the barbarous Nations bordering upon the Ocean: Petreius came speedily through the Vectones to Afranius; and induced by the opportunity of the place, by mutual consent, they resolved to keep the war on foot near about Ilerda.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
THe first observation may be taken from this design of Caesar's upon Spain, being at that time under the government and command of Pompey; the standing or falling whereof did much import the success of that war: for which respect it was, that when Caesar could not buckle with the person of his enemy, he used all means to beat down his authority, as the next in degree to his essence and being, and most concerning his honour and reputation. For if he took from him those Provinces, which the State had commended to his charge, and left him no interest in the obedience of such, whom he might in a sort challenge for his own people; what assurance could the other parts of the Empire have in his protection? or what could he elsewhere expect of that which these refused him?  
The excellency of a General, is that perfection of judgement commended by Aristotle, enabling him to discern, 
Lib. Ethic. 4.  quid primum, or what is most material in that variety of undertaking, which falleth out in following a war. And if that cannot with any conveniency be attained, then to know the next point of importance; and so consequently to distinguish the degrees of difference, as they stand ranked in the order of judicious proceeding.  
For the effectual prosecuting of which design, let us take a short view of their forces on each side, according as we find them mustered in this chapter; that by the inequality of their troops, we may judge of the want or sufficiency of their directions. Afranius, as it is said in the story, had three legions, and Petreius two legions, together with 80 cohorts of Auxiliarie forces, supplied unto them by the two Provinces of Spain; which cohorts equalled the number of eight legions, and so in all made thirteen legions; and according to the usual rate at that time of 5000 in a legion, amounted to 65000 men: together with 5000 horse; 
P●ereius & Afranius had 70000 men, or thereabouts  which came to seventy thousand men, or thereabouts. To confront so great an enemy, Caesar had five legions, 12000 Auxiliary troupers from the Galls, and peradventure 1000 Evocati: which according to the former rate of a legion, did rise to 35000, 
Caes●r 35000.  or 40000 men at the most. Whereby the one exceeding the other well-near in a double proportion of strength, and yet failing in correspondency of success, calleth the verity of that proverb in question, Ne Hercules contra duos, Hercules himself cannot deal with two. Besides, the inequality of the place where the trial was to be made, being wholly devoted to the greater party, was a matter of no small consequence. For he that maketh war in a Country absolutely favouring the enemy, and confronting his purposes, had need of more forces than the adverse party, or better fortune in his proceedings. And therefore Fabius, to prevent such mischiefs as might grow by that advantage, sought all means to draw some of the towns to his faction, and to make himself friends for his better support and security; according to that which was said of old, That war cannot be made without some peace.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
SEcondy, we may observe the means he used to secure himself of the loyalty of his Army, and wholly to engage the soldier in his fortune. For the money he borrowed of the Tribunes and Centurions, 
Rabelais saith, that the Creditor wisheth all good 〈◊〉 his Debtors.  was a special Tie of their affections to his service: forasmuch as no man wisheth ill to him, by whose welfare and prosperity he hopeth to thrive; for so (wounding himself through another man's body) the hurt would fall upon his own head: but rather desireth such an accomplishment of his hopes, as may make himself partaker thereof. And on the other side, the largess he made unto the soldiers did so oblige their endeavour to his purposes, that they were thereby ready to perform as much as warlike Laelius 
Laelius.  had promised in his own person, on the behalf of the rest.  
Pectore si fratris gladium, juguloque Parentis  
Condere me jubeas, 
Lucan. l. 1  plenaeque in viscera partu  
Conjugis, invita peragam tamen omnia dextra.  
Bid me to stab my brother, cut  
My father's throat, or rip the gut  
Of my big-bellied wife, (though loath) I'll do't.   

THE THIRD OBSERVATION.  
THirdly, let us consider the effects of diligence and provident foresight, which do oftentimes redeem an Army from a dishonourable overthrow; as may be learned from two circumstances in Fabius directions. 
Uni 〈◊〉 non 〈◊〉 mus.  First, in that he trusted not to one passage over the river Sicoris, but made two several bridges, as well for the conveniency as the better security of his people. Secondly, upon the occasion which the enemy might take by the breaking of the bridge, to distress the legions on the other side of the water, he presently sent out succours to prevent such a casualty: which albeit it might seem to have proceeded out of curious suspicion, or idle fear, yet it fell out to be no more than was requisite and expedient. Which may teach a General to be careful even of possibilities, 
Quicquid fieri potest, qu●si futurum cogit●mus. Senec. Epist. 24.  and to prevent contingencies, with the certainty of industrious directions; accounting always that which may happen, to be as certain as any thing we most expect.   

THE FOURTH OBSERVATION.  
COncerning Spain, 
Spain-Citerior, & Ulterior. Exterior, & Interior. lib. 3.  we are to note that the Romans at first divided it into two Provinces, which they called the Nearer and the Further; or according to Strabo, the Utter and the Inner; and they were separated asunder by the river Iberus, now Ebro: And thence also they were called Cis Iberum, & ultra Iberum, Spain on this side Ebro, and Spain beyond. The Nearer Province, being the lesser, continued without alteration during the Roman's government, and was sometimes called Tarraconensis Provincia, of Tarraeo, the principal town of the same. But the Further, in process of time was divided into two parts; the one called Betica, and the other Lusitania: and so the whole Region of Spain came to be divided into three Provinces. It was first entered by the Romans, by occasion of the notable siege of Saguntum: upon which, P. Scipio having subdued the Carthaginians, reduced Spain into a Province, and left it governed by Proconsul's, unto the time of Cornelius Lentulus and Lucius Stertinius. 
Anno) V. C. 555.  Afterwards it was governed by Propraetors, and sometimes by Praetors, according as the Empire came to be enlarged; and had thereby many governments, for the preferment of such as had supplied the better places of dignity in the State. Nevertheless, in the times of trouble the Governors had always consulary power; as, in the war against Scrtorius, Quintus Metellus Proconsul, 
Livy.  and Cn. Pompeius Questor, cum Consulari potestate missi sunt, were sent with consular power. And at this time, Pompey governed it by two Deputies or Legates. Touching the form and figure of the Country, Strabo likeneth it to an Ox hide; the neck whereof joineth to the Pyrenean hills, which rise in towers from one Sea to another, as limits and bounds between France and Spain; taking their name (as some think) from Pyrene, the Maid that Hercules deflowered, whom Sil. Ital. mentioneth, lib. 3.  
Pyrene celsa nimbo si verticis arce  
Divisos Celtis late prospectat Iberos;  
Atque aeterna tenet magnis divortia terris.  
Nomen Bebrycia duxere à virgine colles.  
Hospitis Alcidae crimen: qui sorte laborum  
Gerionis peteret cum longa tricorporis arva,  
Possessus Baccho, saeva Bebrycis in aula  
Lugendam ●ormae sine virginitate reliquit  
Pyrenen— and a little after,  
Defletumque tenent Montes per secula nomen.  
The lofty tower of Pyren's cloudy head  
O'er looks th' Iberi, whom it parts from Celts,  
For aye dividing those two spacious lands.  
From Bebryx daughter first these hills took name,  
Ravished by Hercules: who as he went  
The triple-bodied Gerion's land to seize,  
Drunk at the time, and lodged in Bebryx Court,  
Pyrene left to be bewailed by beauty,  
No more a Virgin—  
And her lamented name the Hills still keep.  
But according to the opinion more generally received, they are so called of the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; for that Shepherds and Herdsmen set them once on fire, 
Lib. 5.  as witnesseth Diodorus Siculus. And Aristotle, 
In libro d● Mirandis auscultatioribus.  In Hiberia inquit combustis aliquando pastoribus Sylvis, calenteque ignibus terra, manifestum argentum defluxisse: cumque postmodum terrae-motus supervenisset, eruptis hiatibus, magnam copiam argenti collectam; atque inde Massiliensibus proventus non vulgares obtigisse: He saith that on a time in Spain the Shepherd's having set fire on the Woods, the ground was so heated thereby, that plain rills of silver flowed from the hills; and that afterwards by reason of earthquakes, several gapings being made in the said place, they gathered great plenty of silver; which the Marscillians made no small benefit of. The Country of Spain is commended for many things, as may appear by divers Eulogies: amongst which, that of Claudianus the Poet is written, as though the Author had been a Pensioner to the Kingdom.  

Quid dignum memorare tuis Hispania terris  
Vex humana valet? primo lavat aequore solemn  
India: tu fessos, exacta luce, jugales  
Proluis, inque tuo respirant sydera fluctu.  
Dives equis, frugum facilis, pretiosa metallis,  
Principibus foecunda piis.—   

What noted thing in Spain can man commend?  
As Indian seas first drench the morning Sun,  
So his tired steeds wash here when day is done:  
In Spanish waves the wearied stars take breath.  
Spain store of horse, fruits, precious metals hath;  
Breeds pious Princes.—     

CHAP. XV.  
Caesar coming to his Army, advanceth forward, and incampeth near unto the Enemy.  
WIthin two days after Caesar came into the Camp with nine hundred horse, 
Caesar.  which he had kept with him for a convoy. The bridge broken by the tempest, was almost re-edified, and that which remained undone, he commanded to be finished in the night. And having seen the nature and situation of the place, he left six cohorts to keep the Camp and the bridge, with all the carriages of the Army. And the next day, putting all his forces into a triple battle, he marched towards Ilerda: and there standing a while in Arms, offered battle, in an equal and indifferent place. Afranius brought out his forces, and made a stand in the midst of the hill, under his Camp. Caesar perceiving that Afranius at that time was not disposed to fight, determined to incamp himself some 400 paces from the foot of the hill. 
Pron● tum Caesar Olympo, In noctem subiti ●ircumdedit agmina fossa, Du● primae praestant 〈◊〉, host ●mque sfellit. Luc. l. 4.  And lest the soldiers should be interrupted in their works by the sudden assaults and incursions of the enemy, he forbade them to fortify it with a rampire or wall, which must necessarily be discovered and seen afar off; but caused a ditch to be made of fifteen foot in breadth, in the front of the Camp next unto the Enemy. The first and second battle (according as was directed) continued in Arms; 
Luc. l. 4.  and the third battle performed the work behind them unseen, before it was understood by Afranius that Caesar would incamp in that place. Which being finished, he drew his legions within the ditch, and so stood in Arms all night.  
The next day he kept all his Army within the ditch. And forasmuch as the matter to make the Rampire was to be fetched far off, he kept the like course for the finishing of the rest; allotting each side of the Camp to be fortified by a several legion, with a ditch to be sunk about of the same scantling: and in the mean time, made the other legions to stand ready in Arms against the enemy.  
Afranius and Petreius, to the end they might amuse the soldier, and hinder the work, brought down their forces to the foot of the hill, and provoked them to fight. Howbeit, Caesar intermitted not the work, trusting to three legions in Arms, and the munition of the ditch. The Enemy not making any long stay, or advancing further than the foot of the hill, led back their troops into the Camp. The third day Caesar fortified his Camp with a Rampire; and commanded the rest of the cohorts and the carriages which were left in the other Camps, to be brought unto him.  

OBSERVATION.  
IT may be observed for Caesar's custom throughout the whole course of his wars, to approach as near the enemy as conveniently he could; that so he might the better observe his passages, and be ready to take the favour of any opportunity, which either the nature of the place, or the motions of the adversary would afford him. Which was the rather his advantage, in regard of his dexterity, and superlative knowledge in the use of Arms, together with the experience of his old legions: whereby he was able, not only to improve his own designs to the utmost of an honourable success, but to return the disgrace of any attempt made upon his Army, upon the heads of them that were authors of the same. For otherwise, his accosting so near an enemy, might have turned to his own loss; as being full of hazard, and subject to more casualties than he that standeth further off. And therefore the rule is, That he that desireth to ●it near his adversary, must be exceeding circumspect, and sure of some advantage, either from the place, or the over-awing power of his forces, or else out of his own virtue, or by some other means, to oversway the inconveniences which attend such engagements. As may appear by that which Frontinus observeth hence, touching the strait whereinto Caesar was fallen; 
Lib. 1. cap. 5.  being either to give battle, which the enemy refused; or to make good that place, from whence he could not retreat but with danger. Whereupon, a little before night be stole the making of a ditch on the back of his Army; and retiring himself within the same, stood in Arms all night, for his better safety.  
The use of such ditches are of much importance, and have oftentimes redeemed an Army from great extremities: and were so frequent upon all occasions with the Romans, that he that shall deny them to be good ditchers, shall do them wrong. And not only they, but other Nations could tell how to make use of the Spade.  
Pericles of Athens, being forced by them of Peloponnesus into a place that had but two outlets of escape, sunk a ditch of a great latitude thwart one of the passages (as though he meant to keep out the enemy) and set his soldiers to break out the other way. The Peloponnesians thinking he could no way escape by the passage where the trench was cut, applied themselves wholly to the other place, where the soldiers made show of breaking out: whereby (through the help of bridges which he had formerly provided) he escaped over the ditch without resistance. Sometimes they added other helps to these trenches, especially when they sought handsome means to get themselves away: whereof Sertorius may be an instance; who, having the enemy pressing him in the rear, and being to pass a River, drew a ditch and a rampire at his back, in the fashion of a halfmoon: which rampire he heaped with wood and combustible matter, and so setting it on fire, kept off the enemy, and passed with ease over the water.  
In like manner, Herculeius, one of Sertorius Legates, having rashly entered with a small power into a long and narrow passage between two hills, and finding himself pursued by great forces of the enemy, sunk a cross trench between the two Mountains; and piling the rampire with wood, set it on fire, and so cut off the enemy.    

CHAP. XVI.  
Caesar's attempt to possess himself of a small hill: what disadvantage he ran into, by missing of his purpose; what means he used to recover himself.  
BEtween the town of Ilerda, 
Caesar.  and the next hill where Petreius and Afranius were encamped, there was a Plain of about three hundred paces; in the midst whereof stood a little Mole, rising higher than the rest: which if Caesar could get and fortify, he hoped to cut off the enemy from the town and the bridge, and from such victuals and provisions as were brought to the town. Hereupon he took three legions out of the Camp; and having put them into order of battle, he commanded the Antesignani of one legion to run before, & possess the place. Which being perceived, the cohorts that kept watch before Afranius Camp, were presently sent a nearer way to take that Mount. The matter came to blows: but forasmuch as Afranius party came first to the place, our men were beaten back; and by reason of new supplies sent against them, were constrained to turn their backs, and retire to the legions.  
The manner of fight which those soldiers used, was first to run furiously upon an enemy, to seize any place boldly and with great courage; not much respecting their orders or ranks, but fight in a scattered and dispersed fashion. If they chanced to be throughly charged, they thought it no shame to give way and retire; accustomed thereunto by frequenting the Lusitanians, and other barbarous people, using that kind of fight: as it commonly falleth out, that where the soldiers have long lived, they get much of the usage and condition of those places. Notwithstanding, our men were much troubled thereat, as unaccustomed to that kind of ●ight: for seeing every man leave his rank, and run up and down, they feared lest they should be circumvented, and set upon inflank, and on their bare and open side; whereas themselves were to keep their order, and not to leave their places, but upon extraordinary occasion.  
Upon the routing of the Antesignani, the legion that stood in the corne● left the place, and retreated to the next Hill; almost all the Army being affrighted, upon that which had happened beyond every man's opinion, contrary to former use.  
Caesar encouraging his men, brought out the ninth legion to second them; by that means compelling the enemy (insolent of good success, and shrewdly pursuing our men) to turn their backs, and to retire to the town of Ilerda, and there to make a stand under the walls. But the soldiers of the ninth legion, carried on with endeavour, and going about to repair their loss, rashly followed the enemy into a place of disadvantage, and came under the Hill whereon the town stood: and as they would have made their retreat, they were charged afresh from the upper ground. The front of the place had an uneasy broken ascent, and was on each side steep; extended only so much in breadth, as would serve three cohorts to embattle in: neither could the Cavalry come to help them. The Hill declined easily from the town about four hundred paces in length: and that way our men had some conveniency of retreat, from the disadvantage to which their desire had unadvisedly led them. The fight continued in this place: which was very unequal, both in regard of the straightness thereof, as also for that they stood under the foot of the Hill, whereby no weapon fell in vain amongst them. Notwithstanding, by prowess and valour they patiently endured all the wounds they received. The enemy's forces were supplied and renewed, by such cohorts as were often sent out of the Camp through the town, that fresh men might take the place of such as were wearied out. And the like was Caesar fain to do, sending fresh Cohorts to that place to relieve the wearied.  
After they had thus continually fought for the space of five hours together, and that our men were much overcharged with an unequal multitude: having spent all their weapons, they drew their swords, and ascended up the hill, to charge and assault the enemy: and having slain a few of them, the rest were driven to make retreat. The cohorts being thus put back to the walls, and some of them for fear having taken the town, our men found an easy retreat. Our Cavalry did from a low ground get up unto the top of the hill; and riding up and down between the two Armies, made our soldiers to retreat with better case: and so the fight succeeded diversely.  
About seventy of our men were slain in the first on set. And amongst these was slain Q. Fulginius, Captain of the first Hastate Centurie of the fourteenth legion; who, for his exceeding valour, was preferred to that place from the lower orders. Six hundred at least were wounded. And of Afranius party were slain T. Caecilius, Centurion of a Primipile order, and four Centurions more, 
Et victor subducto Marte pependit. Lucan. lib. 4  besides two hundred soldiers. But such was the opinion of that day's businesses that either side believed they left with the better.  
Afranius party was so persuaded, for that they long stood to handy-blows, and resisted the violence of our soldiers, although in all men's judgement they were the weaker: as also, for that they at first took and held the place which gave occasion of that fight; and in the first encounter, compelled our men to turn their backs. Our men in like manner thought they had the better, in regard they had maintained fight for five hours together, in a place of disadvantage, and with an unequal multitude; that they ascended up the hill with their swords drawn, and compelled their adversaries to turn their backs, and to retreat into the town, maugre the disadvantage of the place.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
IN this direction which Caesar gave, to take the little Hill between Ilerda and Afranius Camp, we may observe the danger depending upon the mischieving of an action. For the failing of a purpose, in seeking to obtain that which would prove of great advantage, doth oftentimes draw men into as great inconveniences. And as the end in every design pretendeth gain, so the means thereof do give way to hazard: from whence it consequently followeth, that such as are employed in execution, had need to use all endeavour, not to falsify the grounds of good directions, by negligent or inconsiderate carriage; but rather to make good any want or defect, by serious and wary prosecution of the same.  
And the rather, for that it specially concerneth their good that have the charge and handling of commands: for they first are like to feel the smart of any error committed therein; or otherwise, to have the honour of any fortunate success, 
Omnis laus virtutis in actione consistit.  forasmuch as Virtue hath all her praise from Action.  
Concerning the use of running, we are to understand that the Romans (amongst other their exercises of Arms) had special practice of this, 
Arist. Eth.  as available in four respects, 
Lib. 1. cap. 9  according as Vegetius hath noted. 
The use of running.  First, to the end they might charge the enemy with greater force and violence. Secondly, that they might possess themselves with speed, of places of advantage. Thirdly, that they might readily discover, as should be found expedient upon all occasions. And lastly, to prosecute a flying enemy to better purpose and effect. 
Miles in media pace decurrit, sine ullo host, & supervacuo labore ●aff●tur, ut sufficere necessario possit. Seneca Epist. 18.  And this, as Seneca saith, they practised in peace; that being accustomed to needless labour, they might be able to discharge necessary duties. And 
* Lib. 26.  Livy, amongst the military exercises used by Scipio, to fit his men for those glorious exploits which he afterwards achieved, saith; That the first day, the legions ran four miles in Arms. And Suetonius affirmeth, that Nero, having appointed a race for the Praetorian cohorts, carried a Target lifted up before them with his own hand. And that Galba did more admirably; for being suited of purpose to make himself eminent, he directed a field-race with a Target, himself running as fast as the Emperor's Chariot, for twenty miles together.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
THe second thing to be noted in these specialties, is, the bold enterprise of Caesar's men, in charging the enemy with their swords drawn, against the Hill; whereby making them to give back, they had an easy and safe retreat from the danger wherein they were engaged. Whereby we may observe, that difficulties of extremity are never better cleared, then by adventurous and desperate undertake: According to the condition of diseases and distemperatures of the body, 
Medici leviter aegrotantes, leviter curant: gravioribus autem morbis, periculosis curationes & ancipires adhibere coguntur. Cic. lib. 1. de officiis.  which being light and easy, are cured with mild and easy potions; but being grievous and doubtful, do require sharp and strong remedies. Which doth also in like manner appear throughout the whole course of Nature, and particularly in weights: for as ponderous and heavy bodies are not moved, but with a counterpoise of greater force; no more can extremities of hazard be avoided, but by like perilous enforcements.  
And hence groweth the difference between true valour and foolhardy rashness; being but one and the same thing, if they were not distinguished by the subject wherein they are showed. For to run headlong into strange adventures, upon no just occasion, were to show more levity than discretion: And again, to use the like boldness in cases of extremity, deserveth the opinion of virtuous endeavour. As is well observed by Homer, 
Iliad. 6.  in the person of Hector, persuading the Trojans that fled away, to stand and make a head against the Grecians; This is the time, saith he, considering the danger wherein we are, to use that prowess and courage which we boast of.  
And accordingly, Diomedes censured Glaucus in the same place, for offering himself to the fury of the Grecians; Either thou art some God, saith he, or else but a lost and forlorn man. Which may serve to learn us the true use of courage; that ordinarily is never more showed then in misemployment.   

THE THIRD OBSERVATION.  
I Have already, in the observations of the second Commentary of the wars of Gallia, 
The parts of a legion.  discoursed particularly of the parts of a Legion: Where it appeareth, that in Caesar's time a legion consisted of five thousand men, or thereabouts; and according to the sufficiency and experience of the soldiers, was divided into three parts. The first and meanest of such as followed an Ensign, were called Hastati; the second, Principes; and the third and chief sort, Triarii: and according to this division, had their place and precedency in the Army.  
Again, each of these three kinds was divided into ten companies, which they called Maniples; and every Maniple was subdivided into two Centuries or Orders; and in every Order there was a Centurion or Captain. These Orders were distinguished by the numbers of the first, second, third, and so consequently unto the tenth orders, which were the last and lowest of each of these three kinds. So that this Q. Fulginius, here mentioned, was Centurion of the first and prime order of the Hastati: and T. Caecilius, Centurion of the first order of the Triarii, which by excellency was called Primipilus, or the Leader of the first company of a legion.  
Now concerning their imbattelling, we are to note, that according to this former division of Hastati, Principes, and Triarii, upon occasion of fight, they made a triple battle, one standing in front to another; which we call the vanguard, battle, and rearward. Whereof the Hastati were called Antesignani: 
Antesignani.  not for that they had no Ensigns of their own, for every Maniple had an Ensign; but because they stood imbattelled before the Eagle, and other the chief Ensigns of the legion. 
Lib. 22.  To which purpose is that of Livy, Pugnaorta est, non illa ordinata per Hastatos, Principesque & Triarios, nec ut pro signis Antesignanus, post signa alia pugnaret Acies: The fight began not a regular fight by Hastati, Principes and Triarii, nor in that orderliness that the Antesignani fought before the Ensigns, and another battle behind the Ensigns. And again; 
Lib. 9  Cadunt Antesignani: & ne nudentur propugnatoribus signa, sit ex secunda prima Acies: The Antesignani were cut down: so that lest the Ensigns should be le●t naked of defendants, the second battle was made the first. Whereby it appeareth that most of the chiefest Ensigns were with the Principes, which were called Subsignani, as the Triarii Post signani.  
Amongst other benefits of these so particular divisions of an Army, that is not the least which is noted by Thucydides, 
Lib. 5.  Ut jussa imperatoris brevi spacio ad singulos milites deferri possent; the commands of the general are thereby suddenly transmitted to every particular soldier.    

CHAP. XVII.  
Caesar brought into great extremity by overflowing of two Rivers.  
THe enemy fortified the Mount for which they contended, 
Caesar.  with great and strong works, and there put a Garrison. In the space of those two days that these things were in doing, there fell out upon a sudden a great inconvenience: for such a tempest happened, that the like waters were never seen in those places. And further besides, the snow came down so abundantly from the Hills, that it overflowed the banks of the River; and in one day broke down both the bridges which Fabius had made: and thereby brought Caesar into great extremity. For, as it is formerly related, the Camp lay between two Rivers, 
Cinga rapidus magis quam magnus.  Sicoris and Cinga; and within thirty miles neither of these Rivers were passable, so that all the Army were of necessity couped up in that straightness: neither could the Cities which had formerly ranged themselves with Caesar's party, furnish any supplies of victual and provision; nor such of the Army as had gone far for forage, being hindered by the rivers, could return to the Camp; nor yet the great convotes and reenforcements, coming to him out of Italy and Gallia, could get to the Camp.  
The time of year was very hard; for there was neither old corn left of their winter provisions, nor that on the ground was as yet ripe. The cities and towns near about were all emptied: for Afranius before Caesar's coming, had caused all the Corn to be brought into Ilerda; and that which remained, was since Caesar's coming all spent. And for cattle (which might have relieved this necessity) by reason of the war, they were removed by the bordering towns, and carried farther off. Such as were gone out to forage, and to seek Corn, were by the light-armed Portugall's, and the Buckler-bearers of the hither Spain, much troubled and molested: for these men could easily pass the river, forasmuch as none of them used to go to war, without bladders for that purpose. On the contrary part, Afranius abounded with all necessary provisions: great quantity of Corn was formerly provided and stored up, much was brought in from all the Provinces round about, there was also great plenty of forage in his Camp: for the bridge at Ilerda afforded means of all these things without danger, and the Country beyond the river was whole and untouched, which Caesar could not come unto by any means. The waters continued for many days together. Caesar used all means to re-edify the Bridges; but neither the swelling of the River would permit him, nor yet the cohorts of the Enemy, placed on the banks of the other side, suffer him to go forwards with it: which they might easily hinder, both in regard of the nature of the river, and the greatness of the water, as also for that they might easily cast their weapons from along the bank, unto one place or point. Whereby it was very hard, at one and the same time (the river running so violently as it did) to do the work, and to shun the weapons.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
FIrst, we may observe, that the strength of a multitude is not privileged from such casualties as betid the weaknesses of particular persons; but doth oftentimes undergo extremities, which can neither by providence be prevented, nor removed by industry: and are such as proceed not from the endeavour of an enemy, but out of the circumstances of time and place; together with such accidents as are interlaced with the same. In respect whereof it was, that Cambyses told Cyrus, 
Sunt quaedam in quibus non adversus hominus certamen est, sed cum ipsis rebus: quas superare perdiffi●●e est.  That in the course of war he should meet with some occasions, wherein he was not to labour and contend with men, but with chances and things; which were not to be overcome with less difficulty than an enemy; and are the more dangerous, according as they give way to scarcity and lack of victual. For as it is said in the same place; Scis brevi finem habiturum imperium, si commeatu exercitus careat: 
Xenoph. lib. 1. de Inst. Cyri.  You know that if your Army be once starved, your Empire can be but short-lived.  
The remedies whereof are first, Patience: which is as requisite in a soldier, as either courage or any other ability; and in such cases keepeth an Army from discontentment and disorder, until means of better fortune. And secondly, Good endeavour, 
Diligentia in omnibus rebus pl●rimum valet.  which availeth much in such chances; the effect whereof will appear by that which Caesar wrought, to redeem his Army from these inconveniences.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
COncerning that which is here noted of the Spaniards, 
Bladders used by the Spaniards, ●●●aimming over Rivers.  that made nothing of passing a River with the help of bladders, which the Romans were readier to wonder at then to imitate; it is observed, that as people tightly fashioned to a civil life, by a firm and settled policy of government, are firm and real in the whole course of their proceedings, and accordingly do show their punctuality, as well in their solemnities and private carriages, as in their magnificent and stately buildings: so on the other side, barbarous and rude Nations, that live under general and slight laws, are as slight and rude in their actions; as amongst other things, may appear in that the Spaniards thought it no scorn to use the help of bladders in passing over a River, as a device coming next to hand; which the people of a wise and potent State would not have done, but by a sure and substantial bridge.  
The use of which bladders, as it hath been ancient amongst people of that nature, so it is continued in the same manner by the Savages inhabiting Groenland, and the North parts of America; as appeareth by discoveries made of late by the Moscovy Merchants, about the Northwest passage: from whence such as are employed in those voyages, have brought great and large bladders or bags, made of Seal-skins, ingeniously devised to be filled and blowed with wind, and tied behind at their girdle, and at their collar, to help themselves in swimming. And after the same easy fashion, 
Lib. 6. cap. 14.  the Indians of Peru, as Josephus Acosta writeth (instead of wood and stone) made their bridges over great Rivers of plaited Reeds, which they fastened to the banks on each side with stakes: or otherwise of bundles of straw and weeds, by which, men and beasts (if there be any credit in his story) pass over with ease. Howbeit, as when the ancient Greeks would note a man of extreme insufficiency, they would say, he could neither read nor swim: so Caesar seemed of the same opinion, by commending the skill of swimming, as a thing of much consequence in the use of Arms. Whereof he made good experience in Egypt: where he cast himself into a small boat, for his better safety; and finding it overcharged, and ready to sink, he leapt into the sea, and swum to his Fleet, which was two hundred paces off, holding certain papers in his left hand above the water, and trailing his coat of Arms in his teeth, that it might not be left to the enemy.    

CHAP. XVIII.  
Afranius marcheth with three legions, to cut off a party. The scarcity of victual in Caesar's Army.  
IT was told Afranius, 
Caesar.  of great troops and convoys that were coming to Caesar, but were hindered by the waters, and abode there by the River's side: for thither were come Archers out of Ruthenia, and horsemen out of Gallia, with many cars and carriages, according to the custom of the Galls. There were besides, of all sorts, about six thousand men, with their servants and attendants; but without order, or any known command: for every man was at his own liberty, travelling the Country without fear, according to the former freedom and safety of the ways. There were likewise many young men of good rank, Senators sons, and knights of Rome; besides Ambassadors from sundry States, and divers of Caesar's Legates. All these were kept back by the River.  
Af●anius went out in the night time with three legions, and all his horse, to cut off this party; and sending his Cavalry before, set upon them unawares. Howbeit, the Cavalry of the Galls put themselves speedily in order, and buckled with them. And as long as it stood upon indifferent terms, they being but a few, did withstand a great number of the enemy: but as soon as they discovered the Ensigns of the legions coming towards them, some few of them being slain, the rest betook themselves to the next hills.  
This small time of encounter was of great consequence for the safety of our men: 
Jam co●e● semper magnorum pr●ma malorum, Saeva fames aderat: nulloque obsessus ab host Miles ege●, toto cens● non prodigus emit Exiguam C●re●em. ● Luc●n. l. 4.  for by this means they had opportunity to take the upper ground. There were lost that day two hundred Archers, a few horsemen, and no great number of the soldier's boys, together with the baggage. Victuals by reason of all these things waxed very dear, as well in regard of the present want, as also for fear of future penury, as commonly it happeneth in such cases; insomuch as a bushel of Corn was worth fifty pence. Whereby the soldiers grew weak for want of sustenance: and the inconveniences thereof daily more and more increased. For so great was the alteration which happened in a few days, that our men were much afflicted with the extreme want of all necessary provisions: whereas they on the other side, having all things in abundance, were held for victors. Caesar sent unto those States which were of his party, and instead of Corn, gave them order to furnish him with cattle; dismissed soldiers boys, and sent them to towns farther off; relieving the present scarcity by all the means he could.  
Afranius and Petreius, together with their friends, enlarged these things in their letters to Rome: rumour and report added much hereunto; as that the war was even almost at an end. These Messengers and Letters being come to Rome, there was great concourse from all parts to Afranius house, much congratulation and rejoicing for these things: and thereupon many went out of Italy to Pompey, some to be the first messengers of the news; others, that they might not seem to expect the event of the war, and so prove the last that came to that party.  
When the matter was brought to these difficulties and extremities, and all the ways were kept by Afranius soldiers and horsemen, and no bridges could be made: Caesar gave order to the soldiers, to make such 
* Prim●m 〈◊〉 salix m●d facto 〈◊〉 parvam Texitur in 〈…〉, Vectoris 〈…〉 L●●●n. l. 4.  Boats and Barks as he had in former years taught them the use of in the war of Britain: the keels whereof were built of light stuff, and small timber, and the upper parts made with wicker, and covered with hides. Which being finished, he laded them upon Carres, and carried them in the night some twenty two miles from the Camp. And in those Barks transporting his soldiers over the river, upon a sudden he possessed himself of a little hill, which lay near unto the water side: which hill he speedily fortified, before the enemy had notice thereof. Afterwards he brought over a legion to that place, and made a bridge from side to side in two day's space: and so the convoys, which had gone forth for provisions and forage, returned back in safety; whereby he began to settle a course for provision of Corn.  
The same day he passed over the the river a great part of his Cavalry, who falling unlooked for upon the foragers (scattered here and there without fear or suspicion) cut off a great number of men and cattle. Whereupon the Enemy sending certain Spanish troops, bearing little round bucklers, to second and relieve the foragers, they divided themselves of purpose into two parts; the one to keep and defend the booty which they had got, and the other to resist and beat back the forces sent to charge them. One of our cohorts, which had easily run out before the Army, was intercepted, and cut off: the rest returned by the bridge into the Camp in safety with a great booty.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
THese Rutheni inhabited that part of Provence where Rhodes now standeth: 
Rutheni.  amongst whom Caesar had ordinarily a legion or two in Garrison, 
S●lvuntur stavi long● station Rutheni.  for the better keeping of the Country in obedience, 
Lucan. l. 1.  being a stout and warlike people, and using archery, as appeareth in this place. Which howsoever the course of time hath brought into utter contempt, yet let us not scorn to take notice, that anciently it hath been used by such as performed the greatest feats of Arms: For Hercules had but two sorts of weapons to achieve labours of so much variety; a Club for such monsters as would contest with his valour, 
Stympha●●dae.  and Bow and Arrows for others that kept farther off. And in the old war of Troy (if Homer may be believed) Pindarus Duke of Lycia, 
Iliad. lib. 5.  having a stable of gallant Coursers, left them all at home, lest he should not find means at Troy to give them their ordinary keeping; and came on foot with his bow and arrows, with such reputation of his deeds of Arms, that Aeneas sought him out in a conflict, to resist the rage and extreme pressures of Diomedes. 
Iliad. lib. 7.  And on the contrary part, Teucer relieved the distressed Grecians from a hot and desperate pursuit, by slaying with his bow eight valiant Trojans before he stirred his foot.  
Concerning the use of which weapon, howsoever it may seem ridiculous (to such as understand nothing but the course of the present age) to recall the long bow to the service of a battle; yet they may remember, that the Gray-goose wing gave our forefathers such advantage, that they wrought wonders amongst all Nations for deeds of Arms: which we should imitate with as much hope of success, if we could handle our bows in any measure as they did. Of this I have already formerly treated.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
IT is a saying as true as it is old, 
An ill chance cometh not alone.  that An ill hap cometh not alone, but is always attended with such consequents as will enforce other inconveniences; as may be observed by this extremity here mentioned. For the mischief was not bounded with the affliction which Caesar suffered for want of needful provision, notwithstanding the weight was such as could not be born by ordinary patience: but the enemy enlarged it to his further advantage, vaunting of it as a helpless remedy, and making out dispatches to send victory to Rome. Which gave him yet further prejudice in the opinion of the world; and made those his enemies, that formerly showed no dislike of his proceedings. And thus every ill chance hath a tail of many other misfortunes; which if either providence or endeavour may prevent, it shall much import a Commander to avoid them.   

THE THIRD OBSERVATION.  
AS Necessity maketh men constant in their sufferings, 
Necessit●s fortiter ●e●re docet, consu●tudo facile. S●n. de 〈◊〉. cap. 10.  so Custom giveth easiness and means of deliverance: according as may appear by this direction of Caesar, which was wholly drawn from former experience. For first the Boats here prescribed, were such as he used in the war of Brittany; and as far as may be gathered out of the former Commentaries, 
Lib. 5.  were those he commanded to be built for his second journey: which he would now imitate in regard of the flatness of their bottoms, and not otherwise. For it is not to be supposed, that those Barks were covered with skins; unless peradventure he used some such as these upon occasion in that war, not expressed in the story.  
Herodotus in his Clio, describeth the like; The boats (saith he) which come from Babylon, down the River Euphrates, are made by the Herdsmen of Armenia, of light Timber, in a round fashion, without beak or poup, & are covered with skin, the hiry side inward; and in these they take their passage. Such as fish for Salmon in the River of Sever●●, use the like boats in all respects, 
Corracles.  which they call Corracles of Corium; being all covered with horse-skins tanned.  
Secondly, the means he used to pass over without impeachment from the Enemy, by carrying those boats in the nighttime up the River to a place of security, was such, the like whereof he had formerly practised in Gallia, to pass the River Loire, being then guard done the other side by the Enemy. Whereby we see how much use and continuance doth enable men, beyond others of smaller experience: according to that, Dies Diem docet, One day teacheth another; or, Older and wiser.    

CHAP. XIX.  
The Massilians encounter with Brutus at Sea, and are beaten.  
WHile these things were done at Ilerda, 
Caesar.  the Massilians (by the direction of L. Domitius) rigged and set out 17 Galleys, whereof eleven were covered; besides many lesser vessels which went along with them, to make the Navy seem the greater for the astonishment of the Enemy. In these they put a great number of Archers, and many Albicks, of whom we have formerly made mention; encouraging them both by rewards and promises. Domitius required certain ships for himself, and them he filled with Shepherds and Countrymen, which he had brought thither with him. The Navy being thus furnished, set forward with great confidence towards our shipping, whereof D. Brutus was Admiral, and lay at Anchor at an Island right over against Marseilles. Brutus was far inferior to the enemy in shipping; but Caesar having picked the chiefest & valiantest men out of all the legions, as well of the Antesignani as Centurions, put them aboard the Fleet, they themselves requiring to be employed in that service. These men had prepared hooks and grapples of Iron, and had likewise furnished themselves with many Piles and Darts, and other sorts of weapons; and understanding of the Enemies coming▪ put to sea, and encountered with the Massilians. They fought on either side very valiantly & fiercely: neither were the Albicks much inferior to our men in prowess, being rough mountainous people, exercised in Arms, and having a little before fallen off from the Massilians, did now remember the late contract and league they had made with them. The Shepherds, in like manner (a rude and untamed kind of people, stirred up with hope of liberty,) did strive to show their valour in the presence of their Master.  
The Massilians (trusting to the nimbleness of their shipping, and in the skill and dexterity of their Pilots, did frustrate (in a deluding manner) the shock of our ships, when they came violently to stem them. And forasmuch as they had sea-room enough, they drew out their Navy at length, to compass and enclose our men about: and sometimes they would single out one of our ships, and set upon them with divers of the●rs together, or wipe off a side of their oars in their passage along by them.  
When they came to deal at hand (leaving aside the art & skill of the Pilots) they took themselves to the stoutness and valour of the Highlanders. Our men were fain to use worse oar-men, and more unskilful Pilots; who being lately taken out of ships of burden, did not well know the true names of the tackling, and were much troubled with the heaviness and sluggishness of the shipping; which being made in haste of unseasoned timber, was not so nimbie or ready for use. But as the matter came to handy-blows, every single ship did willingly undertake two at once; and having grappled with either of them, fought on each side, entering valiantly the enemy's ships, killing a great number of the Highlanders and Shepherds. Part of the ships they sunk, some they took with the men, and the rest they beat back into the Haven. That day the Massilians lost nine ships, with those that were taken. This news was brought to Caesar at Ilerda.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
I Have formerly observed the manner of their sea-fight, 
Sea-fight.  consisting of three parts. The first was, their nimble and skilful managing of their ships, either forcibly to assault, or to lavire and bear off, as might fall for their best advantage: wherein the Massilians, by reason of the skilfulness of their Pilots, had great confidence. The second was, their fight before they came to grappling, as well with great engines, such as were their Balistae and Catapultae, casting stones and logs of wood one against another, as also with slings, arrows and darts; resembling our great artillery, and small shot: for which purpose, their ships were built with fore-castles and turrets, and other advantages of height, for their casting weapons. The third was, their grappling and forcible entry; wherein, forasmuch as the matter was referred to the arbitrement of valour, the legionary soldier carried the cause. Whence we may observe, that their legions were the 〈◊〉 of their valiant and worthy men, as well for the sea as the land; being ●itted by the discipline of their Military exercises, to undertake any service subject to humane industry; whereof they g●ve an account worthy the School wherein they were instructed.  
Neither is 〈◊〉 at any time, but that such kingdoms as 〈…〉 to train up their men in Academies of virtuous Actually, do always keep then honour at a high 〈◊〉; affording at all times men of absolute and complete carriage, both for designment and performance.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
I Have a little before showed out of Livy, that the Antesignani were ordinarily taken for the Hastati; which being the easiest sort of soldiers, according to the general division of a legion, doth seem to contradict the passage in this Chapter, Sed delectos ex omnibus legionibus fortissimos viros Antesignanos, Centuriones Caesar ei classi attribuerat; But Caesar having picked the valiantest of the Antesignani out of all the Legions, put them into this Fleet as Centurions. For the better clearing whereof, we are to note, that as the Hastati, or first battle of a legion, were generally taken for the Antesignani (as standing before the Eagle and other the chiefest Ensigns, which were always amongst the Principes or second battle;) so every Maniple having an Ensign in the midst of the troup, the soldiers that stood in front before the Ensign were likewise called Antesignani, and were the best soldiers in the Company: for the Centurion, standing always in the head of the troup, was accompanied with the valiantest and worthiest men; the rest filling up the rear, consorted with the Lieutenant, who thereupon was called Tergiductor.  
Whence we may admire the temperature and disposition of a Roman Army; being first generally divided into three battles; whereof the meanest were in the vanguard, to make trial of their strength, and to spend the heat of their young blood in the first affront of an enemy: The Veterani, or old soldiers, being left in the rearward, to repair any loss, which either force or casualty should cast upon their Leaders. And again, to counterpoise themselves, in such a manner as the weakest might not alwa●●s go to the wall, their private Companies were so ordered, that the best men were always in front. Whereby they made such an exquisite temper, as kept every part of the Army in their full strength.    

CHAP. XX.  
Upon the making of the Bridge at Ilerda, the Enemy resolveth to transfer the war into Celtiberia.  
Upon Caesar's making of his Bridge, 
Caesar▪  Fortune suddenly changed. The enemy fearing the courage and valour of our cavalry, did not so freely range abroad as they had wont to do; sometimes seeking forage within a small distance of the Camp, to the end they might find a safe and easy retreat if occasion required; sometimes fetching a great compass about, to avoid the guards and stations of our horsemen. And if they had received but the least check, or had but descried the Cavalry afar off, they would have cast down their burdens, and fled away.  
At last they omitted foraging for many days together, and (which was never used by any Nation) sent out to seek it in the night. In the mean time those of Osca and Calaguris, 
Osca.  being in league together, 
Calaguris.  sent Ambassadors to Caesar, with offer of their service, in such sort as he should please to command it. Within a few days the Tarraconenses, Lacetani, and Ausetani, together with the Illurgavonenses, which border upon the River Ebrus, followed after. Of all these he desired supplies of Corn and provision: which they promised to furnish; and accordingly got horses from all quarters, and brought grain into the Camp. In like manner, the Regiment of the Illurgavonenses, understanding the resolution of their State, left the Enemy, and came unto him with their Colours: and suddenly a great alteration of things appeared.  
The bridge being perfected, five great Cities and States being come in unto him, a course settled for provision of Corn, and the rumour blown over of the succours and legions, which Pompey was said to come withal by the way of Mauritania; many other towns farther off revolted from Afranius, and clavae to Caesar's party.  
The enemy being much affrighted and abashed at these things, Caesar (to avoid the great circuit by which he continually sent his horsemen about by the bridge) having got a convenient place, resolved to make many trenches of thirty foot in breadth, by which he might drain some part of the river Sicoris, and make it passable by a ford. These trenches being almost made, Af●anius and Petreius did thereupon conceive a great fear, lest they should be cut off altogether from victual and forage, forasmuch as Caesar was very strong in horse; and therefore they determined to leave that place, and transfer the war into Celtiberia, being the rather thereunto induced, for that of those two contrary Factions, which in the former war had stood for L. Sertorius, such Cities as were subdued by Pompey, did yet stand in awe of his Name and Authority: and such as from the beginning had continued firm unto him, did entirely love him, for the great benefits they had received from him; amongst whom Caesar's name was not known. There they expected great succours both of horse and foot, and made no doubt but to keep the war on foot until winter.  
This advice being agreed upon, they gave order to take up all the boats that were on the river Iberus, 
Octogesa.  and to bring them to Octogesa, a town sited upon Iberus, twenty miles from the Camp. There they commanded a bridge of boats to be made; and transporting two legions over Sicoris, fortified their Camp with a rampire of twelve foot in height. Which being known by the Discoverers, Caesar by the extreme labour of the soldiers, continued day and night in turning the course of the water: & at length brought the matter to that pass, that the horsemen (with some difficulty) durst adventure over; but the foot troops, having nothing above the water but their heads, were so hindered as well by the depth of the River, as the swiftness of the stream, that they could not well get over. Notwithstanding at the same instant of time, news was brought of the making of the bridge over the River Iberus, and a ford was found in the River Sicoris.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
FIrst, concerning the places here mentioned, the Reader may take notice that Ilerda (now known by the name of Lerida) standeth upon the River Sicoris, 
Ilerda.  in the Province of Catalonia; and being sited upon a hill, is enclosed round with a wall of hewn stone, in a pleasant and fertile Country, 
Lib. 4.  both for corn, wine, oil, and fruit: as it is graphically described by Lucan;  
Colle tumet modico, levique excrevit in altum  
Pingue solum tumulo, super hunc sundata vetusta  
Surgit Ilerda manu; placidis praelabitur undis  
Hesperios inter Sicoris non ultimus amnes:  
Saxeus ingenti quem pons amplectitur arcu,  
Hybernas passurus aquas.—  
With a light rising to a pretty height  
The rich ground swells, on which by ancient hand  
Ilerda's placed: with gentle waves slides by  
The Sicoris, none of Spain's meanest streams▪  
O'er it a bridge of stone with noble Arch,  
Subject to suffer by the winter floods.  
It was formerly a University, and at all times famous for salt meats and pickled fish. Whereunto Horace alludeth, when he tells his book, That although it fell out that no man would regard it, nevertheless it might serve at Ilerda to wrap Saltfish in.  
Aut fugies Uticam, aut unctus mittêris Ilerdam.  
Either to Utica thou'lt pass,  
Or to Ilerda in an oily case.  
Osca, 
Osca.  now called Huesca, a town likewise of Catalonia, 
Victri●.  in former time surnamed Victrix, where Sertorius kept the sons of the Grandees of Spain, as pledges of their loyalty, under pretext of learning the Greek and Latin tongue, which he had there caused to be taught, in form of an Academy.  
In this town his hap was to be slain by Perpenna, 
Lib. ●.  as Paterculus recordeth the story; Tum M. Perpenna praetorius, è proscriptis, generis clarioris quam animi, Sertorium inter coenam Aetoscae interemit; Romanisque certam victoriam, partibus suis excidium, sibi turpissimā mortem, pessimo auctoravit facinore; Then M. Perpenna a praetorian, one of the proscribed party, of a more noble stock than mind, slew Sertorius, at Aetosca as he was at supper; occasioning by this wicked deed of his certain victory to the Romans, ruin to his own party, and a shameful death to himself. Which Aetosca is by all men taken for this Osca.  
The inhabitants boast of nothing more at this day, than that S. Laurence was a Citizen of their town.  
Calaguris, 
Calaguris.  now Calahorra, is seated upon a hill on the banks of Iberus; the people whereof are famous for their constancy and faithfulness to their Commanders, and specially to Sertorius: as appeareth by that of Valerius Maximus; 
Lib. 7. cap. 6  Quo perseverantius interempti Sertorii cineribus, obsidionem Cn. Pompeii frustrantes, fidem praestarent; quia nullum jam aliud in urbe eorum supererat animal, uxores suas, natosque, ad usum nefariae dapis verterunt: quoque diutius armata juventus viscera sua visceribus suis aleret, infelices cadaverum reliquias salire non dubitavit. That they might demonstrate their fidelity to the ashes of Sertorius, to the very last, by defeating Pompey's siege, in regard there was no live thing elseleft in the City, they most inhumanely made their wives and children serve them for food; and that those which were in arms might so much the longer with their own bowels feed their bowels, they stuck not to salt up the pitiful remainders of the dead carcases.  
Nevertheless Afranius took them in the end by continual siege; amongst whom that antiquity of Bebricius is very remarkable, which is yet extant near to Logronno.  
DIIS. MANIBUS. Q. SERTORII. ME. BEBRICIUS. CALAGURITANUS. DEVOVI. ARBITRATUS. RELIGIONEM. ESSE. EO. SUBLATO. QUI. OMNIA. CUM. DIIS. IMMORTALIBUS. COMMUNIA. HABEBAT. ME. INCOLUMEN. RETINERE. ANIMAM. VALE VIATOR. QUI. HAEC. LEGIS. ET. MEO. DISCE. EXEMPLO. FIDEM. SERVARE. IPSA. FIDES. ETIAM. MORTUIS. PLACET. CORPORE. HUMANO. EXUTIS.  
In English thus: To the D●j Manes (or divine ghost) of Q. Sertorius, I Bebricius of Calaguris devote myself; supposing it a business of conscience, he being gone, who had all things in common with the immortal Gods, for me to seek to save my own life. Farewell Traveller, who readest this, and learn of me to be faithful. Faithfulness is a thing pleaseth even the dead, when they have put off their humane bodies.  
In memory of whose fidelity, 
Suetonius in Augusto.  Augustus Caesar took a band of these people for a guard to his person. 
Cohors Calaguritanorum.  In this town was Quintilian the Rhetorician born; and being brought from thence to Rome, in Nero his time, was the first that taught a public School for salary: 
Ad Euse●il C●ronicon.  as witnesseth Saint Hierome; Quintilianus ex Hispania Calaguritanus primus Romae publicam Scholam tenuit, & salario cohonestatus publico claruit. Quintilian a Spaniard of Calaguris first taught a public School at Rome, and had a stipend allowed him.  
Celtiberia was the Country lying along the River Iberus, 
Celtiberia.  inhabited by people coming out of Gallia Celtica: whereupon Lucan saith,  
— profugique à gente vetusta  
Gallorum Celtae, 
Lib. 4▪  miscentes nomen Iberis.  
Some Celtic fugitives from Gallia came,  
And with th' Iberi made a compound name.  
Florus calleth them Hispaniae Robur. 
Lib. 2. c. 17  And Valerius Maximus affirmeth, 
Lib. 2. c. 6.  That they were always glad of war, as being to end their life in happiness and honour; and lamented their ill fortune to die in their beds, as a miserable and shameful end.  
His pugnacecidisse decus, 
Sil. Ital. Lib. 3.  corpusque cremari  
Tale nefas: calo credunt, superisque referri,  
Impastus carpat si membra jacentia vulture.  
— To die in fight  
They count great honour, know no funeral rite.  
heavens their's they think, & the celestial seats,  
Whose scattered limbs the ravenous Vulture eats.  
Their Arms and weapons were of singular rarity: for besides the water of Bilbo, which gave them an invincible temper, they had also a peculiar fashion of working them, 
lib. 6. cap. ●  as witnesseth Diodorus Siculus; hiding their plates of Iron in the earth, until the worst and weakest part were eaten out with rust, and of that which remained, they made very hard swords.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
THe sudden alterations of war are like the change of men's minds upon small accidents; which are so forceable to shake our resolutions, as made a great Philosopher to describe a man by the property of mutabile Animal, or a changeable living creature. And it is notably seen in this; That Afranius, in the compass of a few days, triumphed of Caesar's overthrow, and fled away for fear of his power. Whence we may note the advantage coming to a party, when they shake off any eminent distress: for as the extremity thereof threateneth ruin and destruction, so the alteration bringeth with it an opinion of victory. And surely, such is the condition of all sorts of Misery, that when the storm is over, and the bitterness of the affliction alaid, good times come redoubled upon the Patients; as though the vicissitude of things did enforce contrary effects. And therefore a Commander, knowing the advantage of such an opportunity, must endeavour to improve the same, as may best serve to a speedy end.    

CHAP. XXI.  
The Enemy setteth forward, and is stayed by Caesar.  
THe Enemy thereupon thought it expedient for him to make the more haste; 
Caesar.  and therefore leaving two Auxiliary cohorts for the safe keeping of Ilerda, he transported all his forces over the River Sicoris, and encamped himself with the two legions which formerly he had carried over. There remained nothing for Caesar to do, but with his Cavalry to impeach and trouble the enemy in their march. And forasmuch as it was a great compass about to go by the bridge (whereby it would come to pass, that the Enemy would get to Iberus a far nearer way) he passed over his horsemen by the ford. About the third watch, as Petreius and Afranius had raised their Camp, upon a sudden the Cavalry showed themselves in the rear, & swarming about them in great multitudes, began to stay and hinder their passage. As soon as it began to be daylight, from the upper ground where Caesar lay encamped, it was perceived, how the rearward of the enemy was hard laid to by our Cavalry, and how sometimes they turned head again, and were nevertheless broken and routed: sometimes their Ensigns stood suddenly still, and all their foot troops charged our horse, and forced them to give way; and then turning back, went on their way again. The soldiers walking up and down the Camp, were grieved that the enemy should so escape their hands, whereby the matter would consequently be spun out into a long war: and went unto the Centurions and Tribunes of the soldiers, praying them to beseech Caesar not to spare them for any danger or labour; for they were ready and willing to pass the River where the horse went over. Caesar moved through their desire and importunity, albeit he feared to expose his Army to a river of that greatness, yet he thought it expedient to put it to trial, and therefore commanded that the weakest soldiers of all the Centuries should be taken out, whose courage or strength showed a disability to undertake that service: and these he left in the Camp, with one legion to defend the same, bringing out the other legions without carriage or burden: and having set a great number of horses and cattle both above and below in the river, he transported his Army over. Some few of the soldiers, being carried away with the stream, were succoured and taken up by the horsemen; insomuch as not one man perished.  
The Army carried thus over in safety, he ranged them in order, and marched forward with a threefold battle. Such was the endeavour of the soldier, that albeit they had set a circuit of six miles to the ford, 
Three of the clock in the afternoon.  and had spent much time in passing the river, yet by the ninth hour they did overtake the enemy that rose about the third watch of the night.  
Assoon as Afranius and Petreius had discovered the legions afar off (being terrified with the novelty of that pursuit) they betook themselves to the upper ground, and there imbattelled their troops. In the mean time Caesar refreshed his Army in the field, and would not suffer them (being weary) to give battle: and as the enemy tried again to go on in their march, he followed after and stayed them; whereby they were forced to incamp sooner then was purposed: for there were hills a little before them, and for five miles together, the passages were very difficult and narrow.  
By which means (being advanced between the hills) they hoped to be free from Caesar's Cavalry, and by keeping the passages, to hinder the Army from following after; to the end they themselves might without peril or fear, put their forces over the river Iberus: which by all means was to be effected. Nevertheless, being wearied with travailing and fight all day, they put off the business to the next morning.  
Caesar also encamped himself on the next hill; and about midnight, some of their party being gone out from the Camp, somewhat far off, to fetch water, were taken by the horsemen. By them Caesar was advertised, that the Enemy with silence began to remove, and to lead their troops out of their Camp. Whereupon he commanded the sign of rising to be given, 
Vasa conclamari.  and the cry (dislodging and trussing up their baggage) to be taken up, according to the discipline and use of soldiers.  
The Enemy hearing the cry, fearing lest they should be impeached in the night, and forced to fight with their burdens on their backs, or to be shut up in those strait passages by Caesar's horsemen, stayed their journey, and kept their forces within their Camp.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
THis passage over Sicoris, 
Hannibal per● su●eriora P●di vad● exercitum tradu●●s, elephantos in ordinem opposuit ad impetum fluminis fustinendun.  was in the same manner as he carried his Army over the River Loire, in the seventh Commentary of the war of Gallia; Vado per Equites invento, pro rei necessitate opportuno, ut Brachia modo atque Humeri, ad sustinenda arma liberi ab aqua esse possent, disposito equitatu, qui vim fluminis frangerent, incolumem exercitum transduxit. The horsemen having found a ford, indifferent convenient in regard of the necessity they were put to, 
Livy.  to the end that the soldiery might have their arms and shoulders at liberty, 
Ac n●quid S●co●is 〈…〉 majoris aquae—  and not be hindered by the water from carrying their weapons, he so disposed his horse, that he broke the force of the river with them, and so carried his Army over in safety.  
The horse that stood above broke the force of the water, and those that were below took up such as were overcome with the stream, 
Lu●an. l. 4.  and withal, gave courage to the soldier to venture with better assurance, seeing the passage impaled in on each side, to keep them from miscarrying. 
In the same 〈◊〉 E●phrates was divided first by Semiramis, and afterward by Alexander.  His attempt upon Sicoris, to abate the swelling pride of that River, by dividing it into many streams, was in imitation of the first 
* Herodot. 〈◊〉  Cyrus, who taking displeasure at the River Cyndes, next unto Euphrates the greatest River of Ass●ria, drew it into three hundred and threescore channels.  
Croesus not finding the River Halis passable by a ford, 
Herod. Just.  and having no means to make a bridge, sunk a great trench behind the Camp, from the upper part of the River, and so drew all the water behind his Army.  
Vegetius hath a particular discourse of passing an Army over a River, 
Lib. 2. c●p. 7  whether it be by bridge or boat, or by wading or swimming, or any other way: to which I refer the Reader.    

CHAP. XXII.  
Asranius seeketh to take the straits between certain Mountains; but is prevented by Caesar.  
THe next day following, Petreius went out secretly with a few horse, to discover the Country; and for the samepurpose some went likewise out of Caesar's Camp: L. Decidius Saxa was sent with a small troup to view the site of the Place. And either party returned with the same report: that for 
* At ol●unt campo g●minae 〈…〉 rupes, Valle 〈…〉  five miles the way was open and champain, and afterwards very rough and mountainous; and whosoever first took those strait, might easily impeach the enemy from going further. The matter was disputed in the Council of war, by Petreius and Afranius; the time of their setting forward was debated. 
Lucan. lib. 4.  Most of them thought it fit to take their journey in the night; for by that means they might come to those straits before it were perceived. Others were of opinion, that it was not possible to steal out in the night; as appeared by the cry of rising taken up the night before in Caesar's Camp, upon their removing: and Caesar's horsemen did so range abroad in the night, that all places and passages were kept and shut up. Neither were they to give occasion of night fights, but to avoid the same by all the means they could; forasmuch as in civil dissension, the ordinary soldier would rather suffer himself to be over mastered by fear, then continue firm in the allegiance which he had sworn unto: whereas, in the day time, every man hath shame and dishonour before his eyes, together with the presence of the Centurions and Tribunes; with which respects a soldier is restrained, and kept within the bounds of duty. And therefore the attempt was by all means to be undertaken in the day time: and although it ●ell out to some loss, yet nevertheless the body of the Army might pass in safety, and possess that place which they sought for.  
This opinion prevailing in their consultation, they determined by break of day the next mornning to set forward. Caesar, having diligently viewed the Country, as soon as day began to appear, drew all his forces out of his Camp, and marched forward in a great circuit, 
It● sine ullo Ordine, 〈◊〉, rap●umque ●uga convertite. bellum, Et faciem pugnae, vultusquo in●●rte mi●aces.  keeping no direct way. For the ways which led to Iberus and Octogesa, were taken up with the Enemy's Camp; insomuch as they were to pass over great and difficult valleys. And in many places, broken Rocks and stones did so hinder them, that they were necessarily forced to give their weapons from hand to hand, the soldiers lifting up one another; and so they passed most part of the way. Howsoever, 
Lucan. lib. ●  no man thought much of the labour, for that they hoped to give an end to all their travel, if they could keep the enemy from passing over the River I●erus, and cut off his chevals.  
At the first, Afranius soldiers ran joyfully out of their Camp to see the Army, casting out words of derision and reproach, that for want of victual they fled and returned to Ilerda; for the way they held was quite contrary to that they intended, whereby they seemed to go back again: and the Commanders themselves did much approve their own counsel, that they had kept their troops within the Camp. For that which confirmed them in their opinion was, that they perceived they were come out without their carriages: whereby they hoped, necessity would not suffer them to continue long there. But when they saw the troops by little and little to wind to the right hand, and that they perceived, how those that were in front had fallen backward beyond their Camp, there was no man so dull, but thought it expedient presently to march out, and make head against them, Whereupon they cried to Arm; and all their forces, excepting some few cohorts which were left to keep the Camp, went out, and marched directly towards Iberus.  
The whole business consisted in speed and celerity, which of the two should first take the straits, and possess the hills, Caesar's Army was hindered by the difficulty of the way: and Afranius party was retarded by Caesar's Cavalry. The matter was come to that upshot, that if Afranius party did first get the hills, they might haply qu●● themselves of danger; but the baggage of the whole Army, and the cohorts left in the Camp could not be saved: for being intercepted and secluded by Caesar's Army, there was no means to relieve them.  
It 〈◊〉, that Caesar first attained the place; and being come out from among those great Rocks into a plain champain, put his Army in order of battle against the enemy.  
Afranius seeing the enemy in front, and his rearward hardly charged by Caesar's Cavalry, got the advantage of a small hill, & there made his stand: and from thence sent four cohorts bearing round bucklers unto a Mountain, which in all men's sight was higher than the rest; commanding them to run as fast as they could, and possess that hill, intending to follow after with all his forces, and altering his course, to get along the ridges and tops of the Mountains to Octogesa.  
As the cohorts were advanced forward by an oblique circuit, Caesar's Cavalry perceiving their intendment, set upon them with such violence, that they were not able any time to bear their charge, but were surrounded by them, and all cut in pieces in the fight of both Armies.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  

Nocturna prael●a esse vit●nda, quod perterritus miles in civili dissensione, timori magis quam religion● consulere consu●●●●it; at ●u●em multum per se pudorem, omnium oculis 〈◊〉.  PEtreius and Afranius, in their Council of war, resolved by all means to shun night encounters, as a thing full of hazard and uncertainty, and apt for looseness and disobedience: for the night, being neither a discoverer of errors, nor yet a distinguisher either of actions or persons, but wrapping up both the virtuous and the faulty in her Mantle of obscurity, doth not admit of directions, to follow an opportunity, or to help a mistaking; but rather giving way to impunity and licentious confusion, leaveth no hope of what is wished: 
Neque in victoria decue, nec in foga flagitium.  Whereas the light is a witness of every man's demeanour, and hath both honour and rebuke to make duty respected.  
For which causes, 
Tacit. Hist. 〈…〉  Curio (as it followeth in the next Commentary) in his harangue before that untimely expedition against king Juba, thus rejected their advice that would have had him set forward in the night; At etiam ut media nocte proficiscamur addunt: quo majorem credo licentiam habeant qui peccare conantur: namque hujusmodi res aut pudore aut metu tenentur, quibus rebus nox maxim: adversaria est. Further than this, they advise us to set out in the middle of the night: that so (I think) those men who have a mind to do mischief may take the greater liberty: for in the daytime they would be restrained either through shame or fear, to both which the darkness of the night is a great adversary.  
And that the danger may appear as well by effect as by discourse, let the Reader take notice of that battle by night, between Antonius Primus on the behalf of Vespasian, and the Vitellian legions, near unto Cremona; whereof Tacitus hath this description; 
2. Histor▪  Praelium tota nocte varium, anceps, atrox; his, rursus illis, exitiabile. Nihil animus aut manus, n● oculi quidem provisu juvabant, etc. The fight was doubtful and bloody the whole night, now this party going to the worse, by and by that. A stout heart or a valiant hand availed little, neither could the eyes see before them either advantage or disadvantage. And thus are all night-works condemned, wherein either order or honour are of any moment.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
I Have already noted, in the former Commentaries, the use of exact and particular discovery of the Country, where a party is engaged: than which nothing doth more advantage a Commander to expedite the happy issue of a war. For by that means he is not only able to judge of any motion which the enemy shall offer, and to give sure directions to frustrate and make void the same; but also to dispose himself according as shall seem expedient for his safety. Wherein, if a place of such consequence as is here mentioned shall by design be aimed at, this history showeth how much it importeth either party to obtain it: and therefore Caesar had reason to make his passage through Valleys and Rocks, rather than to lose victory, for want of labouring in an uneasy way.  
This Lucius Decidius Saxa, or Didius Saxa, employed in this discovery, was afterward advanced by Caesar to be Tribune of the people; whereat Tully was so much offended. 
Otatio. 1●.  How can I omit (saith he) this Decidius Saxa, 
Philip.  a man brought from the furthest end of the world; whom we see Tribune of the people, before we ever saw him a Citizen?    

CHAP. XXIII.  
Caesar refuseth to fight upon an advantage offered, contrary to the opinion and desire ●f all men.  
THere was an opportunity then offered of doing something to purpose; 
Caesar.  neither was Caesar ignorant thereof● Such an overthrow given before their faces, did consequently so discourage them, that it was thought they would not endure a charge; especially, being compassed about with the Cavalry, in an indifferent and open place, where the matter was to be decided by battle. Which was on all sides instantly desired at Caesar's hands: for the Legates, Centurions, and Tribunes of the soldiers, came jointly unto him, desiring him to make no doubt of giving battle, for all the soldiers were very ready and forward thereunto; whereas the contrary party had 〈◊〉 many arguments of fear and discouragement. 
Signs of 〈◊〉 in the Enemy.  First, in that they did not succour their fellows. Secondly, in as much as they had not bouged from the Hill, which they had took for a retreat. Neither had they withstood the charge and incursion of the Cavalry, but had thronged pellmell together, and confusedly mingled their Ensigns one with another, no man either keeping his place or his colours. And if he feared the inequality and disadvantage of the Place, he might take some other of more indifferency; for certainly Afranius could not long stay where he was, but must depart from thence for want of water.  
Caesar was in hope to end the matter without either blow or wound of his men; forasmuch as he had cut off the enemy from victual. And why then should be lose a man, although it were to gain a victory? Why should he suffer his valiant and well-deserving soldiers, to be so much as hurt or wounded? Or why should he put the matter to the hazard of Fortune? especially, when it no less concerned the honour and reputation of a Commander to vanquish an enemy by direction and advice, the● to subdue them by force of Arms? being moved withal with a tender commiseration of such Citizens of Rome, as were consequently to be hazarded or slain in the sight; whereas he desired to work out his own Ends with their safety.  
This opinion of Caesar's was disallowed by most men: and the soldiers would not stick to speak plainly amongst themselves, Forasmuch as such an occasion of victor●● was overslipt, that when C●●sar would have them, they would not fight. He notwithstanding continued firm in his opinion; and fell as little off from the enemy, to lessen and abate their fear and amazement. Petreius and Afranius, upon the opportunity given them, withdrew themselves into their Camp. Caesar having possessed the Hills with garrisons of soldiers, and shut up all the passages leading to I●erus, encamped himself as near as he could to the enemy.  
The Commanders of the adverse party being much afflicted that they had absolutely lost all means of provision of victual, and of gaining the River I●erus, consulted together of other courses. There were two ways left open; the one to return to Ilerda, and the other to Tarracon. And while they were considering of these things, it was told them, that such as went out for water were very much pressed by our Cavalry. Whereupon they placed many courts of guard, as well of horse, as Auxiliary footmen, interlacing the legionary Cohorts amongst them; and began also to re●se a rampire from the Camp to the watering-place, that the soldiers might safely, without fear, fetch water within the bounds of their fortification. Which work Petreius and Afranius divided between themselves; and for the perfecting of the same, had occasion to go far off from the Camp: by means of whose absence the soldiers taking liberty of free speech one with another, went out; and as any man had an acquaintance or neighbour in each others Camp, 
Et qu●mvis nullo 〈◊〉 sanguine miles. Quae 〈…〉. Lucan. lib. 4.  they sought him out. And first, they all gave thanks to all our party, that they had spared them when they were terrified and amazed the day before: in regard whereof, they acknowledged to hold their lives by their favour: And afterwards, inquired how they might safely yield themselves to their General, complaining that they had not done it in the beginning, and so have joined their forces with their ancient friends and kinsmen.  
And having proceeded thus far in their communication, they require assurance for the lives of Afranius and Petreius; lest they should seem to conceive mischief against their Generals, or betray them in seeking their own safety. Which things being agreed upon, they promised to come with their Ensigns to Caesar's Camp; and thereupon se●t to Caesar some of the Centurions of the first Orders, as Deputies to treat of peace.  
In the mean time, 
Hospitis ille 〈…〉, vocat ill● pr●pinqui● Admon●● hunc studi●s con●ors 〈…〉 Nec Romanus er●t qui n●n●gnovera hostem. Lucan. lib. 4.  they invited their friends on either side into the Camps, insomuch as both their lodgings seemed but one Camp. Many of the Tribunes of the soldiers, and Centurions came to Caesar, recommending themselves to his favour: and the like did the Grandees and chief Princes of Spain, whom they had commanded out, to take party in this war, and to remain with them as Hostages and Pledges. These inquired after their old acquaintances and ancient hosts, by whom each man might have access to Caesar with some commendation. In like manner, Afranius his son dealt with Caesar, by the mediation of Sulpitius a Legate, touching his own and his father's life. All things sounded of joy and mutual congratulation: of them that had escaped such imminent dangers; and of us, that seemed to have effected such great matters without bloodshed. Insomuch as Caesar (in all men's judgement) reaped great fruit of his accustomed clemency and mildness; and his counsel was generally approved of by all men.  

THE OBSERVATION.  
THis Chapter containeth a passage of that note and eminency, as the like is not read in any story. For if we search the records of all Nations, 
〈◊〉 e●●m tibi major i●●●vis Aenuthiis fortuna f●it. &c▪ Lucan.  from the very birth of Bellona, unto times of later memory, it will no where else appear that a General spared an advantage to purchase a victorious name, by the bloodshed and ruin of his enemy: especially contrary to the will and desire of his Army, that had undergone such difficulties and hazards, to give an end to that war; contrary to his knowledge, and late experience of the mutability and change of time and fortune; contrary to the surest rule of war,  
— Dolus an virtus, quis in host requirit?  
Valour or Craft, who cares which in a Foe?  
and contrary to the use of Arms, which are always bend against an enemy to subdue him.  
This is the fruit of that other part of Military knowledge, which men do rather admire then attain unto, no less concerning the honour of a Commander, 
* Non minus est Impe●atoris, co●si●●● superare, quam gladio.  Consilio superare quam gladio, to overcome by counsel and good direction, rather than by the sword, and was a main step to raise him to the Empire. For howsoever the soldier (to prevent further labour) stood hard for blood, 
Caesar. Comment. 6. de ●el. Gal.  not respecting that of the 
* Teren●ius in Funu●●●.  Comic, Omnia prius experiri verbis, quam armis sapientem decet, a wise man should try all fair words before he brings the business to blows: yet if Caesar had been so injurious to Nature, 
Naturae 〈…〉: & humanitat●● legem violate, qui ultra victoriam 〈…〉. indulget Ni●●tas.  as to have left them to their own desires, and suffered their fury to have violated the law of humanity more than was requisite for victory; they would afterwards have loathed themselves, and cursed their swords for such unseasonable execution; and may be doubted, would have revenged it upon his head, before the time came to strike the fatal stroke of the eversion of that State. Caesar esteemed it also a part of divine power, to save men by troops, according to that of Seneca; 
〈◊〉, Lib. 1. cap. 26.  Haec divina potentia est, gregatim, ac publice servare: It is a divine power that saves men by troops and all at once. And therefore he chose rather to displease the soldier for the present; 
Ingens victoriae 〈…〉 bellanti. Tacit. in 〈◊〉.  then to lose that honour which attendeth the sparing of homebred blood: whereof foreign enemies are not altogether so capable.    

CHAP. XXIV.  
Petreius breaketh off the Treaty, and new sweareth the Soldiers to the Party.  
AFranius being advertised of these passages, 
Caes●r.  left the work which he had begun, and withdrew himself into the Camp; prepared (as it seemed) to take patiently whatsoever should befall him. But Petreius was no way dismayed thereat: for having armed his household family, he went flying with them, and a Pratorian cohort of Buckler-bearers, together with some few stipendiary horse of the barbarous people, whom he was wont to keep about him, as a guard to his person, and came suddenly and unlooked for to the Rampire; 
Junctos an plexibus 〈◊〉 Separate, & multo disturb●● 〈…〉 pacem, Luc.  broke off the soldier's treaty; thrust our men off from the Camp, killing such as he could apprehend. The rest got together, and affrighted at the suddenness of the danger wrapped their coats about their left arms, and with their sword drawn, defended themselves from the Buckler-bearers and horsemen: and trusting to the nearness and propinquity of their Camp, they took courage and got safely thither, being protected by the Cohorts that had the guard at the Camp gates.  
This being done, Petreius weeping about to the Maniples, calling the soldiers, and beseeching them not to leave & forsake him, nor yet Pompey their General, that was absent, nor to deliver them over to the cruelty of their adversaries. Presently thereupon a great concourse of soldiers was about the Praetory, requiring that every man might take an oath, not to abandon or betray the Army or their Generals, nor yet to enter into private consultation thereof without consent of the rest. He himself first took an oath to this effect, and caused Afranius to take the same. The Tribunes of the Soldiers and Centurions followed in order: and after them, the soldiers were brought out according to their Centuries, and were sworn the same oath.  
They caused it also to be proclaimed, 
〈…〉, Quae m●do complex● f●verunt pectora 〈◊〉 Luc▪ lib. 4.  that whosoever had any of Caesar's soldiers, should cause them to be brought out: and being brought forth, they ●lew them publicly before the Praetorian Pavilion. But most men concealed such as were with them, and in the night time sent them out over the Rampire. Whereby it came to pass, that the terror wherewith the Generals had affrighted them, the cruelty they had showed in punishment, together with the vain religion of the new oath, had taken away all hope of yielding for the present; and quite changing the soldier's minds, had reduced the matter to the former course of war.  
Caesar for his part, 
Hoc siquid●m solo civilis crimine belli Dux causae 〈…〉. Luc. lib. 4.  caused diligent inquiry to be made of such soldiers as came into his Camp during the time of the treaty, and sent them away in safety. But of the Tribunes of the soldiers and Centurions, many of their voluntary accord remained with him: whom afterwards he held in great honour; and advanced the Centurions, and such Roman Knights as were of the better rank, to the place and dignity of Tribunes.  
The Afranians were sorely laid unto in their foraging, and watered likewise with great difficulty. Many of the legionary soldiers had store of Corn, being commanded to take provision with them from Herda for twenty two days. But the Buckler-bearers and Auxiliary forces had none at all, having but small means to provide and furnish themselves, and their bodies not being used to carry burdens; for which cause, a great number fled daily to Caesar.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
THat every man is the maker of his own fortune, is evidently seen in the several carriages of these two Generals. For Afranius gave way to the soldier's treaty, and resolved to suffer whatsoever that transaction should cast upon him. But Petreius, opposing himself to their desires, raised new troubles, had further designs, and another fortune. Wherein forasmuch as the event of things riseth according as they are first directed, either by weak or strong resolutions; it better suiteth the temper of soldier (howsoever the success fall out with our desires) rather to be stiff in what he wisheth, then to make his own easiness the ready means of his adversaries happiness.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
Virtue at all times hath had this privilege in the difference and degrees of state and condition, to make a Noble man's word equal to a Common man's oath: but the integrity of former ages, had a more general prerogative, avouching every man's promise for the strictness an oath. 
Anno 〈◊〉. cond. 538.  Hence it was that the Romans, upon their enrolment for a war, gave but their promise to the Tribune of the soldiers, to keep such ordinances as their Militia required: until at length that the corruption of time (falsifying the simplicity and truth of words) did enforce them to give an 
* Null●m 〈…〉 potest.  oath, as the surest bond of faith and obedience: as is noted by Livy at large; 
Lib. 22.  The soldiers (saith he) which was never before that time practised, were sworn by the Tribunes, to appear upon summons from the Consuls, and not to depart without leave. For until then, there was nothing required of them but a solemn promise (which the horsemen made by their Decuries, and the foot troops by their Centuries) not to leave their Colours by flight, or through fear, not to forsake their rank, unless it were either to assault an enemy, to take up an offensive weapon, or to save a Citizen; which being at first but the offer of a free mind, was now by the Tribunes required by obligation of an oath.  
The form of this oath was diversely varied, as appeareth by Aul. Gel. 
Lib. 16. cap. 4.  and more specially in the times of the Emperors: for Caligula made this addition to the soldier's oath, That they should hold neither their lives nor their children dearer unto them then the Emperor Cai●s and his sisters. Concerning the respect had of this Military oath, that which Tully reporteth of Cato is of excellent note. 
Lib. 1. o●●●c. M. Popilius.  Popilius having charge of the Province of Macedonia, had (amongst other Roman youths) Cato's son, a young soldier in his Army; and being occasioned to dismiss a legion, discharged likewise young Cato, being one of that legion. But he desirous to bear Arms in that war, continued still in the Army: whereupon Cato writ from Rome to Popilius, requiring him, that if he suffered his son to remain in that war, he would by any means swear him again; for being discharged of his first oath, he could not lawfully fight against the Enemy.  
Ever since Constantine the great, the soldiers were sworn by a Christian oath, 
Lib. 2. cap. 5.  as Vegetius noteth; to obey all things the Emperor should command them, not to leave their warfare without licence, not to shun death for the service of the Public weal. And at this day, amongst other Nations, an oath is given to the soldier upon his enrolment, to this effect; Well and lawfully to serve the King, towards all men, and against all, without exception of persons; and if they know any thing concerning his service, to reveal the same incontinently; not to leave their Colours, without leave either of the General or his Lieutenant.  
The ancient Romans did charge their solemn and public oaths with many ceremonies: as appeareth by that form which was used in ratifying Treaties and Transactions; Their Heralds killed a hog, and cried out withal, that the like would happen to him that first falsified his faith.  
Polybius reporteth, 
Lib. 3. Histor.  that he that read the oath whereby the Romans and Carthaginians swore their accord, had the hair of his head tiedup in an extraordinary manner: the party's invocating their Jupiter, to grant all prosperity to him that without fraud or deceit did enter into that agreement. But if (said he that took the oath) I shall either do, or purpose otherwise, all the rest being safe and sound, let me alone (in the midst of the laws and justice of my Country, in my own habitation and dwelling, and within my proper Temples and Sepulchers,) perish most unfortunately, even as this stone flieth out of my hand. And (as he spoke those words) he cast away a stone.  
I do not ●ind the use of a Military oath in our Nation. Howbeit, the common form of our oath is as ceremonious and significative as any other whatsoever: which may be observed by the 3 parts it containeth, as I have seen them allegorized in some Antiquities. For first, the book being always a part of holy writ, implieth a renunciation of all the promises therein contained. Secondly, the touching it with our hands, inferreth the like defiance of our works, never to be successful or helping unto us. Thirdly, the kissing of the book importeth a vain mispending of our vows & prayers, if we falsify any thing thereby averred.    

CHAP. XXV.  
The endeavour which Asranius used to return to Ilerda; but failed in his design.  
FHe matter being in this extremity, 
Caesar.  of two means which were left unto them, it was thought the readier and more expedient, to return to Ilerda. For having left there behind them a little Corn, they hoped to take some good course for the sequel. Tarraco was further off, and thereby subject to more casualties concerning their passage. In regard whereof they resolved of the former course, and so dislodged themselves.  
Caesar having sent his Cavalry before, to encumber and retard the rere-guard, followed after himself with the legions. The hindmost troops of their Army were constrained (without any intermission of time) to fight with our horsemen. And their manner of fight was thus. Certain expedite Cohorts, free of carriages, marched in the rear of their Army, and in open and champain places many of these Cohorts made a stand, to confront our Cavalry. If they were to ascend up a Hill, the nature of the place did easily repel the danger wherewith they were threatened; forasmuch as such as went before, might easily from the higher ground protect them that followed after: but when they came to a valley or descent, that those that were in the former ranks could not help them in the rear, the horsemen from the upper ground, did cast their weapons with great ease and facility upon the Enemy. And then continually they were in great hazard & danger: and still as they approached near unto such places, they called to the legions, and willed them to make a stand with their Ensigns, and so by great force and violence repelled our Cavalry.  
Who being retired back, they would suddenly take a running, and get all down into the valley. And presently again, being to ascend into higher ground they would there make a stand, for they were so far from having help of their own Cavalry (whereof they had a great number) that they were glad to take them between their troops, (being much affrighted with former encounters) and so to shelter and protect them: of whom if any chanced (upon occasion) to stray aside out of the rout the Army held, they were presently attached by Caesar's horsemen.  
The fight continuing in this manner, they proceeded slowly on their way, advancing forward but by little and little; and oftentimes stood still, to succour and relieve their party, as th●● it fell out. For having gone but four miles on their way (being very hardly laid to, and much pressed by our Cavalry) they took to an exceeding high hill; and there putting themselves into one front of a battle, fortified their Camp, keeping their carriages laden upon their horses. Assoon as they perceived that Caesar's Camp was set, and that the ten●s were up, and their horses put to grass; they rose suddenly about midday, upon hope of some respite, by reason of our horse put out to feeding, and went on their journey.  
Which Caesar perceiving rose and followed after, leaving a few Cohorts to keep the carriages: and about the tenth hour, commanding the foragers and horsemen to be called back, & to follow after, instantly the Cavalry returned, and betook themselves to their accustomed charge.  
The fight was very sharp in the rear, insomuch as they were ready to turn their backs. M●ny soldiers, and some of the Centurions were slain. Caesar's troops pressed hard upon them▪ and threatened the overthrow of their whole Army; insomuch, as they had neither means to choose a fit place to incamp in, nor to proceed forward in their march. Whereby they were necessarily enforced to make a stand, and to p●●h their Camp far from any water, in an unequal and disadvantageous place. But Caesar forbore to meddle with them, for the same reasons that have been formerly declared; and for that day, would not suffer the soldiers to set up their Tents, that they might be the readier to follow after, at what time soever, by night or by day, they should offer to break away.  
The Enemy having observed the defect of our Camp, employed all that night in advancing their works, and in casting their Camp with an opposite front to our Army. The like they did all the next day: but so it fell out, that by how much their Camp was brought farther on, and the fortification grew nearer to finishing, by so much farther off they were from water: and so remedied one evil with a worse mischief. The first night, none of them went out of their Camp to fetch water: and the next day, they led out all their troops together to water, but sent no man out to forage. Whereby Caesar, finding them oppressed with many inconveniences, chose rather to force them to a composition, then to fight with them.  

THE OBSERVATION.  
IN this troublesome and confused retreat, which these Commanders undertook, to regain the advantages that formerly they had quitted at Ilerda, we may observe the difficulties attending a weaker party, when they would free themselves from the pressures of a strong confronting enemy. For the frailty of humane fortune is always so yoked with encumbrances, and hath so many lets from the native weaknesses of its own endeavour; that if the opposition of foreign malice shall therewithal unhappily concur, to stop the current of our desires, there is little hope of better success, then that which the ordinary condition of extremity doth afford: which is, to hazard the peril of a wound, in seeking to avoid the smart of a rod; 
Incidit in Scyllam, cupiens vitare Charybdim.  and to fall into Scylla, upon a desire we have to shun Charybdis: according as it befell this party. Wherein let us farther note the advantage which a Commander hath, either to take or leave, when he is able to overmaster the Enemy in Cavalry: for the horsemen serving an Army Royal, by making discoveries, by foraging, by giving rescue upon a sudden, by doing execution, and retarding an Enemy in his march, if (overawed by the Cavalry of the Enemy) they cannot perform these services as is requisite; the contrary party is the stronger by so many advantages.    

CHAP. XXVI.  
Caesar goeth about to enclose the Enemy, and he to hinder Caesar.  
HOwbeit Caesar laboured to enclose them about with a ditch and a rampire, 
C●sar.  to the end he might with better ease hinder their sudden sallies and eruptions, to which he thought the Enemy would necessarily betake themselves.  
The Enemy being streightened for want of forage, and to the end also they might be the readier to escape away, caused all their horses of carriage to be killed: and in these works and consultations were two days spent. The third day, a great part of Caesar's works being already perfected, the enemy (to hinder the business intended concerning the fortifications) about two of the clock in the afternoon made the Alarms, 
Hora octava, signo d●to.  brought out the legions, and imbattelled themselves under their Camp. Caesar calleth back the legions from their work; and commanding all his horse to troup together, putteth his Army in battle. For having made such a show of unwillingness to buckle with the enemy, against the will of the soldier and opinion of all men, he found himself subject thereupon to much inconvenience: 
Tela tene jam miles, ait, serrumque ruenti Subtrahe, non ullo constet mihi sanguine bellum.  howbeit he was resolved (for the reasons already specified) not to strike a battle; and the rather at this time, for that the space between his Camp and the enemies was so little, that if he had put them to flight, it could not have much availed him, for the gaining of a perfect and absolute victory. For their Camps were not above two thousand foot asunder; 
Vincitur haud gratis jugulo qui provocat hostem.  whereof the Armies took up two parts, and the third was left for incursion and assault. So that if he had given battle in that nearness of the Camp, they would have found a speedy retreat upon their overthrow. 
Lucan. l. 4▪  For which cause he resolved to stand upon his defence, and not to give the onset, and charge them first.  
Afranius had put his Army in a double battle: the first consisting of five legions; and the Auxiliary cohorts, which usually served in the wings, were now placed for succours, and made the second battle.  
Casar's Army was ordered in a triple battle: the first was of four cohorts, a piece of the five legions: the second, of three; and the third again of three of each legion, following in order. The Archers and Slingers were in the midst, and the Cavalry on the sides. Being thus both imbattelled, they seemed to obtain their several ends: Caesar, not to fight unless he were forced to it; and the Enemy, to hinder Caesar's fortification. But the matter being drawn out in length, they stood imbattelled until sun-seting: and then returned both into their Camps.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
COntra opinionem enim militum, famamque omnium, videri praelio diffugisse, magnum detrimentum afferebat, Having made a show of unwillingness to buckle with the enemy, against the will of the soldier, and the opinion of all men, he found himself subject to much inconvenience, saith the history. Whence we may observe two points. First, that a Commander in striking a field, must partly be directed by his Army: for he may neither fight against the liking of the soldier, nor withhold them from fight when they are willing to embrace it, if other circumstances do indifferently concur therewithal. 
It is hard catching ha●es with unwilling hounds.  For when men are commanded to do what they would do, the matter is throughly undertaken, and the issue is commonly answerable to the readiness of their desires: but being restrained in their affections, and put besides their aptness of their voluntary disposition, there groweth such a contrariety between the General's order and the soldier's obedience, as will hardly sympathise to beget good fortune.  
And if a Leader of that same and opinion, and so well known to his Army, as Caesar was, grew into distaste with his soldiers, upon so good causes which he had to shun a battle; what hazard that Commander runneth into, who seldom or never gave argument of his resolution in this kind, may be conceived by this passage. The second thing which I note, is, that a General must learn especially to disguise his intendments, by making show of that which he meaneth not. For albeit the more judicious sort of men are not so well satisfied with pretences as with deeds: yet forasmuch as the 
* Caeteris mortalibus in constant consilia quid sibi conducere putent; Principum diversa sors est, quibas praecipua rerum ad famam dirigenda. Tacit.  condition of Princes, contrary to the manner of Private persons, requireth such a direction of business, as may rather suit with fame and opinion, then with particular ends; it behoveth them to use such glosses, as may take away all petulant and sinister interpretations, howsoever their courses may aim at other purposes. And certainly, 
* L' universale de gli huomini si pasc●, cosi di quello che pay, come di quello che è anzi ●molte volte si muovono piu per ●e cose c●e paiono, che per quell● che sono. Lib. 1. Sop. Tit. Liv. cap. 25. Omnis a●r Aquilae penetrabilis.  the generality of people are better paid with appearances then with truth; according as Machiavelli hath observed. But concerning Caesar, that which Ephicrates said of himself, having imbattelled his army to fight, That he feared nothing more, then that his enemy knew not his valour; may more properly be said here. For there was nothing abused the Enemy more, or made them take up so many Bravadoes, or use so much delay before they came to composition, but that they knew not Caesar. For as the Eagle is able to mount aloft in all seasons and temperatures of the air; so was his sword steeled to make way through all resistance.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
IN the next place, 
Their manner of imbattelling.  the manner of their imbattelling cometh to be observed: which generally in all Editions runneth this; Acies erat Afraniana duplex, legio V. & III. in subsidiis locum alariae cohortis obtinebat: Caesaris triplex, sed primam aciem quaternae cohortes ex V. legione tenebant. Has subsidiariae ternae, & rursus aliae totidem, suae cujusque legionis, subsequebantur: sagittarii funditoresque media continebantur acie, equitatus latera cingebat: And needeth the help of some excellent Critic, to make it have answerable sense to the other parts of this history. For first, how shall we understand those words, Acies Afraniana duplex, legio V. & III. in subsidiis; Afranius his army was in a double battle; the fifth legion, and the third for succours? Shall we take the meaning to be, that the first legion stood in front, and the other stood for succours behind? Or shall we take it with Faernus; Acies Afraniana duplex: ex legione prima, & tertia, in subsidiis locum alariae cohortes obtinebant; Afranius etc. out of the first legion and the third, the cohorts which use to be in the wings were put in place of the succours? But neither by the one or by the other, is there found more than two legions: whereas there is express mention of five, besides the cohorts of the Country. And therefore, as not knowing other more probable, I have translated it according to Lipsius' correction, 
Lib. 4. de militia Romana.  and made the text thus; Acies erat Afraniana duplex, legionum quinque: & in subsidiis locum alariae cohortes obtinebant: Afranius had put his army in a double battle: the first consisting of five legions; and the auxiliary cohorts, which usually served in the wings, were now placed for succours, and made the second battle. The first battle consisted of five legions; and the second, of the Spanish and Auxiliary forces.  
The like help must be lent to Caesar: for otherwise, the text doth afford him but few cohorts, standing thus, Primam aciem quaternae cohortes, ex quinta legione, tenebant. Has ternae, & rursus aliae etc. The first battle was of four cohorts out of the fifth legion: then followed three, and then as many others &c. For undoubtedly Caesar had five legions equal to Afranius; but being far inferior unto him in Auxiliary troops, was driven to a more artificial division, to help his weakness in that point. And therefore, as the same Critic hath mended it, we are to read, Quaternae cohortes ex quinque legionibus, four cohorts out of the five legions: which bringeth forth this sense; In the first battle were five times four cohorts, in the second, five times three cohorts, and as many in the third battle. And by the addition of suae cujusque legionis, of every one of the legions, it appeareth, that every legion was so divided into three parts, that it had four cohorts in the first battle, three in the second, and three in the last.  
Concerning the space which their Armies imbattelled, took up, it appeareth, that the whole distance between their Camps contained two thousand foot; whereof either army took up one third, being 666 foot, or a hundred and eleven pases, a little more than a furlong: but that altered more or less, as place and occasion required.    

CHAP. XXVII.  
The Treaty of Peace.  
THe next day, 
Caesar.  Caesar went about to finish and end the fortification which he had begun; and the Enemy, to try whether they might find a ford in the River Sicoris, and so get over. Which being perceived Caesar carried over the light-armed Germans, and part of the Cavalry, and disposed them in guard along the River bank. At length, being besieged and shut up on all sides, and having kept their horses without meat four days together, besides their extreme want of water, wood and corn, they required a parley, and that (if it might be) in some place out of the presence of the soldier. Which Caesar denied, unless it were in public. Whereupon Afrani●s his son was given in hostage to Caesar; and so they presented themselves in a place of Caesar's appointing.  
And in the hearing of both the Armies, Afranius spoke to this effect; That he was not to be offended, neither with him nor with the soldier, for being faithful and obedient to the General Cn. Pompeius; but now, having made sufficient proof of their duty, they had also throughly suffered for the same, having endured the extremity of want in all necessary provisions: Insomuch as now they were shut up as women, kept from water, kept from going out, oppressed with a greater weight of grief in body, and of dishonour in their reputation than they were able to bear; and therefore d●d confess themselves to be vanquished and overcome: praying and beseeching, that if there were any mercy left, they might not undergo the extremity of Fortune. 
At n●nc sola mi●i est orandae causa salutis▪  And this he delivered as humbly and demissively as was possible.  
To which Caesar answered; That these terms of complaint and compassion could be used to no man more unproperly than himself: 
Dignum donanda, Caesar, 〈◊〉 credere vita.  for whereas every man else did his duty; he only, upon fit cond●tions of time and place, refused to fight with them, to the end all circumstances might concur to appease: Albeit his Army had suffered much wrong, in the death and slaughter of their fellows, yet he had kept and preserved such of their party as were in his power, and came of their own accord to move appease; wherein they thought they went about to procure the safety of all their fellows. So that the whole course of his proceeding with them consisted of clemency. Howbeit their Commanders abhorred the name of Peace, and had not kept the laws either of treaty or truce: for they had caused many simple men to be massacred and slain, that were deceived by a show of treaty. And therefore it had befallen them, as it happeneth for the most part to perverse and arrogant persons, to seek and earnestly to desire that which a little before they had foolishly contemned.  
Neither would he take the advantage of this their submission, or of any other opportunity of time, either to augment his power, or to strengthen his party: but he only required, that those Armies might be discharged, which for many years together had been maintained against him. For neither were those six Legions for any other cause sent into Spain, nor the seventh enrolled there, nor so many and so great Navies prepared, nor such experienced and skilful Commanders selected and appointed, (for none of these needed to keep Spain in quiet;) nothing hereof was prepared for the use and behoof of the Province, which (by reason of their long continuance of peace) needed not any such assistance. All these things were long ago provided in a readiness against him: New forms of government were made and ordained against him; That one and the same man, should be resident at the gates of Rome, have the whole superintendency and direction of the City business; and yet notwithstanding, hold two warlike Provinces for so many years together, being absent from both of them.  
Against him, and for his ruin, were changed the ancient Rights and Customs of Magistracy, in sending men at the end of their Praetorship or Consulship, to the government of Provinces, as was always accustomed; but in lieu of them, were chosen some that were allowed and authorised by a few. Against him the prerogative of age did nothing prevail: but whosoever they were that in former wars had made good proof of their valour, were now called out to command Armies. To him only was denied that which was granted to all other Generals; that when they had happily brought things to an end, they might dismiss their Army, and return home with honour, or at the least, without dishonour.  
All which things he notwithstanding both had, and would suffer patiently: neither did he now go about to take their Army from them, and retain them in pay for himself, which he might easily do; but that they should not have means to make head against him. And therefore, as it was said before, they should go out of the Provinces, and discharge their Army; if they did so, he would hurt no man: But that was the only and last means of peace.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
THere is not any one virtue that can challenge a greater measure of honour, or hath more prerogative either amongst friends or enemies, than fidelity. For which cause it is, that men are more strict in matters committed to their trust for the behoof of others, 
Multa, quae nostra causa nunquam faceremus, facimus caus● amicorum. Cicero Laeli●s.  than they can well be, if the same things concerned themselves. And yet nevertheless there is a Quatenus in all endeavours, and seemeth to be limited with such apparency, as true affection may make of a good meaning: and was the ground which Afranius took to move Caesar for a pardon; Non esse aut ipsis aut militibus succensendum, quod fidem erga Imperatorem Cn. Pompeium conservare voluerint; sed satis jam fecisse officio, satisque supplicii tulisse, etc. That he was not to be angry, either with him or the soldiery, for being faithful to their General Cn. Pompeius; but that now they had sufficiently done their duty, and as throughly smarted for the same, etc. which he delivered in a stile suiting his fortune. For, as Cominaeus hath observed, 
Qui vincuntur victam habent linguam. Plut.  Men in fear give reverend and humble words; and the tongue is ever conditioned to be the chiefest witness of our fortune.  
On the other side, Caesar produced nothing for his part, but such wrongs as might seem valuable to make good those courses which he prosecuted. As first, injuries done by them, and that in the highest degree of blame against his soldiers, that went but to seek for peace. Injuries done by their General, in such a fashion, as spared not to evert the fundamental rights of the State, to bring him to ruin and confusion. Whereby he was moved to endeavour that which Nature tieth every man unto, Propellere injuriam, to repel an injury from himself: and having brought it to these terms wherein it now stood, 
Bellum ita s●scipiatur, ut nihil aliud nisi pax quaesita videatur. Cic. lib. 1. de offici.  he would give assurance to the world, by the revenge he there took, that he entered into that war for his only end, that he might live in peace: and so required no more but that the Army should be dismissed.    

CHAP. XXVIII.  
The execution of the Articles agreed upon.  
THe conditions propounded were most acceptable and pleasing to the soldiers, 
C●sar.  as might appear by them: for being in the condition of vanquished persons, and thereupon expecting a hard measure of Fortune, to be rewarded with liberty and exemption of Arms, was more than they could expect: insomuch as where there grew a controversy of the time and place of their dismission, they all generally standing upon the rampire, signified both by their speeches and by their hands, that their desire was it might be done instantly; for it could not be provided by any assurance, that it would continue firm, if it were deferred until another time. After some dispute on each side, the matter was in the end brought to this issue; that such as had houses and possessions in Spain, should be discharged presently, and the rest at the River Varus. 
Varus fluvius. Hoc pe●imus, victos ne tecum vincere cogas. Luc.  It was conditioned, that no man should be injuried, that no man should be forced against his will to be sworn under Caesar's command.  
Caesar promised to furnish them with Corn, until they came to the river Varus: adding withal, that what soever any one had lost in the time of the war, which should be found with any of his soldiers, should be restored to such as lost it; and to his soldiers he paid the value thereof in money. If any controversy afterward grew amongst the soldiers, of their own accord they brought the matter from time to time before Caesar. As when the Soldiers grew almost into a mutiny for want of pay, the Commanders affirming the payday was not yet come, Petreius and Afranius required that Caesar might understand the cause: and both parties were contented with his arbitrement.  
A third part of the Army being dismissed in those two days, he commanded two of his legions to march before their Army, and the rest to follow after, and continually to incamp themselves not far from them; and appointed Q. Fusius Calenus, a Legate, to take the charge of that business. This course being taken, they marched out of Spain to the River Varus, and there dismissed the rest of their army.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
THe River Varus divideth Gallia Narbonensis from Italy; and was thought an indifferent place to discharge the Army, whereby there might be an end made of that war. Wherein if any man desire to see a parallel drawn between Caesar and the other Leaders for matter of war, it shall suffice to take the issue for a square of their directions; 
Rerum ab eventu, facta notanda putes. Lib. 2. Civil.  being drawn to this head within forty days after Caesar came within sight of the Enemy, as Curio noteth in his speech to the soldiers.  
Cato seeing the prosperous success of Caesar against Pompey, said their was a great uncertainty in the government of their Gods; alluding peradventure to that of Plato in his Politics, where he saith, that there are ages, wherein the Gods do govern the world in their own persons; and there are other times, wherein they altogether neglect the same; the world taking a course quite contrary to that which the Gods directed. But Lucan spoke from a surer ground, where he saith,  
Victrix causa Diis placuit, sed victa Catoni.  
The conquering cause pleased Jove, the conquered Cato.  
And thus endeth the first Commentary.     

The Second Commentary of the civil Wars.  
The Argument.  
THis Commentary hath three special parts. The first containeth the siege of Marseilles: the strange works, and extreme endeavours to take and to keep the Town. The second expresseth the vain labour which Varro, Pompey's Lieutenant, undertook, after that Afranius and Petreius were defeated, to keep the Province of Andaluzia out of Caesar's power and command. And the third part consisteth of the expedition Curio made into Africa; and endeth with his overthrow.  

CHAP. I.  
The preparations for the siege, as well within as without the Town.  
WHilst these things were doing in Spain, 
C●sar.  C. Trebonius the Legate being left to besiege Marseilles, had begun in two places to raise Mounts, to make Mantelets and Towers against the Town: One next unto the Port where the Ships lay; and the other in the way leading from Gallia and Spain into the town, just upon the creek of the sea, near unto the mouth of the Rhosne. For three parts of Marseilles are in a manner washed with the sea: and the fourth is that which giveth passage by land; whereof that part which belongeth to the Castle (by reason of the nature of the place, and fortified with a deep ditch) would require a long and difficult siege. For the perfecting of those works, Trebonius had commanded out of all the Province, great store of horses for carriage, and a multitude of men; requiring them to bring rods to make Hurdles, and other materials for the work: which being prepared & brought together, he raised a Mount of fourscore foot high.  
But such was the provision, which of ancient time they had stored up in the town, of all equipage and necessaries for the war, with such provision of munition and engines, that no Hurdles made of rods or Osiers were able to bear out the force thereof. For out of their great Balistae, they shot beams of twelve foot long, pointed with Iron, with such force, as they would pierce through four courses of Hurdles, and stick in the earth. Whereby they were forced to roof their 
* Porticu●.  Gallery with timber of a foot square, and to bring matter that way by hand to make the 
* Agger. Testudo.  Mount. A Testudo of sixty foot in length was always carried before, for the levelling of the ground, made of mighty strong timber, covered and armed with all things which might defend it from fire and stones, or what else should be cast upon it. But the greatness of the work, the height of the wall, and towers, together with the multitude of Engines, did retard and hinder the proceeding thereof.  
Moreover, the Albici did make often sallies out of the town, setting fire to the mounts and to the turrets; which were kept by our soldiers with great facility and ease, forcing such as sallied out to return with great loss.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
HAving described in the former Commentaries these Engines and works here mentioned, the Reader may please (for his better satisfaction) to review those places; as also farther to note, 
Artillery derived from Arcu● and Telum.  that the word Artillery was brought down to these ages from the use of ancient Engines, which consisted of those two primitives, Arcus and Telum. And according as diversity of Art and wit found means to fit these to use and occasions, so had they several and distinct names; whereof I find chiefly these, Balistae, Catapultae, Tolenones, Scorpiones, Onagri. Of each of which there are divers and several sorts; as first, of the Balistae, some were called Centenariae, others Talentariae, according to the weight of the bullet or weapon they shot. Of the rate and proportion whereof Vitruvius, and his learned interpreter Daniel Barbarus, 
lib. 10. c. 17.  have made accurate description. Again, some were made to shoot stones; as appear by that of Tacitus, 
lib. 3. Hist. Balistae Petrariae.  Magnitudine eximia, quartaedecimae legionis Balista ingentibus saxis hostilem aciem proruebat; the Balista of the fourteenth legion being an exceeding great one, beat down the army of the enemy with huge stones: and others, to shoot darts and piles of timber, headed with Iron; as it is manifested by this place. Moreover, the manner of bending of these Engines made a difference: some being drawn up with a wrinch or screw, and some with a wheel; some having long arms, and others having short: but the strings were generally either all of sinews, or of women's hair, as strongest and surest of any other kind. 
lib. 4. c. 29.  Of these Vegetius preferreth the Balistae, and the Onagri, as unresistable when they were skilfully handled. The word Onagri, as Ammianus Marcellinus noteth, was of a later stamp, and imposed upon those Engines which former time called Scorpiones; and was taken from the nature of wild Asses, that are said to cast stones backward with their feet at the Hunters, with such violence, that oftentimes they dashed out their brains.  
In the time of Barbarism, all these Engines were generally called Mangonella: as appeareth by Vigin●rius, in his Annotations upon Onosander. Which is likewise showed by that which Mr. Camden hath inserted in the description of Bedfordshire, concerning the siege of Bedford Castle, in the time of Henry the third, out of an Author that was present; 
And of Mangonellum, a batterer or breaker, cometh our English word Mangle.  Ex parte orientali fuit una Petraria, & duo Mangonella, quae quotidie turrim infestabant; & ex parte occidentis duo Mangonella, quae turrim veterem contriverunt; & unum Mangonellum ex parte Australi, etc. On the East side was placed one Engine to cast stones, and two Mangonels, which continually played upon the tower; and on the West side two Mangonels, which beat down the old tower; and one Mangonel on the South side, etc. But our powder having blown all these out of use, it were to no purpose to insist longer upon them.    

CHAP. II.  
The Marseillians prepare themselves for a Sea-fight.  
IN the mean time, 
Caesar▪  L. Nasidius being sent by Cn. Pompeius with a Navy of sixteen ships (amongst which, some few had their beak-head of Iron) to the succour and supply of L. Domitius and the Marseillians, he passed the straits of Sicily, 
Messin●▪  before Curio had intelligence thereof: and putting into Messana, by reason of the sudden terror of the principal men, and the Senate that took themselves to flight, he surprised one Ship in the road, and carried her away, and so held on his course to Marseilles. And having sent a small Bark before, he certified Domitius and the rest of his coming; exhorting them by all means, that joining their forces with his supplies, they would once again give fight to Brutus' Navy.  
The Marseillians since their former overthrow, had taken the like number of ships out of their Arsenal, and new rigged and trimmed them, and with great industry furnished and manned them for that service: for they wanted neither Oar-men, Mariners, Sailors, nor Pilots, fit for that purpose. To these they added certain Fisher-boats, and fenced them with cover, that the Oar-men might be safe from casting weapons: and these he filled with Archers and Engines. The Navy being thus furnished and prepared, the Marseillians (incited and stirred up with the prayers and tears of old men, women and maids, to give help and defence to their City in time of extreme danger; and to fight with no less courage and confidence then formerly they had accustomed) went all aboard with great courage: as it cometh to pass through the common fault of Nature, whereby we put more confidence in things unseen and unknown, or otherwise are more troubled thereat: according as it then happened. For the coming of Nasidius had filled the City full of assured hope and courage: and thereupon, having a good wind, they left the Port, 
Tholose.  and came and found Nasidius at Taurenta (a Castle belonging to the Marseillians) and there fitted themselves for a fight; encouraging each other again to a valiant carriage of that service, and consulting how it might be best performed.  
The right squadron was given to the Marseillians, and the left to Nasidius. And to the place repaired Brutus, having increased the number of his Ships: for those six which he took from the Marseillians, he had added unto the other which Caesar had caused to be made at Arelate, 
Arles.  and had mended them since the last fight, and fitted them with all necessaries for men of war. And thereupon exhorting his soldiers to contemn the Enemy, as a vanquished party, having already foiled and overthrown them when they were in their strength, they set forward against them with great assurance and courage.  
Out of the Camp of C. Trebonius, and from all those higher places they might easily perceive and see in the City, how all the youth which remained in the town, and all the aged, with their wives and children, did from the public places of guard, and from the town walls, stretch out their hands towards heaven, or otherwise run to their Churches and Temples, and there prostrating themselves before their Images, did desire victory of their Gods. Neither was there any of them all that did not think the event of all their fortunes to consist in that day's service: for the chiefest of all their able men, and the best of all sorts and degrees, were by name called out, and entreated to go aboard, to the end that if any disaster or mischance should happen, they might see nothing further to be endeavoured for their safety; and if they overcame, they might rest in hope to save their City, either by their own valour, or by foreign help.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
COmmuni fit vitio naturae, ut invisis, latitantibus, atque incognitis rebus, magis confidamus, vehementiusque exterreamur, ut tum accidit; It cometh to pass through the common fault of nature, etc. In cases of hazard, things brought unto us by report do more abuse our judgement, either in conceiving too great hopes, or yielding too much to distrust, than any matter present can move or enforce: for these perturbations attending upon our will, are enlarged more according to the quality of our desires, then as they are directed by discourse of reason; and so draw men either easily to believe what their wishes do require, 
Quoth maxim volun●, id facile credunt.  or otherwise to reject all as utterly lost.  
The uncertainty whereof, and the disappointment ensuing those deceivable apprehensions, hath brought the hope of this life into very slight account, being reckoned but as the dream of him that is awake; and as Piafraus, or a charitable delusion, to support us through the hard chances of this world, and to keep man's heart from breaking: for every man's help is hope; which never affordeth present relief, but assuageth the bitterness of extremities, by  
— Dabit Deus his quoque finem, 
Virgil. lib. 2 Aeneid.   
God once will put an end to these things too.    

CHAP. III.  
The fight, and the Marseillians overthrow.  
THe fight being begun, 
Caesar.  the Marseillians were wanting in no point of valour: but bearing in mind such exhortations as a little before had been given them by their friends, they fought so resolutely, as though they meant not to fight again; or as if any one should chance to miscarry in that battle, he should make account that he did but anticipate, for a small moment of time, the fatal end of his fellow-Citizens, who (upon taking of the town,) were to undergo the same fortune of war. Our Ships putting on by little and little, were glad to give way to the nimbleness and mobility of their shipping, which by the skill of their Pilots were well managed. And if it happened that our men had found means to grapple with any of their ships, they presently came on all sides to their rescue. Neither did the Albici show themselves backward when the matter came to hands, or were they inferior to our men in courage or valour. Moreover, out of the lesser Ships were cast infinite numbers of darts, and other weapons, wherewith our men busied in fight were suddenly wounded.  
In this conflict, two of their Triremes having spied Brutus ship (which by her flag might ●asily be discerned) came violently against him from two contrary parts: but the danger being foreseen, Brutus did so prevail through the swiftness of his Ship, that he a little outstripped them; whereby they coming with their full swinge, did so encounter one another, that they were both very much shaken with the blow: for the beak-head of one being broken off, the water was ready to come in on all sides. Which being observed by some of Brutus party that were near about, they set upon them (being thus distressed) and quickly sunk them both.  
The ships that came with Nasidius were found of no use, and therefore quickly left the fight; for there was not offered there unto them either the sight of their Country, or the exhortations and prayers of their kinsfolks and allies, as motives to hazard their lives in that quarrel: so that of them there was none wanting. Of the Ships that came out from Marseilles, five were sunk, and four taken. One escaped with Nasidius fleet, which made towards the hither Spain. One of them that remained was sent before to Marseilles; who coming as a messenger before the rest, and approaching near unto the town, all the multitude ran out to hear the news: which being once known, there was such a general mourning and desolation, as though the town were instantly to be taken by the Enemy. Notwithstanding, they left not off to make ready such necessaries as were requisite for defence of the same.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
The benefit a Town besieged receiveth from an open inlet by sea, cannot be better manifested, then by the siege of Ostend; for by that occasion specially, it endured the most famous siege that was in Christendom these many years. This L. Nasidius was rather a constant friend to the cause, than a fortunate Admiral: for afterwards, he refused not to take the like overthrow for Pompey the son, 
Dio Cassius  at Leucades, as he did now for the father. And surely it falleth out (whether it be through the uncertainty of seafaring matters, 
Nihil tam capax fortuitorum quam Mare.  or that men have fairer pretences at sea, to avoid occasions of hazard, then are found at land, or that Pauca digna nascuntur in Mari, 
Tacit. 14, Annal.  few things of value come from the Sea, according to the proverb, or for what other cause, I know not) that there are few of those which sought honour in this kind, who have attained the least part of their desires. And yet nevertheless, some there are of famous memory: as 
* King of Algiers in the time of Soliman.  Barbarussa, a terror of the Levant seas; Andrea's Auria, of Genua, renowned for his great exploits upon the Turk: together with divers of our own Nation; as namely, Sir Francis Drake, who for skill and fortune at sea, is held matchable with any other whatsoever; besides, Mr. Candish, for voyages to the South, and Sir Martin Frobisher, for discoveries to the North.  
Howbeit, these later times have advantage without comparison of former ages, through the invention of the Sea-compass with the Needle; which was found out little more than three hundred years ago, by one Flavus, born in the kingdom of Naples; without which, no ship can shape a course in the Ocean, and to which nothing can be added, more than to find a perfect and ready direction for longitudes.    

CHAP. FOUR  
The works which the legionary Soldiers made against the Town.  
IT was observed by the legionary soldiers, 
Caesar.  that had the charge of the right part of the work, that it would much advantage them against the often eruptions and sallies of the Enemy, if they built a tower of Brick under the town wall, in stead of a Hold or Receptacle: which at first they made low and little, only for the repelling of sudden assaults. Thither they usually retreated: and from thence, if they were overcharged, they made defence, either by beating back, or prosecuting an Enemy. This tower was thirty foot square, and the walls thereof five foot thick: but afterwards (as use and experience is the master of all things) it was found by insight and industry of men, that this tower might be of great use, if it were raised to any height; which was accordingly performed in this fashion.  
When it was raised to the height of a story, they so framed the floor, that the ends of the foists did not ●itt●e out beyond the sides of the tower; lest any thing might be thrust out, on which the fire which the enemy should cast might take hold: and then paved that floor, with as much brick as the Mantelets and Gabions would suffer to be laid. Upon this terrace thus made they laid cross beams along the sides, as a foundation to an upper story, for the top and covering of the tower. And upon these beams they raised cross timbers, thwarting each other for the sides of the tower, and coupled them at the top with side beams.  
These cross timbers were longer, and bare further out then the square of the tower; that there might be means to fasten cover and defences, against the blows and darts of the Enemy, whilst the workmen were finishing the walls and sides of that building. The top or upper story of this tower they likewise paved with brick and clay, that no fire might fasten on it; and laid Matteresses on the top thereof, to the end the floor might not be broken with any weapons shot out of Engines, nor the pavement shivered in pieces with stones cast out of Catapults.  
Moreover they made three nettings or mats of Hawsers, equal in length to the sides of the tower, and four foot in breadth. And upon those three sides which confronted the Enemy, they fastened them upon poles to hang before the tower: which kind of defence they had in other places tried to b● of proof, and not to be pierced with any weapon or engine. And as one part of the tower came to be covered, finished, and fortified, against any violence of the enemy, they carried their Mantelets and defences to the rest unfinished. The top of which tower they framed upon the first story, and then raised it up with wrinches or screws, as far as the close netting would serve them for a defence. And so covered with these shelters and safeguards, they built up the sides with brick; and then again serving up the top higher, they fitted the place to build the sides higher: and as they came to the height of a story, they laid the joists of the floor in such sort, as the ends thereof were hid and covered with the wall or sides that were of brick; and so from that story they proceeded to another, by serving up the top, and raising their netting. By which means they built very safely six stories, without any wound or other danger at all; and left windows and loopholes in the sides, for the putting out of Engines in such places as they thought convenient. When by means of that tower, they were in hope to defend the works near about it, they then made a Musculum or mouse of sixty foot in length, and of two foot timber square, to convey them safely from this tower of Brick to another of the Enemies, and to the town wall: whereof this was the form. They cut two side groundsils of equal length, and made the space between them to contain four foot; upon them they erected little columns of five foot high, and joined them together, putting braces of an easy sloping in such distances, as the rafters were to be placed to bear up the roof: and upon those braces they laid rafters of two foot square, fastening them both at the ridge, and at the eaving, with plates and bolts of Iron. They lathed the roof with lath of four fingers broad: and so the building being made with a gable-ridge handsomely fashioned, the top was laid all over with clay, to keep the Mouse from burning; and then covered with tiles, which were fenced with leather, to the end they might not be washed away with pipes or gutters of water, which might be laid to fall upon them. And lest those hides should be spoiled, either with fire or great stones, they laid Matteresses upon them.  
This work being wholly finished near unto the tower, through the help and means of defensive mantelets & gabions; suddenly before the enemy was aware, with a ship-engine and rolers put under it, they brought it so near a tower of the enemies, that it joined to the wall thereof. The townsmen being upon a sudden appalled thereat, brought the greatest stones they could get, and with levers tumbled them down from the wall upon the mouse: but the strength of the work d●d not shrink at the blows, and whatsoever fell upon it, slided down the sloping of the roof. Which when they perceived, they altered their purpose, and got pots of Rosin and Pitch, and setting them on fire, threw them d●wn upon the Mouse; which tumbling down from the roof, were removed away with long hooks and poles. In the mean time, the soldiers that were within the Mouse, pulled out the lower stones that were in the foundation of the tower. This Mouse or Mantelet was defended by our men out of the brick tower, with weapons and engines: and by means thereof the Enemy was put from the wall & the turrets, so that they could not well defend the same. Many of the stones being sapped out of the foundation of the tower, part thereof suddenly fell, and the rest leaned as though it would not stand long after.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
FOrasmuch as it requireth the labour of an industrious pen to shadow out the effects of Industry; I will only produce the evidence of these works, to show the power it hath in humane actions, rather than by any maimed or shallow discourse, weaken the force of so great an Engine. Wherein first it may be noted, how in ●●ese and the like attempting endeavours, one thing draws on another, according as practice maketh overture to masteries: For our understanding growing by degrees, hath no intuitive faculty to discern perfection, 
Discipulus prioris posterior dies.  but by little & little worketh out exactness; making every Morrow Yesterday scholar, as reason findeth means of discourse from causes to effects, or from effects to causes.  
And so this Tower, 
Aulus Gellius.  made at first but for a retreat of defence, gave occasion to let them see the like or better use thereof in the offensive part, if it were raised to a height convenient for the same: which they performed with as much Art as the wit of man could use in such a work. For having made the first story, they then made the roof, for the shelter and safety of the soldier: and serving it up by little and little, they built the sides, having fenced the open space with netting, for avoiding of danger; arming it with brick and clay against fire, and with Matteresses against stones and weights. And then again they proceeded to the making of that Mantelet or Musculum, which gave them passage to the wall; building it with strong, or rather strange timber, of two footsquare, framed so artificially with braces, and ridging rafters, and those so fitted, as neither fire, water, weapon, nor weight, could prevail against it. And thus they laboured to gain their own ends, and bought Fortune with immeasurabe endeavour.    

CHAP. V.  
The Marseillians get a truce of the Romans, and break it deceitfully.  
THe Enemy being then much appalled at the sudden ruin and fall of the tower, 
C●sar.  and greatly perplexed at so unexpected a mischief; and withal struck with a fear of the wrath and indignation of the Gods, and of the sack and spoil of their City; they came all unarmed, thonging out of the gates, wearing holy attire upon their heads, 
I●er●es cum infulis.  and stretching out their submissive hands to the Legates and the Army. Upon which novelty, all hostility ceased for the time, and the soldier's withdrawing themselves from the assault, were carried with a desire of hearing and understanding what would pass at that time.  
When they came to the Legates and to the Army, they cast themselves all down at their feet, praying and beseeching that things might be suspended until Casar's arrival. They saw plainly that their town was already taken, their works were perfected, their own tower demolished; and therefore they desisted from making any further defence: there could be no let to hinder them from present spoil and sacking, if upon Caesar's arrival they should refuse to obey his Mandates. They showed further, that if their tower were absolutely overthrown, the soldiers could not be kept from entering the town in hope of pillage, and would thereby bring it to a final destruction.  
These and many the like things were uttered by them very movingly (as men learned and eloquent) with great lamentation and much weeping, whereby the Legates (moved with commiseration) withdrew the soldiers from the fortifications, put off the assault, and left a small guard to keep the works. A kind of truce being through pity and commiseration thus made and concluded, Caesar's coming was expected; no weapon was cast, either from the town-wall, or from our side: insomuch as every man left off his care and diligence, as though all had been ended. For Caesar had by Letters given strait charge to Trebonius, not to suffer the town to be taken by assault, lest the soldiers (moved through their rebellion and contempt, together with the long travel they had sustained ●hould put all above fourteen years of age to the sword: which they threatened to do, and were then hardly kept from breaking into the town; taking the matter very grievously, that Trebonius seemed to hinder them from effecting their purposes. But the enemy, being people without faith, did only watch for time and opportunity, to put in practice their fraud and deceit.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
IT is a saying of an ancient Writer, 
Vestitus, ut t●git corpus, it● de●●git animum.  that As our attire doth cover the body, so it doth uncover the nakedness of the mind. Whereupon it is, that men have found means to suit themselves upon occasion, according to the disposition of their inward affections, as they are either, dilated with joy, or contracted with sorrow, lifted up with weal, or humbled with affliction. And accordingly these Marseillians, in token of their humility and submission, came out, wearing an attire here called Infula; 
11 Aeneid.  which Servius describeth to be a kind of Coif, made after the form of a Diadem, with two pendants on each side, called Vittae.  
Those which the Romans used of this kind, were fashioned like a Pyramid: the point whereof did signify the 
* The fire and the air.  Elements, ascending upwards in such a pointed fashion; and by the two pendants or bands, were denoted the Water and the Earth. They were made wholly of wool, as Festus writeth, Infulae sunt filamenta lanea, quibus Sacerdotes, host●ae, & templa velabantur; Infulae are certain ornaments and tappets made of wool, wherewith the Priests use to be clad, the Sacrifices to be covered, and the Temples to be hanged: to show humbleness and simplicity, whereof wool is a Hieroglyphic; for no kind of beasts have more need of aid and succour then Sheep: and thereupon it was, that all Suppliants were attired with tresses of wool. Or otherwise, as some will have it, that the habit of the Petitioner might call to remembrance the flexible disposition, which is well-beseeming those that have power and means to give help and relief: according to the use of Heathen ages, 
Macrob. lib. 1 Saturnal. ca▪ 8.  wherein their Images of then Idols had their feet tied with cords of wool; to show the mildness and easiness which upon devote supplications was found in divine Powers, whereof wool was a Symbolum.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
THe Marseillians being an ancient progeny of the Greeks, notwithstanding the long descent of time, and alteration of air, did keep a touch of the natural disposition of that Nation, as well in such strains of eloquence, as were familiar unto them above other people, as in 
* Graeca side omnia 〈◊〉.  subtlety and duplicity of dealing. Which passage of the Mars●illians is observed by 
‖ Oratio pro ●lacc●.  Tully, as a matter enforcing the due praises of Eloquence, and the use it hath upon all occasions to draw consent, with the sweetness of a well-tuned tongue, above that which may be attained either by Engines or a strong hand. Wherein, if we should go about to compare the 
† Aequalis est ut ●●rumque dignit●s, nisi prae●●ns necessitas unius conditionem nobi●● rem efficient. Tum enim is praeferendus, quem ●raesen●i● magis exigun●, si●●t Valent: & Valets statue●un● 〈◊〉 civilious 〈◊〉 C. de offic. Vicar. Ut in civilibus causis vicarii comitibus milltum anteserrentur, in militaribus negotiis comites vicariis.  force of Arms with the power of a grave Discourse, and set a soldier parallel to an Orator, there might hence be taken divers probable reasons to second that saying, which hath been thought to savour more of vainglory, then of true judgement,  
Cedant armatogae, concedat laurea linguae;  
Let arms to gowns, the bayleaf yield to th' tongue.  
Or at least, to make a resemblance of Plutarch's two Wrestlers, of whom one being always cast, did nevertheless persuade the other that he cast him; and so, howsoever he became foiled, yet left the place with an opinion of victory: And is always more easily effected, when it is attended with cunning and deceit, according to that of Valerius Maximus, Efficacissimae vires per fidiae, mentiri & fallere, The main strength of perfidiousness is lying and deceiving. But, as it is observed by Philip de Commines, The 
* En los casos raros un solo exemplo, haze experiencia, A●to. Peres.  example of one sole accident, is sufficient to make many men wise: so this may serve to teach succeeding times, not to trust to words, whereof there is no hold; but to ratify such compositions with irrevocable performances.   

THE THIRD OBSERVATION.  
THirdly, we may note, how far the anger of a Roman Army was extended, upon such provocations as are here mentioned, viz. Ad interficiendos pucros, to the slaying of all the males above fourteen years of age: for, from that stage of life, they accounted all in the rank of men; according to the institution of Tarqvinius Priscus, 
Macro. lib. 1. S●tur. cap. 6.  who in his triumph of the Sabines, made a special Oration in the praise of his own son, that had assaulted and struck the Enemy in those wars, being then but fourteen years of age; and thereupon gave him liberty to wear man's apparel, which was that Yoga praetexta (edged or faced with Purple) whereof their histories make so often mention.  
But to define precisely hereof, were to mistake the fury of the soldier. For howsoever the rule is certain from the law of Nature, that no finite cause can be infinite in effect, or that a mortal hate should have a boundless revenge: yet occasion made it variable, and as irregular as that of Alexander; 
Quintus Cur. lib. 5.  who sometimes saved all, and at other times (as at the taking of Tyre) saved none at all, but such as had taken the protection of the Temple. The inhuman cruelty of the Turks exceedeth all former hostility in this kind: for they never save any out of commiseration, but for private use; and do rather choose to destroy mankind, then suffer it to live for any other purpose then their own.    

CHAP. VI  
The Marseillians taking advantage of the Truce, consume with fire all the Roman works: which are afterwards re-edified.  
AFter a few days, 
Caesar.  when our men were grown remiss and careless, suddenly about high noon, as some were gone one way some another, and others wearied with continual labour had given themselves to rest, the weapons being cased and laid up; they rushed out of their gates, and coming with the wind that then blue hard, they set our works on fire: which was so carried and dispersed with the wind, that the Mount, the Mantelets, the Testudo, the Tower and the Engines, were all on fire at once, and were burned down and consumed, before it could be known how it came.  
Our men astonished at so sudden and unthought-of an accident, caught up such weapons as were next at hand; and others running speedily from the Camp, set upon the Enemy, but were hindered from following them as they fled, by Engines and Arrows from the town wall. They, on the other side, being retired under the protection of the wall, did at their ease burn down the Mouse and the brick-tower: and so many month's labour was, through the perfidiousness of the Enemy, and the force of the tempest, consumed and brought to nothing in a moment of time. The Marseillians attempted the like the next day after, having opportunity of the like tempest; and with greater confidence sallied out, and threw much fire upon the other mount and the tower. But as our men the day before (expecting nothing less than to be surprised in that sort) had neglected more than ordinary their usual guards; so being now made wiser by that which had happened, they had made all things ready for defence: by which means, having slain a great number, they drove the rest back into the town, without effecting any thing.  
Trebonius began again to re-edify such works as were ruinated and consumed with fire, and that with greater ●alacritie of the soldier then before. 
Est ita natu●a compara 〈◊〉, ut 〈…〉, sup●a quam di●i possi●, 〈◊〉, si vide●nt ●●rum eventus virtuti non responde●●.  For when they saw their great labours and endeavours sort to no better success, and the truce broke by the treachery of the Enemy, it was a great gall unto them to have their valour thus derided. And forasmuch as there was nothing left in all the Country for the raising of a Mount, all the trees being already cut down, and brought far and near to make the first Mount, they began a Mount of a strange and unheard-of fashion, raised with two side-walls of brick being six foot thick a piece, 
Paus. in Mess.  and joined together with floors. The walls were of equal distance, to the latitude of the former Mount, which was all of solid matter: and where the space between the walls, or the weakness of the work did require it, there were piles driven between, and beams and planks laid athwart for the strengthening thereof. The floors, made between those walls, were laid with Hurdles, and the Hurdles were covered with clay.  
The soldiers being thus sheltered on both sides with a wall, and defended in front by Mantelets and Gab●ons, did safely, without danger, bring whatsoever was necessary for that building; whereby the work was carried on with great speed: and the loss of their former continual labour was in a short time recovered again, through the admirable dexterity and valour of the soldier. To conclude, they left gates in the walls, in such places as were fittest for sallies.  
When the enemy perceived, that what they hoped could not be repaired again in a long time, was with a few days labour re-edified and finished, whereby there was no place left to practise deceit, or to sally out with advantage, neither was there any means left by which they could prevail, either by force of Arms to hurt our soldiers, or by fire to consume our works; and understanding likewise, that by the same manner of fortification, all that part of the town which had passage and access from the firm land, might be encompassed with a wall and with towers, that their soldiers should not be able to stand upon their works; and perceiving withal, that our Army had raised a counter-mure, against the wall of their town, and that weapons might be cast by hand unto them; that the use of their Engines (wherein they much trusted) was by the nearness of space quite taken away; and lastly, that they were not able to confront our men (upon equal terms) from their walls, and from their turrets; they descended to the same Articles of rendry and submission, as were formerly agreed upon.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
HEnce we may observe, that a General cannot be too secure of an Enemy, that stands upon terms to render up a place. For the action being but voluntary by constraint, if haply the constraining force be removed, then that doth cease which is voluntary; and so it cometh by consequent to a refusal. As appeareth by this passage of the Marseillians; who being brought into hard terms, as well by their two overthrows at Sea, (whence they expected no further succour,) as also by the siege laid so close by land, (where they were so violently assaulted, that their towers of defence made passage for the Romans to enter upon them;) did nevertheless (upon cessation of those enforcements) alter their purpose, and entertained new hopes: which maketh good that saying;  
— Tim●o Danaos & dona ferentes,  
I fear the Greeks, even when they bring their gifts.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
SEcondly, 
Volu●tas ad laborem propensa, cuncta vincere & superate 〈◊〉.  we may observe that a will, forward to undergo labour, doth never stick at any difficulty, nor is at all dismayed with the loss of any pains: but is rather redoubled in courage and industry; especially being edged on with a desire of revenge. 
Polyaenus.  Which (if Homer may have credit) doth always add a third part to a man's strength; as appeared by Diomedes, 
Iliad. 5.  being hurt in the shoulder with one of Pindarus arrows: for revenge whereof, he exceeded himself in a sesquiterce proportion of valour, and slew more Trojans by a third part then otherwise he could.  
Howsoever, 
Nihil tam arduum, quod animi fortitudine supera●i non possit.  as there is nothing so hard, but is subject to the endeavour of the mind: so there is nothing so easy, as to dispossess ourselves of that intent care which is requisite in these employments. For these Romans, that through the greatness of their spirits had made such first and second works, 
Appi●n. de bello Hispanico.  as the memory thereof will last with the world, were surprised when they lay in the Interim, as it were unbent, in as great remissness and neglect (howsoever drawn unto it by deceit) as if they had been able to do no such matter as is here reported. And therefore it behoveth a Commander, to keep his Army always seasoned with labour; 
Vegetius.  forasmuch as Exercitus labore proficit, otio consenescit, An army thrives by employment, but grows old by idleness.    

CHAP. VII.  
Varro raiseth great troops to maintain Pompey's party in Spain, but to no purpose.  
MArcus Varro, 
Caesar.  in the further Province of Spain, having from the beginning understood how things had passed in Italy, and distrusting how matters would succeed with Pompey, did oftentimes give out very friendly speeches of Caesar: That Pompey had by way of prevention gained him to his party, and honoured him with a lieutenancy, whereby he was obliged in duty to him; howbeit, in his particular disposition he stood no less affected to Caesar: neither was he ignorant of the duty of a Legate, to whose trust and fidelity the government of the Province was left, 
Qui 〈◊〉 operam obtinebat.  as in deposito, upon condition to be rendered up at all times and seasons, as he that commanded in chief should require it: He likewise knew very well what his own forces were, and what was the affection and disposition of all the Country towards C●sar.  
This was the subject of all his speeches, without any show of inclining either to the one or to the other. But afterwards, when he heard that Caesar was engaged at Marscilles, that Petreius forces were joined with Afranius Army, that great aides were come unto them, that every man was in great hope and expectation of good success, and that all the hither Province had agreed together to undertake Pompey's cause; as also what had after happened concerning the want of victuals at Ile●da, (all which things were writ with advantage unto him by Afranius;) he then upon that alteration changed his mind according to the times, and levied soldiers in all parts of the Province: and having raised two complete legions, he added unto them some thirty cohorts of the Country soldiers, to serve for wings to the Army, and gathered together great quantity of Corn, as well for the supply of the Mars●illians, as for the provision of Petreius and Afranius.  
Moreover, he commanded them of Gades to build and provide ten Galleys; and ordered further, that many other should be made at Hispalis. He took all the money and the ornaments out of Hercules temple, and brought the same into the town of Gades, and in lieu thereof sent six Cohorts out of the Province to keep the temple. He made Caius Gallonius (a Roman Knight and a familiar friend of Domitius, and sent by him thither to recover some matter of inheritance) Governor of the town. All the Armies (as well private as public) were brought into Gallonius house. He himself made many bitter invectives against Caesar; affirming in public that Caesar had been several times worsted, and that a great number of the soldiers were revolted from him, and were come to Afranius: which he knew to be true, by certain and approved Messengers.  
The Roman Citizens residing in that Province being much perplexed and affrighted thereat, were thereupon constrained to promise him 190 thousand Sesterces in ready money, for the service of the Commonweal, besides twenty thousand weight of silver, together with one hundred and twenty thousand bushels of Wheat. Upon those Cities and States which favoured Caesar's party, he laid greater impositions: for such as had let fallen speeches, or declared themselves against the Commonweal, he confiscated all their goods, and put a Garrison upon them: giving judgement himself upon private persons, and constraining all the Province to swear allegiance to him and to Pompey.  
And being in the end advertised what had happened in the hither Province, he prepared for war, with a purpose to dispose thereof in this manner: His resolution was to keep two legions with him at Gades, with all the shipping and the Corn: for knowing that the whole Province did entirely affect Caesar's Cause, he thought it best and easiest for him (having made good provision of shipping and Corn) to keep the Island.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
OBserve first, how dangerous it is for such as stand neutral between two parties (bearing no affection but to their own ends) to declare themselves, upon such apparences as commonly happen in the flux and reflux of a war: for if their judgement fail, as Varro's did, they are then forced to redeem their error with more offices of partiality, then can afterwards be excused; and so run into a further degree ofenmitie, than the party for whom they suffer. And certainly, whether it be that neutrality refuseth to take part with the right, (which in matter of controversy must needs stand on one side,) or whether it favoureth of an ill nature, to show no sympathising affections with such as otherwise have correspondence with them, or for what other cause I know not; but sure it is, that Neutrals, attending nothing but their own advantage, are of no better esteem than the bird whereof Leo Africus writeth; which when the King of Birds demanded tribute, would always rank himself amongst the Fish, and when the King of Fishes required his service, would always be with the Birds; or then the Weathercock, whereof there is no other use, then indicare regnantem, to show what wind rules.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
THe Island of Gades, was known to the Romans by the name of Tartesson:  
Hic Gades urbs est dicta Tartessus prius. 
Festus A●nienus.   
Here Gades stands, of old Tartessus called.  
The Town of Gades was endowed, as Dion witnesseth, 
Lib. xli.  by Julius Caesar, with the liberties and privileges of Rome. To which effect Pliny writeth; Oppidum habet Civium Romanorum, quod appellatur Augusta urbs Julia Gaditana, This Island hath a town of Roman Citizens, which is called Augusta Julia Gaditana. It was a town of great fame, as appeareth by that of Juba king of Mauritania, who made ambitious suit, to have the title of Duumviri, or Two-men of the town; as Festus noteth, in his Description of the Sea-coast.  

At vis in illis tanta, vel tantum decus  
Aetate prisca, sub fide rerum fuit;  
Rex ut superbus, omniumque praepotens  
Quos gens habebat forte tum Maurusia,  
Octaviano principi acceptissimus,  
Et literarum semper in study, juba,  
Interfluoque separatus aequore,  
Illustriorem semet urbis istius  
Duumviratu crederet—   

Such was their power, such their grace  
Of old, while faith was yet in place;  
King juba, the most powerful Prince  
The Moors had either then or since,  
In favour with Octavian,  
And every way a learned man,  
Divided from this place by S●n,  
Thought it would greater glory be  
To be Duum-vir of the town.   
In this Island stood Hercules Temple; to which as well Romans, as other noble Adventurers of all Nations, made often repair, to perform their vows upon achievements of deeds of Arms: which solemnity was not omitted by Hannibal, before his expedition into Italy.  
Amongst other Altars in this Temple, there was one dedicated to Penury and Art; signifying that Art driveth away Penury, as Hercules put to flight and subdued Monsters. Those of Asia, and the Mediterrane parts, took this Island to be the furthest end of navigation: for the Atlantic sea admitted no further passage, for want of a loadstone to direct them in that vastness. And therefore Pindarus saith, that it is not lawful for wise men nor fools to know what is beyond the straight of Gibraltar, 
Josephus A▪ costa hath observed, that the sea hath no part above one thousand leagues from the land.  the way in the Ocean being a thousand leagues abroad. In this town of Gades was born L. Cornelius Balbus, who at his death gave a legacy to the Roman people, twenty five pence per Pole; together with Junius Brutus Columella, that writ so excellently De re Rustica.  
Et mea quam generat Tartessi littore Gades.  
And which my Gades yields on Tartesse shore.  
It is now called Cales, and was sacked by our English, An. 1596.  
Hispalis, 
Hispalis.  surnamed Romulensis, from the Roman Colony that was planted there, 
Sevill.  is seated upon the River Baetis, in a very pleasant and fertile Country, and especially for oils. The town is now the Staple for the West Indies, and a very Nursery of Merchants. Arias Montanus, that great Theologian, was born in this City.   

THE THIRD OBSERVATION.  
COncerning these hundred and ninety thousand Sesterces, the learned cannot satisfy themselves with any congruent interpretation thereof. For if we take them in the Neuter, for seven pound ten shillings apiece, it amounteth to 1492000 pound, which is thought too much: if in the Masculine, it will rise not to above 1400 pound, which is deemed too little. And therefore the Critics do mend the place, and read HIS centies' nonagies, a hundred times ninety HIS. which bringeth out 142500 pound: and is thought agreeable to the meaning of the Author.    

CHAP. VIII.  
The Province and the legions revolt from Varro. Caesar settleth Spain, and returneth to Marseilles.  
ALbeit Caesar was called back into Italy, 
Caesar.  for many great and important causes, yet he was resolved to leave no spark or appearance of war remaining behind him in Spain; for that he knew Pompey's deserts to be such, as had gained him many followers and dependants in the hither Province. And therefore having sent two legions into the further Spain; under the conduct of Q. Cassius, Tribune of the people, he himself made forward by great journeys, with six hundred horse; sending an Edict before him, to summon the Magistrates and chief men of the Cities and Towns, to appear before him by a day at Corduba. Upon publication of which Edict, there was no City in all that Province, that sent not some of their Senate by the day appointed to Corduba: neither was there any Roman Citizen of note, that presented not himself there at that time.  
The Princes and States being assembled, of their own accord they shut the gates against Varro, set watch and ward upon the walls and in the towers, and retained with them two cohorts, called by the name of Colonicae (which came thither by chance) for the safe keeping of the town. At the selfsame time, the Inhabitants of Carmona (which is the strongest town of all the Province) cast out the three cohorts that were by Varro put into their Citadel, and shut them out of their town. Whereby Varro was the rather moved to make haste to Gades with his legions, lest he should be hindered and cut off, either in the way, or in his passage over from the Continent: such and so favourable was the general affection of the whole Province towards Caesar. And being somewhat advanced on his journey, he received Letters from Gades, That as soon as it was known there of the Edict which Caesar had published, the chiefest of the Gaditans agreed with the Tribunes of the soldiers which were in Garrison, to expel Gallonius out of the town, and to keep the City and the Island for Caesar. Which being resolved upon, they sent him word to leave the town of his own accord, while he might do it without danger; and if he refused, they would then take such further order as they should find expedient. Gallonius moved with fear dislodged himself, and went out of Gades.  
These things being divulged abroad, one of the two legions, known by the name of Vernacula, took up their Ensigns, went out of Varro's Camp (he himself standing by and looking on) and retired themselves to Hispalis; and there sat down in the Marketplace, and in common porches, without hurting any man. Which the Roman Citizens of that Convent did so well like of, that every man was very desirous to entertain them in their houses. Whereat Varro being much astonished, altered his journey towards Ilipa Italica, 
Ilipa Italica.  as he gave it out; but soon after was advertised by some of his friends, that the gates were shut against him. Whereupon, being circumvented and foreclosed from all other addresses, he sent to Caesar, to advertise him that he was ready to deliver up the legion, to whomsoever he should please to appoint. To which purpose he sent him Sex. Caesar, commanding the legion to be delivered to him.  
Varro having given up his charge, came to Caesar at Corduba, & there gave him a true account of the carriage of his office. The moneys remaining in his hands he delivered up, & gave an Inventory of the Corn and shipping which were in any place provided. Caesar, by a public Oration made at Corduba, gave thanks generally to all men. As first to the Roman Citizens, for the endeavour they used to be Masters of the town. Secondly, to the Spaniards, for driving out the Garrisons. To them of Gades, that they traversed and prevented the projects of the adversaries, and had restored themselves to liberty. To the Tribunes of the soldiers, and Centurions, that were come thither to keep the town, for that by their valour and magnanimity the resolution of the townsmen was assured and confirmed. He remitted such levies of money, as the Roman Citizens had promised Varro for the public service. He restored the goods confiscated of such as had spoken more freely than was pleasing; and gave divers rewards, both public and private: the rest he satisfied with hope of good time for the future. And having stated there two days, he went to Gades: where he gave order that the moneys and monuments, which were transferred from Hercules' Temple to a private house, should be carried back again to the Temple. He made Q. Cassius' Governor of the Province, and left with him four legions. He himself in a few day's space, with those ships which M. Varro, and those of Gades (by his commandment) had made, came to Tarraco; for there the Ambassadors of almost all the hither Province did attend his coming. And having received them with private and public honour, in the same fashion as formerly he had used, he left Tarraco, and came by land to Narbone, and from thence to Marseilles: where he received first advertisement of the law made at Rome, for creating of a Dictator; and that himself was named thereunto, by M. Lepidus, Prator.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
IT is one of Caesar's peculiars, recorded by Suetonius, that he never left behind him any spark or suspicion of war, lest it might be said he did not throughly conquer where he came. For he that doth a business to halves, hath as much more to do before it be done: and the remainder in matter of war, groweth commonly to a greater head than that which first gave occasion of Arms; like fire, which is smothered for a time, to break out afterwards with greater fury. And therefore that he might not be thought to provoke an Enemy rather than subdue him, he neglected all occasions how important soever, which might draw him into Italy; to the end he might settle Spain in a peace, answerable to an absolute victory. Which he easily effected, having overmastered the chiefest of the party, and turned their troops out of the Country, as men altogether mistaken in the matter. The fame whereof so prevailed with the rest, that rather than they would stand out, they forsook their Commanders. And having thus removed all occasions of force, he then proceeded to take away all doubtfulness, which might accompany a new reconcilement, by showing such respects as well beseemed ancient desert.  
For first, he made a public acknowledgement of their general love & affection towards him: and then taking notice of particular services, engaged them further with honours and rewards; righted such as were oppressed by the adverse party; remitted all levies and taxations (to show the difference between his & the Enemy's favour) and filled all men with hope of good times: as knowing that fair words, accompanied with large promises, are powerful instruments to work out whatsoever is desired. And so he took a little more time to settle those Provinces without further trouble; as believing in the proverb, that What is well done, is twice done.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
M. Varro here mentioned, made more profession of knowledge and Arts, than any other of his Nation, being thereupon styled by the name of Doctus or Learned; & yet in the judgement of learned Philosophers, was fitter to persuade then to teach. Tully being deprived of public offices, handled Philosophy a little in his own language: Pliny and Seneca, less than Varro or Tully. But what are these to Aristotle or Plato? Or rather, what hath learning to do with a Roman General? whose knowledge consisted in their Military discipline, and in the powerful means of victorious endeavour. Wherein Varro was as ignorant, as was Don Raimundus, the eleventh king of Arragon, in managing of Arms; who taking his sword in one hand, and his buckler in the other, held the horse bridle in his teeth. 
Iamb●●ch. cap. 4.  Howbeit, if Qui minus facit, minus peccat, he that does least, offends least, were a good excuse, it were fitting to make him blameless, that deserved so well of learning above all others of that Empire. But forasmuch as his actions appear so far inferior to that which is conceived of his understanding, let that be acknowledged which is true, 
Cicero lib. 1. de officiis.  that Confiderate agere pluris est, quam cogitare prudenter; considerate action is more worth, then wise thinking.  
This Ilipa Italica was the chief town of the Turdetani in Andaluzia; & 
Ilipa Italica.  is conjectured by the ruins yet remaining, to stand over against Sevill. 
Tarraco. aliter Julia victrix.   
Tarraco is that which is now called Tarragon; a Colony of Scipio his planting, whereof the Province taketh appellation; which is extended (as Pliny witnesseth) from Catalonia to Navarre and Castille, 
Lib. 4. cap. 20.  along the Alps. Bla●se de Vigenere reporteth, that in the year 516, there was a Council held at Tarraco by ten Bishops; wherein it was decreed, that Sunday should always begin presently after Evening prayer (or their Vespers) on the Saturday. From whence it is, that the Spaniards do not work at all after that time; and do eat upon saturdays at supper, the head, the feet, and the entrails of such flesh as is killed in the Shambles (together with other pretty bits which they call Morsillas) without prohibition or scruple of conscience. In this town of Tarraco was born Paulus Osorius, that noble Orator.  
Corduba, 
Corduba.  otherwise called Colonia Patricia, was held the next of worth and dignity to Sevill; but for excellent wits to be preferred above all the towns of Spain: for here first were born the two Senecas, the father, the Rhetorician, and the son, the Philosopher; together with their kinsman, Annaeus Lucanus, the divine Poet, of whom Martial writeth;  
Duosque Senecas, unicumque Lucanum  
Facunda loquitur Corduba.  
One Lucan and two Senecas  
Brave Corduba doth show.  
Besides of later times, Avenzoar, Avicenna, and Averrois, as excellent a Philosopher, as the other was a Physician: of whose works  
— Fama loquetur Anus.  
— Fame when she's old will speak.  
And from hence come those Cordovan skins, so much in request.   

THE THIRD OBSERVATION.  
COncerning the office of a Dictator, whereunto Caesar was named by the Praetor Lepidus, we are to observe, that the Dictatorship was the greatest place of dignity in their government, 
Lib. 3.  as Polybius noteth. The Consuls, saith he, having each of them but twelve Lictors apiece, that carried bundles of Rods before them, as ensigns of Magistracy, the Dictator had always twenty four; to show that the sovereign power divided between the two Consuls, was then reduced to one sole command. The occasions of establishing a Dictator were divers; howbeit, it was commonly to take order in some great matter of consequence, which fell out to be extraordinary, and required the command of one man. And as it is in the Fasts or Records of the Capitol, either Reipub. regend. causa, to govern the commonwealth, as was this first Dictatorship of Caesar: or otherwise, M. Fabius Ambustus Dict. seditionis sedandae causa, M. Fab. Amb. was created Dictator to quiet a sedition; and at another time, Cn. Quintius Varus Dictator, clavi figendi causa, to strike in the nail; which was one of the superstitions they used in time of pestilence▪ and so divers the like. Of all which there is this form expressed by Tully; 
De legibus.  Si quando duellum gravius, discordiaeve Civium crescunt, unus ne amplius sex menses, nisi senatus decreverit, idem juris quod duo Consules teneto, isque ave sinistra dictus Magister Populi esto: If at any time either a great quarrel happen, or discord arise amongst the Citizens, then let one man have the same power that the two Consuls have, for six months, and no longer, unless the senate shall otherwise decree; and let this man (in an ill hour) be termed the Master of the People.  
But forasmuch as Magister Populi was a harsh and odious name to the people, they called him by a more modest name, Dictator: whereof Varro giveth this reason, Dictator quod à Consule dicebatur, cujus dicto audientes omnes essent; He was called Dictator because he was named to that office by the Consul, whose orders they were all to be obedient to. And as none could name a Dictator but the Consul, (for Caesar was named by the Praetor in an extraordinary time;) so none could be named to that place, but such as were or had been Consuls: 
Livy. lib. 2:  Consulares legere ita lex jubebat de Dictatore creando lata; the law for the creating a Dictator commands to choose consular men only. To which may be added the circumstance of time, which was always in the night; Nocte deinde silenti, ut mos est, Papirium Dictatorem dixit, he named Papirius to the Dictatorship (as the custom is) in the dead of the night. The Dictator had sovereign power, but limited for time, which was commonly six Months; whereby they are specially distinguished from Monarches: and thereupon Cicero adjudgeth Sylla's Dictatorship to be a mere tyranny, 
1. Philip.  and so doth Plutarch Caesar's; because both were prorogued beyond the time prescribed by the law. Caesar held this Dictator's place but eleven days, and then left it off: but afterwards had it for his life, and so came to be styled Dictator perpetuus, perpetual Dictator.    

CHAP. IX.  
The Marseillians give up the Town.  
THe Marseillians being much oppressed, 
Caesar.  and almost worn out with all sorts of inconveniences, brought to an extreme exigent of victual, defeated & overthrown in two fights at sea, broken and cut in pieces oftentimes in their sallies out, afflicted with a grievous pestilence through long shutting up and alteration of diet (for they lived of nothing but of old Panic and musty Barley, 
Vetere Panico.  which was long before laid up in public for this purpose;) their tower being overthrown, and a great part of their wall down, out of hope of any succours from the Provinces, or of other Armies, which they knew were come into the hands and power of Caesar; they seriously determined (without fraud) to give up the town. But a few days before, L. Domitius understanding their resolution, having got three ships (whereof two he assigned to his familiar friends, the third he took himself, and taking the opportunity of a troublesome storm) put to sea: which being perceived by the ships that by Brutus' commandment did continually guard the mouth of the Haven, they weighed their Anchours, and made after them. Notwithstanding, that wherein Domitius was held on her course, and by the help of the foul weather got out of sight. The other two being afraid of our ships, returned back into the Haven.  
The Marscillians, according as was commanded, brought their Arms and Engines out of the town, drew forth their shipping, both out of their Haven and their Arsenals, and delivered up their public treasure. Which things being accomplished and performed, Caesar willing to save them, rather for the name and antiquity of the town, then for any merit of theirs, left two legions there for a Garrison, and sent the rest into Italy. He himself took his way towards Rome.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
HEnce we may observe, that when men refuse to be led by reason, as the best means to guide them to convenient ends, they are commonly constrained by the commanding warrant of Necessity, 
Ultimum & durissimum telum, necessitas.  to undergo the same thing upon harder conditions. As it happened to the Marseillians, who not regarding the Army then present, and ready to take a strict account of their answers (which with good excuse doth command a neutral State) choose rather to be shut up with a siege, 
Omnium maxime miserabile, claudi obsidione.  that of all miseries is accounted the worst; and therein so carried themselves, as they left no stone unremoved to make good their refusal: but for want of better helps, 
Egesippus.  brought their Fraud to play a part, to their greater disadvantage. And if the Conqueror had not took all occasions to show his clemency, they might happily have paid dear for their contempt. But where either desert or other motives wanted, there nomen & vetustas, their name and antiquity was sufficient to make Caesar constant to his own ends: which, as near as the course wherein he was engaged would afford him, were always leveled at the general applause of his actions; taking that to be no little help to work himself into the sovereignty of the State: 
In maxima fort●m, 〈◊〉 licentia est.  observing it the rather in cases of great and happy success, which are ever more restrained then lesser fortunes. 
S●lust.  Howsoever, it cannot be denied but that Clemency is a property of excellent honour: 
Servare propri●m est excellentis fortunae.  which Caesar showed in saving the town. 
Seneca de clement. lib. 1.     

CHAP. X.  
Curio transporteth two legions into afric.  
ABout the same time, 
Caesar.  C. Curio set sail from Sicily to pass into afric: and making no account at all of Actius Varus forces, he carried with him but two legions of the four which were delivered him by Caesar, together with five hundred horse. And after he had been at Sea two days and three nights, he arrived at a place called Aquilaria, distant twenty two miles from Clupea; where there is a very commodious Road for ships in Summer, sheltered on each side with two large and eminent Promontories. L. Caesar, the son, attended his coming at Clupea with ten Galleys; which being taken from the Pirates in the late wars, and laid aground at Utica, were repaired and new trimmed by Varus: but being afraid of the great number of his ships, he forsook the sea, and ran his Galley on shore; and leaving her there, fled by land on foot to Adrumetum, a town kept by Considius Longus, having one legion only in garrison.  
The rest of Caesar's Navy, seeing their Admiral fly away, put into Adrumetum. M. Rufus the Treasurer pursued him with twelve ships, which Curio had brought with him out of Sicily, to waft the ships of burden; and finding the Galley left upon the sand, he towed her off, and returned to Curio with his Navy. 
— qua se Bagrada● lentus agit siccae sulcator arenae.  Curio sent Marcus before with the ships to Utica; and he himself set forward thither by land with the Army, and in two day's journey came to the River Bagrada; 
Luc. lib. 4.  where he left C. Caninius Rebilus, the Legate, with the legions, and went himself before with the Cavalry, to view a place called Cornelius Camp, which was held very fit and convenient to incamp in, being a direct ridge of a hill, shooting out into the Sea, steep and broken on each side, and yet shelving by a little more gentle descent on that side which was next Utica, being distant from thence (if the nearest way were taken) a little more than a mile. But in that shortest cut there rose a spring, in that part which was furthest off from the sea, and so made a marish or bog; which whosoever would avoid, must fetch a compass of six miles to go to the town.  
A view being taken of this place, Curio beheld afar off Varus Camp, joining to the town wall, at the gate called Bellica, marvellously fortified through the strong situation of the place, having the town on the one side, and a Theatre which stood before the town on the other; and by reason of the great circuit of building which it contained, made a narrow and difficult passage to the Camp. He observed further, great store of carriages, which by reason of this sudden alarm, were brought out of the Country towards the town: for the intercepting whereof he sent the Cavalry. And at the same instant, Varus likewise had sent out of the town, 600 Numidian horse, and 400 foot, which King Juba (a few days before) had sent to Utica, for the strengthening of that party. This Prince had acquaintance with Pompey, by reason that his father lodged with him, and bore a spleen to Curio, for the law which he preferred when he was Tribune of the people, for the confiscation of Juba his kingdom. The Cavalry on either side met together, and the Numidians were not able to abide the charge of our men; but about an hundred and twenty being slain, the rest betook themselves back to the Camp at the town.  
In the mean time, upon the arrival of our Galleys, Curio commanded it to be proclaimed, that such Victuallers and ships of burden as were in the Bay at Utica (being in number about two hundred) and would not presently come to the Cornelian Camp, should be held and taken for enemies. At which Proclamation, upon an instant of time, they all weighed anchor, and came to the place whether they were commanded: whereby the Army abounded with all necessary provisions. This being done, he returned to the Camp at Bagrada; and by the acclamation of the whole Army, was saluted by the name of Imperator.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
THis Chapter beginneth with the third part of this book, containing Curio his passage into afric: concerning whom it is to be observed, that in the beginning of these broils, no man was more enemy to Caesar, nor made more bitter invectives to the people against him, than he did in his Tribuneship; but afterwards he fell off, and was gained by the voluptuous enticements of M. Antony, together with a huge mass of money which Caesar sent him. Whereupon he played the turncoat, and with might and main afflicted that Party; prevailing much with the Commonalty, 
Eleganti oratione, capiunt●r auditores: 〈◊〉 enim oratio vel lapidem 〈◊〉 posset. Epict Ar●ian, lib. 3. ●●p. 23.  by his eloquent and persuasive speeches; the lively force whereof is able to stir up affection in stones. For which cause it is, that 
* Lib. 2.  Velleius Paterculus noteth, That no man brought a more burning or dangerous firebrand to the kindling of those civil wars, than did Curio; being a man of an excellent discourse, audacious, prodigal of his own and of other men's, subtle, ingenious, extreme vicious, and always well-spoken, to the ruin of the public weal. Which sweetness of words came unto him by inheritance, 
lib. 7. c. 41.  as Pliny witnesseth; Una familia Curionum, in qua tres continua serie oratores extiterunt; In the one family of the Curiones there were three noted Orators one after another. 
lib. 36. c. 15.  Of whose monstrous prodigality the same Author hath made a very large account. 
Nimis confidens inca●tus est.  And out of these overweening humours it was, that he became so unwary as to divide his Army; neglecting the Enemy, 
joseph lib. 1 cap. 4. de bello Judaico.  and the variableness of war, which altereth as the Moon, and keepeth no constant shape whereby it may be known. Concerning the dismembering of an Army lightly, and upon heedless rashness, Cyrus giveth grave advice, in the beginning of the sixth book of Xenophon. To which (for the present) I refer the Reader.  
Clupea was a town in afric, named by Pliny, Oppidum liberum, or a free Town, and sited upon the Promontory of Mercury, in the territories of old Carthage. It was so called, because it carried the form of a Target retorted; and for the same cause it was called Aspis:  
In Clypei speciem curvatis turribus Aspis. 
Sil. Ital.   
Aspis with turrets bowing like a shield.  
This Promontory, which Curio chose to incamp in, was famous for three things. First, it was reputed the place where Antaeus the Giant dwelled, which Hercules slew, by strangling him in his Arms, that he might not touch the Earth, from which it is said he received fresh strength. Secondly, P. Cornelius Scipio, that subdued afric, made that place his chief Camp of strength: and so it came to be called Cornelius Camp. And lastly, for this expedition which Curio made, to lose two legions, and himself withal, as unwilling to see the morrow, after such a loss; 
Seneca Trag.  for, Vitae est avidus, quisquis non vult, mundo secum pereunte, mori; He loves life indeed, that is not willing to die when the world falls.    

CHAP. XI.  
Curio marcheth to Utica. His Cavalry put to flight great troops coming from king Juba. His Army strangely possessed with an idle fear.  
THe next day he brought his Army to Utica, 
Caesar.  and encamped himself near unto the town. But before the fortification of his Camp was finished, the horsemen that stood Sentinel gave notice of great forces of horse and foot, coming towards Utica, from king Juba: and at the same time, a great dust was seen rise in the air, and presently the first troops began to come in sight. Curio astonished at the novelty of the thing, sent his horse before, to sustain the first shock, and to stay them: he himself, calling the legions with all speed from their work, imbattelled his Army. The Cavalry encountering with the Enemy (before the legions could be well unfolded and put in order) did put to flight all the King's forces, that came marching without fear or order; and slew a great number of the foot troops: but the horse, making haste, got almost all safe into the town, by the way of the seashore. The next night after, two Centurions of the Nation of the Marsi, fled from Curio, with twenty two of their soldiers, to Actius Varus.  
These Centurions, whether it were to please Varus, or otherwise speaking as they thought (for what men wish, they easily believe; and what they think, they hope others do think the same;) did confidently affirm, that the minds of the whole Army were altogether alienated from Curio; and that it was very expedient that the Armies should come in sight, and find means to speak together. Varus being persuaded to that opinion, the next day, early in the morning, drew his legions out of the Camp: the like did Curio; either of them putting their forces in order, upon a small Valley which lay between both their Armies.  
There was in Varus Army, one Sex. Quintilius Varus, who (as it is formerly declared) was at Corfinium; and being let go by Caesar, went into afric. It fortuned that Curio had carried over those legions, which Caesar had formerly taken at Corfinium: so that a few Centurions being slain, the Companies and Maniples remained the same. This occasion being so fitly offered, Quintilius (going about Curio his Army) began to beseech the soldiers, that they would not forget the first oath they had taken to Domitius, and to him their Treasurer; nor bear Arms against them, that had run the same fortune, and endured the same siege; nor fight for those, who (by way of reproach) had called them fugitives. To these he added some promises, to put them in hope of a good recompense, out of his own liberality, if they would follow him and Actius.  
Having delivered this unto them, Curio his Army stood mute, and declared not themselves by any sign, either one way or other: and so either side drew back to their Camp. Notwithstanding, Curio his Camp was afterwards possessed with a great fear, and suspicion: which was quickly augmented, by divers reports raised upon the same. For every man forged opinions and conceits; and out of his own fear, added something to that which he had heard of another. Which when it was spread from one author to many, and one had received it from another, it seemed there were many authors of the same thing. 
Nulla ●ides pietasque viris qui castra sequ●●ur, Venalesqu● manus: ibi fas, ubi maxima me●ces.  For civil war is always compounded of such men, as hold it lawful to do and follow what and whom they please.  
Those legions which a little before were in the service of the Enemy, did willingly embrace what was offered them; for old acquaintance had made them forget what benefits Caesar had lately bestowed on them: 
Lucan.  being also of divers Countries and Nations, and not all of the Marsi or Peligni, as those the night before, which were their Cabin-mates, and fellow-soldiers: whereupon they took occasion, to publish abroad in worse terms, that which others had vainly given out; and some things were coined by those that would seem most diligent in doing their duty.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
OBserve first, from the revolt of these Centurions, that a fellow or two of rank and fashion falling from a Party, do gain easy credit to their advertisements, by averring any thing which the Enemy desireth. Whence it is, that forasmuch as fugitives can little otherwise avail, (one man being but as no man,) they seek favour and reputation with the party they ●ly unto, by their advice and discovery, and consequently, the remuneration of espial; which according to the precedent made by Fabius to the Spies of Clusine, 
Livy lib. 12.  is worth a man's labour.  
And herein Revolters (specially those of judgement) are very dangerous instruments; not only in weakening or making frustrate such designs as may be contrived against an Adversary; but also in discovering the secrets of their own Party, and disclosing of that which is absolute and well, until it be made known. For there is no subsisting thing so perfect, but hath always some part or other open, to give an easy passage to destruction: according to that of the Poet,  
Omnia sunt hominum tenui pendentia filo.  
All humane things hang by a slender thread.  
And therefore, it is no small means of preserving each thing in being, to make show of strength, and conceal weaknesses, 
Fides ●u●damentum societatis humanae: perfidia vero ejusdem pestis. Plato, l. 5. de legibus.  as the registers of assured ruin. For which cause it is, that fidelity is commended, as the foundation of humane society: and perfidious treachery, divulging the secret imperfections thereof, is the plague and bane of the same.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
AS there is nothing more dangerous in an Army then fear; so there is nothing sooner bred to disturb a multitude, than this passion, which metamorphoseth a troup of men into a heard of Deer. For hence it appeareth, that one Thersites is able to leaven a whole Army; and an idle conceit bred in the weak thoughts of some Tresantas, 
The Spartans called all cowards Tresantas.  begetteth oftentimes a main cause of distrust throughout all the Party: which, as it spreadeth abroad, is so delivered from one to another, 
* Plutarch.  as the Reporter (not believing what he telleth) addeth always somewhat to make the hearer believe what he could not himself. And so weak minds do multiply the vain apprehension of idle humours, in such a fashion, as there is more hurt in fearing, 
Plus in metuendo est mali, quam in illo ipso quod timetur. Cic. ad Torquatum.  then in the thing which is feared.  
Epaminodas' was more fortunate than all others in this kind: for 
* Plutarch.  while he led the Thebans as their Commander, they were never taken with any sudden affrightment, nor possessed with any Panic terror, to bereave them of their senses, or falsify the truth of their understanding; being all (as it seemed) of the same mind with the General, who accounted▪ no death so honourable as that which came by war. Howbeit such is the frailty of humane nature, 
Turban homines, non res: sed quas de rebus hibent opiniones.  and so strange are the convulsions of the mind, that a Commander must expect to meet with times, wherein his men will stand in danger of nothing so much as their own infirmity: being troubled rather with strong apprehensions, 
Epict. Enchirid.  then for any danger of the thing feared.    

CHAP. XII.  
Curio disputeth the matter in a Council of war.  
FOr which causes a Council of war being called, 
Caesar.  they began to deliberate what course was to be taken. I here were some opinions which thought, that it was very expedient to assault and take Varus Camp for that there was nothing more dangerous than idleness, for the breeding and increase of such imaginations as the soldiers had conceived. Others said, It were better to try the fortune of a battle, and to free themselves by valorous endeavour, rather than to be forsaken and abandoned of their own party, and left to undergo most grievous and extreme torments. There were others which thought it fit, to return about the third watch of the night to Cornelius Camp; that by interposing some respite of time, the soldiers might be better settled, and confirmed in their opinions; and if any mischance further happened, they might (by reason of their store of shipping) with more ease and safety return back to Sicily.  
Curio misliking both the one and the other, said, That there wanted as much good resolution in the one opinion, as abounded in the other: for these entered into a consideration of a dishonourable & unbeseeming flight; and those were of an opinion to fight in an unequal and disadvantageous place. For with what hope (saith he) can we assault a Camp so fortified, both by Nature and Art? Or what have we gained, if with great loss and damage, 
Tam boni quam mali eventus causae vulgo in Imperatores referri solent.  we shall go away and give it over? As though things well and happily achieved, did not get to the Commander great good will from the soldier; and things ill carried, as much hate. Concerning the removing of our Camp, 
Dio Hali●ar. lib. 8.  what doth it infer but a shameful retreat, a despair in all men, and an alienation of the Army? For it is not fit, to give occasion to the prudent and well-advised, to imagine that they are disinherited; nor on the other side, to the ill-disposed, that they are redoubted or feared: and the rather, because fear in this kind will give them more liberty to do ill, and abate the endeavour of good men in well deserving. And if (saith he) these things are well known unto us already, that are spoken of the revolt and alienation of the Army (which, for mine own part, I think either to be altogether false, or at least, less than in opinion they are thought to be) is it not better to dissemble and hide them, then that they should be strengthened and confirmed by us? Ought we not, as we do hide the wounds of our bodies, to cover the inconveniences of an Army, lest we should minister hope or courage to the Adversary? But some there are that advise to set forward at midnight; to the end (as I imagine) that such as are desirous to offend, may perform it with more scope and licentiousness. For such disorders are repressed and reform either with shame or fear; to both which the night is an enemy. And therefore, as I am not of that courage, to think without hope or means that the Enemy's Camp is to be assaulted; so on the other side, I am not so fearful, as to be wanting in that which is fitting: but am rather of opinion, that we try all things before we yield to that; and do assure myself, that for the most part, we are all of one mind concerning this point.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
AS in matter of Geometry, Rectum est Index sui & obliqui, a strait line manifesteth both itself and a crooked line, being equal to all the parts of rectitude, and unequal to obliquity: so is it in reason and discourse. For a direct and well-grounded speech carrieth such a native equality with all its parts, as it doth not only approve itself to be leveled at that which is most fitting, but showeth also what is indirect and crooked, concerning the same matter; and is of that consequence in the variety of projects and opinions, 
Confilium dare, eorum quae inter homines divinissimum.  and so hardly hit upon, in the lame discourse of common reason, that Plato thought it a piece of divine power, to direct a path free from the crookedness of error, which might lead the strait and ready way to happy ends. 
Omni orationi oratio aequalis opponitur.  And the rather, forasmuch as in matter of debate, there are no words so weighty, but do seem balanced with others of equal consideration: 
Se●●.  as here it happened, 
Philos.  from those that pointing at the cause of this distemperature, 
Varian● semper dan● otia ment●m. Luc. lib. 4.  convicted Idleness for the Author of their variable and unsettled minds; and, as 
* Lib. 1 Cyrop.  Xenophon hath observed, very hard to be endured in one man, much worse in a whole family, but no way sufferable in an Army; which the Romans called Exercitus, ab exercitio from exercise. For remedy whereof, they propounded labour without hope of gain, and such service as could bring forth nothing but loss. Others, preferring security before all other courses (as believing with Livy, 
Deuces nullo loco, nisi quantum necessitas cogit, se committere fortunae debent. lib. 22.  that Captains should never trust Fortune further than necessity constrained them) persuaded a retreat to a place of safety, but upon dishonourable terms. Which unevenness of opinions Curio made strait by an excellent Maxim in this kind; thinking it convenient to hold such a course, as might neither give honest men cause of distrust, nor wicked men to think they were feared. For so he should be sure (in good terms of honour) neither to discourage the better sort, nor give occasion to the ill-affected to do worse. And thus winding himself out of the labyrinth of words (as knowing that to be true of Annius the Praetor, that 
* Ad summam rerum pertinet, cogitare magis quid agendum quam quid loquendum; facil● 〈◊〉, explicatis consiliis, accommod●r● rebus verba. Liv. 3●.  it more importeth occasions to do then to say; being an easy matter to fit words to things unfolded & resolved upon;) he broke up the Council.    

CHAP. XIII.  
Curio calleth a general assembly of the soldiers; and speaketh unto them, concerning their fear and retraction.  
THe Council being risen, 
Caesar▪  he gave order for a Convocation of the Army; and there called to remembrance what they had done for Caesar at Confinium: how by their favour and furtherance, he had gained the greatest part of Italy to be on his side. For, by you (saith he) and by your endeavour, all the rest of the Municipal towns were drawn to follow Caesar: and there, fore not without just cause did he at that time repose great assurance in your affections towards him; and the adverse party conceived as great indignation & spite against you. For Pompey was not forced away by any battle; but being prejudiced by your act he quitted Italy. Caesar hath recommended me, whom he held near unto himself, together with the Provinces of Sicily and afric (without which he cannot defend the City and Italy) to your trust and fidelity. There are some which solicit and persuade you to revolt from my command: for what can they wish or desire more, then to make it but one work, to bring us both to ruin and overthrow, and to engage you in a most detestable wickedness? 
Nemo iis ad mi●us esse potest, à quibus malum aliquod expectat.  Or what worse opinion can they conceive of you, then that you should betray those men, that profess themselves wholly yours; and that you might afterwards come into their power, 
Demost●.  who take themselves to be undone by your means?  
Have you not understood what Caesar hath done in Spain? two Armies beaten; two Generals defeated; two Provinces taken; and all within forty days, after he came in view of the Enemy? Those whose forces were not able to make resistance when they were whole and entire, how is it possible they should hold out being beaten and discomfited? You that followed Caesar when the victory stood doubtful; now Fortune hath adjudged the Cause, and determined of the issue of the War, will you follow the vanquished Party, when you are to receive the reward of your service? They gave out, that they were forsaken and betrayed by you, and do remember you of the former oath you took. But did you forsake L. Domitius, or did he forsake you? Did not he thrust you out, and expose you to all extremity of fortune? Did he not seek to save himself by flight, without your knowledge or privity? Were you not preserved and kept alive by Caesar's clemency, when you were abandoned and betrayed by him?  
How could he tie you with the oath of allegiance, when (having cast away his sheaf of Rods, and laid down his authority) he himself was made a private person, and became captivated to the command of another man's power? It were a strange and new religion, that you should neglect that oath, wherein you stand now engaged; and respect the other, which was taken away by the rendry of your General, and the 
* Capitis diminutione. Diminutus capite appellatur, qui civitate mutatus est, aut ex samlia in aliam adoptatus: & qui liber alteri mancipio datus est: & qui in hostium potestate venit: & cui aqua ignique inte●dictum. Liv. In summo.  loss of your liberty. But I believe you think well of Caesar, and are offended at me, that am not to preach of my merits towards you; which as yet are less than my will, and unworthy your expectation: and yet soldiers have always used to seek reward upon the shutting up of a war; which what event it will have, make you no doubt. And why should I omit the diligence which I have already used, and how the business hath hitherto proceeded? Doth it offend you, that I transported the Army over in safety, without loss of any one ship? That at my coming, I beat and dispersed at the first onset the whole fleet of the Adversaries? That twice, in two days, I overcame them only with the Cavalry? That I drew two hundred Ships of burden out of the Road and Port of the Enemy? 
Imperatore quatuor hae virtutes inesse debe●t: scientia rei militaris, virtue, authori●as, felicitas, Cicero pro leg● Manilia.  and have brought them to that extremity, that they can be supplied by provision neither by sea nor by land? All this good fortune, and these Commanders rejected and forsaken, will you rather embrace again the ignominy you received at Corfinium, or your slight out of Italy, or the rendering up of Spain, or the prejudicial success of the war of afric? Truly, for mine own part, I was desirous and content to be called Caesar's soldier: but you have styled me with the title of Imperator. Which if it repent you, I do willingly quit myself of your grace, and return it back unto you: and do you; in like manner, restore me to my name again, lest you should seem to give me honour which might turn to my reproach.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
IN the handling of this accident, the difference cometh to be observed between a Council of war, and a Concio, or convocation of the soldiers. The first was more particular, consisting of some choice men, and those the most eminent in the party. 
Aulus G●ll. lib. 15. c. 27.  Is qui non universum populum, sed partem aliquam adesse jubet, non comitia, sed concilium edicere debet; he that calls together only a part of the people, and not the whole, calls a Council, not a general assembly. Their convocation or preaching was more general, the whole Army being convented together, to be fitted by persuasion and discourse to follow the resolution taken by a Council; and was properly called Adlocut●o, 
Com. 5. bell, Gall.  and sometimes Conventus: Cicero perlectam Epistolam Caesaris in convent● militum recitat; Cicero read the letter from Caesar in a conventus, or general meeting of his soldiers. The parties called to a Council, were according as the General valued the occasion: for sometimes the Legates and Tribunes were only consulted; and now and then the Centurions of the first Orders, together with the Captains of horse, were called to their assistance; and oftentimes, all the Centurions. But howsoever, Curio resolved out of his own judgement, as great Commanders commonly do; and is specially observed by Pierre Matthieu, 
Tom. 2. lib. 4.  of the French King; who ever loveth to hear the opinion of his Captains, but always finds his own the best.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
AMongst other strains of this discourse, it is acknowledged, that Rome could not stand without Sicily; & the reason was, for the plenty of Corn which it brought forth: for Sicily was always reputed as the Granary or Barn of Rome, & accordingly cared for by the Senate, as a place without which their City could not continue. The grain of that Island is hard, like horn, and cannot well be broken or ground into Meal, until it be wet with water, and then dried in the shade, rather than in the sun: by means whereof it yieldeth so exceedingly, that it is accounted twenty in the hundred better than any Ponent Wheat; especially, for that it will keep long in their Vaults and Caves under the earth, & seldom or never take heat, being of itself so hard and dry.  
The gluttonous use of flesh hath made men ignorant of the virtue and strength of Corn, which the Romans better understood; for their legions never said on flesh, as long as they could get Corn. 
Lib. 1. civil. bell.  Pecora, quod secundum poterat esse inopiae subsidium, they fetched in cattle, as the second way to help their want, saith Caesar. And in another place; 
Lib. 3.  Ut complures dies milites frumento caruerint, Pecore è longinquioribus vicis adacto extremam famem sustentarent; the soldiers having for many days been without corn, they were fain to sustain their extreme hunger with cattle which they had fetched afar off. And in the same place, Quod minor erat frumenti copia, Pecus imperabat; because there was but little corn, he gave order for cattle. And again, Non illi hordeum cum daretur, non legumina recusbant. Pecus vero, cujus rei summa erat in Epiro copia, magno in honore habebant. They refused neither barley nor pulse when it was offered them; but cattle, whereof there was good store in Epirus, they prized at an high rate.  
By which places it appeareth, that they never fell to flesh, but when they wanted Corn. Which is doubtless a firmer nutriment, less excremental, and of better strength, than any other food whatsoever; as containing the prime substance of Meat, and the spirit of Wine: for Aqua vitae is as well made of Wheat, as of the lees of Wine. Flesh is good to make Wrestlers of a gross and heavy constitution, as Plutarch noteth: but the Roman soldier stood in need of an effectual and sinewy vigour, able to undergo carriages, 
Muli Mariani.  fitter for a Mule then a Man, together with such works, as later ages do rather hear then believe; and was attained by feeding only upon bread.  
The Rabbins and Thalmudists do write, that the Giants of the old world first fell to the eating of flesh, making no difference between a man and a beast; but grew so execrable, that they made women cast their fruit before their time, to the end they might eat it with more tenderness and delicacy. Which is also said to be practised by the Cannibals, upon the first discovery of the Indies. Viginere reporteth, that he knew some great Men in France so friand, that they caused oftentimes Does ready to foan to be killed, and the young ones took out alive, to be made meat for monstrous appetites. 
Sobrietas, quasi sine ebrietate.  But there is no indifferent Parallel to be drawn, between the sobriety of the ancient Roman soldier, and the gluttony of these times; far exceeding that of Agamemnon, 
H●mer.  which Achilles noted with words of high reproach, 
Iliad. 1.  calling him Hogshead of Wines, eyes of a Dog, and hart of a Dear.   

THE THIRD OBSERVATION.  
THirdly, from this elaborate & well-couched speech, we may note, that Eloquence is a very beautiful ornament to Princes, 
Eloquentia princi●●bus maxime ornamento est.  and great Commanders; besides the use it hath to lead a multitude to such ends as is wished: for smooth words prevail where force booteth not. 
Cic. 4. de 〈◊〉.  According to that of Cicero, 
Lib. 1. famil. ●pist.  Cum populum persuaderi posse diffidimus, cogi fas esse non arbitremur: If the people will not be persuaded, let us not think it fit to go about to compel them.    

CHAP. XIV.  
Curio bringeth out his troops, and putteth Varus Army to flight.  
THe soldiers moved with this Oration, 
Caesar.  did oftentimes interrupt him in his speech; signifying with what grief they did endure the suspicion of infidelity. And as he departed from the Assembly, every man exhorted him to be of a good courage, and not to doubt of giving battle, or to make trial of their fidelity and valour. By which means, the minds & disposition of all men being changed, Curio resolved (out of a general consent) as soon as any occasion was offered, to give battle.  
The next day, having brought out his forces, he made a stand, and imbattelled them in the same place where he stood in Arms the day before. And Varus likewise drew out his troops; whether it were to solicit the soldier, or not to omit the opportunity of fight, if it might be afforded in an indifferent place. There was a valley (as we have formerly declared) between the two Armies, of no very hard or difficult ascent; and either of them expected who should first come over it, to the end they might fight in a place of more advantage: when upon a sudden, all Varus Cavalry that stood in the left Cornet of the Army, together with the light-armed soldiers that stood mingled amongst them, were seen descending into the Valley. To them Curio sent his Cavalry, together with two cohorts of the Marrucini. The Enemy's horsemen were not able to endure the first encounter of our men; but having lost their horses, fled back to their party. The light-armed men that came out with them, being left and forsaken, were all slain by our men, in the view and sight of Varus whole Army. Then Rebilus, Caesar's Legate (whom Curio for his knowledge and experience in matter of war, had brought with him out of Sicily) said; Curio, thou seest the Enemy affrighted: why makest thou doubt to use the opportunity of time? Curio without making any other answer, then willing the soldiers to remember what they had assured unto him the day before, commanded them to follow him, and ran foremost himself. The Valley was so cumber some and difficult, that in gaining the ascent of the hill, the foremost could hardly get up, unless they were lifted up by their followers. Howbeit the Enemy was so possessed with fear, for the flight and slaughter of their fellows, that they did not so much as think of resisting; for they took themselves all to be already surprised by the Cavalry: so that before any weapon could be cast, or that our men could approach near unto them, all Varus Army turned their backs, and fled into their Camp.  
In this flight, Fabius Pelignus (a certain soldier of one of the inferior Companies of Curio his Army) having overtaken the first troup of them that fled, sought for Varus, calling after him with a loud voice; as though he had been one of his own soldiers, and would either advise him, or say something else to him. And as he, being often called, looked back, and stood still (enquiring who he was, and what he would) he made at Varus shoulder (which was unarmed) with his sword, and was very near killing him: howbeit he avoided the danger, by receiving the blow upon his target. Fabius was instantly enclosed about by such soldiers as were near at hand, and slain.  
In the mean time, the gates of the Camp were pestered and thronged with multitudes and troops of such as fled away, and the passage was so stopped, that more died in that place without blow or wound, then perished either in the battle or in the flight. Neither wanted they much of taking the Camp; for many left not running until they came to the town. But the nature of the place and the fortification of the Camp, did hinder their access; and Curio his men coming out, prepared only for a battle wanted such necessaries as were of use for the taking of the Camp. And therefore Curio carried back his Army, with the loss of no one man but Fabius. Of the Adversaries were slain about six hundred; and many more wounded, who all upon Curio his departure, besides many other that feigned themselves hurt, left the Camp for fear, and went into the town. Which Varus perceiving, and knowing also the astonishment of the Army, leaving a Trumpeter in the Camp, & a few Tents for show, about the third watch, he carried his Army with silence out of the Camp into the town.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
IT is a part of wisdom, 
Loco sapientiae est, alienam stu●titiam operiti.  and oftentimes a main help to victory, to attend the advantage of an Enemy's rashness, and to see if his folly will not make way to his overthrow. Whereof Curio made good use: for he kept his Army in the upper ground, until the Cavalry of the Adversary were loosely fallen into the Valley; and then set upon them, and cut them all in pieces. The sight whereof maskered the whole Army, and kept Curio in safety, upon the like disadvantage, in the cumbersome passage of the same Vale: by means whereof he put to flight the whole forces of the Enemy, and made a great slaughter in the party. Wherein I may not forget that trick of a Roman spirit, whereby the Author becometh memorable to posterity, in calling after Varus by name, to make him the sacrifice for both the Hosts. Whence we may observe, that when a battle is joined pellmell, no man can be assured in his own valour, nor share out his fortune by the length of his sword; but is oftentimes subject to weaknesses of contempt, and vanquished by such as cannot be compared unto him but in scorn.  
I have heard it reported, that at the battle of Eureux, Maturine (that known woman in France) took prisoner & disarmed a Cavalero of Spain: who being brought before the King, and by him demanded whose prisoner he was, or whether he knew the party that had forced him; answered, no; but that he knew him to be a gallant man of Arms. Whereat the king smiled: and the Gentleman, understanding what fortune he had run, was as much dismayed as a man possibly could be, that considered, Quod ferrum aequat, in bello, robustioribus imbecilliores, The sword equalleth the weakest to the strongest.    

CHAP. XV.  
Curio leaveth Utica to meet with King Juba. His Cavalry overthroweth the forces led by Sabura; which leadeth him on to his overthrow.  
THe next day Curio prepared to besiege Utica, 
Caesar.  enclosing it about with a ditch & a rampire. There were in the town a multitude of people unacquainted with war, through the long peace they had enjoyed: and the inhabitants stood very affectionate to Caesar, for many benefits they had received from him. The rest of the multitude consisted of divers sorts of men, much terrified and affrighted by the former encounters: whereupon every man spoke plainly of giving up the town, and dealt with Pub. Actius, that their fortunes and lives might not come in danger, through his pertinacy and wilfulness.  
While these things were a doing, there came messengers from King Juba, signifying, the King was at hand with great forces, and willed them to keep and defend the town. Which news did much encourage and confirm the wavering and affrighted minds of the Enemy. The same was also reported to Curio: whereunto for a while he gave no credit; such was his confidence in the success of things. And now withal, came Letters and Messengers into afric, of that which Caesar had so fortunately achieved in Spain: so that being absolutely assured with all these things, he was persuaded the king durst attempt nothing against him. But when he found by assured discovery, that his forces were within twenty five miles of Utica, leaving his works already begun, he withdrew himself into Cornelius' Camp; and began there to fortify his Camp, to get Corn and other provisions, and to furnish it with all necessaries material for a defence: and sent presently a dispatch into Sicily, that the two legions, and the rest of the Cavalry might be sent unto him.  
The Camp wherein he lay was fitly accommodated to hold out the war, as well by reason of the nature of the place, as the artificial fortifying thereof, the nearness of the sea, and the plenty of water and salt; whereof there was great quantity brought thither, from the Salt-pits near adjoining. No stuff could be wanting, through the great store of wood which was about the place, nor yet any Corn, for the plenty that was to be found in the confining fields: and thereupon, by the advice and approbation of all men, Curio resolved to attend his other forces, and to draw out the war in length.  
These things being thus disposed by the consent and liking of all men, he heard by some that lately came out of the town, that Juba was called back, by occasion of a war happened upon the confines, and that by reason of the controversies and dissensions of the Leptitanis, he was detained at home in his kingdom; but that Sabura his Lieutenant was sent with some competent forces, and was not far from Utica. To which reports giving too light and easy credit, he altered his purpose, 
* Callicratides cum Lacedae ●oniorum Dux fuisset b●llo Peloponnesiaco, mult●que egregi● fecisset, vertit ad extremum omnia. Cleombrotus, temere cum Epaminonda co●●●igens, Laced aemoniorum opes ●orrueru●t.  and resolved to put the matter to trial of battle: whereunto his youthful heat, the greatness of his courage, the success of former time, and his confidence in the managing of that war, did violently lead him. Being carried on with these inducements, he sent the first night all the Cavalry to the River Bagrada, where the Enemy lay encamped under the command of Sabura: but the king followed after with all his forces, and lay continually within six miles, or thereabouts.  
The horsemen sent before, and making their journey in the night, set upon the Enemy at unawares, and not thinking of their approach: for the Numidians lodge, scattered here and there in a barbarous manner, without any government or order. And surprising them thus oppressed with sleep, and scattered upon the ground, they slew a great number of them: the rest, in great terror and amazement, escaped by flight. Which service being thus executed, the Cavalry returned to Curio, and brought the captives unto him. Curio was gone out about the fourth watch of the night with all his forces, having left five cohorts for a garrison to his Camp: and having marched six miles, he met with the Cavalry, understood what was done, and inquired of the captives, who was General of the Camp at Bagrada. They answered, Sabura. He omitted for haste of his way to inform himself of the rest: but turning himself to the next Ensigns, said, You see, soldiers, that the confession of the captives doth agree with that which was reported by the fugitives. For the king is not come; but hath sent some small forces, which cannot make their party good with a few horsemen: and therefore hasten to take the spoil with honour and renown, that we may now at length begin to think of rewarding your merits.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
IT is observed by Marcellinus, 
Videmus ipsi quo●idie, manus inji●ientibus fatis, hebeca●i sensus hominum & obtundi.  that when misfortune cometh upon a man, his spirit groweth so dull and benumbed, as his senses seem to be dismissed of their charges. Which appeared hear in Curio: who having taken a provident and sure course, such as was approved in every man's judgement, and beseemed well the wisdom of a Commander, 
Amm. Marcellin.  did nevertheless, contrary to all sense and discretion, forgo the same, and cast himself upon the hazard of that which fugitives had vainly reported. 
Solis incredulis noxia res incredulitas. Philo de vit. Mos●.  Concerning which, as it is noted, that Incredulity is hurtful only to the unbeliever; so this passage proveth, that for a Commander to be too light of belief, is a danger to the whole Party, and bringeth many to ruin, that had no part in that creed. Caesar, in the relation hereof, noteth three special things in Curio, that carried him headlong to this disaster, and may serve as marks to avoid the like Syrteses.  
The first was, juvenilis ardour, his youthful courage and heat: which is always attended with strong affections, suiting the quality and temperature of the body, being then in the prime height of strength, & accordingly led on with violent motions; 
Hebe●iores quam acutiores ut plurimum melius rempub. admi●istrant.  whereas age goeth slowly and coldly forward, and is always surer in undertaking, than hotspur youth. And albeit no man in cold blood could better advise then Curio, or foresee with better providence; yet his youthful boldness overswaied his discourse, 
Thucydides  and drew all to a mischief, in despite of his wisdom.  
The second was, Superioris temporis proventus, the happy issue of former proceedings: which of all other conditions is to be suspected, 
Rebus secu●dis maxime deus implorand●s. lib. 1. Cyropaed.  and needeth God's assistance more than any other fortune; for that no man sooner erreth, or is more uncapable of order, than such as are in prosperity. And therefore Plato refused to make laws for them of Cyrene; 
Felicitatis & moderationis dividuum contubernium.  as a matter of great difficulty, to give ordinances to men that were in happiness. And doubtless, such is the exorbitancy of our nature, that nothing better informeth it then crosses; 
Sen.  which are as instructions and warnings, for the preventing of ruining calamities. 
— quem blanda futuris Deceptura malis, belli fortu●a rece●it.  Wherein Curio was not beholding to Fortune at all; that dandled him in her lap for a while, to cast him out at length headlong to his ruin. It had been much better, she had exchanged a frown with a favour, rather than to have given him much good together, 
Luc. lib. 4.  and reserve an irrecoverable disgrace for the upshot.  
The third was, 
Imprudentium fiducia est, fortunam sibi spondere.  Fiducia rei bene gerendae: which savoureth more of folly than any of the former; it being always an argument of an imprudent man, to assure himself of good fortune. For Presumption, 
Seneca de beneficiis.  being ever accompanied with Negligence, is subject to as many casualties, as those that go unarmed upon extremity of danger. 
Incauta semper nimia praesamptio & sui negligens. Eg●sip. lib. 1. de Instit. Cyri.  And these were the three things that miscarried Curio. Out of which we may observe with Xenophon, that Ingens & arduum opus est recte imperare, it is a weighty and difficult matter to command well.    

CHAP. XVI.  
Curio pursueth the Enemy, with more haste then good success.  
THat which the Cavalry had exploited, 
Caesar.  was certainly a matter of great service; especially the small number of them, being compared with the great multitude of the Numidians: and yet notwithstanding, they spoke of these things with greater ostentation than the truth would bear; as men are willing to divulge their own praises. Besides, they showed much spoil which they had taken; Captives and Horses were brought out; that whatsoever time was omitted, seemed to be a let and hindrance to the victory: by which means, the desires and endeavours of the Soldiers were no way short of the hope which Curio had conceived. Who commanding the Cavalry to follow him, marched forward with as much haste as he could; to the end he might find the Enemy distracted and astonished, at the flight and overthrow of their fellows. But the horsemen, having traveled all night, could by no means follow after. Whereby it happened, that some stayed in one place, some in another: yet this did not hinder or discourage Curio in his hopes.  
Juba being advertised by Sabura of the conflict in the night, sent instantly two thousand Spanish and French horse, which he kept about him for the safety of his Person, and such of the foot-troups as he most trusted, to succour and relieve him: he himself with the rest of the forces, and forty Elephants, followed softly after. Sabura, suspecting by the horsemen coming before, that Curio himself was at hand, imbattelled all his forces; commanding them, that under a pretence of counterfeit fear, they should retreat by little and little; himself, when occasion served, would give them the sign of battle, with such other directions as should be expedient.  
Curio was strengthened in his former hope, with the opinion of the present occasion. For supposing the Enemy had fled, he drew his forces from the upper ground into the Plain; wherein after he had marched a good space (the Army having travailed sixteen mile) he made a stand. Sabura gave the sign to his men of beginning the battle, led on his Army, went about his troops, to exhort and encourage his soldiers. Howbeit, he used his footmen only for a show a far off, and sent the Cavalry to give the charge. Curio was not wanting to his men; but wished them to set all their confidence in their valour. The soldiers, (howsoever harried and wearied,) and the horsemen (although but a very few, and those spent with travel) yet wanted no courage or desire to fight. But these being but two hundred in number (for the rest stayed by the way) what part of the Army soever they charged, they forced the Enemy to give way: but they could neither follow them far as they fled, nor put their horses to any round or long career.  
At length, the Cavalry of the Enemy began from both the wings to circumvent our Army, and to maul them down behind: and as our Cohorts issued out from the battle towards them, the Numidians (through their nimbleness) did easily avoid the shock; and again, as they turned back to their ranks, enclosed them about, and cut them off from the battle: so that it neither seemed safe to keep their order and place, nor to advance themselves out, and undergo the hazard of adventure.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
THe Principles and Maxims of War are always to be held firm, when they are taken with their due circumstances: for every Rule hath a qualified state, and consisteth more in cautions and exceptions, then in authority of precept. It is true, that nothing doth more advantage a victory, than the counsel of Lamachus, the third Duke of the Athenians; which was, 
Thucyd. lib. 7.  to set upon an Enemy when he is affrighted and distracted: for so there is nothing to be expected on is behalf but despair and confusion. But either to be mistaken therein, or otherwise to make such haste to observe this rule of war (as Curio did) that the best part of the Army shall he by the way, and the rest that go on shall be so spent with labour, as they are altogether unfit for service, and yet (to make the matter worse) to bring them into a place of disadvantage, to encounter a strong and fresh Enemy, is to make the circumstances oversway the Rule, and by a Maxim of War, to be directed to an overthrow: neglecting altogether that which is observed by Sextus Aurelius Victor, Satis celeriter fit, quicquid commode geritur, that which is well done, is done soon enough.    

CHAP. XVII.  
Curio defeated and slain. Some few of the Army get passage to S●cily: the rest yield themselves to Varus.  
THe Enemy was oftentimes renforced by succours from the King. 
Caesar.  our men had spent their strength, and fainted through weariness: such as were wounded, could neither leave the battle, nor be conveyed into a place of safety. The whole Army being encompassed about with the Cavalry of the Enemy (whereby despairing of their safety, as men commonly do, when their life draws towards an end) they either lamented their own death, or recommended their friends to good fortune, if it were possible that any might escape out of that danger: all parts were filled with fear and lamentation.  
Curio, when he perceived the soldiers to be so affrighted, that they gave care neither to his exhortations nor entreaties, he commanded them (as the last hope they had of safety) that they should all fly unto the next hills, and thither he commanded the Ensigns to be carried. But the Cavalry sent by Sabura had also possessed that place before; whereby our men began to fall into utter despair, and partly were slain as they fled by the horsemen, or fell down without wounding. Cn. Domitius, General of the horse, standing with a few horsemen about him, persuaded Curio to save himself by slight, and to get the Camp; promising not to leave or forsake him. But Curio confidently replied, that he would never come in Caesar's sight, having lost the Army committed unto him; and thereupon fight valiantly was slain.  
A few horsemen saved themselves from the fury of the battle; but such of the Rearward, as stayed by the way to refresh their horses, perceiving a far off the rout and flight of the whole Army, returned safe into the Camp. The footmen were all slain to a man. M. Rufus the Treasurer, being left by Curio in the Camp, exhorted his men not to be discouraged. They prayed and besought him, they might be transported into Sicily. He promised them they should; and to that end gave order to the Masters of ships, that the next evening they should bring all the skiffs to the shore. But such was the astonishment and terror of all men, that some gave out, that Juba his forces were already come; others, that Varus was at hand with the legions, and that they saw the dust of the Army marching towards them; whereas there was no such matter at all: others suspected the Enemy's Navy would speedily make to them; insomuch as every man shifted for himself: such as were already on shipboard made haste to be gone. Their departure gave occasion to the ships of burden to follow after.  
A few small Barks were obedient to the command: but the shore being thronged with soldiers, such was the contention, which of all that multitude should get aboard, that some of the Barks were sunk with press of people, and the rest, for fear of the like casualty, durst not come near them. Whereby it happened, that a few soldiers, and Masters of families (that through favour or pity prevailed to be taken in, or could swim unto the ships) were carried back safe into Sicily. The rest of the forces, sending by night some of the Centurions as Ambassadors to Varus, rendered themselves unto him.  
The next day after, Juba seeing the Cohorts of these soldiers before the town, cried out presently, that they were part of his booty: and thereupon gave order that a great number of them should be slain, and selecting a few of the rest, sent them into his kingdom: Varus complaining in the mean while, that his faith and promise was violated, and yet durst not resist it. The King road into the town, attended with many S●nationns, amongst 〈◊〉 was Ser. Sulpitius, and Licinius Damasippus: and remaining there a few days, gave such order for things as he thought fit, and then returned to his kingdom, with all his forces.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
ANd this was the period which Divine power made, 
— ●aetis h●nc n●mine rebus Ciescendi posuere modum— Lucan.  to the hopeful beginning of Curio's design upon afric; and happened so suddenly, as they were lost ere they were aware: Like a tempest at Sea, that swalloweth up vessels in the same place, 
Eodem ubi laserunt, navigia forbentur: Seneca Epist. 4.  where a little before they swum most proudly, and in the like irrecoverable manner. For war is not capable of a second error; one fault being enough to ruin an Army, and to disable Curio for ever doing the like: of whom Lucan hath left this memorial; 
Non est in b●llo bis pecca●e.   
Haud alium tanta Civem tulit tudole Roma, 
Plu●a●ch.   
Aut cui plus leges deberent recta sequenti.  
Perdita nunc primum nocuerunt secula, postquam  
Ambitus, & luxus, & opum metuenda facultas,  
Transverso, mentem dubiam torrente tulerunt;  
Momentumque fuit mutatus Curio rerum,  
Gallorum captus spoliis & Caesaris Auro.  
So virtuous Citizen Rome never bred;  
Whilst right, the Laws a friend like him ne'er had.  
But the bad times first took him from his hold:  
Ambition, Riot, and the force of Gold  
In a wrong stream soon drew his wavering mind,  
Of great concern which way so e'er inclined,  
Fetched off with gallic spoils and Caesar's gifts.  
His body lay unburied, 
Nullo contectus Curio busto. Luc.  as a witness of Numidian hate (which is always extreme, like the heat of the Country) and of Juba's particular revenge, for tendering an Edict to the people, to confiscate his kingdom.  
To conclude this Commentary; The loss either Party sustained unto this stage of the War, was in these particulars: Pompey was driven out of Italy, lost Marseilles, and both the Provinces of Spain; Caesar received this loss in afric, besides that in the Adriatic sea, where Antonius miscarried, whereof he maketh no mention in these Commentaries. And, 
Homer.  as when Jupiter weighed the fortune of the Greeks and the Troyans' in a pa●re of Balance, 
Iliad. 8.  it fell out the Greeks had more ill luck than the Troyans'; so the fortune of these Parties being weighed, by the relation made thereof, it falleth plainly out, that Pompey had the worse.  
And thus endeth the second Commentary.     

The Third Commentary of the civil Wars.  
The Argument.  
THe former Books contain the drifts and designs which these famous Chiefs attempted and prosecuted, while they were asunder. And now cometh their buckling at hand to be related; together with the judgement which the War gave of the Cause in question, on Caesar's behalf.  

CHAP. I.  
Caesar giveth order at Rome, for matter of Credit and Usury, and other things.  
CAesar the Dictator holding the assembly for election of Magistrates, 
Caesar.  Julius Caesar and Pub. Servilius were created Consuls: for in that year he was capable by law to be chosen thereunto. These things being ended, forasmuch as he found that credit was very scant throughout all Italy, and that money sent upon trust was not paid; he gave order that Arbitratours should be appointed, to make an estimation of possessions and goods, according as they were valued before the war; and that the Creditors should take them at that rate for their moneys. For this course he thought to be fittest, and expedient, as well for the taking away of any fear of composition, or new assurances, for the quitting and abolishing of all debts (which do commonly fall out upon wars and civil broils,) as also for the keeping and preserving of the Debtors credit.  
In like manner, he restored the ancient course of Appeal, made by the Praetors and Tribunes to the people; as also certain courses used in suing for Magistracy (which were taken away by a law made in Pompey's time, when he kept the legions about him in the City;) and likewise reform such judgements in suits and trials of law, as were given in Cases, when the matter in controversy was heard by one judge, and the sentence pronounced the same day by another judge. Last of all, whereas divers stood condemned, for offering their service unto him in the beginning of the Civil war, if he should think it fit to accept thereof; and holding himself as much obliged unto them, as if he had used it: he thought it best expedient for them, to be acquitted by the people, rather than by his commandment and authority; lest he should either seem ungrateful, in not acknowledging their deserts; or arrogant, in assuming to himself that which belonged to the people.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
CAesar, as he was Dictator, holding the assembly for the choice of Magistrates, himself with P. Servilius Isauricus were made Consuls, in the year of Rome 705. which was just ten years after his first Consulship; whereby he became capable thereof, by the law published by Sylla, wherein it was provided, That no man should be chosen to an office, within ten years after he had supplied the same. In this year happened all these things which are contained in this third Commentary; as Paterculus noteth in these words; C. Caesar and P. Servilius being Consuls, Pompey was miserably maslacred, after three Consulships, and three Triumphs; and was slain, the day before his birthday, being aged 58 years. The Choice day was regularly the first of january: and the Assembly was called Comitium Centuriatum.  
Touching the difference of these Assemblies, the parties present thereat, the manner of the choice, and other circumstances appertaining, the Reader may receive information at large by Rossius. 
Lib. 6. de comitiis.  Only it is to be remembered, that Comitia Centuriata were never holden without consent of the Senate. And forasmuch as the chief part of them were with Pompey, Lucan taketh exception at this Creation.  
— moerentia tecta  
Caesar habet, 
Lib. 5.  vacuasque domos legesque silentes,  
Clausaque justitio tristi fora. Curia solos  
Illa videt Patres, plena quos urbe fugavit.  
Sad roofs and empty houses Caesar found.  
The laws were silenced, & the Courts shut up.  
No Fathers met in Senate, only they,  
Who when the town was full were forced away.  
The persons that were suitors for the Consulship, were called Candidati; who oftentimes used extraordinary means to attain the same. This moved Pompey to make a law, 
Anno 〈◊〉. 701.  That no man should sue for public offices by bribes, or other corrupt courses; and it was called Lex de Ambitu. which indeed was but renewed: 
Liv. lib. 7.  for the same was set on foot, 
Liv. lib. 9  Anno Urb. 395. by Petilius, Tribune of the people; and renewed again by Pub. Cornelius Cethegus, Anno 572; and within a while after made capital, as far as banishment concerned the party. Coponius was so condemned, having bought a voice with an 
* Four gallons and a half. Plin. l. 35. cap. 12.  Amphora of wine. The law which Pompey now made, was very strict, as 
* Lib. 39  Dio noteth: for it was ordained, That upon producing of witnesses, the Process should end in a day giving the Accuser two hours to lay open the matter, and the Defender three to make answer; and the Judgement instantly followed. The rigour of which law Caesar here reform.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
THe second thing I observe, is the difficulty of taking up money upon credit, in time of trouble or wars: which Caesar expresseth in these terms; Cum fides tota Italia esset angustior, in regard credit was very scant throughout all Italy. The word Fides hath ever been taken for a real performance of any promise or agreement, 
Lib. 1. offic. Nec enim 〈◊〉 vehementius rempub. conti●t quam sides.  which Tully calleth the foundation of Justice, and the very prop of a Commonweal; taking the Etymon to grow, quia siat quod dictum, because that which was spoken is done. According to that of Nonius Marcellus; Fides nomen ipsum videtur habere, 
Lib. 2. offic.  cum sit quod dicitur, Fides seems to have its appellation, when that's done which was spoken. And for that men commonly are covenant-keepers, not so much by the perfection of their nature, as out of strictness of law, it falleth out, that where there are no laws, there is no performance; and consequently, little or no credit either given or kept in time of War, because Silent leges inter arma, Laws are silenced in time of war.  
Caesar to provide for this inconvenience, appointed Commissioners to rate every man's lands and possessions, 
In the life of Julius Caesar.  as they were valued before the wars, and to satisfy the Creditors with the same. Which Plutarch explaineth in this manner; That the Creditors should take yearly two parts of the revenue of their Debtors, until such time as they had paid themselves; & that the Debtors should have the other third to live withal. Whereof it seemed he had some light, by a precedent in the Consulship of Valerius Publicola, which is extant in Livy; Novi consules foenebrem quoque rem levare aggressi, 
Lib. 7.  solutionem aeris alieni in publicam curam verterant, quinque viris creatis, quos mensarios, ab dispensatione pecuniae appellarunt: The new Consuls intending to ease the people in point of Usury, made the payment of debts a part of the public care, and created five men to that purpose, who were called Mensarii, from their disposal of those moneys.  
This general acquittance for debts, the Romans called Novae Tabulae; in this respect, as Coelius Rhodiginus hath it, 
Lib. 7.  Quod cum pecuniae creditae obaeratis condonantur, novae mox cooriuntur Tabulae, quibus nomina continentur nova; in regard that when the debt was remitted to the debtor, new Tables were made, wherein new names were put; and is nothing else, but what is ordinary amongst our Bankrupts, compounding for so much in the pound with their Creditors, upon new assurance, and other security, which they called Novae Tabulae; agreeing to that of Tully: Tabulae vero novae quid habent argumenti, 
2. Offic.  nisi ut emas mea pecunia fundum, eum tu habeas, ego non habeam pecuniam? What else mean these new Tables, but that you shall buy a piece of ground with my money, and keep it to yourself, whilst I go without my money?  
Concerning matter of Usury, which was the ground of this mischief, Tacitus noteth it, as an old and deadly disease, 
Vetus urbi foenebre malum, & seditionum discordiarumque crebe●rima causa.  and the cause of many seditions in that Empire; and is never better likened, then to the biting of a Serpent, called an Aspic, which, upon the infusion of her venom, putteth the Patient into a heavy slumber; and in a short time, bringeth all a man's substance to death and destruction. 
Annal. 6:  And thereupon it is called Foenus à foetu, from the fertile and ample increase of money. For, as Basil noteth, The Labourer loseth the seed, and contenteth himself with the fruit or increase: but the Usurer will have the fruit, and yet not lose the seed. Whereby there must needs grow great increase. The law of the twelve Tables was, Ne quis unciario foenore amplius exerceto, That no man for the future take upon Use one in the hundred.  
The highest rate was Centesima Usura; when the hundredth part of the principal was paid every month to the Creditor, and was twelve per Cent. The next was Usura deunx, when the Debtor paid eleven in the hundred for a year. The third Dextans, which was 10 per Cent. Dodrans 9 Bes 8. Septunx usura, 7. Semis 6. Quincunx 5. Triens 4. Quadrants 3. Sextans 2. Unciaria, one in the hundred. 
Tull 2. offic.  Howbeit, Cato condemned all kind of usury: for, being demanded, Quid maxim in re familiari expediret? respondit, bene pascere: quid secundum? satis bene pascere: quid tertium? been vestire: quid quartum? arare. Et cum ille qui quaesierat dixisset, Quid foenerari? Quid hominem inquit occidere? what was the most expedient thing in householdry; answered, good diet: what the second; enough good diet: what the third; good clothes: what the fourth; ploughing. And when he that questioned him thus, said, What think you of taking use? 
Pecuniae qu●ren●●● ratio naturae consentanea omnibus est, à fructibus & animalibus. de repub. lib. 1. cap. 10.  he replied, What is it to kill a man? Allowing (as it seemeth) no means of getting money, but those which Aristotle took to be most agreeing to Nature: which is from the fruits of the earth, and the increase of our cattle; with such other courses as are answerable thereunto.    

CHAP. II.  
A particular view of Pompey's forces.  
IN the accomplishing of these things, 
Caesar.  as also celebrating the Latin Holidays, and holding the Assemblies of the people, having spent eleven days, he gave over his Dictatorship, left the City, and came to Brundisium. For he had commanded seven legions, and all his Cavalry to repair thither. Howbeit, he found no more shipping ready, then would hardly transport fifteen thousand legionary soldiers, and five hundred horse; the want of shipping seeming to hinder him from bringing the war to a speedy end. Moreover, those forces which were shipped, were but weak; in regard that many of them were lost in the wars of Gallia, and lessened likewise by their long journey out of Spain: besides that the unwholesome Autumn in Apulia, and about Brundisium, had made the whole Army ill disposed, being newly come out of the sweet air of Gallia and Spain.  
Pompey having had a years space to provide himself of men and munition, and neither war nor enemy to trouble him, had got together a great Navy out of Asia, from the Cyclade Isles, Corcyra, Athens, Pontus, Bythinia, Syria, Cilicia, Phoenicia, and Egypt; and had caused another as great a fleet to be built in all places fit for that purpose; had raised great sums of money out of Asia, and Syria, and of all the Kings, Dynastes, Tetrarches, and free States of Achaia; and had likewise compelled the Corporations of those Provinces to contribute the like sum. He had enroled nine legions of Roman Citizens: five which he had transported out of Italy; one old legion out of Sicily, which being compounded and made of two, he called the ●win; 
Gen  one out of Crect and Macedonia●old ●old soldiers, who being discharged by 〈…〉 those Provinces; and 〈…〉 of Asia▪ which Lentulus the Consul had caused to be enroled. Besides, he had distributed amongst those legions, under the 〈…〉 supply, a great number of Thessaly, 〈…〉, and Epirus.  
Amongst these he had mingled antony's soldiers: and besides these, he expected to be brought by Scipio, out of Syria, two legions. Of Archers out of Crete, Lacedaemon, Pontus. and Syria, and the rest of the Cities, he had 3000; six cohorts of Slingers, two Mercenary, & 7000 horse. Whereof Deiotarus had brought 600 Galls; Ariobarzanes 500 out of Cappadocia; Cotus out of Thracia had sent the like number, under the leading of his son Sadalis. From Macedonia came 200, commanded by Rascipolis, a Captain of great fame and virtue. From Alexandria came 500, part Galls, and part Germans; which A. Gabinius had left there with King Ptolemy, to defend the Town. Pompey the son had brought with the Navy, 800 of his shepherds and servants. Tarcondarius, Castor, and Donilaus, had sent three hundred out of Gallograecia; of whom, one came himself, and the other sent his son. Two hundred were sent out of Syria, by Comagenus of Antioch, whom Pompey had presented with great gifts: most of which were Arbalestriers on horseback.  
To these were added dardan's, and Bessi, partly for pay and entertainment, and partly got by command or favour; besides Macedonians, Thessalians, and of divers other Nations and Cities: insomuch as he filled up the number formerly spoken of. He provided great quantity of Corn out of Thessaly, Asia, Crete, Cyrene, and the rest of those Regions. He determined to winter at Dyrrachium, Apollonia, and all the maritime towns, to keep Caesar from passing the Sea: and to that end, he had laid and disposed his Navy all along the Sea-coast. Pompey the son was Admiral of the Egyptian ships; D. Laelius and C. Triarius, of those that came out of Asia. C. Cassius commanded them of Syria; and C. Marcellus, with C. Pomponius, the ships of Rhodes. Scribonius Libo and M. Octavius had charge of the Liburnian and Achaean Navy. Howbeit M. Bibulus commanded in chief in all sea causes; and to him was left the superintendency of the Admiralty.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
COncerning these Latinae Feriae, 
Latinae Feriae.  it is to be noted, that the Romans had two sorts of Feriae, or Holidays; the one called Annals, which came always to be kept on a certain day, and thereupon were called Anniversarii, or, yearly: the other, Conceptivae; which were arbitrary, and solemnised upon such days, as the Magistrates and Priests thought most expedient, whereof these Latinae Feriae were chief; and were kept on Mount Alban, to Jupiter Latiar or Latialis, for the health and preservation of all the Latin people, in league and confederacy with the people of Rome, and were solemnised in remembrance of the truce between those two Nations: during which feast, the Romans held it unlawful to make any war. The sacrifice was a white Bull, killed and offered by the Consuls, and the flesh distributed to the inhabitants of Latium; according to an ancient Treaty of alliance between them, engraven for a perpetual memory, in a Column of brass. The particulars whereof are expressed at large by Dionysius Halicarnasseus. 
Lib. 4 de Antiquit. Rom.    

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
THe second thing coming to be noted, is the view taken of Pompey's forces: which are nine complete legions, besides the supplies here particularly mentioned, sent from such as bare affection to that Party; and, by indifferent calculation, might amount in all, to near about threescore thousand men, together with the favour of the Country, where the trial was to be made by the stroke of War.  
In which Muster were the soldiers of C. Antonius; whose misfortune these Commentaries have either willingly forgot, or some other chance hath wiped it clean out. 
Lib. 4. cap. 2  Howbeit Florus hath it recorded, that Caesar having sent Dolabella and Antonius to seize upon the straits, and entrance of the Adriatic sea, the one took hold of the coast of Sclavonia, and the other near unto Corfu: when upon a sudden came Octavius and Libo, Pompey's Lieutenants, and with great forces (they had aboard their ships) surprised both the one and the other; whereby Antonius was constrained to yield up fifteen Companies, which were these soldiers of Antonius hear mentioned.  
Rascipolis, or Rascupolis, was a Thracian of great fame, that followed Pompey; and his brother Rascus betook himself to Caesar, upon an appointment made between themselves. For finding in the Country where they dwelled, 
Appian. lib. 4.  two great Factions in opposition, & doubting which Party to take, they divided themselves, as the best approved part of Neutrality: and held likewise the same course, in the war between Brutus and Octavius, continuing unto the battle of Philippi. Upon the issue whereof, Rascus demanded no other reward for his service, than the life of his brother: which was easily granted.  
This Bibulus, Pompey's high Admiral, was fellow-Consul with Caesar, in the year of Rome 694. but Caesar so outstripped him in the managing of things, that he much suspected himself, as insufficient for the place: which made him keep his house all that year. Whereupon came this Distich;  
Non Bibulo quicquam nuper, sed Caesare factum:  
Nam Bibulo fieri Consule nil memini.  
Caesar did all, nought Bibulus did do:  
Of Consul Bibulus no act I know.    

CHAP. III.  
Caesar passeth over into Greece, and returneth his shipping to Brundisium. Octavius besiegeth Salonae.  
CAesar upon his arrival at Brundisium, 
Caesar.  called the soldiers together; and showed them, that forasmuch as they were almost come to an end of all their labours and dangers, they would now be content to leave willingly behind them their servants and carriages in Italy, and go aboard clear of those incumberments, to the end, the greater number of soldiers might be taken in; and that they should expect the supply of all these things from victory, and his liberality. Every man cried out, That he should command what he would, and they would willingly obey it.  
The second of the Nones of January, he weighed Anchor, having (as is formerly showed) shipped seven legions. The next day he came to land at the Promontory of Ceraunium, having got a quiet road amongst the Rocks and places of danger. For doubting how he might safely venture upon any of the known Ports of that Coast, (which he suspected to be kept by the Enemy) he made choice of that place which is called Pharsalus; and there arriving in safety with all his ships, he landed his soldiers.  
At the same time, Lucretius Vespillo and Minutius Rufus (by order from Laelius) were at Oricum, with eighteen ships of Asia: and M. Bibulus was likewise at Corfu, with one hundred and ten ships. But neither durst those come out of the Port, although Caesar had not in all above twelve ships of war, to wa●t him over; amongst which, he himself was embarked: neither could Bibulus come soon enough, his ships being unready, and his Mariners ashore; for that Caesar was descried near the Continent, before there was any bruit of his coming in all those Regions. The soldiers being landed, he sent back the same night the shipping to Brundisium; that the other legions, and the Cavalry might be brought over.  
Fusius Calenus, the Legate, had the charge of this service, and was to use all celerity in transporting over the legions: but setting out late, and omitting the opportunity of the night wind, they failed of their purpose in returning back. For Bibulus being certified at Corsu of Caesar's arrival, and hoping to meet with some of the ships of burden, met with the empty ships going back to Brundisium: and having taken thirty of them, he wreaked his anger (conceived through grief and omission) and set them all on fire, consuming therein both the Masters, and the Mariners; hoping by the rigour of that punishment, to terrify the rest.  
This being done, he possessed all the Coast, from Salonae to Oricum, with ships and men of war; appointing guards with more diligence then formerly had been used. He himself, in the depth of Winter, kept watch a shipboard, not refusing any labour or duty, nor expecting any succour, if he happened to meet with Caesar. But after the departure of the Liburnian Galleys, M. Octavius, with such ships as he had with him, came from Illyricum to Salonae; and there having incited the Dalmatians, and other barbarous people, drew Hissa from Caesar's party. And finding that he could not move them of Salonae, neither with promise nor threatenings, he resolved to besiege the Town. The place was strong by nature, through the advantage of a Hill; and the Roman Citizens (there inhabiting) had made towers of wood to ●ortifie it within: but finding themselves too weak to make resistance (being wearied out and spent with wounds) they fell at length to the last refuge of all; which was, to enfranchize all their bondslaves, above the age of fourteen years; and cutting their women's hair, they made Engines thereof.  
Their resolution being known, Octavius encompassed the town about with five Camps: and at one instant of time began to force them by siege, and by assault. They being resolved to undergo all extremities, were much pressed through want of Corn; and thereupon sending Messengers to Caesar, sought help of him. Other inconveniences they endured as they might.  
And after a long time, when the continuance of the siege had made the Octavians remiss and negligent (taking the opportunity of the noon time, when the Enemy was retired aside, and placing their children and women on the wall, that nothing might seem omitted of that which was usual) they themselves, together with such as they had lately infranchized, broke into the next Camp unto the Town. Which being taken, with the same violence they set upon another; and then upon the third, and so upon the fourth, and in the end, upon the fifth; driving the Enemy out of all the Camps: and having slain a great number, they forced Octavius, and the rest remaining, to betake them to their ships; and so the siege ended. For Octavius despairing to take the Town, the Winter approaching, and having received such losses, retired to Pompey at Dyrrachium.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
IT hath been generally conceived, that there is little or no use of women in times of war, but that they are a burden to such as seek honour by deeds of Arms; and do better suit the licentiousness of peace, than the dangers of warfare. Whereof Andromache is made an instance; 
Iliad. 6.  from that which Homer reporteth of her tears, sighs, and prayers, to withdraw Hector from those valorous exploits, which he undertook for the defence of Troy. And therefore they are by Ovid wished to handle the distaff and the spindle, and leave the wars, as fitter for men, than the weakness of their Sex.  
— columque  
ay cape cum calathis, 
12 Metam.  & stamina pollice torque:  
Bella relinque viris—  
God take thy basket on thy head,  
And at the distaff twist thy thread.  
Leave wars to men—  
Nevertheless it cannot be denied, that howsoever soever the tenderness of women doth require a passive course of life, under the shelter of a safe roof, rather than in the bleak storms of active endeavour; yet there have been some Viragoes, that have overtopped the pride of men in points of war: 
Iust. lib. 1.  amongst whom, Semiramis may lead the rest; 
Herodot. lib. 2.  together with Tomyris, Cyrus' Mistress by conquest. As also Zen●bia, that subdued the Persians; 
Treble. Pol Sigism. Ba●in Musc●●.  and Helena, Queen of the Russes.  
Besides other noble spirits, that could answer such as told them news of the death of their sons in battle, That they had brought them into the world for that only purpose. Which do prove, as well a real, as a potential aptness of that Sex, to the use and practice of Arms.  
And if any man (as unwilling to afford them so much worth) will know wherein they avail the fortune of a War, 
Quod Fonestias quam ●xo●i●m levamentum 〈◊〉 Tac. l. 3. Annal.  he may take notice, that even in expeditions (wherein they are most subject to exceptions) they always give acceptable assistances to their Husbands, both in their provisions, and otherwise; and are such Companions, 
Vix praesenti custedia manere illaesa conjugi●, modem.  as can hardly be left at home, without danger of greater hazard.  
But in places besieged, women do not only afford hair to make ropes, if need require (as it fell out in this siege) but are able to cast pieces of Millstones upon the Enemy, 
judg. 9  with better fortune sometimes then any other man: and have thereby slain the General, to the raising of the siege, and saving of the City.  
But to take instances of later times: It is not to be forgotten, that when the Archduke Mathias (after the death of Count Mansfield commanded the Christian Army, at the siege of Strigonium; 
Anno 1595.  while the Turks, within the Castle, were making works for a retreat, the women (in the mean time) made good the breaches; and there bestowed such store of Wildfire, that the Italian Squadrons (commanded by Aldobrandine) being joined poldron to poldron, to press into the breach, seemed all of a fire at once, and were forced to fall off with great terror and confusion.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
A Town assaulted by a warlike Enemy, is not kept or freed with Charms or Spells; or as the Inhabitants of Tomby, in the East Indies, drove away the portugals, with Hives of Bees, when they were possessed of the walls: but with such valour as may overmaster the Enemy, and extend itself to the taking of five Camps, if need require; which was performed by these Inhabitants of Salonae.    

CHAP. III.  
Caesar sendeth to Pompey, touching a Peace; taketh in Oricum, Apollonia, and other places.  
IT is before declared, 
Caesar.  that Vibullius Rufus (one of Pompey's Lieutenants) was twice taken by Caesar, and dismissed; once at Corfinum, and a second time in Spain. Him did Caesar deem (in regard of the favours which he had showed him) to be a sit person, to be sent with a Message to Pompey; and the rather, for that he understood, that he was in good account and credit with him.  
The sum of his Commission was, 
Qui sapiunt, bellum absolvunt celeriter; pace fru●ntur quam possant d●utissime. Appian.  to tell him, That it beseemed them both to give an end to their wilfulness, to lay down their Arms, and not to tempt Fortune any longer; either side had been sufficiently afflicted with loss and damages: which might serve for instruction and example to avoid other inconveniences. He for his part was driven out of Italy, with the loss of Sicily, Sardinia, and the two Provinces of Spain, as also of one hundred and thirty cohorts of Roman Citizens in Spain and Italy. Himself was afflicted with the death of Curio, with the loss of the African Army, and with the rendry of the soldiers at Corfu. And therefore they should have regard of themselves, and of the Commonwealth.  
They had good experience by their own losses, what Fortune could do in war. This was the only time to treat of peace, whilst either Party stood confident in his own strength, and seemed of equal might and power. But if Fortune should chance to sway to one side, he that thought he had the better end of the staff, would never hearken to any conditions of peace, nor content himself with a reasonable part, because his hope would give him all.  
Concerning the Articles of Treaty, forasmuch as they could not agree thereof themselves, they ought to seek them from the Senate and people of Rome. In the meanwhile, it was fit that the Commonwealth and themselves should rest satisfied, if (without further delay) both of them did take an oath in the presence of their Armies, to dismiss their forces within three days next following; to lay down Arms, and send away their Auxiliary troops, wherein they so relied; and consequently, to depend upon the judgement and decree of the people of Rome. For assurance whereof on his behalf, he would presently discharge as well his forces in the field, as those in garrison.  
Vibullius, having received these instructions from Caesar (thinking it no less requisite to advertise Pompey of Caesar's arrival, that he might consult of that, before he delivered what he had in charge) posted night and day, taking at every stage fresh horse; that he might certify Pompey, that Caesar was at hand with all his forces.  
Pompey was at that time in Candavia, and went out of Macedonia to Winter in Apollonia, and at Dy●rachium. But being troubled at the news, he made towards Apollonia by great journeys, lest Caesar should possess himself of the maritime Cities.  
Caesar having landed his forces, went the next day to Oricum. Upon his approach, L. Torquatus, who commanded the town under Pompey, and had there a garrison of Parthians, shutting the gates, went about to defend the place, commanding the Grecians to take Arms, and make good the walls. But they refusing to fight against the power and authority of the people of Rome, and the townsmen endeavouring of their own accord to receive Caesar in; he opened the gates, despairing of all other succours, gave up both himself and the town to Caesar, and was entertained by him in safety. Oricum being taken in by Caesar, without any further delay he went to Apollonia.  
His coming being heard of, L. Straberius, the Governor, began to carry water into the Citadel, to fortify it, and to require pledges of the inhabitants. They, on the other side, denied to give any, or to shut their gates against the Consul, or of themselves to take a resolution contrary to that which all Italy and the people of Rome had thought convenient. Their affections being known, he secretly conveyed himself away. The Apollonians sent Commissioners to Caesar, and received him into the town. The Bellidenses followed their example, and the Amatini, together with the rest of the confining Cities. And to conclude, all Epirus sent unto Caesar, promising to do what he commanded. But Pompey understanding of these things, which were done at Oricum and Apollonia, fearing Dyrrachium, posted thither night and day. Howbeit, upon the report of Caesar's approach, the Army was so astonished, that for haste on their way, they left almost all their Ensigns in Epi●us and the confining Regions: and many of them (casting away their Arms) seemed rather to fly, then to march as soldiers.  
As they came near to Dyrrachium, Pompey made a stand, and caused the Camp to be entrenched; whenas yet the Army was so affrighted, that Labienus stood out first, and took a solemn oath, Never to forsake Pompey, but to undergo what chance soever Fortune had allotted him. The same oath took the Legates; being seconded by the Tribunes of the shoulders, and Centurions, and by all the Army, that took the like oath.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
UNum est tempus (saith Caesar) the pace agendi, dum uterque sibi confidit, & pares ambo videntur; The only time to treat of peace is, whilst either party is confident of his strength, and both seem of equal might and power. Which may serve for an excellent Rule, to point out the fittest and seasonablest time for composition between two opposite Parties. For as in quantities, equality begetteth equality, and disparity a like unevenness of nature; so in other things, as namely in Treaties of Agreement, the conditions do commonly rise to either Party, according as they stand balanced in the scale of Equality; or otherwise, as the difference of their means shall allot them. For if that be true in the Extremity, 
Leges à victoribus 〈…〉 a victis. lib. 4.  which Curtius hath, That Laws are given by Conquerors, and accepted upon all conditions, by them that are subdued; it doth consequently follow in the Mean, that men find dealing proportionable to their fortune. 
〈◊〉 in aeq●abi itate, mot●m in inaequalitate s●mper constit●im●s. In Tim●o.  To which purpose is that of Plato, where he saith, That Peace and Quietness consist in equality; as Trouble and Motion are always in inequality.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
IT appeareth here by the fright and astonishment of Pompey's Army, that the course he took to abandon Italic, was out of no good advice or direction. For whereas he might with far more honour, and no less hope of success, have contested with Caesar, in the place where the war broke out, and kept him to a task which should have held him from the conquest of Spain, or such other achievements as he easily wrought in the absence of his Adversaries: it fell out, that his departure into Greece sorted to no other end, then by time to abate the edge of the forwardest courages, and to suffer a numerous Army to be daunted with noise and clamours of continual victories, gotten upon a part of themselves; and then to give occasion to the Conqueror to come in the 〈◊〉 of Fame, and take them disarmed of expectation, to their great amazement.    

CHAP. V.  
Caesar taketh up his lodging for Winter. Bibulus distressed at Sea for want of provisions, seemeth desirous of a Treaty: which being carried on the other side with good caution, breaketh off again.  
CAesar understanding that his passage to Dyrrachium was thus intercepted, 
Caesar.  did forbear his haste, and encamped himself upon the River Apsus, in the confines of the Apollonians; that by the means of his Guards and Forts, such Cities as had well deserved of him, might be in safety: and there determined to winter, in Tents of skin, and to attend the coming of his other legions out of Italy. The like did Pompey, pitching his Camp on the other side of the River Apsus; and there assembled all his troops and foreign aids. Calenus having (according to Caesar's directions) embarked the legions and Cavalry at Brundisium, and taken in as many as his shipping would contain, he set sail: but being gone a little out of the Port, he received Letters of advice from Caesar, that all the Havens and the Sea-coast was kept with the Enemy's fleet. Whereupon he made again into the Haven, and called back all the ships: only one, holding on her course, without regard of the command, carrying no soldiers, but belonging to private men, arrived at Oricum, and there was taken by Bibulus; who spared neither bond nor free, of as many as were of age, but put all to the sword. Whereby it happened, that in a moment of time, by great chance the whole Army was saved.  
Bibulus, as is before declared, lay at Oricum with his Navy. And as he kept the Sea and the Ports from Caesar; so was he kept from landing in any of those Countries: for all the Sea-coast was kept by Guards and Watches set along the shore, that he could neither water, get wood, nor bring his ships to land upon any occasion: Insomuch as he was brought into great straightness and exigence, for want of all necessaries; and was constrained (besides all other provisions) to fetch his water and wood from Corfu. And one time amongst the rest it happened, that the weather being foul, they were forced to relieve themselves with the dew which in the night time fell upon the skins, that covered the Decks of the ships. All which extremities they patiently endured; and would by no means be brought to leave the Ports, or abandon the Sea-coast.  
But as they were in these difficulties, and that Libo and Bibulus were come together, they both of them spoke from a-shipboard to M. Acilius and Statius Murcus, Legates (of whom one was Governor of the Town, and the other had the charge of such Guards as were along the shore) signifying, that they would willingly talk with Caesar of matters of great consequence, if they might have leave. For a better show and assurance whereof, they intimated something concerning a Composition. In the mean time they earnestly desired there might be a truce: for the thing they propounded imported matter of great weight, which they knew Caesar exceedingly affected; and it was thought that Bibulus was able to work somewhat to that purpose.  
Caesar at that time was gone with one legion to take in some towns farther off, and to set a course for provision of Corn, which was brought sparingly unto him; and was then at Buthrotum, opposite to Corfu. Being certified there by Letters from Acilius and Murcus, of that which Libo and Bibulus had required, he left the legion, and returned himself to Oricum. At his arrival thither, they were called out to treat. Libo came forth, and excused Bibulus, for that he was exceeding choleric, and had besides conceived a great anger at Caesar, about the Aedility and Praetorship: and in regard of that, he did shun the Conference, lest a matter of that utility and importance should be disturbed by his intemperate carriage. Pompey, he said, always was desirous that matters might be accorded, and that Arms might be laid aside: but they of themselves could do nothing therein; forasmuch as by the general resolution of a Council, the superintendency of the war, and the disposition of all things were referred to Pompey. Howbeit, when they understood what Caesar required, they would send instantly a dispatch unto Pompey, and be a means that he should accomplish all things with good satisfaction. In the mean time let there be a truce; and until an answer might be returned from him, let neither Party offend one another. To this he added somewhat concerning the Cause in question, the forces and aids. To which Caesar did not think it fit at that time to make any answer: nor do we think there is cause now to make mention thereof.  
Caesar required, that it might be lawful for him to send Ambassadors to Pompey without danger; and that they would undertake, that such as he sent, might be well entreated, or take them into their charge, and bring them safely to Pompey. Concerning the Truce, the course of the war fell out to be so carried, that they, with their Navy, did keep his ships and succours from coming unto him; and he, on the other side, did prohibit them from, landing, or taking in fresh water: and if they would have that granted unto them, let them cease guarding of the Coast; but if they would continue that, than would he continue the other. Notwithstanding, he thought the Treaty of accord might go on, albeit these were not omitted; for he took them to be no impediment thereunto. They would neither receive Caesar's Ambassadors, nor undertake for their safety; but referred the whole matter to Pompey: only they instanced, and very vehemently urged for the Truce. But Caesar perceiving that all this speech tended only to avoid the present danger, and to supply themselves of such wants wherewith they were streightened, and that there was no condition of peace to be expected, he began to think of prosecuting the war.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
AS in contracting with a party, 
Timendum ne sub pacis nomine involutum bellum.  it is duly to be cared, that War be not shrouded under the fair name of Peace; so a Truce demanded by an Enemy, is to be handled sparingly and with suspicion: 
Cicero, 〈◊〉. 7.  as a thing never commonly required, but when necessity doth move them thereunto; and not to be granted, but as it may infer the like advantage. But to yield to a suspension of Arms, advantageous to an Enemy, and no way gainful to them that consent unto it, is neither allowable by reason, nor Caesar's example. And if occasion prove it requisite, it must be but for a little time: for a Prince armed in the field, that shall entertain a Truce for any long season, shall see his Army consumed both in courage, and in the parts thereof, which will fall asunder of themselves; and was the means, by which Lewis the eleventh put by Edward the fourth king of England, from going on with a war that might have given him the possession of the Crown of France. Whence it is, that such as seek a Peace, desire no more than a cessation of Arms, for some reasonable time, as an introduction enforcing the same.  
Concerning leagues, we are to note that there are found three differences. The first is, a league of Peace: 
Poedus Pacis.  which by the Apostles rule, should extend to all men, Habete pacem cum omnibus, have peace with all men; and by example of holy Patriarches (Isaac with Abimelech, Jacob with Laban) may lawfully be made with Heathen Princes; being as the golden chain, that tieth all the Nations of the earth in peaceable community. The second is, a league of Intercourse, 
Foedus Commercil.  or Commerce; which is likewise by the same Patriarch, sending for Corn into Egypt, and Solomon's intercourse with Hyram king of Tyre, together with divers other examples, allowable with Infidels. For Nature being rich in variety of commodities, doth therefore divide her works amongst the kingdoms of the earth, that there might be a mutual intercourse of exchange between the parts of the same. The third is, a league of mutual assistance; 
Foedus mutu● Aux●lii.  such as Jehosaphat made with Achab: 
1. Reg. 22.  and it is hardly safe with any Prince; but no way allowable with Infidels.  
Touching the Persons to be offered in a Treaty, it is to be observed from Bibulus, that no man, whose presence may either give offence, or whose intemperance may any way interrupt a course sorting to a happy issue, is fit for any such employment.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
THere were in Rome certain officers called Aediles, ab Aedibus, as having the care of houses and buildings, both public and private, that they might be built and maintained in such manner as was agreeable to the ordinances of that State, 
In Ve●rem.  together with other things whereof they had the charge. Nunc sum designatus Aedilis (saith Cicero) habeo rationem quod a Populo Romano acceperim, mihi ludos sanctissimos, maxima cum ceremonia, Cereri Liberoque faciendos: mihi Floram Matrem populo plebique Romanae, ludorum celebritate placandam: mihi ludos antiquissimos, qui primi Romani sunt nominati, maxima cum dignitate ac religione, Jovi, Junoni, Minervaeque esse faciendos: mihi sacrarum Aedium procurationem; mihi totam urbem tuendam esse commissam: ob earum rerum laborem & solicitudinem fructus illos datos, antiquiorem in senatu sententiae dicendae locum, togam praetextam, sellam curulem, jus imaginis, admemoriam posteritatemque prodendam. Now that I am appointed to bear the office of Aedility, I recon with myself what charge I have received from the people of Rome: viz. 
The publication of their secular Places was cried in these words; Convenice ad judos sp●ctand●s, quos n●q●e spectavit quisquam, nec spect●tutus est. Sue●on. in Claudio.  to see to the solemnising with highest ceremony of the most holy plays consecrated to Ceres and Bacchus; to the pacifying of Flora towards the people with celebration of plays due to her; as likewise to the performing of those most ancient plays, in honour of Jupiter, Juno, and Pallas, with the greatest splendour and religion possible: to have a care of sacred houses, and in general of the whole City, etc. Wherein it is to be noted, that these shows and Plays, were always made and set forth at the charge and costs of the Aediles: and thence it was, that the allowing or disallowing of all Playbooks belonged unto them. Moreover, they had the charge of all the public buildings and works of the City, 
Nolente● amicum c●pere difficile.  together with the provision of victual and Corn. And for the missing of this office, was Bibulus angry with Caesar, and would not be regained upon any condition. 
Xenoph. de factis & dict. Socrat.     

CHAP. VI  
Bibulus dieth. Caesar useth means to procure a Treaty of peace; but prevaileth not.  
BIbulus being kept from landing many days together, 
Caesar.  and fallen into a grievous sickness, through cold and extreme labour (and having no means of help, nor yet willing to forgo his charge) could no longer withstand the violence of the disease. He being dead, there was none appointed to take the whole charge, but every man commanded his own fleet. The hurlyburly being quieted which Caesar's sudden arrival had moved, Vioullius with the assistance of Libo, together with L. Lucceius and Theophanes, to whom Pompey was wont to communicate matters of greatest importance, resolved to deliver what Caesar had recommended unto him: and entering into the relation thereof, was interrupted by Pompey, forbidding him to speak any farther of that matter. What use or need have I (saith he) either of my life, or of the City, when I shall be thought to enjoy it by Caesar's favour? neither can the opinion thereof be removed, until the war be ended; that of myself I return back into Italy, from whence I am come.  
Caesar understood this, from those that were present when he spoke it: and yet notwithstanding, he endeavoured by other means, to procure a Parlce of peace. For the two Camps of Pompey and Caesar were only separated by the River Apsus, that ran between them; where the soldiers had often Colloquies, and by agreement amongst themselves, threw no weapon during the time of their treaty. Whereupon he sent P. Vatinius, a Legate, to the River bank, to utter such things as did chiefly concern a Peace; and to ask oftentimes with a loud voice, whether it were not lawful for Citizens to send to Citizens, touching a treaty of peace; being a thing permitted to the Thiefs of the Pyreneian Mountains: or at least, to move that Citizens should not in Arms contend with Citizens. And having spoken much very respectfully, as well concerning his own welfare, as the safety of all the rest, he was heard with silence by the Soldiers on both sides.  
At length, it was answered from the other Party, that A. Varro did offer himself for a conference the next day; so that the Commissioners on both sides might come and go in safety, and deliver freely their opinions: for which a certain time was then appointed. The next day, great multitudes of either side presented themselves at the place assigned; and great was the expectation thereof, every man seeming to incline to peace. Out of which troup stepped forth T. Labienus, and spoke softly touching the peace: and at last, entered into altercation with Vatinius. In the middle of their speech were weapons suddenly cast from all parts: which he avoided, being covered and defended with weapons. Notwithstanding many were wounded; and amongst others, Cornelius Balbus, M. Plotius, L. Tiburtius, Centurions, besides many other soldiers. Then said Labienus, Leave off therefore to speak of any composition; for unless Caesar's head be brought, there can be no peace.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
THis small piece of the Story containeth divers notable passages of extremity, in the carriage of Pompey, and others of his Party. As first (to take them as they lie) that of wilfulness in Bibulus: whom neither sickness, nor despair of help could move to intermit the task he had undertaken; but chose rather to suffer unto death, in approving his zeal to the Cause, then to give himself a breathing time for the saving of his life: and may serve to admonish any other Bibulus, to value his life above that which a stiff and wilful opinion may lead him unto, beyond the measure of honourable endeavour, or what else may any way be justly expected; lest in striving to do much, he happen to do nothing. For that cannot be understood to be well done in another man's behalf, 
Frustra sapit, qui sibi non sapit.  that is not well done in his own.  
The second is, Pompey's resolution; being so extreme, as no composition, or other thing whatsoever, could give him satisfaction, but only a victorious end of that war. Our proverb saith, Better a lean agreement, than a fat remedy. And the casualties of war may move an experienced Commander, to embrace a safe and quiet peace; as knowing, that he that goeth about to vex another, shall have his turn of suffering the like miseases: and as war beginneth when one party listeth, so it endeth when the other side pleaseth.  
— facilis descensus Averni:  
Sed revocare gradum, 
Aeneid. ●.  superasque evadere ad auras,  
Hoc opus, hic labor est—  
— The way to hell is easy:  
But to come back, and to recover life,  
This is a task indeed—  
And therefore let no Commander, how great soever, refuse all peace, but that which is bought by extremity of war; lest the event (whereof there can be no assurance) fall out as it happened to Pompey: but rather with the use, let him learn the end of Arms; which is, to make strait that which is crooked, and out of discord and dissension, to draw means of a happy peace.  
To which may be added that other of Labienus, as far in extremity as either of the former; whom nothing would satisfy but Caesar's head. It cannot be denied, but that he struck at the root; for his head was the head of that war. But to say it, rather than to do it, was no argument of Labienus worthiness. For as Polybius noteth, 
Lib. 16.  It is common to most men to magnify themselves, with words full of wind; yea and more than that, to follow their designs with impetuous violence: but to direct their undertake to a successful issue, 
Successum fortuna, experientiam laus sequitur. Va●r●, ex Gellio.  and to remove by industry or providence, such hindrances as happen to traverse their hopes, is granted but to a few; and now denied to Labienus, notwithstanding this Bravado. And therefore, let such Commanders as are in good opinion and esteem with their General, be well wary of embarking their party in any cause, farther than may beseem the wisdom and experience of judicious Leaders; as believing in that of Metellus to king Bocchus: 
Sallust.  Omne bellum sumi facile, caeterum acerrime desinere: non in ejusdem potestate initium ejus & finem esse: incipere cuivis etiam ignavo licere; deponi, cum victores velint. Every war is easily begun, but hardly so soon ended: the beginning and the end of it are not in the same man's power: any poor-spirited fellow may begin a war; but it shall end when the Conqueror pleaseth, and not before.    

CHAP. VII.  
Coelius Rufus moveth sedition in Italy, and it slain.  
AT the same time, M. Coelius Rufus the Praetor at Rome, 
Caesar.  undertaking the business of debts, in the beginning of his Magistracy, placed his seat by the chair of C. Trebonius Praetor of the town; promising to be assisting to any man, that would appeal unto him, concerning valuation and payment to be performed by Arbitratours, according as Caesar had ordained. But it came to pass, as well through the equity and indifferency of the Decree, as through the lenity of Trebonius (who was of opinion, that those times required an easy and mild execution of justice) that none were found, from whom the beginning of the Appeal might grow: for to pretend poverty, or to complain of particular misfortune▪ and of the calamity of those times, or otherwise to propound the difficulties of selling their goods by an outrope, was every man's practice; but for any man to acknowledge himself to be in debt, and yet to keep his possessions whole and untouched, was held to be a very strange impudence: so that there was no man found that would require it.  
Moreover, Coelius carried a very hard hand to such as should have received benefit thereby. And having made this entrance (to the end he might not seem to have undertaken a shameful or dishonest cause) he published a law, That there should be no Interest paid for any moneys let out upon consideration, for thirty six days of the time agreed on. But when he perceived that Servilius the Consul, and the rest of the Magistrates did oppose themselves against him therein, and finding it not to sort with his expectation (to the end he might incite and stir up the humours and spirits of men) he abrogated that law, and instead thereof made two others. The one, which cut off the yearly rents that Tenants were accustomed to pay their Landlords, for the houses they dwelled in: and the other, touching new assurances, and the abolishing of old debts. Whereupon the multitude ran violently upon C. Trebonius, and (having hurt divers that stood about him) pulled him out of his Chair.  
Of these things Servilius the Consul made relation to the Senate: who thereupon decreed, that Coelius should be removed from his Praetorship. And by means of that decree, the Consul interdicted him the Senate, and also drew him from the 
* Rostra.  Speaking-place, as he went about to make a speech to the people. Coelius moved with shame and despite, made as though he would go to Caesar; but sent messengers secretly to Milo, condemned to banishment for kill Clodius. And having recalled him into Italy, that by great gifts and rewards had gained to his party the remainder of the Company of Fencers, he joined himself with him: and then sent him before to Thurin, to excite and stir up the Shepherds to sedition; he himself going to Cassiline.  
At the same instant, his Ensigns and Arms being stayed at Capua, besides his family suspected at Naples, and their attempt against the town perceived; their other designs being discovered, and their Partisans shut out of Capua; fearing some danger, forasmuch as the inhabitants had took Arms, and held him as an Enemy, he let fall his former determination, and broke off his journey.  
In the mean while, Milo, having sent Letters to the Municipal Towns, that what he did, was by the authority and commandment of Pompey, according as he received it from Bibulus, he applied himself to, and solicited such as were in debt: with whom prevailing nothing, he broke up divers prisons, and began to assault Cosa in Thurin: and there he was slain by Q. Pedius the Praetor, with a stone which he cast from the wall.  
Coelius going on (as he gave out) towards Caesar, he came to Thury; where when he had moved divers of the Inhabitants, and promised money to the French and Spanish Cavalry, which Caesar had put there for a Garrison, he was in the end slain by them. And so the beginning of great Matters, which put all Italy in fear and trouble, by the indirect practices of the Magistrates, and the iniquity of the times, had a speedy and easy end.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
IT is to be noted, for the better understanding these Passages, that of those which were chosen Praetors, the two chiefest remained at Rome. The one, to administer justice to the Citizens, which was called Praetor Urbanus; who in the absence of the Consul, had the superintendency of the affairs of the State, assembled the Senate, received Packets, made Dispatches, and gave order in all things: which place was now supplied by Trebonius. The other was called Praetor Peregrtnus; whose office was, to order the causes and suits of foreigners and strangers: whereunto Coelius was chosen; and being of a turbulent and unquiet spirit, took occasion upon this rent in the State, to raise new garboils, fit for his own purposes; 
Omnia 〈◊〉 facilias quam 〈…〉 De Mechani●is.  as having learned what Aristotle teacheth, That all things which are already stirred are more easily moved, than other natures that are yet in quiet. And thereupon, having power by his office to decide causes of Controversy, he removed his Tribunal, and placed it hard by where Trebonius fate, to the end he might oppose the Decrees he made, for the prising of goods to satisfy Creditors, and draw the people to appeal unto him; publishing withal certain dangerous Edicts, on the behalf of those that were in debt.  
This Coelius was Cicero's scholar for Oratory; and in the opinion of Quintilian, was thought worthy to have lived longer, if he had been of a stayed and settled carriage: but now must stand for an example of a wilful Magistrate.  
Touching Rostra, which I have translated the Speaking-place, it was a part of their Forum, where the Consuls and other Magistrates spoke unto the people: wherein was built a Chair or Pulpit, 
Livy lib. 8.  of the beak-heads of ships, which the Romans took from the Antiatii, and thereupon took the name of Rostra; memorable amongst other things, for that Antony set tully's head between his two hands, 
Plutarch.  in the Chair, where he had often spoken most eloquently, and with as many good words, as were ever found in humane Oratory.    

CHAP. VIII.  
Libo taketh an Island right over against the Haven of Brundisium; and is beaten off by a stratagem.  
LIbo departing from Oricum, 
Caesar.  with his fleet of fifty ships, came to Brundisium, and took an Island, which lieth over against the Haven, as a place of great importance, by which our Army must necessarily come forth; thereby shutting in all the Ports, and parts of that shore: as also surprising by his sudden coming, certain ships of burden, he set all on fire, saving one laden with Corn, which he took along with him. Whereby he put our men into a great fear; and landing certain soldiers and horsemen in the nighttime, he dislodged the Cavalry that were there in Garrison: and so prevailed, through the advantage of the Place, as he writ to Pompey, that he might draw the other shipping on shore, and new trim them; for he would undertake, with his fleet alone, to hinder those forces from coming to Caesar.  
Antonius was then at Brundisium; who trusting to the valour of the soldiers, armed out threescore Skiffs belonging to great Ships, and fencing them with hurdles and planks, put certain choice soldiers in them, disposing them in several places along the shore: and further commanded two Triremes (which he had caused to be made at Brundisium, for the exercise of the soldiers in rowing) to go out to the mouth of the Haven.  
Libo perceiving these to come out somewhat loosely, and hoping to intercept them, sent out five Quadriremes to attach them: which were no sooner come near unto our ships, but the old soldiers that were aboard fled back into the Port.  
The Enemy, carried on with a desire of taking them, pressed after somewhat: rashly, and unadvisedly: when at length, upon a signal given, the skiffs came suddenly out from all parts, set upon them, and at the first shock took one of the Quadriremes, with all the ●ar-men and soldiers in her; the rest they compelled to fly away shamefully. To which loss this was farther added, that they were kept from water, by the Cavalry which Antonius had disposed along the Coast: through necessity whereof (as also by reason of the ignominy received) Libo departed from Brundisium, and gave over the siege.  
Many months were now past, and the Winter came hardon, and yet neither the shipping nor the legions came from Brundisium, to Caesar. And some opportunities seemed to be omitted, for that the wind was good oftentimes; which Caesar thought they would have taken. And the longer they stayed there, the straighter was all the Coast guarded and kept, by such as commanded the fleet; being now in great hope to hinder their passage. Which they did the rather endeavour, because they were oftentimes reproved by Letters from Pompey, for that they did not impeach Caesar's coming at first: which he did to make them the more careful, to hinder those supplies. And in attending so from day to day an opportunity of passage, it would wax worse and worse, the winds growing more easy and gentle.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
BY how much easier it is to keep the outlet of one Port, then to guard the Coast of a large Country: by so much was Libo more likely to prevail, in seeking to shut up the Haven of B●undusium, to hinder these supplies from coming unto Caesar; then the other, that went about to guard all the Maritime parts of Epirus, to keep them from landing, after they were at Sea.  
But such is the uncertainty of enterprises of war, 
Incertae sunt res bellicae.  that albeit our course be rightly shapen, yet it doth often fail of leading us to that which is desired. 
Thucyd.  For, howsoever he was possessed of this Island, that lay thwait the mouth of the Haven, and had thrust out the guard of horsemen, and so became confident of blocking up the Port: yet there was means found by the adverse Party, to give him such an affront, as made him quit the place with more dishonour, than could be recompensed by any thing he got.    

CHAP. IX.  
Caesar's supplies pass over into Greece, and take landing.  
CAesar troubled at these things, 
Caesar.  writ very sharply to them at Brundisium, not to omit the opportunity of the next good wind, but to put to Sea, and to shape their course to Oricum, or to the Coast of Apollonia; because there they might run their ships on ground: and these places were freest from Guards, by reason they could not ride far from the Ports.  
They, according to their accustomed courage and valour (Marcus Antonius and Fusius Calenus directing the business, and the Soldiers themselves being forward thereunto, as refusing no danger for Caesar's sake) having got a South wind, weighed Anchor, and the next day passed by Apollonia and Dyrrachium: but being discovered from the Continent, Quintus Coponius, Admiral of the Rhodian Navy, lying at Dyrrachium, brought his ships out of the Haven. And as he had almost (upon a slack wind) overtaken our men, the same South wind began at length to blow stiff, by which means they escaped. Yet did not he desist from pursuing them; but was in hope, by the labour and industry of the Mariners, to overweigh the force of the tempest, and followed them, notwithstanding they were passed Dyrrachium, with a large wind. Our men using the favour of Fortune, were nevertheless afraid of the Enemy's Navy, if the wind should chance to slack: and having got the Port called Nymphaeum, three miles beyond Lissus, they put in with their ships.  
This Port lay sheltered from the South-west wind; but was not safe from a South wind; howsoever, they accounted an ill road less dangerous than the Enemy's fleet: and yet they were no sooner put in, but the wind (which had blown southerly for two days together) did now most happily come about to the South-west.  
And here a man may see the sudden alteration of Fortune; for they which of late stood in fear of a dangerous Road, were now by that occasion, received into a safe harbour: and those which threatened danger to them, were forced to bethink themselves of their own safety. So that the time thus changing, the tempest saved our Party, and sunk theirs. Insomuch as sixteen of the Rhodian ships were all shaken in pieces, and perished with shipwreck; and of the great number of oar-men and soldiers, part were dashed against the Rocks and slain, and part were taken up by our men: all which Caesar sent home in safety. Two of our ships coming short, and overtaken with the night, and not knowing where the rest had taken shore, stood at Anchor right over against Lissus. Them did Ot●cilius Crassus, Governor of Lissus, go about to take with Skiffs, and other little ships, which he had prepared for that purpose; and withal, treated with them of yielding themselves, promising life and safety upon that condition.  
One of the ships carried two hundred and twenty men, of the legion made of young soldiers; in the other were less than two hundred old Soldiers. And here a man may see, what assurance and safety consisteth in courage and valour of mind; for the new made soldiers, terrified with the multitude of ships that came against them, and spent with sea-sickness, upon oath made not to receive any hurt, did yield themselves to Otacilius: who being brought all unto him, were contrary to his oath, most cruelly slain in his sight. But the soldiers of the old Legions (howsoever afflicted with the inconvenience of the tempest, and noisomeness of the Pump) did not slack any thing of their ancient valour: for having drawn out the first part of the night in conditions of treaty, as though they meant to yield themselves, they compelled the Master to run his ship ashore; and having got a convenient place, they there spent the rest of the night.  
As soon as it was day, Otacilius sent four hundred horse, which had the guard of that part of the coast, with others of the garrison, to assault and take them: but they valiantly defending themselves, slew divers of them; and so got to our men in safety. Whereupon, the Roman Citizens residing in Lissus, (which town Caesar had formerly given them to be kept and guarded) received in Antonius, and assisted him with all things needful. Otacilius, fearing himself, fled out of the town, and came to Pompey.  
Antonius sent back the greatest part of the ships that had brought over his troops (which were three legions of old soldiers, one of new soldiers, and eight hundred horse) to transport the rest of the soldiers and horse, that remained at Brundisium: leaving the Pontones, which are a kind of French shipping, at Lissus; to this end, that if haply Pompey, thinking Italy to be empty and unfurnished, should carry over his Army thither, Caesar might have means to follow him: and withal sent Messengers speedily to Caesar, to let him know where the Army was landed, and what men he had brought over.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
DOlus an virtus quis in host requirat, 
Aeneid. 2.  It is no matter whether the enemy does his business by Valour, or subtlety; is not so justifiable by the laws of true Virtue, as that of Achilles, 
Homer 9  who professed to hate that man more than the gates of hell, 
Iliad.  that promised one thing, and purposed another. Neither do the Jurists conclude otherwise; having, for the more apparency of truth, drawn it to a Question, An perfidia in perfidum uti, Jus sit, whether it be lawful to break faith with a faith-breaker; 
〈◊〉 lib. 8. de bello Gallico.  alleging Labienus practise against Comius of Arras, together with that which admitteth no Answer, that their example standeth as a precedent, to deal with them as they deal with others. But to falsify religion, as Otacilius did, and to make an oath the Broker of unworthy ends, is abhorred by God and Man, and accordingly succeedeth.  
The most remarkable instance in this kind, is that (which is to be wished were forgotten) of Lewis King of Hungaria; 
Uladislaus.  who having concluded the honourablest peace, that ever Christian Prince had before that time made with any of the Turkish Sultan's, and confirmed the same by an oath, taken upon the holy Evangelist; did nevertheless, at the persuasion of Julian, a Cardinal (who took upon him, by power from the Pope, to disannul the league, and absolve him from the oath) break the peace, and gave battle to Amurath at Varna (where the Infidel took occasion impiously to blaspheme, in calling for vengeance on such, as in their deeds had denied the Godhead of their most sacred & blessed Lord) and was there slain, to the utter ruin of his kingdom, and the reproach of Christian Name. Neither did the Cardinal escape the vengeance, which his treachery had drawn upon that royal Army: but being there wounded unto death, was found lying in the high way, by Gregory Sanose, ready to give up the ghost; and seemed but to stay to take with him the bitter curses of such as passed by, flying from the battle, as the due reward of his perfidious absolution.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
IN case of difficulty and hazard (as Caesar noteth) there is always great help in a good courage. 
Audaces fortuna iuvat. Virtus omnia potest.  For, whether it be that good hap attendeth a valorous carriage, or that virtue be able to remove all opposition, 
Virtute faciendum est, quicquid in rebus bellicis est gerendum.  or what other cause there is besides; but thus it falleth out, that such as entertain a noble resolution, are ever safest in extremity of peril; and instead of loss, get honour and renown.  
Brasidas found a Mouse amongst dried figs, 
Plutarch.  which bit him so that he let her go, & thereupon said to those that stood by, That there was nothing so little, that could not save itself, if it had a heart to defend itself against such as assaulted it.  
And herein we may observe that to be true, which the Poet hath delivered; 
6 Metamer.  Seris venit usus ab annis, Time and Practice do much avail to perfect this courage in the minds of Men of War; as knowing aforehand the weight of such labours, and having encountered the like dangers, even to the redeeming of themselves from the jaws of death. 
Nunquam ita quilquam bene subducta ratione ad vitam fait quin res, aetas, usus, sen 〈◊〉 aliquid 〈…〉  Whence it is that the Comic saith, No man can possibly come so well furnished to any course of life, but that time and experience do always teach him what he knew not before: whereas others that go rawly to work, are so daunted with the unusual looks of war, as they (forgetting the profession of Arms) do run headlong into the danger they seek to avoid; being able to give no other account of their service, 
T●ren.  but that they marched many Bodies, 
〈◊〉 Multi homines, pau●i vi●i.  and but a few Men.   

THE THIRD OBSERVATION.  

Herod. lib. 7.  Plutarch, Valerius Maximus, Appian, Suetonius, & Lucan, do all write, that Caesar, impatient of the slay of his forces at Brundu sium, embarked himself in a small Frigate of twelve oars, 
〈◊〉 saith, that the Romans 〈◊〉 the siege of Ve●ente, being out of humane hope, turned their eyes to Fate, and the hope they had in Destiny.  disguised in the habit of a slave, and put to sea to fetch his Legions; notwithstanding all the Coast swarmed with the Enemies shipping: but meeting with a contrary wind, which would not suffer him to get out of the River Anius, the Master commanded the Mariners to cast about, and get to shore. Whereupon Caesar discovering himself, encouraged him to go forward, for that he carried Caesar and his fortunes.  
The Master forgetting all danger, made out again to get to sea; but was by force of the tempest driven to return, to Caesar's great grief. And albeit there is no mention made hereof in these Commentaries, yet the authority of so many grave Authors is not to be contemned.    

CHAP. X.  
Caesar hasteth to meet with Antonius, and preventeth Pompey.  
CAesar and Pompey had both intelligence almost at one instant of time, of Antonius' fleet; 
Caesar.  for they saw them pass by Apollonia and Dyrrachium, and directed their journeys along the Coast after them: but they understood not for a while where they were landed. Howbeit having notice thereof, either of them took a contrary resolution. For Caesar purposed to join with Antonius, assoon as possibly he might: and Pompey resolved to hinder their meeting, and by ambushments (if he could) to set upon them at unawares.  
The same day, either of them drew their Army out of their standing Camps, upon the River Apsus: Pompey secretly, and by night; Caesar openly, and by day: but Caesar had the greater circuit to fetch, and a longer journey to go up the River, to find a Ford. Pompey having a ready way, and no River to pass, made towards Antonius by great journeys: and when he understood that he came near unto him, chose a convenient place, and there bestowed his forces; keeping every man within the Camp, and forbidding fires to be made, that his coming might be the more hidden. Whereof Antonius being presently advertised by the Greeks, he dispatched Messengers to Caesar, and kept himself one day within his Camp. The next day Caesar came unto him. Upon notice thereof, Pompey left that place, lest he should be entrapped between two Armies, and came with all his forces to Asparagus (which appertained to them of Dyrrachium) and there, in a convenient place, pitched his Camp.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
Where two Armies are in a Country, and one of them hath succours coming to renforce them, each of those Parties are, by the example of these glorious Commanders (caeteris paribus) to make towards those succours: the one, to cut them off; and the other, to keep them standing. And to that end, as it suited Pompey's condition to go secretly; howsoever Caesar noteth it, as a touch to his valour: so on the other side, it stood not only well enough with Caesar's party to go openly, but also was an argument of his courage and magnanimity, and might raise him estimation in the opinion of the Greeks. The disadvantage which Pompey could take thereby, was the danger to be enclosed with Armies; which he foreseeing, avoided.    

CHAP. XI.  
Scipio's preparation in Asia, to come into Greece, to assist Pompey.  
ABout this time Scipio, 
Caesar.  having sustained divers losses near the Mount Amanus, 
A hill, separating Syria from Cilicia.  did nevertheless call himself by the name of Imperator; and thereupon commanded great sums of money to be levied of the Cities and Potentates of those quarters: taking from the general Receivers of that Province, all the moneys that were in their hands for two years past and commanding them to disburse (by way of loan) the receipt for the year to come; and required horsemen to be levied throughout all the Province. Having gathered these together, he left the Parthians, being near enemies unto him (who a little before had slain M. Crassus, the General, and besieged M. Bibulus) and drew the legions out of Syria; being sent specially thither to keep and settle that Province, much amuzed through fear of the Parthian war.  
At his departure, some speeches were given out by the soldiers, that if they were led against an Enemy, they would go; but against a citizen and Consul they would not bear Arms. The Army being brought to Pergamus, and there garrisoned for that Winter in divers rich Cities, he distributed great largesses, and gifts; and for the better assuring of the soldier unto him, gave them certain Cities to ri●●e.  
In the mean time, he made bitter and heavy exactions of money throughout all the Province: for he put a tribute upon slaves and freemen by pole, set impositions upon the pillars and doors of houses, 
Columnaria Osti●●●.  as also upon grain, oar-men, arms, Engines, and carriages; and whatsoever had a name, was thought fit to yield money by way of imposition; and that not only in Cities and Towns, but almost in every Village and Castle: wherein he that carried himself most cruelly, was held both the worthiest man, and the best Citizen.  
The province was at that time full of Officers and Commandments, pestered with Overseers and Exactors: who besides the money levied by public authority, made their particular profit by the like exactions. For they gave out, they were thrust out of their houses and their Country, and in want of all necessaries; to the end they might with such pretences, cover their wicked and hateful courses. To this was added the hard and heavy Usury, which oftentimes doth accompany war, when all moneys are drawn and exacted to the public; wherein the forbearance of a day, was accounted a discharge for the whole. Whereby it happened that in those two years, the whole Province was overgrown with debts. And yet for all that, they stuck not to levy round sums of money, not only from the Citizens of Rome, inhabiting in that Province; but also upon every Corporation, and particular City: which they gave out, was by way of loan, according to a Decree of Senate; commanding the receivers to advance the like ●um by way of loan, for the year to come.  
Moreover Scipio gav● order, that the moneys which of old time had been treasured up in the Temple of Diana at Ephesus, should be taken out, with other Images of that Goddess. But as he came into the temple (having called unto him many of the Senators that were there present) he received a Dispatch from Pompey, That Caesar had passed the Sea with his legions; and that, setting all things apart, he should hasten to him with his Army. These Letters being received, he dismissed such as he had called unto him, and began to dispose of his journey into Macedonia, setting forward within a few days after: by which accident the Treasure at Ephesus was saved.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
IT is Seneca his conceit, 
Propter Aurum & Argentum nunquam pacem facit Ferrum. lib. 14. Epist. 93.  that Iron, being of that excellent use in things pertaining to Man's life, and yet so much undervalved to Gold and Silver, will admit of no peace, as often as there is question of Money; but raiseth continual garboils and extremities, 
Ferrum omnis artis instrumentum. Aurum & atgentum mortis mancipia.  as a revenge that the World doth misvalue●t: and fell out as true in those better Ages, as it doth in these days, that are of base Metal. For what greater violences in the State of Rome, than those concerning Tributes and Impositions? A particular whereof may be made out of this Chapter. 
Epictetus.  For first, we find a Tribute by pole, without respect of state or condition; which they called Capitatio. 
Capitatio.  And then a second, as grievous as that, being a tax laid upon every door in a house, which they called Ostiaria: 
Ostiaria.  whereof Tully maketh mention, in the eighth Epistle of his third Book. And lastly, an other upon every pillar in a man's house, which they called Columnaria: 
Columnariae. 31 ad Atticum. Epist. 1.  mentioned likewise by cicero, columnarium vide ut nullum debeamus, See that we own no tax-mony for our pillars. Alciatus understandeth this to be that we read in Dionysius Halicarnasseus, That when Treasure failed at the siege of Modena, they laid an Imposition upon every tile that was found on the Senators houses in Rome; which gave the Trium-virate occasion, to make the tiles as heavy to the rest of the Roman Citizens: and this, saith he, was called columnaria.  
Some Popes, out of their occasions, have gone far in this kind, and found means to lay Impositions upon all things pertaining to the use of man. 
In the Pa●pacy of Sixt. Quin●us.  Insomuch as Pasquil begged leave to dry his shirt in the Sun, before there were an Imposition laid upon the Light. The rule is diversely given in this behalf, 
Fiscus reipub. lain; quod eo c●escente, artus reliqui tabescunt.  That the Fisk doth not swell above his proportion. Alexander is commended for making his Subjects the keepers of his Treasure. And Claudianus giveth Honorius this Elogium; 
Sext. Aurelius Victor   
Nec tua privatis crescunt aeraria damnis.  
Thy chests fill not by loss of private men.  
Basilius adviseth that money thus raised, 
In Parae●et.  be not at any time dipped either in the tears or in the blood of the people. But Tully draweth it to a more certainty, by making Necessity the square of such commands. 
2 de Offic.  Da operam, (saith he) ut omnes intelligant, si salvi essent velint, necessitatie esse parendum; Do your endeavour to let all see, that they must obey necessity if they mean to be safe. And so the opening of private men's purses, is but to keep them shut and safe, from such enemies as would consume all; according as Scipio once answered, 
Plutarch.  when the Romans blamed him for spending their Treasure. Howsoever, Scipio knew well what he did, in getting into his hand such store of Treasure; for War cannot any way be maintained, 
Bella sustentantu● pecuni●rum 〈◊〉 Dion 〈…〉. 6.  but with plenty of Money: neither can any State continue, if the revenue which supporteth the Common-weal be abated; as Tacitus hath well observed, Dissolvitur imperium, si fructus quibus respub. 
Ann. l. 13.  sustinetur diminuantur.    

CHAP. XII.  
Caesar sendeth forces into Thessalia, Aetolia, and Macedonia. Scipio cometh into Greece.  
CAesar being joined with Antonius, 
Caesar.  drew that legion out of Oricum, which he had formerly lodged there to keep the Sea-coast; and thought it expedient to make trial of the Province, and to advance further into the Country. And whereas Ambassadors came unto him out of Thessalia and Aetolia, assuring him, that if he would send forces to protect them, the Cities of those Provinces would readily obey what he commanded: he sent L. Cassius Longinus, with the legion of young soldiers, called the seven and twentieth, and two hundred horse, into Thessalia; and C. Calvisius Sabinus, with five cohorts, and a few horse, into Aetolia; exhorting them specially, to take a course for provision of Corn in those two provinces, which lay near at hand.  
He sent likewise Cn. Domitius Calvinus with two legions, the eleventh and the twelfth, and five hundred horse into Macedonia: of which Province (for that part thereof which is called Frank or Free) Menedemus, 
Quae libera appellabatur.  a principal man of that Country, being sent as an Ambassador, had professed exceeding great forwardness on their behalf. Of these, Calvisius upon his coming was entertained with great affection of the Aetolians: and having cast the garrison of the enemy out of Caledon and 
* Lep●nto.  Naupactum, became Master of all Aetolia. Cassius' arrived with the Legion in Thessalia; and finding there two Factions, was accordingly received with contrary affections.  
Egesaretus, a man of ancient power and authority, favoured Pompey's party: and Petreius, a man of a most noble house, endeavoured by all means to deserve well of Caesar. At the same time also came Domitius into Macedonia: and as Ambassadors began to come thick unto him from divers States of that Province, it was told him, that Scipio was at hand with the legions, and came with great fame and opinion of all men: which is oftentimes a forerunner of novelties. He, making no stay in any part of Macedonia, marched directly with great fury towards Domitius; and when he came within twenty miles of him, turned his course suddenly to Cassius Longinus, in Thessalia: which he did so speedily, that news came together of his coming, and of his arrival. For, to the end he might march with greater expedition, he left M. Favonius at the River Haliacmon (which divideth Macedonia from Thessalia) with eight cohorts, 
In Macedonia, quae velint sibi candida nasci, ad Halia●monem ducere; quae ●ugra & 〈◊〉, ad Axium.  to keep the carriages of the legions: where he commanded them to build a Fort.  
At the same time, the Cavalry of King Cottus, which was wont to keep in the Confines of Thessalia, came flying suddenly to Cassius Campe. Whereat he being astonished (understanding of Scipio's coming, and seeing the horsemen whom he thought to be his) made towards the hills which enclose Thessalia, and from thence marched towards Ambracia. And as Scipio made haste to follow after, Letters overtook him, sent from Favonius, that Domitius was at hand with the legions, and that he could not hold the place wherein he was left, without Scipio's help.  
Upon the receipt of which letters, Scipio altered both his purpose and his journey; & leaving Cassius, made haste to help Favonius: so that continuing his journey night and day, he came unto him in very good time. For as the dust of Domitius Army, approaching, was seen to rise, the forerunners of Scipio his Army were likewise discovered. Whereby it happened, that as Domitius industry did help Cassius, so did Scipio his speed save Favonius.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
CAesar being now ready with his forces to proceed against Pompey, the first thing he did, was to make trial of the provinces of Greece, and to get their favour and assistance, for his better furtherance in contesting his Adversary. For as an Army standeth firm by two special means, first, in themselves, as they are able to resist any opposing force; and secondly, through the favour of the Country, wherein they are engaged: so on the other side, their overthrow either proceedeth from their own weakness; or otherwise, when the Provinces adjoining do refuse such mutual respects, as may relieve the wants of a consuming multitude. And therefore, having got all the forces together which he looked for, or could any way expect, he sent out to try the affection of the Country, and to alter that in a moment, which Pompey had been settling for a year together, and then resolved to attack him nearer.  
And doubtless, if Scipio had not by chance interrupted their course, upon his coming out of Asia to aid Pompey, they had as easily got all Thessalia and Macedonia, as they did Aetolia: and were nevertheless so ordered and disposed, as they got more honour of Scipio, than he could win of them.    

CHAP. XIII.  
The Passages between Domitius and Scipio.  
SCipio abode two days in his standing Camp, 
Caesar.  upon the River Haliacmon, which ran between him and Domitius Camp. The third day, as soon as it began to be light, he passed his Army over the River by a Ford, and encamped himself. The next day in the morning, he imbattelled his forces before the front of his Camp. Domitius in like manner, made no difficulty of bringing out his legions, resolving to fight. And whereas there lay a field of six miles between both the Camps, he led his troops imbattelled under Scipio's Camp; who nevertheless refused to move any jot from his standing: yet for all that, Domitius soldiers were hardly kept from giving battle; but specially a River, lying under Scipio's Camp, with broken and uneasy banks, did hinder them at that time.  
Scipio, understanding of their alacrity and desire to fight, suspecting it might happen, that the next day he should be forced to fight against his will, or with great dishonour keep himself within his Camp, having with great expectation in the beginning gone on rashly, and unadvisedly, was now dishonoured with a reproachful end. For in the nighttime he rose, without any noise or warning for the trussing up of the baggage, and passing the River, returned the same way he came: and in an eminent place, near unto the River, he pitched his Camp.  
A few days after, he laid an ambushment of horsemen in a place, where our men had formerly accustomed to forage. And as Q. Varus, General of the horse in Domitius Army, came out according to his ordinary use, they set upon him at a sudden. But our men did valiantly sustain the onset; and every man betaking himself speedily to his rank, they all together of their own accord charged the Enemy: and having slain fourscore, they put the rest to flight, with the loss only of two of their men.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
IT appeareth here, that to show a readiness and resolution to fight, upon such grounds as are justifiable by the rules of War, is no small advantage to the prosperous carriage of the same. For albeit Scipio was great in his own strength, and as great in the opinion and expectation of men: yet when he found such an alacrity in the Enemy, to give and take blows, and a desire to entertain seriously all occasions of giving battle; he was so far from prosecuting what he had pretended, as he rather chose the fortune of a safe retreat, and consequently, to turn the advantage which the world in opinion had given to his Army, to his own reproach and disadvantage. Whereas on the other side, to be found for the most part unwilling to hazard the trial of a Field, or indisposed to fight upon any occasion, doth invite an Enemy to attempt that, which otherwise he would not; and giveth them courage to beat him from all his purposes, as knowing the resolution of their Adversary, and the means they have, either to take or leave at their pleasure.    

CHAP. XIV.  
Domitius draweth Scipio to a loss, by an Ambushment. Young Pompey's attempt upon Oricum.  
AFter these things, 
Caesar.  Domitius hoping that Scipio might he drawn to fight, he made as though he were in great want and scarcity of Corn: and thereupon, rising from the place wherein he was encamped, with the usual cry of removing, according to the custom of War, and having marched three miles, he lodged all his Army, with the Cavalry, in a convenient and secret place.  
Scipio being ready to follow after, sent his horsemen and a great part of his light-armed soldiers, to discover what way Domitius took: who marching forward, as the first troops came within the Ambushment (suspecting somewhat by the neighing of the horses) they fell back again. Those that followed after, seeing the former troops so suddenly to retire, stood still.  
Our men finding themselves discovered, and thinking it in vain to attend the rest, having got two troops of horse within their reach, they contented themselves with them; amongst whom was M. Opimius, the General of the horse. The rest of those two troops they either put to the sword, or took alive, and brought them to Domitius.  
Caesar, as is before showed, having withdrawn the Garrisons from along all the Sea-coast, left only three Cohorts at Oricum, for the defence of the Town: and to them he committed the custodic and safe keeping of the Galleys, which he had brought out of Italy; whereof Acilius the Legate had the charge, being left Governor of the town. He, for the better security of the shipping, had drawn all the fleet into a back angle, behind the town, and there fastened them to the shore: and in the mouth of the Haven had sunk a great ship, and set another by her, upon which he built a tower, to keep the entrance of the Port; and filled the same with soldiers, to defend the Haven from any sudden attempt.  
Upon notice whereof, Pompey's son, being Admiral of the Egyptian fleet, came to Oricum, and with many haulsers and hooks weighed up the sunk ship; and assaulted the other ship, set by Acilius for the defence of the Haven, with ships wherein he had made towers, which stood by counterpoise, that he might sighed with advantage of height, supplying continually fresh men; and attempting also from the Land side, to take the town by scaling Ladders, as by Sea with his Navy, to the end he might distract and dismember the forces within.  
In the end, with extreme labour and multitude of weapons, he overcame our Party, and took the ship, having cast out such as had the guard; who fled all away with Skiffs and Boats. At the same time, being likewise seized of a small height, on the other side of the town, in the nature of a Peninsula, he conveyed over four small 
* Biremes.  Galleys, with Rollers and Levers, into the inner part of the Harbour, lying behind the town; insomuch, as setting on each side upon the Galleys tied unto the shore, empty and unfurnished, he carried four of them away, and burned the rest.  
This being done, he left D. Laelius, whom he had taken from the Egyptian fleet, to keep the passage, that no victuals, or other provisions, might be brought into the town, either from Bullis or Amantia: and he himself going to Lissus, found thirty ships of burden, which Antonius had left within that Haven, and set them all on fire. And as he went about to take Lissus, the soldiers which Caesar had put there for a garrison to the Town, together with the Roman Citizens, and the townsmen thereof, did so well defend the same, that after he had continued there three days, and lost a few men in the siege, he left the place, without effecting any thing.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
AN Ambushment is easily at all times laid: but to do it so that it may not be suspected, and in such manner that the Enemy may fall into the danger thereof, is that which is to be armed at therein. And therefore, to give the better colour to such designs, the trick hath been to pretend fear (and so slight) or want of Corn, or somewhat else, to draw the Enemy to follow after with more boldness and resolution. And so to have it well done, there must be two deceits to assist each other; as in this of Domitius: to make show of removing, through scarcity and want; and then to lie in wait for an advantage: According to that of the Spaniard, 
〈◊〉 hostium discessiones semper suspectas habere. cap. 5.  A un Traydor, does Alevosos. For the prevention of such snares of deceit, the rule is generally given by Onosander, That the departure or falling away of an Enemy, is always to be suspected.  
And for the more security therein, experienced Commanders have been careful before they stirred their Army, to make exact discovery, even to the place where they intended to lodge. For as in Physic, it is the greatest part of the cure, to know the disease: so in matter of war, the danger is almost over, when it is perceived whence it may grow.  
The manner observed in discoveries, hath usually been to send the Parties out in three Companies or troops; The first, consisting of a small number, to beat the way at ease, and to range about from place to place, as shall be found convenient: the second Company, being somewhat stronger, to second and relieve the first, if there be occasion: and the third, able to engage a good number of the Enemy.  
And after this manner Cyrus disposed of his forerunners; 
5 Cyropaed.  as appeareth in Xenophon. But this being subject to the consideration of time and place, and other circumstances, may vary, as shall seem expedient to the wisdom of the General.    

CHAP. XV.  
Caesar marcheth towards Pompey; offereth him battle; and cutteth him off from Dyrrachium.  
AFter Caesar understood that Pompey was at Asparagus he marched thitherward with his Army: 
Caesar.  and taking by the way the town of the Parthinians, wherein Pompey had put a Garrison, the third day he came to Pompey in Macedonia, and lodged himself fast by him. The next day he drew out his forces; and putting them in order, presented him battle. But when he found that he would not accept thereof, he drew back his Army into the Camp, and bethought himself of some other course. For the next day, taking a difficult and narrow way, he set forward with all his forces towards Dyrrachium: hoping either to draw Pompey to fight, or to force the town, or at least ●o cut him off from all Convoys and Munition, which was there stored up for the whole provision of the war; as afterwards it came to pass. For Pompey being ignorant at first of his purpose, inasmuch as he took a contrary way, thought he had been driven thence through scarcity and want of Corn. But being afterwards advertised by the discoverers what course he took, he rose the next day, in hope to meet him a nearer way. Which Caesar suspecting, exhorted the soldiers to endure a little labour with patience. And resting a small part of the night, in the morning he came before Dyrrachium, even as the first troup of Pompey's Army was discovered afar off; and there encamped himself.  
Pompey being cut off from Dyrrachium, when he could not accomplish his purposes, fell to a second resolution, and fortified his Camp in an eminent place, 
〈…〉 Petram. Lucan.  called Petra: from whence there was an indifferent passage to the ships, and sheltered likewise the Haven from certain winds. Thither he commanded part of the ships to be brought; together with Corn and provision of victual from Asia, and such other Countries as were in his obedience.  
Caesar, doubting that the war would prove long and tedious, and despairing of any succour of victuals from the Coast of Italy, for that all the shore was (with great diligence) kept by Pompey's party, and that the shipping which in W●nter he had made in Sicilia, Gallia, and Italia, were stayed and came not to him; he dispatched L. Canuleius a Legate into Epirus, to make provision of Corn.  
And forasmuch as those Regions were far off, he appointed storehouses and Magazines in certain places, and imposed carriage of Corn upon the Country bordering about them. In like manner, he commanded what grain soever should be found at Lissus, Parthenia) or any other place, to be brought unto him: which was very little, forasmuch as the Country thereabout was rough and mountainous, and afforded no Corn, but that which was brought in from other places; as also, that Pompey had taken order in that behalf, and a little before had ransacked the Parthinians, and caused his horsemen to carry away all the Grain, which was found amongst them.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
THe first thing that Caesar did, after their approach near one unto another; was to offer battle; as the best Arbitrator of the Cause in question, and most fitting the usance of the ancient Romans. 
Actus activorum in patientis sunt dispositione. Arist. Metaph.  But, forasmuch as the endeavours of such as are in action, are always ordered by him that is the Sufferer; and that Pompey refused to accept thereof, knowing himself to be much stronger in forces, better accommodated, having a far greater party in the Country, and the Sea wholly at his command (which advantages were like to end the business, without hazard of a battle;) Caesar bethought himself of some other project, which might take away the scorn of that refusal, by undertaking such things as much imported the state of his Adversary. For in such cases, when an Enemy will not fight, somewhat must be done to cast dishonour, or greater inconveniences, upon him; or at least, to make overtures of new opportunities. And therefore he took a course, either to draw Pompey to fight, or to force the Town wherein all his provisions of war were stored up, or otherwise to cut him off from the same. The least of which was a sufficient acquittance of any disgrace, which the neglect of this offer might seem to infer; having thereby occasion to use that of the Poet, Jam sumus ergo pares, now we are even.    

CHAP. XVI.  
Caesar goeth about to besiege Pompey.  
CAesar being informed of these things, 
Caesar.  entered into a deliberation, which he first took from the very nature of the place wherein they were: for whereas Pompey's Camp was enclosed about with many high and steep Hills, he first took those Hills, and built Forts upon them; and then, as the condition of each place would bear, he made works of fortification from one Fort to another, and determined to enclose Pompey about with a Ditch and a Rampire. And especially upon these considerations; for that he was greatly straightened through want of Corn, and that Pompey being strong in horse, he might with less danger supply his Army from all parts with provision: as also to the end he might keep Pompey from foraging, and so make his Cavalry unserviceable in that kind: and further, that he might abate and weaken the exceeding great reputation, which Pompey had attained unto amongst foreign Nations, when it should be noised throughout the world, that he was besieged by Caesar, and durst not fight.  
Pompey would by no means be drawn to leave the commodity of the Sea, and the town of Dyrrachium, having there laid up all his provision of war, Arms, Weapons, Engines of what sort soever; besides Corn, which was brought from thence to his Army by shipping. Neither could he hinder Caesar's fortifications, unless he would accept of battle, which for that time he was resolved not to do. Only it remained, as the last thing he could think of, to possess himself of as many Hills as he might, and to keep as much of the Country as he could with good and strong guard; and by that means, to distract, as much as possibly he might, Caesar's forces: as accordingly it fell out. For having made twenty four Castles and Forts, he took in twenty five miles of the Country in circuit, and did forage within that space, and there caused many things to be set and planted by hand, which in the interim served as food for horses.  
And as our men perceived their fortifications to be carried, and continued from one Castle to another, without intermission; they began to fear, lest they had left some places to sally out, and so would come upon them behind, before they were aware.  
And the reason they made their works thus perfect, throughout the whole inward circuit, was, that our men might not enter in upon them, nor circumvent them behind. But they (abounding in number of Men) exceeded in their works, having also on the inside a less compass to fortify.  
And as Caesar went about to take any place, albeit Pompey was resolved not to fight, or interrupt him with all his forces: nevertheless he sent out his Archers and Slingers, of which he had great numbers; by whom many of our men were wounded, and stood in great fear of the arrows: and almost all the soldiers made them coats, 
ex sub●●actis & cen. conibus.  either of quilt or stiffening, or of leather, to keep them from danger.  
To conclude, either Party used all force and means to take places, and make fortifications: Caesar, to shut up and straighten Pompey what he could; and Pompey, to enlarge himself, and possess as many hills as conveniently he might; which gave occasion of many skirmishes and encounters.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
WE may here take notice of the strangest enterprise, that ever was undertaken by a judicious soldier. For where else may it be read or understood, that a weaker Party went about to besiege a strong adversary, and to enclose a whole Country by Castles and Towers, and perpetual fortifications from hill to hill; to the end he might shut him up, as he lay encamped in the field? But herein appear the infinite and restless endeavours of a Roman spirit, and the works they wrought to achieve their own ends: and yet not besides the limits of reason. 
Contemprares est homo, nisi supra humana se ●rexit.  For if that of Seneca have any affinity with truth, That a man is but a common, or rather contemptible thing, unless he raise himself above ordinary courses: it is more specially verified in a Soldier; whose honour, depending upon the superlative degree, must seek out projects beyond all equality: and the rather, upon such inducements as are here alleged; 
〈◊〉 ratione i 〈…〉 i●●.  which show good reason he had to be so mad.    

CHAP. XVII.  
A Passage that happened between both Parties, about the taking of a Place.  
AMongst these fights and encounters, 
Caesar.  it happened, as Caesar's ninth Legion had taken a certain Place, and there began to fortify, Pompey had possessed himself of the Hill next adjoining thereunto, and began to hinder our men from their work. And having from one side an easy access unto it, first with Archers and Slingers, & afterwards with great troops of light-armed men, and engines of Battery he began to disturb them in their business. Neither were our men able, at one and the same time, to defend themselves, and go on with their fortifications.  
Caesar seeing his soldiers wounded and hurt from all parts, commanded them to fall off, and leave the Place. But forasmuch as they were to make their retreat down the Hill, they d●d the more urge and press upon them; and would not suffer them to fall back, for that they seemed to forsake the Place for fear. It is reported that Pompey should then, in a vainglory, say to those that were about him, That he would be content to be taken for a General of no worth●, if Caesar's men could make any retreat from thence (where they were so rashly engaged) without great loss.  
Caesar fearing the retreat of his soldiers, caused Hurdles to be brought, and s●t against the Enemy, in the brim of the Hill; and behind them sunk a trench of an indifferent latitude, and encumbered the place as much as possibly he could. He lodged also Slingers in convenient places, to defend his men in their retreat.  
These things being perfected, he caused the legions to be drawn back. But Pompey's party began with greater boldness and insolency to press our people: and putting by the Hurdles, which were set there as a Barricado, they passed over the ditch. Which when Caesar perceived, fearing lest they should rather seem to be beaten off, then be brought back, whereby a greater scandal might consequently ensue, having almost from the midway encouraged his men by Antonius, who commanded that legion, he willed that the sign of charging the Enemy should be given by a Trumpet, and gave order to assault them.  
The soldiers of the ninth legion, putting themselves suddenly into order, threw their P●les: and running furiously from the lower ground, up the steep of the Hill, drove the Enemy headlong from them; who found the Hurdles, the long poles, and the ditches, to be a great hindrance unto them in their retreat. It contented our men to leave the place without loss: so that having slain many of them, they came away very quietly, with the loss of sieve of their fellows. And having stayed about that place a while, they took other hills, and perfected the fortifications upon them.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
THis Chapter showeth, that advantage of place, and some such industrious courses as may be fitted to the occasion, are of great consequence in extremities of war: but above all, there is nothing more available to clear a danger, than valour. Valour is the Hercules that overcometh so many Monsters: and verifieth that saying, which cannot be too often repeated, Virtute faciendum est, qu●cquid in rebus bellicis est gerendum, What a man does in matter of war, must be done with valour. But of this I have already treated.    

CHAP. XVIII.  
The scarcity which either Parti● endured in this siege.  
THe carriage of that war was in a strange and unusual manner, 
Caesar.  as well in respect of the great number of Forts and Castles, containing such a circuit of ground within one continued fortification, as also in regard of the whole siege, and of other consequents depending thereupon. For whosoever goeth about to besiege another, doth either take occasion from the weakness of the Enemy, daunted or stricken with fear, or overcome in battle, or otherwise being moved thereunto by some injury offered; whereas now it happened that they were far the stronger, both in horse and foot. And generally, the cause of almost all sieges is, to keep an enemy from provision of Corn: but Caesar, being then far inferior in number of soldiers, did nevertheless besiege an Army of entire and untouched forces, especially at a time when they abounded with all necessary provisions; for every day came great store of shipping from all parts, bringing plenty of all things needful: neither could there any wind blow, which was not good from some part or other.  
On the other side, Caesar having spent all the Corn he could get, far or near, was in great want and scarcity: and yet notwithstanding, the soldiers did bear it with singular patience; for they remembered how they had suffered the like the year before in Spain, and yet with patience and labour had ended a great and dangerous war. They remembered likewise the exceeding great want they endured at Alesia, and much greater at Avaricum: and yet, for all that, they went away Conquerors of many great Nations. They refused neither Barley nor Pease, when it was given them in stead of Wheat. And of cattle (whereof they were furnished with great store out of Epirus) they made great account.  
There was also a kind of root, found out by them that were with Valerius, called Chara, which eaten with Milk did much relieve their want; and made withal a kind of bread, whereof they had plenty. And when Pompey's Party happened in their Colloquies, to cast in their teeth their scarcity and misery; they would commonly throw this kind of bread at them, and scatter it in divers places, to discourage them in their hopes. And now Corn began to be ripe, and hope itself did relieve their want, for that they trusted to have plenty within a short time. And oftentimes the soldiers, in their watches and conferences, were heard to let fall speeches, that they would rather eat the bark of trees, then suffer Pompey to escape out of their hands.  
Besides, they understood by such as ran away from the Enemy, that their horse of service could scarce be kept alive, and that the rest of their cattle were all dead, and that the soldiers themselves were in no good health, as well through the narrowness of the place wherein they were penned, as also by means of the ill savour and multitude of dead bodies, together with continual labour, being unaccustomed to travel and pains, but especially, through the extreme want of water; for all the Rivers and Brooks of that quarter, Caesar had either turned another way, or dammed up with great works. And as the places were mountainous, with some intermission and distinction of Valleys, in the form and fashion of a Cave or Den; so he stopped the same with great piles beaten into the ground, and interlated with faggots and hurdles, and then strengthened with earth, to keep back the water: insomuch as they were constrained to seek low grounds, and Marish places, and there to sink Wells. Which labour they were glad to undertake, besides their daily works, albeit these Wells stood far distant from their Garrisons, and were quickly dried up with heat.  
But Caesar's Army was in exceeding good health, and had plenty of water, together with all kind of provisions, excepting Wheat; which the season of the year daily brought on, and gave them hope of store, Harvest being so near at hand.  
In this new course of war, new policies and devices of warfare were invented and put in practice by either Party. They, perceiving by the fires that our Cohorts in the night time kept watch at the works, came stealing out, and discharged all their Arrows upon them, and then presently retreated. Wherewith our men being warned, found out this remedy; that they made their fires in one place, and kept their watch in another.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
FOrasmuch as all matter of attempt doth much import the fortune of a war, we may not omit to take notice of the reasons hear expressed by Caesar, which are the true motives of undertaking a siege. The first is drawn either from the weakness of an Enemy, or as he is daunted with fear, or overcome in battle. For having thereupon no confidence in his own power, he resteth himself in the strength of the Place which he holdeth and possesseth: which giveth his adversaries occasion to lay siege unto his Hold; and either to force them, or shut them up like women.  
The second is, when one State hath offered injury to another (which always importeth loss) beyond that which stood with the course of respect formerly held between them. For revenge whereof, the other side layeth siege to some of their Towns, to repair themselves by taking in the same.  
And thirdly, the final cause of all sieges is, to keep an Enemy from victual, and other manner of provisions; and so to take them by the belly, when they cannot take them by the ears; which is a part so violent, in requiring that which is due to Nature, as it hath made the Father and the Son fall out for a Mouse: as it happened at Athens, 
Pl●ta●ch.  besieged by Demetrius.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
THe second thing worthy our consideration is, the patience and deportment of Caesar's soldiers, in their so great wants and necessities. As first, in helping themselves with this root called Chara, 
Lib. 3. c. 59  described by Dioscorides, to be a little seed, tasting somewhat like Anise-seed, good to help digestion, and having such a root as a Caret, which being boiled, is very good meat; and is the same which our Physicians call Caraway-seed: 
Labour militiae assidua fr●ga itatis con●●●tudine factlior est.  wherewith they served their turn with such contentment, as they seemed to have been trained up in the School of Frugality; a virtue worthy of all regard, and the only means to make easy the difficulties of war, 
justin.  being as necessary for a soldier, 
Cy●us contented with bread and water.  as the use of Arms; and is that which was aimed at in the answer of Cyrus, to show the services in a soldier's diet. Forbeing demanded, 
Xenophon.  what he would have made ready for supper; Bread, saith he; for we will sup at the Fountain.  
Neither hath it been thought fit, to give way to the natural looseness of the stomach's appetite, upon any occasion; but to use the like moderation in the time of plenty. For Zeno took the answer of them, that would excuse their liberal expenses by their ability of means, for no better pa●ment, than they themselves would have taken the excuse of their Cooks, for putting too much salt on their meat, because they had salt enough.  
Caesar punished his Baker, for giving him better bread than his soldiers had. And Scipio cashiered a couple of Romans at the siege of Carthage, for feasting a friend in their Tent, during an assault. Which austerity of life raised the Romans to that height of honour, and made them Masters of the world, from the East to the Western Ocean.  
Secondly, as a consequent of this contentment, we may note their resolution to hold on their course of siege; purposing rather to eat the bark of trees, 
Aequalem oportet semper esse Imperatoris animum: m●tari enim pro terum varie●atibus, mentis instabilis argumentum efficitur. Agap●tus.  then to suffer Pompey to escape their hands. It is an excellent point in a General, to keep himself from irresolution; being a weakness of ill consequence, and not unlike the disease of the Staggers, variable, uncertain, and without bottom or bound: whereas constancy to purposes, produceth noble and worthy ends.  
An instance whereof is Fabius Maximus, who notwithstanding the reproach and scandal cast upon him, 
Unus homo nobis cunctando restitute Rem. Enn.  continued firm in his determination, to the saving of his Country. And if it be so well beseeming a Leader, it is of much more regard in the soldier: especially considering that of Xenophon; Non facile in officio potest miles contineri ab eo, qui necessaria non subministrat; He cannot easily keep his soldiers in obedience, which does not provide them necessaries. 
Lib. 6. de Cyropaed.  For, as the same Author observeth in another place, Nullus est ad●o fortis aut validus, qui possit adversus famem aut frigus pugnando militare; There is no man so stout and valorous, that can fight against cold and hunger.   

THE THIRD OBSERVATION.  
AMongst all the parts of the Roman discipline, their Watch deserveth a particular description; supplying in the Army, the office of the natural eye in the body, which is, to give notice of any approaching danger, for the preventing of the same. Polybius hath left it to posterity in this manner; Of each sort of the Legionary foot, as namely the Hastati, Principes, and Triarii, and likewise of the horse, there was chosen one out of the tenth and last Maniple, that was made free from watch and ward. This party, as the Sun began to decline, came daily to the Tent of the Tribune, and there had given him a little Tablet, wherein the watchword was writ; which Tablet they called Tessera: and then returning to his Company, delivered it to the Centurion of the next Maniple, and that Centurion to the next, and so in order, until it came to the first and chiefest Company, which was lodged next unto the Tribunes; and by the Centurion thereof was returned to the Tribune before Sunsetting.  
And if all the Tablets were brought in, than did the Tribune know the word was given to all. If any wanted, they made inquiry, and by the notes of inscription finding which was missing, they punished the default as they saw cause. And this was their watchword, by which their Party was distinguished from an Enemy; and in likelihood (for Polybius doth not affirm so much) was by the Centurion given to such of his Maniple as were to watch that night.  
Their night-watches were thus ordered; A Maniple, or Company, was always appointed to watch at the General's Pavilion. The Treasurer had three watches, and every Legate two. A watch consisted of four men, according to the general division of their night into four parts: each of those four having his turn appointed him by lot, for the first, second, third, or fourth watch, and the rest sitting by. The Velites kept watch without the Camp, and the Decuries of horse at the gates. Besides, every Maniple had private watch within itself.  
Of those that were appointed to watch, a Lieutenant of each Maniple did bring to the Tribune in the evening, such as were to keep the first watch of the night: and to them were delivered lesser Tablets, than were given out at first, called Tesserulae, appropriated to every particular watch; one for himself, and three other for his fellows.  
The trust of giong the Round was committed to the horsemen: for it belonged to the first Commander of horse in each legion, to give order to his Lieutenant, to appoint before dinner four young men of his troup, to go the Round the next night; and in the evening, to acquaint the next Commander to appoint Rounders for the night following. These horsemen being thus appointed, did cast lots for the first, second, third, and fourth watch, and then repaired to the Tribune; of whom they had order what, and how many watches to visit, having received the watchword before from their Commander: and then all four went to attend at the Tent of the Primipile, or chiefest Centurion of a Legion, who had the charge of distinguishing the four watches of the night by a Trumpet.  
When time served for him that was to go the Round the first watch, he went out accompanied with some of his friends, and visited those watches which were assigned unto him. And if he found the watchman waking, and in good order, he then took that Tablet from him which he had received of the Tribune, and departed. But if he found him sleeping, or out of his place, he took witness thereof, and departed. The same did the rest of the Rounders, as their watches fell out in course. And as the day began to break, all the Rounders brought in the Tablets to the Tribunes. And if all were brought in, there was no more to do: but if any wanted, it was found out by the Character, what watch had failed; which being known, the Centurion was called, and commanded to bring those that were faulty. If the offence were in the watchman, the Rounder was to prove it by witnesses: if not, it fell upon himself; and a Council of war being presently called, the Tribune gave judgement to kill him with a club. And in this manner did the Romans keep watch in the Camp.    

CHAP. XIX.  
A relation of divers encounters, that 
There is a great part of the history in this place omitted.  happened between both Parties.  
IN the mean time Pub. Sylla, whom Caesar (at his departure from the Camp) had left to command the Army, 
Caesar.  being certified thereof, came with two legions to succour the Cohort: at whose approach, Pompey's party was easily beaten off, being neither able to endure the shock nor sight of our men. For the first being put off, the rest gave back, and left the place: but as our men pursued them, Sylla called them back, and would not suffer them to follow far after. Howbeit, many men think, that if he would have pressed hard upon them, the war had ended that day. But in my opinion, he is not to be blamed; 
Al●ae sunt Legati par●es, atque Imperatoris  for there is one charge and power peculiar to a Lieutenant, and another to him that commandeth in Chief: the one doing nothing but by order and prescription, and the other disposing every thing as he shall think fit.  
Sylla (in Caesar's absence) having freed h●s men, was content therewith, and would no further engage them in fight (which might happily prove subject to ill fortune) lest he should seem to assume unto himself the place and authority of a General. There were certain things that made the retreat of Pompey's men very difficult and hazardous. For having ascended from a bottom to a Hill, they now found themselves upon the top thereof. And as they were to make their retreat down again, they stood in fear of our men, pressing on them from the higher ground; neither was it far from sunne-setting (for hoping to end it speedily, they drew out the business until it was almost night) whereby Pompey was forced to take a resolution from the time, and to possess himself of a Mount, no further from the Fort then out of shot. There he made a stand, fortified the place, and kept his forces.  
At the same time they fought in two other places: for Pompey, to separate and distract our troops, assaulted divers forts together, to the end they might not be succoured from the next Garrisons. In one place, Volcatius Tullus with three Cohorts sustained the assault of a Legion, and made them forsake the place. In another part, the Germans sallying out of our works, slew many of the Enemy, and returned back to their fellows in safety. So that in one day there were six several sights; three at Dyrrachium, and three at the fortifications: of all which an account being taken, there were found slain of Pompey's Party to the number of two thousand, with many Centurions, and other special men called out to that war. 
●vocati.  Amongst whom was Valerius Flaccus, the son of Lucius, who being Praetor had obtained the Province of Asia: besides, there were six Ensigns taken. Our Party lost not above twenty men in all those fights; howbeit in the fort there was not one man but was hurt.  
Four Centurions of one Cohort lost their eyes; and for argument of their endeavour and great danger, they made report to Caesar, of thirty thousand arrows shot into the fort. There was also a Target of one Scaeva, a Centurion, which was showed unto him, being pierced through in two hundred and thirty places; whom Caesar (as having well deserved of him and the Commonwealth) rewarded with six hundred pound sterling; 
Millibus ducentis aeris.  and advanced him from the Companies of the e●ghth rank, to be the chiefest Centurion, 
Prin●ipilus.  or Prin●ipile of the Legion: for it appeared, that by his means specially the fort was saved. For the Cohort, he doubled their pay, as well in Money, as in Corn and Apparel; and rewarded them nobly with ornaments of Military honour.  
Pompey having wrought all that night, to fortify his Trenches, the days following he built towers 15 foot high; which being finished, he added mantelets to that part of the Camp. And after five days, having got a dark night (shutting all the Ports of his Camp, and ramming them up) in the beginning of the third watch, ●e drew out his Army in silence, and betook himself to his old fortifications.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
THe breach of the History in this place, is like a blot in a fair Table, or as a gap in a dance of Nymphs, and doth much blemish the beauty of this Discourse. But, forasmuch as it is a loss which cannot be repaired, we must rest contented with the use of that which remaineth.  
Out of which we may observe the notice they took of well-deserving; according to the institution of their discipline, supported especially by Praem●um and Poena, Reward and Punishment. The recognition whereof (according to the judgement of the gravest Lawgivers) is the means to raise a State to the height of perfection. 
Solon. Plat. ●. de 〈◊〉 Livi● lib. 4. Lib. 6.  Eo enim impendi laborem & periculum, unde emolumentum & honos speratur, Men will then venture and take pains, when they know they shall get themselves honour and preferment by it. The Romans, saith Polybius, crowned the valour of their soldiers with eternal honours. Neither did any thing so much excite them to the achievement of noble Acts, as their Triumphs, Garlands, and other Ensigns of public renown: which Caesar specially observed above the rest. For besides this which he did to Cassius Scaeva (recorded by all the Writers of these wars) Plutarch relateth, 
In vita Cae●●is.  that at his being in Britain, he could not contain from embracing a soldiers, that carried himself valiantly in defence of divers Centurions. And whereas the poor man, falling down at his feet, asked nothing but pardon for leaving his Target behind him; he rewarded him with great gifts, and much honour. Howbeit, the difference which Sallust hath made in this kind is too generally observed; 
In repub. multo praestat beneficii q●●m ma●●ficii immemorem esse: bonus, signior ●it ubi negligas; m●●as improbior.  that It more importeth a Commonweal to punish an ill member, then to reward a good act: for a virtuous desire is by neglect a little abated, but an ill man becomes unsufferable. And thence it is, that merit is never valued but upon necessity. It is fit that he will have the honour of wearing a Lion's skin, should first kill the beast, as Hercules did: but to kill a Lion, and not to have the skin, 
Sal. juger.  is not so available as a meaner occupation. Anthony 〈◊〉 giveth another rule, observed in that government, which is the true Idea of Perfection: En la casa de Dios jamas fuc, nies, ni sera, merito sin premio, ni colpa sin pena; In the house of God there never was, nor is, nor shall be, desert unrewarded, or fault unpunished.    

CHAP. XX.  
Caesar moveth Scipio to mediate a Peace.  
AEtolia, 
Caesar.  Acarnania, and Amphilochis being taken by Cassius Longinus, and Calvisius Sabinus, as is before declared, Caesar thought it expedient to attempt and try Achaia, and to proceed farther in that course: whereupon he sent thither L. Calenus, and Q. Sabinus, and to them he added Cassius with his Cohorts. Their coming being bruited abroad, Rutilius Lupus, to whom Pompey had left the charge of Achaia, determined to fortify the Isthmus, to keep out Fusius. Calenus in the mean time, with the favour and assent of the States, took in Delphos, Thebes, and Orchomenus, besides some other places which he took by force. The rest of the Cities he laboured to draw to Caesar's party, by Embassages sent about unto them: and therein was Fusius occupied for the present. Caesar every day following brought out his Army into an equal and indifferent place, to see if Pompey would accept of battle; insomuch as he led them under Pompey's Camp▪ the vauward being within shot of the Rampire. Pompey, to hold the fame and opinion he had attained, drew out his forces, and so imbattelled them before his Camp, that their rearward did touch the Rampire; and the whole Army was so disposed, that every man was under the protection of such weapons as might be shot from thence.  
While these things were doing in Achaia and at Dy●rachium, it was certainly known that Scipio was come into Macedonia. Caesar not omitting his former purpose, sent Clodius unto him, a familiar friend to both of them, and one whom Scipio had formerly so commended to Caesar, that he had taken him in the number of his nearest favourites. ●o him he gave Letters and Messages, to be delivered to Scipio; whereof this was the effect. That he had used all means for peace, and yet had prevailed nothing at all: which he took to be the fault of such as had the charge of the business, being fearful to treat with Pompey thereof in an unseasonable time. But Scipio had that credit and respect, that he might not only deliver freely what he thought fitting, but might also (in some sort) constrain him, and reform his error. For being Commander in chief over an Army, besides his credit, he had strength to compel him. Which if he did, every man would attribute the quiet of Italy, the peace of the Provinces, and the safety and preservation of the Empire to him only. All these things did Clodius make known to Scipio: and for the first days was well heard; but afterwards could not be admitted to speech; Favonius reprehending Scipio, for going so far with him, as afterwards we understood upon the ending of the war: whereby he was forced to return to Caesar, without effecting any thing.  
Caesar that he might with greater facility keep in Pompey's Cavalry at Dyrrachium, and hinder them from forage, fortified and shut up two passages (which, as we have before declared, were very narrow) with great works, and there built Castles. Pompey understanding that his horsemen did no good abroad, within a few days, conveyed them within his fortification by shipping. Howbeit they were in extreme necessity for want of forage; insomuch as having beaten off all the leaves of the trees, they fed their horses with young Reeds bruised, 
Et mor●u spoliare nemus, lethumq●e minantes, Vellere a● ignotis dubias radicibus ●erbas.  and beaten in pieces. For they had spent the Corn which was sowed within the works, and were forced to bring food for their cattle from Corcyra and Aca●ania, by long and tedious navigation; and where it fell short, they made it up with Barley, and so kept life in their horses. But afterwards, whenas not only their Barley and other food was spent in all places, and the grass and herbs dried up, but the fruit also wasted and consumed off the trees, their horses being so lean as they were not able to stand on their legs, Pompey thought it expedient to think of some course of breaking out.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
IT may seem a cunning trick of Caesar, and perhaps it was his end, to endeavour with fair pretences to engage Scipio so far in contriving a Peace, as being General of an Army, he might assume unto himself a commanding authority; and thereupon breed such a jealousy, as would keep Pompey and him asunder.  
Nevertheless, it is every way worth a man's labour, to make overtures of peace howsoever: especially considering, how it changeth the relative in the condition of men, which in war is Homo homini Lupus, One man a Wolf to another; and in peace, Homo homini Deus, One man a God to another: 
Si bonam dederitis, fidam & perpetu●m; 〈…〉 diutur●●m.  and, proving good, will doubtless continue; if inconvenient, the sooner broken, and so the case is but the same it was before.  
Secondly, 
Li●. lib. 8.  we may note, that there is nothing so difficult, 
〈◊〉 est quod non exp●gnet pert●n●●x opera, & intenta & diligens cura.  but pertinacy and restless labour, directed with diligent and intent care, will in the end overcome it. For Caesar, that at the first seemed to undertake impossibilities, going about to besiege a great part of a Country, and to shut up a huge Army in an open place, did nevertheless (by endeavour) bring them to such extremity of want, 
Senec. lib. 6. Epist. 51.  that if, as Democritus said, the body should have put the mind in suit, for reparation of loss, which her ambition and wilful obstinacy had drawn upon it, she should never be able to pay damages.  
Touching the Isthmus which Rutilius Rufus went about to fortify, it is a neck of earth, joining an Island unto the Continent. For as the Inlet of the Sea, between two Lands, is called Porthmus (whereupon the town of Portsmouth in Hampshire hath that appellation, as sited upon the like Inlet) so any small larget or neck of earth, lying between two Seas, is called Isthmus. Whereof this of Achaia is of special note in Greece; being the same that joined Poloponnesus to the Continent, and was of special fame for the site of Corinth.  
These necks of earth, called Isthmi, are of the nature of those things, as have been often threatened, and yet continue the same. For albeit the ambition of great Princes hath sought to alter the fashion of the earth in that behalf, yet I know not how their desires have sorted to no end. 
Plin. lib. 4. cap. 4.  Perfodere nav●gabili alveo has angustias tentavere Demetrius Rex, Dictator Caesar, Caius Princeps, & Domitius Nero, infausto, ut omnium patuit ex●tu, incepto; King Demetrius, Caesar the Dictator, Cai●s the Prince, and Domitius Nero, all of them attempted to draw through this neck of land with a navigable channel, without any success, as appears by the issue. In the time of King S●sostris, and since, in the Empire of the Ottomans, they went about to bring the Red Sea into Nile; but fearing it would be a means to drown the Land, one Sea being lower than another, they gave over the enterprise. And it may be upon like consideration, or otherwise, fearing to correct the works of Nature, they forbore to make a passage between Nombre ac Dios and Panama, and so to join one sea to the other, as was said to be intended.    

CHAP. XXI.  
An accident which fell out by two Brethren of Savoy, in Caesar's Army.  
THere were in Caesar's Camp two brethren of Savoy, 
Caesar.  Roscillus and Aegus, the sons of Adbucillus, who, for many years together, was accounted the principal and chief man of that State: these were men of singular worth, and had done Caesar very great service in all the wars of Gallia; and in that respect, Caesar had advanced them to great & honourable Charges in their Country, and caused them (extraordinarily) to be taken in the number of the Senators, and bestowed much of the Enemy's lands upon them, besides great sums of ready money, and of poor had made them rich.  
These men were not only well respected by Caesar, but were in good account throughout all the Army. Howbeit, relying too much on Caesa●'s favour, and puffed up with foolish and barbarous arrogancy, they disdained their own men deceiving the horsemen of their pay, and averting all pillage from public distribution to their own particular. The horsemen provoked with these injuries, came all to Caesar, and complained openly thereof: adding farther, that their troops were not full, nor answerable to the List or Muster-role, by which they required payment.  
Caesar thinking it no fit time of punishment and withal attributing much to the worth of the men, put off the whole matter, and chid them privately, for making a gain of their troops of horse; willing them to expect a supply of all their wants from his favour, according as their service had well deserved. Nevertheless, the matter brought them into great scandal and contempt with all men: which they plainly perceived, both by the speeches of other men, as also by that they might judge themselves, 
Poenam semper an●e oculos versari putent qui peccaverunt. Cic. ●n ●rat. 〈◊〉 Milone.  their own consciences accusing them. With which reproach and shame they were so moved (and thinking peradventure that they were not quit thereof, but deferred until some other time) that they resolved to leave the Army, to seek new fortunes, and make proof of other acquaintance. And having imparted the matter to a few of their followers, to whom they durst communicate so great a disloialty, first they went about to kill C. Volusenus, General of the horse (as after the war was ended was discovered) that they might come to Pompey upon some deserved service: but after they found it hard to accomplish, they took up as much money as they could borrow, as though they meant to have paid their troops, what they formerly had defrauded them of; and having brought many horses, they went to Pompey, together with such as were acquainted with their purposes.  
Pompey finding them Gentlemen of sort, liberally brought up, attended with a great retinue, and many horses, and both of them very valiant, and in good account with Caesar, and withal, for that it was an unusual and strange accident, he led them about the works, and showed them all the fortifications: for before that time, no man, either soldier or horseman, had fled from Caesar to Pompey; whereas daily they came from Pompey to Caesar, especially such as were enroled in Epirus and Aetolia, which countries were at Caesar's devotion.  
These two Brethren exactly understanding all things in Caesar's Camp (as well concerning such works as were perfect, as such others wherein men skilful in war might find defect, together with the opportunity of time, and distances of places, as also the diligence of the Guards, with the nature and endeavour of every man that had a charge) related all particularly to Pompey.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
WE may here observe the sincerity and direct carriage of inferior Commanders in the Roman Army by the scandal these two S●vo●ens ran into for making false Musters, and defrauding the soldiers of their due: A matter so ordinary in these our times, as custom seemeth to justify the Abuse. For what more common in the course of our modern wars, then to make gain of Companies, by mustering more than they have in pay, and by turning that which is due to the soldier to their own benefit? The first whereof, if it be duly weighed, is an offence of a high nature against the State; and the second, such an injury to the soldier, as can hardly be answered.  
It is merrily (as I take it) aid by Columella, That, in foro concessun● latrocinium, Robbery is lawful in courses at Law. But for those, to whom is committed the safety of a kingdom, to betray the trust reposed in them, by raising their means with dead pays, and consequently, steading the Cause with dead service; as also, by disabling their Companions and fellow-soldiers from doing those duties which are requisite, for want of due entertainment; is a thing deserving a heavy censure, and will doubtless fall out unto them, as it did to these two Brethren. The sequel whereof will appear by the story, 
Lib. 5. Cy●op.  and confirm that of Xenophon; Dii haud impunita relinquunt imp●a & nefaria hominum facta: The Gods do not suffer the impieties and wickednesses of men to escape unpunished.    

CHAP. XXII.  
Pompey attempting to break out, putteth Caesar's Party to great loss.  
POmpey being informed of these things, 
Caesar.  & having formerly resolved to break out, as is already declared, gave order to the soldiers to make them cover for their Morions of Osiers, and to get some store of Bavins and Faggots. Which being prepared, he shipped a great number of the light-armed soldiers and Archers, together with those faggots, in Skiffs and Galleys. And about midnight he drew threescore Cohorts out of the greater Camp, and the places of Garrison, and sent them to that part of the ●ortification which was next unto the Sea, and farthest off from Caesar's greatest Camp. Thither also he sent the ships beforementioned, filled with light-armed men and faggots, together with as many other Galleys as were at Dyrrachium; and gave directions how every man should employ himself.  
Caesar had left Lentulus Marcellinus, the Treasurer, with the Legion newly enroled, to keep that fortification; who for that he was sickly, and of an ill disposition of body▪ had substituted Fulvius Posthumus as his coadjutor.  
There was in that place a ●rench of fifteen foot deep, and a Rampire against the Enemy of ten foot in 〈◊〉, and as much in breadth. And about six hundred foot from that place was raised another Rampire▪ with the front the contrary way, but somewhat lower than the ●ormer. For some few days before, Caesar (fearing that place, lest our men should be circumvented with their ships) had caused double fortifications to be made in that place; that if (peradventure) they should be put to their shifts, they might nevertheless make good resistance. But the greatness of the works, and the continual labour they daily endured, the fortifications being carried eighteen miles in circuit, would not suffer them to finish it. Whereby it happened, that he had not as yet made a Rampire along the Seashore, to join these two fortifications together, for the defence thereof: which was informed Pompey by these two Savoiens, and brought great damage and loss to our people. For as the Cohorts of the ninth Legion kept watch and guard upon the Sea, suddenly, by the break of day, came Pompey's Army: which seemed very strange unto our men: and instantly thereupon, the soldiers from a shipboard assaulted with their weapons the inner Rampire, & the rest began to fill up the Trench.  
The legionary soldiers, appointed to keep the inner fortifications, having planted a great number of Ladders to the Rampire, did amuse the Enemy with weapons, & Engines of all sorts; & a great number of A●chers were thronged together on each side. But the cover of Osiers which they beware on their headpieces, did greatly defend them from the blows of stones, which was the only weapon our men had for that purpose. And as our men were overlaid with all these things, and did hardly make resistance, they found out the defect of the fortification, formerly mentioned: and landing their men between the two Rampires, they charged our people in the rear, and so driving them from both the fortifications, made them turn their backs.  
This Alarm being heard, Marcellinus sent certain Cohorts to succour our men: who seeing them fly, could neither re-assure them by their coming, nor withstand the fury of the Enemy themselves: insomuch as what relief soever was sent, was distracted by the fear and astonishment of them that fled away. Whereby the terror and the danger was made much the greater, and their retreat was hindered through the multitude of people.  
In that fight, the Eagle-bearer being grievously wounded, and fainting for want of strength, looking towards the horsemen; This have I, said he, in my life time carefully and diligently defended for many years together, and now, dying, with the same fidelity do restore it unto Caesar: suffer not (I pray you) such a dishonour, the like whereof never happened in Caesar's Army, but return it unto him in safety. By which accident the Eagle was saved: all the Centurions of the first Cohort being slain, but the first of the Maniple of the Principes. And now the Enemy, with great slaughter of our men, approached near Marcellinus Camp.  
The rest of the Cohorts being greatly astonished, M. Antonius holding the next Garrison to that place, upon notice thereof, was seen to come down from the upper ground with twelve Cohorts. Upon whose coming Pompey's Party was repressed and stayed, and our men somewhat reassured, giving them time to come again to themselves out of that astonishment. And not long after, Caesar having knowledge thereof by smoke made out of the Forts, according to the use of former time, came thither also, bringing with him certain Cohorts out of the Garrisons.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
IT is an old saying, 
Arma alienasse grave ●rim●n est, & ●a poe●a de●ertioni ex●quatur, utique si tota alien●vit.  that Thiefs handsel is always naught. But Traitor's handsel is much worse: as appeareth by the falling away of these two Savoiens: who were the first that left Caesar in this war, and the first that brought Pompey good fortune: themselves standing culpable of as great an offence, 
Lib. 14.  as if they had alienated the whole Army. 
§ de re militari.  In the course whereof we may see plainly that which I have formerly noted; that it is an excellent thing to be still attempting upon an Enemy, so it be done upon good grounds and cautions: for while Pompey stood upon the defensive ward, the honour of the contention fell continually upon Caesar. And doubtless, he that observeth Caesar's proceedings in the carriage of all his wars, shall find his fortune to have specially grown from his active and attempting spirit.  
In this Eagle-bearer, 
Vir virtute ex mi●s, aliqu●ndo fortuna, semper●a imo maximus.  we may see verified that which Paterculus affirmeth of Mithridates, That a valiant spirit is sometimes great by the favour of Fortune, but always great in a good courage.  
For these titles of degrees, as Princeps prior, and the rest here mentioned, having formerly discoursed at large of the parts of a legion, and the Hierarchy of their discipline, I will rather refer the Reader thereunto, then bombast out a volume with distasteful repetitions.    

CHAP. XXIII.  
Caesar purposeth to alter the course of war; and attempteth to cut off one of Pompey's Legions.  
CAesar understanding of the loss, 
Caesar.  and perceiving that Pompey was got out of the fortifications, and was encamped upon the Sea, in such sort as he might freely go out to forage, and have no less access to his shipping then formerly he had; changing his course of war, which had not succeeded to his expectation, he encamped himself fast by Pompey. The works being perfected, it was observed by C●sar's Discoverers, that certain Cohorts, to the number of a Legion, were brought behind a wood into the old Camp. The site of the Camp was after this manner. The days before, Caesar's ninth Legion opposing themselves against Pompey's forces, and working upon the fortifications (as is before declared) had their Camp in that place, adjoining unto a wood, and not distant from the sea, above four hundred pases. Afterwards, Caesar changing his mind for some certain causes, transferred his lodging somewhat farther off from that place. A few days after the same Camp was possessed by Pompey. And forasmuch as he was to lodge more legions in that place, leaving the inner Rampire standing, he enlarged the fortification, so that the lesser Camp being included in the greater, served as a Castle or Citadel to the same. Besides also, he drew a fortification from the right angle of the Camp, four hundred pases outright, to a River, to the end the soldiers might water freely, without danger. And he also changing his mind, for some causes not requisite to be mentioned, left the place too: so that the Camp stood empty for many days together, and all the fortifications were as perfect as at the first.  
The Discoverers brought news to Caesar, that they had seen an Ensign of a Legion carried thither. The same was likewise confirmed; from certain Forts which stood upon the higher grounds. The place was distant from Pompey's new Camp about five hundred pases. Caesar hoping to cut off this legion, and desirous to repair that day's loss, left two cohorts at work, to make a show of fortifying, and he himself (by a contrary way, in as covert a manner as he could) led the rest of the Cohorts, in number thirty three (amongst whom was the ninth legion, that had lost many Centurions, and was very weak in soldiers) towards Pompey's legion, and the lesser camp, in a double battle. Neither did his opinion deceive him: for he came thither before Pompey could perceive it.  
And albeit the fortifications of the Camp were great, yet assaulting it speedily with the left Cornet, wherein he himself was, he drove Pompey's soldiers from the Rampire. There stood a 
* E●itius.  Turn-pike in the Gate, which gave occasion of resistance for a while: and as our men would have entered, they valiantly defended the Camp; T. Pulcio, by whose means C. Antonius Army was betrayed, as we have formerly declared, fight there most valiantly. Yet nevertheless our men overcame them by valour; and cutting up the Turn-pike, entered first into the greater Camp, and afterwards into the Castle, and slew many that resisted, of the legion that was forced thither.  
But Fortune, that can do much in all things, and specially in war, doth in a small moment of time bring great alterations; as it then happened. For the Cohorts of Caesar's right Cornet, ignorant of the place, followed the Rampire which went along from the Camp to the River, seeking after the Gate, and taking it to be the Rampire of the Camp: but when they perceived that it joined to the River, they presently got over it, no man resisting them; and all the cavalry followed after those cohorts.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
POmpey having cleared his Army of that siege, it booted not Caesar to prosecute his purpose any longer: for when the end is miss for which any course is undertaken, it were folly to seek it by that means. We must rather choose new ways, that may lead us to the end of our hopes, then follow the old tract, which sorted to no effect. And yet nevertheless, the sufficiency of the General is no way disabled: for, 
Sapiens non semper it● uno gradu, 〈…〉.  albeit a wise man doth not always keep one pace, yet still he holdeth one and the same way.  
Secondly, that of Xerxes appeareth to be true, that great attempts are always made with great difficulty and danger. Wherein the wisdom of the heathen world ascribed all to Fortune, 
Herodot.  as the sole cause of all remarkable events, 
〈◊〉 omnia expensa, omnia feruntur acceptant & in tota ratiore mortalium, s●la utt●●que paginam facit. Plin. lib. 2. cap. 7.  and that which filled up both the pages of all the Books, wherein men noted the course of things. Clades in bello acceptae, non semper ignaviae, sed aliquando Fortunae temeritati sunt imputandae, Losses received in war, are not always to be imputed to slothful carriage, but oftentimes to the temerity of Fortune, saith Archidamus; and is that which is aimed at by Caesar.    

CHAP. XXIIII.  
The ●ight continueth, and Caesar loseth.  
IN the mean while Pompey, 
Caesar.  after so long a respite of time, having notice thereof, took the first Legion from their works, and brought them to succour their fellows: and at the same time his Cavalry did approach near our horsemen, and our men that possessed the Camp, did discover an Army imbattelled coming against them; and all things were suddenly changed. For Pompey's legion, assured with a speedy hope of succour, began to make resistance at the Decumane gate, and voluntarily charged our men.  
Caesar's Cavalry being got over the rampire into a narrow passage, fearing how they might retreat in safety, began to fly away. The right Cornet, secluded and cut off from the left, perceiving the terror of the horsemen (lest they might be endangered within the fortifications) betook themselves to the other side from whence they came: and most of them (lest they should be surprised in the straits) cast themselves over works of ten foot high into the ditches: and such as first got over being trodden under foot by such as followed after, the rest saved themselves in passing over their bodies.  
The soldiers of the left Cornet perceiving from the Rampire that Pompey was at hand, and that their own side fled away, fearing lest they should be shut up in those straits, having the Enemy both without and within them, thought it their best course to return back the same way they came. Whereby there happened nothing but tumult, fear, and flight: insomuch as when Caesar caught hold with his hand of the Ensigns of them that fled, and commanded them to stand; some for fear left their Ensigns behind them, others forsaking their horses, kept on their course: neither was there any one of them that would stand. Notwithstanding, in this so great a calamity and mishap these helps fell out to relieve us, when the whole army was in danger to be cut off; that Pompey fearing some treachery (for that, as I think, it happened beyond his expectation, who a little before saw his men fly out of his camp) durst not for a good while approach near the fortifications; and our men possessing the narrow passages and the Ports, did hinder the horsemen from following after. And so a small matter fell out to be of great moment, in the carriage of that accident, on either side. For the Rampire, which was carried from the Camp to the River (Pompey's Camp being already taken) was the only hindrance of Caesar's expedite and easy victory: and the same thing, hindering the speedy following of their horsemen, was the only safety and help of our men.  
In those two fights, there were wanting of Caesar's men nine hundred and threescore; and horsemen of note, R. Felginas, Tuticanus Gallus, a Senators son, C. Felginas of Placentia, Agravius of Puteolis, Sacrativirus of Capua, ten Tribunes of the soldiers, and thirty Centurions. But the greatest part of these perished in the Trenches, in the fortifications, and on the River banks, pressed to death with the fear and ●light of their fellows, without any blow or wound given them. There were lost at that time thirty two military Ensigns.  
Pompey, upon that sight, was saluted by the name of Imperator; which title he then obtained, and so suffered himself to be styled afterward: howbeit he used it not in any of his Missives, nor yet wore any Laurel in the bundle of Rods carried before him.  
Labienus having begged all the Captives, caused them (for greater ostentation) to be brought out in public; and to give the more assurance to such as were fled thither from Caesar's party, calling them by the name of fellow-soldiers, in great derision asked them whether old soldiers were wont to fly; and so caused them all to be slain.  
Pompey's party took such an assurance and spirit upon these things, that they thought no farther of the course of war, but carried themselves as though they were already Victors: not respecting (as the cause of all this) the paucity of our men, nor the disadvantage of the place, and the straightness thereof, the Camp being possessed, and the doubtful terror both within and without the works; not yet the Army divided into two parts, in such sort as neither of them were able to help or succour the other. Neither yet did they add to this, that the fight was not made by any valiant encounter, or in form of battle; but that they received more hurt from the narrowness of the place, and from their own disorder, then from the Enemy.  
And to conclude, they did not remember the common chances and casualties of war: wherein oftentimes very small causes, either of false suspicion, or of sudden fear, or out of scruple of Religion, do infer great and heavy losses; as often as either by the negligence of the General, or the fault of a Tribune, the Army is misordered. But as though they had overcome by true force of their prowess, and that no alteration of things could after happen, they magnified that day's victory, by Letters and report throughout the whole world.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
SOmetimes we may think to repair a loss, and thereby hazard a greater misfortune. For albeit the saying be common, that a man must seek his coat where he lost it, as Dicers do; yet there is always more certainty in seeking, 
Humana●um rerum ●●●culus est, qui ro●atus semper ●osdem fortunatos esse non sinit.  then in finding. For the circle of humane affairs being carried round in a course, doth not suffer happiness to continue with one Party. And thereupon it was, That Pittacus dedicated a Ladder to the Temple of Mitylene, to put men in mind of their condition; 
Herodot. lib. 1.  which is nothing else but going up and down. The life of a soldier is a mere Hermaphrodite, 
Habet has vices conditio mortalium, ut adv●rsi ex secundis, secunda ex adversis nascantur. P●in. in Paneg.  and taketh part of either sex of Fortune; and is made by Nature to beget Happiness of Adversity, and mischances of Good hap: as if the cause of all causes, by intermixing sweet with sour, would lead us to his Providence, and consequently to himself, the first Mover of all Motions.  
The diversity of these events are so inchained together, as one seemeth to have relation to the other. For this task admitted not of veni, vidi, vici, I only came, and saw, and overcame; nor went on with Alexander, marching over the Plains of Asia, without rub or counterbuff: but the business was disposed, here to receive a blow, and there to gain a victory. And so this loss at Dyrraechium made the battle at Pharsalia the more glorious, and beautified the course of this war with variety of chances. The best use of these Disasters, is that which C●oesus made of his cross fortunes, Mei casus, 
Herodot. lib. 1.  et si ingrati, mihi tamen extitere disciplina; My mishaps, though they be unpleasing enough, yet they have still taught me something.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
AS the Mathematics, by reason of their certainty, do admit demonstration, as well from the conclusion to the principles, as from the principles to the conclusion: so in the actions of man's life, it is not hard to assign the precedent causes by the sequel; 
L●●vento è spesso judice non imperito delle cose. Guic●. lib. 5.  the event being oftentimes an understanding Judge of things that are past. And although it do no where appear what was the cause of Labienus leaving Caesar; yet his insolent carriage towards these Captives, may make at least a probable conjecture, that his revolt proceeded from his own disposition, rather than from any cause on Caesar's behalf. For where a man hath once done an injury, he will never cease heaping one wrong after another, and all to justify his first error: whereas on the other side, a noble spirit, free from all desert, will demean himself answerable to his first innocency.    

CHAP. XXV.  
Caesar speaketh to the soldiers concerning this mishap; and forsaketh the Place.  
CAesar being driven from his former purposes, 
Caesar.  resolved to change the whole course of the war; so that at one and the same time omitting the siege, and withdrawing the Garrisons, he brought all the Army into one place, and there spoke unto the soldiers: exhorting them not to think much at those things that had happened, nor to be amuzed therewith; but to counterpoise this loss (which was in a mediocrity) with many happy and fortunate battles they had gained.  
Let them thank Fortune, that they had taken Italy without blow or wound; that they had quieted and put in peace both the Provinces of Spain, full of warlike men, and directed by skilful and practised Commanders; that they also had subdued the fertile bordering Provinces; and likewise, that they should remember, with what facility they were all transported in safety through the midst of the Enemy's fleets; not only the Havens and Ports, but all the coast being full of shipping.  
If all things fell not out prosperously. 
The Philosoph●● C●ator was wont to say, that 〈…〉 occasion of an ill 〈◊〉▪ is a great comfort in any 〈◊〉 of adversity. Pla● in c●ns. Apo.  Fortune was to be helped by their industry. The loss which was received, might be attributed to any man rather than unto him: for he had given them a secure place to fight in, had possessed himself of the Enemy's Camp, driven them out, and overcome them in fight. But whether it were their fear, or any other error, or Fortune herself, that would interrupt a victory already gained every man was now to labour to repair the damage they had sustained, with their valour: which if they did endeavour, he would turn their less into advantage, as it formerly fell out at Gergovia, where such as before were afraid to sight, did of their own accord offer themselves to battle.  
Having ended his speech, 
〈…〉.  he disgraced and displaced some Ensign bearers. The Army thereupon conceived such a grief of the blow that was given them, and such a desire they had to repair their dishonour, that no man needed the command either of a Tribune or Centurion: every man imposing upon himself as a punishment for his late fault, greater labours then usual, and withal inflamed with an earnest desire of fight: insomuch as many of the higher Orders thought it requisite to continue in the place, and refer the cause to a battle. But chose, Caesar was not assured of the terrified soldiers, and thought it expedient besides, to interpose some time for the settling of their minds; fearing likewise lest he should be straightened through scarcity of Corn, upon the leaving of his fortifications. And therefore without any farther delay, giving order for such as were wounded and sick, assoon as it was night, he conveyed all the carriages secretly out of the Camp, and sent them before towards Apollonia, forbidding them to rest until they came to their lodging; and sent one legion withal to convoy them.  
That being done, he retained two Legions within the Camp: and the rest, being led out at divers ports, about the fourth watch of the night he sent the same way. And after a little pause (for the observing of Military order, and to the end his speedy departure might not be discovered) he commanded them to take up the cry of trussing up their baggage; and presently setting forward, overtook the former troup, & so went speedily out of the sight of the Camp.  
Pompey having notice of his purpose, made no delay to follow after: but aiming at the same things, either to take them encumbered in their march, or astonished with fear, brought forth his Army, and sent his horsemen before to stay the Rearward. But Caesar went with so speedy a march, that he could not overtake them, until he came to the River Genusus; where, by reason of the high and uneasy banks, the Cavalry overtook the tail of the Army, and engaged them in fight. Amongst whom Caesar opposed his horsemen, and intermingled with them four hundred expedite soldiers, of them that had place before the Ensigns: who so much prevailed in the encounter, that they drove them all away before them, slew many of them, and returned themselves in safety to their troops.  
Caesar having made a just days march, according to his first determination, and brought his Army over the River Genusus, he lodged in his old Camp over against Asparagus; and kept all the soldiers within the Rampire, commanding the horse that went out to forage, to be presently taken in by the Decumane Port.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
ALbeit that of Cato be true, 
Prae ●orum del●cta 〈◊〉 non ac●●piunt. Ve●●t. lib. 1. cap. 14.  that an Error in ●ight is not capable of amendment: yet out o● that which happeneth amiss, may always be somewhat gathered to repair the disadvantage, and to dispose a Party to better carriage for the future. Accordingly we may note Caesar's notable temper and demeanour, after so great a loss; recalling the courage of his soldiers, and settling their minds in a course of good resolution, with as many valuable reasons as humane wisdom was able to afford him: without which, all their other advantages, either of valour or experience and use of Arms, or their assuredness after so many victories, or what other thing soever that made them excel all other Armies, had been utterly buried in this overthrow. For his better furtherance wherein, he thought it fit to use the help of time, before he brought them to the like trial. For that which is said of grief, 
Finem dolendi, qui consilio non fecerit, tempore invenit. 〈◊〉. Epist. 64.  If reason will not give an end unto it, time will, is to be understood of any other passion of the mind; which cannot possibly be so great, but time will consume it.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
THe second thing which cometh to be handled, is the manner of Caesar's retreat; being as exquisite a pattern in this kind, as is extant in any story: and is the rather to be considered, forasmuch as it is one of the principal points of Military Art, and worthiest the knowledge of a General, to be able, upon all occasions, to make a safe and sure retreat. For those that can do nothing else, can easily put themselves into a war: but to return them home again in safety, is that which concerneth the honour of a Leader.  
Many are the causes that may move a Commander to dislodge himself, and to leave his Adversary for a time: but the means to do it safety depend specially upon these two points. The one is, To advance himself onward at first, as far as possibly he can, to the end he may get the start, before the enemy be ready to follow him: and is taught by Xenophon; who, after the death of Cyrus, in the battle against King Artaxerxes, brought back a thousand men into Greece, from an Army of two hundred thousand horse, that pressed hard upon them, for five hundred leagues together. Which retreat is exactly storied by the said Author, in seven books, containing all the difficulties concerning this point: amongst which, we find this passage.  
It much imported us, saith he, to go as far at first as possible we could; 
Lib. 2.  to the end we might have some advantage of space before the Enemy, that pressed so near behind. For, if we once got before, and could outstrip them for a day's journey or two, it was not possible for them to overtake us; forasmuch as they durst not follow us with a small troup, and with great forces they could never reach us: besides the scarcity and want of victual they fell into by following us, that consumed all before them.  
Thus far goeth Xenophon. And according to this rule, Caesar ordered his retreat: for he got the start of Pompey so far the first day, by that eight miles he gained in the afternoon, as it followeth in the next Chapter, that he was never able to overtake him.  
The second thing for the assuring of a retreat is, So to provide against the incumberances of an Enemy, that he may not find it easy to attack him that would be gone. Of all retreats which may any way be taken from example of Beasts, that of the Wolf is most commended: who never flies, but with his head turned back upon his adversaries; and shows such teeth, as are not to be trusted.  
After the Wolf's manner marched Caesar: for howsoever the body of his Army retreated one way, yet they turned so terrible a countenance towards the Enemy, as was not to be endured. And upon these two hinges, is turned the carriage of a skilful retreat.  
Howbeit, for the better furtherance hereof, it shall not be impertinent to add hereunto some inventions, practised by great Commanders, which may serve to amuse an Enemy, while a General doth prepare himself to observe the former points.  
King Philip of Macedon, 
Livy. 31.  desirous to leave the Roman Army, sent a Herald to the Consul, to demand a cessation of Arms, while he buried his dead, which he purposed to perform the next day, with some care and solemnity. Which being obtained, he dislodged himself secretly that night, and was got far on his way before the Romans perceived it.  
Hannibal, 
Livy. 27.  to clear his Army from that of the Romans, which was commanded by the Consul Nero, about midnight made many fires, in that part which stood next the Roman Camp: & leaving certain Pavilions & Lodgings, with some few Numidians, to show themselves upon the Rampire, he departed secretly towards Puteolis. As soon as it was day, the Romans (according to their custom) approaching the Counterscarp, the Numidians showed themselves; and then suddenly made after their fellows, as fast as their horses could carry them. The Consul, finding a great silence in the Camp, sent two Light-horsemen to discover the matter: who returning, told him of the Enemy's departure.  
In like manner, 
Lib. 2. de bello Civili.  Varus (as is formerly related) left a Trumpeter in the Camp near Utica, with certain Tents; and about midnight, carried his Army secretly into the Town.  
Mithridates, 
Front. lib. 1. cap. 1.  willing to leave Pompey, that cut him off short, the better to cover his departure, made show of making greater provision of forage than he was accustomed, appointed conferences the next day, made great store of fires in his Camp; and then in the night escaped away.  
The Persians, in the voyage which Solyman the Turk made against them, in the year one thousand five hundred fifty four, being driven to a place where the Ottomans thought to have had a hand upon them, gathered every man a faggot; and making a great heap thereof, set them all on fire, in the passage of the Turks Army: which burned so furiously, as the Persian escaped before the Enemy could pass by the fire.    

CHAP. XXVI.  
Caesar goeth on in his retreat: Pompey ceaseth to follow him.  
IN like manner, 
Caesar.  Pompey having that day marched a full journey, betook himself to his former lodging at Asparagus. And, for that the soldiers were not troubled with fortifying their Camp, by reason all the works were whole & entire, many of them went out far off to get wood, and to seek forage: others, rising hastily, had left a great part of their luggage behind them; and induced by the nearness of the last night's lodging, left their Arms, and went back to fetch those things that were behind. Insomuch as Caesar, seeing them thus scattered (as before he had conceived how it would fall out) about high noon gave warning to depart, and so led out his Army; and doubling that day's journey, he went from that place about eight mile: which Pompey could not do, by reason of the absence of his soldiers.  
The next day, Caesar having in like manner sent his carriages before, in the beginning of the night, set forward himself about the fourth watch; that if there were any sudden necessity of fight, he might (at all occasions) be ready with the whole Army. The like he did the days following. By which it happened, that in his passage over great Rivers, and by difficult and cumbersome ways, he received no detriment or loss at all. For Pompey being stayed the first day, and afterwards striving in vain, making great journeys, and yet not overtaking us, the fourth day gave over following, and betook himself to another resolution.  
Caesar, as well for the accommodating of his wounded men, as also for paying the Army, re-assuring his Allies and Confederates, and leaving Garrisons in the towns, was necessarily to go to Apollonia: but he gave no longer time for the dispatch of these things, than could be spared by him that made haste. For fearing lest Domitius should be engaged by Pompey's arrival, he desired to make towards him with all possible celerity: his whole purpose and resolution insisting upon these reasons; That if Pompey did follow after him, he should by that means draw him from the Seaside, and from such provisions of war as he had stored up at Dyrrachium; and so should compel him to undertake the war upon equal conditions. If he went over into Italy, having joined his Army with Domitius, he would go to succour Italy by the way of Illyricum. But if he should go about to besiege Apollonia, or Oricum, and so exclude him from all the Sea-coast, he would then besiege Scipio, and force Pompey to relieve him.  
And therefore having writ and sent to Cn. Domitius, what he would have done (leaving four Cohorts to keep Apollonia, one at Lissus, and three at Oricum, and disposing such as were weak through their wounds in Epirus and Acarnania) he set forward.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
COnfecto justo itinere ejus dici, having marched a full days march, or gone a just day's journey, saith the story. Which giveth occasion to inquire, how far this just day's journey extended. 
Lib. 5. de Milit. Ro. cap. 14.  Lipsius saith, it was twenty four miles, alleging that of Vegetius; Militari gradu (saith he) viginti millia passuum horis quinque duntaxat aestivis conficienda: 
Lib. 1. cap. 1  pleno autem gradu qui citatior est, totidem horis viginti quatuor; A soldier's march did usually rid 20 miles in five summer hours, and if they marched with speed, 24 miles in the same time: understanding justum iter, a just journey, to be so much as was measured militari gradu, by a soldier's march. But he that knows the marching of an Army, shall easily perceive the impossibility of marching ordinarily twenty four miles a day. Besides, this place doth plainly confute it: for, first, he saith that he made a just day's journey; & then again, rising about noon, doubled that day's journey, and went eight miles. Which shows, that their Justum iter was about eight miles: and so suiteth the slow conveyance of an Army, with more probability than that of Lipsius.    

CHAP. XXVII.  
Pompey hasteth to Scipio. Domitius heareth of the overthrow.  
POmpey also conjecturing at Caesar's purpose, 
Caesar.  thought it requisite for him to hasten to Scipio, that he might succour him, if Caesar should chance to intend that way: but if it so fell out, that he would not depart from the Seashore and Corcyra, as expecting the legions and Cavalry to come out of Italy, he would then attack Domitius. For these causes both of them made haste, as well to assist their Parties, as to surprise their enemies, if occasion were offered. But Caesar had turned out of the way, to go to Apollonia; whereas Pompey had a ready way into Macedonia by Candavia. To which there happened another inconvenience: that Domitius, who for many days together had lodged hard by Scipio's Camp, was now departed from thence, to make provision of Corn, unto Heraclea Sentica, which is subject to Candavia; as though Fortune would have thrust him upon Pompey. This Caesar was at that time ignorant of. Moreover, Pompey had writ to all the States and Provinces, of the overthrow at Dyrrachium, in far greater terms than the thing itself was: and had noised it abroad, that Caesar was beaten, had lost all his forces, and fled away.  
Which reports made the wales very hard and dangerous to our men, and drew many States from Caesar's party: whereby it happened, that many Messengers being sent, both from Caesar to Domitius, and from Domitius to Caesar, were forced to turn back again, and could not pass. Howbeit, some of the followers of Roscillus and Aegus (who, as is before showed, had fled unto Pompey) meeting on the way with Domitius Discoverers (whether it were out of their old acquaintance, having lived together in the wars of Gallia, or otherwise out of vainglory) related all what had happened; not omitting Caesar's departure, or Pompey's coming. Whereof Domitius being informed, and being but scarce four hours before him, did (by the help of the enemy) avoid a most imminent danger, and met with Caesar at Aeginium, which is a town situate upon the frontiers of Thessalia.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
JOy is an opening and dilating motion, and oftentimes openeth the body so wide, as it letteth out the soul, which returneth not again. And in like manner, the causes of all such exsultations do, for the most part, spread themselves further than is requisite.  
Pompey having victory in hope, 
Human●tum actionum fel● itas infeli 〈…〉 rerum particulis, quae multae sunt & vary. sed ex eventis judi intu●. Dionys. Hal. lib. 9  rather than in hand, boasted as though all were his: not considering, that the happiness or disaster of humane actions, doth not depend upon the particulars rising in the course thereof, which are variable and divers, but according as the event shall censure it. Whereupon the Russes have a saying in such cases, that he that laughs afterward, laughs then too: as Caesar did.    

CHAP. XXVIII.  
Caesar sacketh Gomphi in Thessalia.  
CAesar having joined both Armies together, 
Caesar.  came to Gomphi, which is the first town of Thessalia by the way leading out of Epirus. These people, a few days before, had of their own accord sent Ambassadors to Caesar, offering all their means and abilities to be disposed at his pleasure; requiring also a Garrison of soldiers from him. But now they had heard of the overthrow at Dyrrachiuml; which was made so great, and so prevailed with them, that Androsthenes, Praetor of Thessalia (choosing rather to be a partaker of Pompey's victory, than a companion with Caesar in adversity) had drawn all the multitude of servants and children out of the Country into the Town; and shutting up the Gates, dispatched Messengers to Scipio and Pompey, for succour to be sent unto him, in that he was not able to hold out a long siege. Scipio understanding of the departure of the Armies from Dyrrachium, had brought the legions to Larissa: and Pompey did not as yet approach near unto Thessalia.  
Caesar having fortified his Camp, commanded Mantelets, Ladders, and Hurdles to be made ready for a surprise. Which being fitted and prepared, he exhorted the soldiers, and showed them what need there was (for the relieving of their wants, and supplying of all necessaries) to possess themselves of an opulent and full town; as also by their example, to terrify the other Cities: and what they did, to do speedily, before it could be succoured. Whereupon, by the singular industry of the soldiers, the same day he came thither, giving the assault after the ninth hour (notwithstanding the exceeding height of the walls) he took the Town before sunset, 
After three of the clock in the afternoon.  and gave it to the soldiers to be rifled: and presently removing from thence, came to Metropolis, in such sort, as he outwent as well Messengers, as news of taking the Town.  
The metropolitans, induced with the same respects, at first shut up their gates, and filled their walls with armed men: but afterwards, understanding by the Captives (whom Caesar caused to be brought forth) what had happened to them of Gomphi, they presently opened their gates; and by that means were all preserved in safety. Which happiness of theirs being compared with the desolation of Gomphi, there was no one State of all Thessalia (excepting them of Larissa, which were kept in with great forces by Scipio) but yielded obedience to Caesar, and did what he commanded. Caesar having now got a place plenteous of Corn, which was now almost ripe, he resolved to attend Pompey's coming, and there to prosecute the residue of that war.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
LIvie saith, 
Lib. 5.  that the siege of that Place which we would quickly take, 
Obsidio ejus urbis quam cito capere velis, & utgenda & premenda.  must be prosecuted and urged hard. Which rule Caesar observed: for he followed it so hard, that he took the Town fortified with exceeding high walls, in four hours' space, or thereabouts, after he began to assault it. Which Plutarch saith, was so plentifully stored of all necessary provision, that the soldiers found there a refection of all the miseries and wants they suffered at Dyrrachium: insomuch as they seemed to be new made, both in body and courage, by reason of the wine, victuals, and riches of that place; which were all given unto them, 
Lib. 6. de Instit. Cyri.  according to that of Xenophon, Lex inter omnes homines perpetua est, quando belligerantium urbs capta fuerit, cuncta corum esse qui eam ceperint, & corpora ●orum qui in urbe sunt & bona; 
Bello lex acquirendi justissima. Dionys. 〈◊〉. in exper. legate.  It is a general Law amongst all men, that when an Enemy's town is forcibly taken, all that is found in it, as well bodies as goods, is at their disposal who have taken it.  
Appian saith, the Germans were so drunk, that they made all men laugh at them: and that if Pompey had surprised them in these disorders, they might have paid dear for their entertainment. He addeth moreover (to show the stiffness of the inhabitants against Caesar) that there were found in a Surgeon's Hall, twenty two principal Personages, stiff dead upon the ground, without appearance of any wound, having their goblets by them: and he that gave the poison, sitting upright in a Chair, as dead as the rest. 
Polyb. lib. 8  And as Ph●lip, having taken Acrolisse in the Country of the ●●tirians, drew all the rest to his obedience, through the fear they conceived of their usage: so the consideration of the calamity which befell Gomphi, and the good entreaty which the Metropolitans found by yielding unto Caesar, brought all the other Cities under his command.    

CHAP. XXIX.  
Pompey cometh into Thessalia: his Army conceiveth assured hope of victory.  
POmpey a few days after came into Thessalia; 
Caesar.  and there calling all the Army together, first gave great thanks to his own men; and then exhorted Scipio's soldiers, that the victory being already obtained, they would be partakers of the booty and of the rewards: and taking all the legions into one Camp, he made Scipio partaker both of his honour and authority, commanding the Trumpets to attend his pleasure for matter of direction, and that he should use a Praetoriall Pavilion.  
Pompey having strengthened himself with an addition of another great Army, every man was confirmed in his former opinion, and their hope of victory was increased: so that the longer they dela●ed the matter, the more they seemed to prolong their return into Italy. And albeit Pompey proceeded slowly and deliberately in the business, yet it was but a day's work. But some there were that said, he was well pleased with authority and command, and to use men both of Consular dignity, and of the Praetorian order, as his vassals and servants.  
And now they began to dispute openly, concerning rewards and dignities of Priesthood; and pointed out those which from year to year were to be chosen Consuls. Others begged the houses and goods of such as were with Caesar. Besides a great controversy that further grew between them in open council, whether L. Hirrus were not to be regarded at the next election of Praetors, being absent, and employed by Pompey against the Parthians. And as his friends urged Pompey with his promise given at his departure, requiring he might not now be deceived through his greatness and authority; the rest, running a course of as great danger and labour, saw no reason (by way of contradiction) why one man should be respected before all others. And now Domitius, Scipio, and Spinther Lentulus, began to grow to high words in their daily meetings, concerning Caesar's Priesthood: Lentulus alleging, by way of ostentation, the honour that was due to his age and authority; Domitius vaunting of the credit and favour he had at Rome; and Scipio trusting to Pompey's alliance. Moreover, Atius Rusus accused L. Afranius to Pompey, for betraying the Army in Spain. L. Domitius gave out in council, That after the war was ended, all such as were of the rank of Senators, should be inquired upon by a triple Commission: and that those which were personally in the war; should be of the Commission to judge the rest; as well such as were at Rome, as those that did no service in this war. The first Commission should be, to clear such as had well-deserved, from all danger. The second, Penal: and the third, Capital. And to conclude, every man laboured, either to have a reward, or to be avenged of his Enemy. Neither did they think so much of the means how to overcome, as how to use the victory.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
THe Tale which the Emperor Frederick related to the Commissioners of Lewis the eleventh, 
Comineus.  King of France (concerning the parting between them of the Territories of Charles Duke of Burgundy) Not to sell the skin before they had killed the Bear; might well have ●itted these of Pompey's Party, that contended for offices before they fell, and disposed of the skins ere they had took the Bears: not sparing out of their impatiency to tax Pompey of spinning out the war, for the sweetness he found in authority and command; as Agamemnon did at Troy. Insomuch as Plutarch reporteth, that one Favonius, imitating Cato's severity and freeness of speech, went about throughout all the Camp, demanding, Whether it were not great pity, that the ambitious humour of one man, should keep them that year from eating the figs and delicate fruit of Tusculum? And all men generally stood so affected, as Pompey could not withstand their enforcements. For, as Florus saith, Milites otium, socii moram, principes ambitum Ducis increpabant, The soldiers blamed the sloth, the confederates found fault with the delay, & the chief commanders with the ambition of their General. Only Cato thought it not fit to hazard themselves upon a desperate man, that had neither hope or help, but in Fortune. But, as in most things besides, so in this he stood alone, and could not prevail against a multitude.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
PLacere sibi ternas tabellas dari, ad indicandum iis, qui erant ordinis Senatorii, They agreed, that all such as were of the rank of Senators, should be inquired upon by a triple Commission, saith the story. Tabellas, I have translated Commissions, as best suiting our English phrase: but the meaning was as followeth.  
It appeareth by history, that the Roman people, as well in election of Magistrates, as in causes criminal, did give their voices openly and aloud, for six hundred years together; until one Gabinius, a Tribune of the People, perceiving that the Commons, for fear of the great Ones, durst not dispose of their voices freely, and as they would, published an Edict, that the people should give their voices by Ballading. 
In orat. pro Pla●●o.  Which law Tully commendeth; Grata est tabella quae frontes operit, hominum mentes tegit, datque cam libertatem quod velint faciant; It is an acceptable Law, which hides the faces and meanings of men, and gives all liberty to do what they please. And in another place, he calleth it Principium justissimae libertatis, the foundation of most just liberty. Upon an election of Magistrates, the balls were given according to the number of the Competitors; that every man might choose as he pleased.  
In criminal Causes, every man had three: one marked with A. signifying Absolution, and another with C. for Condemnation, and another with N. L. for Non liquet, which they called Ampliatio, desirous to be further informed, which our Grand Juries do express by an Ignoramus. And in this manner would Domitius have had his fellow Senators either quitted or condemned. The balls which were given upon the making of a law, were two: one marked with V. R. which signified Uti rogas, that it might go on: and the other with A. signifying Antiquo, rejecting it. For, as Festus noteth, Antiquare est in modum pristinum reducere, to Antiquate, is to make the thing be as it was before.  
And in this manner they would have proceeded against Caesar's Partisans, 
Virtus felicitatis mensura, non fo●tuna.  being altogether mistaken in the assurance of their happiness; 
Dio. H●licarn. lib. 2.  the continuance whereof depended upon Virtue, and not upon Fortune.    

CHAP. XXX.  
Caesar finding the Enemy to offer battle in an indifferent Place, prepareth to undertake him.  
PRovision of Corn being made, 
Caesar.  and the soldiers well resolved (to which end he had interposed a sufficient space of time, after the battle at Dyrrachium) Caesar thought it time now to try what purpose or will Pompey had to fight. And therefore, drawing the Army out of the Camp, he imbattelled his troops, first upon the place, and somewhat removed from Pompey's Camp: but every day following, he went further off his own trenches, and brought his Army under the hills whereon the Enemy lay encamped. This made his Army daily the more bold and assured. He kept continually his former course with his horsemen; who because they were less in number by many degrees than those of Pompey's party, he commanded certain lusty young men, chosen out of them that stood before the Ensigns, for their nimble and swift running, to fight amongst the horsemen; who by reason of their daily practice, had learned the use of that kind of fight. So that one thousand of our Cavalry, in open and champain places, would, when need were, undergo the charge of seven thousand of theirs, and were not much terrified with the multitude of them. For at that time they made a fortunate encounter, and slew one of the two Savoiens, that had formerly fled to Pompey, with divers others.  
Pompey having his Camp upon a hill, imbattelled his Army at the lower foot thereof, to see if he could get Caesar to thrust himself into an unequal and disadvantageous place. Caesar thinking that Pompey would by no means be drawn to battle, thought it the fittest course for him to shift his Camp, and to be always in moving: hoping by often removes from place to place, he should be better accommodated for provision of Corn; and withal, might upon a march find some occasion to fight; besides, he should weary Pompey's Army, not accustomed to travel, with daily and continual journeys. And thereupon he gave the sign of dislodging.  
But as the Tents were taken down, it was a little before observed, that Pompey's Army was advanced somewhat further from their Trenches, then ordinarily they were accustomed; so that it seemed they might fight in an equal and indifferent place. Whereupon Caesar, when his troops were already in the gates setting out, It behoveth us, saith he, to put off our removing for the present, and bethink ourselves of fight, as we have always desired; for we shall not easily hereafter find the like occasion: and presently drew out his forces. Pompey also, as it was afterwards known, was resolved (at the instance of all that were about him) to give battle; for he had given out in council some few days before, that he would everthrow Caesar's Army, before the troops came to join battle.  
And as many that stood by wondered at it; I know, saith he, that I promise almost an incredible matter: but take the ground whereupon I speak it, that you may undergo the business with more assurance. I have persuaded the Cavalry, and they have promised to accomplish it, that when they come near to join, 
Prima egregiorum ducum sapientia victoriam si●e periculo comparare.  they shall attack Caesar's right Cornet on the open side; and so the Army being circumvented behind, shall be amused and routed, before our men can cast a weapon at them: whereby we shall end the war without danger of the Legions, or almost without any wound received. 
Polyae. lib. 1 stratag.  Which is not difficult or hard to do, for us that are so strong in horse. And withal, he gave order that they should be ready against the next day, forasmuch as the occasion was offered (according as they had often intended) not to deceive the opinion which other men had of their prowess and valour.  
Labienus seconding this speech, as contemning Caesar's forces, extolled Pompey's resolution to the skies. Do not think, Pompey, saith he, that this is the Army wherewith he conquered Gallia, or Germania: I was present myself at all those battles, and do not speak rashly what I am ignorant of. There is a very small piece of that Army remaining: a great part of them are dead, as it cannot otherwise be, in so many battles. The Pestilence (the last Autumn) in Italy consumed many of them; many are gone home, and many are left in the Continent. Have ye not heard, that the Cohorts which are now at Brundisium, are made and raised of such as remained behind there to recover their healths? These forces that ye see, were the last year gathered of the Musters made in the hither Gallia; and most of them, of the Colonies beyond the Po: and yet all the flower and strength of them was taken away in the last two overthrows at Dyrrachium.  
When he had spoken these things, he took a solemn oath, not to return into the Camp but with victory, exhorting the rest to do the like. Pompey commending him, took the same oath: neither was there any man that refused it.  
These things being thus carried in the council, they rose up and departed, with great hope and joy of all men; as having already conceived victory in their minds: and the rather, because they thought that nothing could be spoken vainly by so skilful a Commander, in so weighty and important a Cause.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
COncerning the fashion of the Cavalry, in which either Party reposed so much confidence, we are to note, that the Romans had two sorts of horsemen; the one completely armed (according to their manner) and incorporated in the body of their Legions, whose entertainment was thrice as much as the footmen. Aeque impotens postulatum fuit (saith Livy) ut de stipendio equitum (merebant autem triplex ea tempestate) aera demerentur; 
Lib. 7.  It seemed as unreasonable a motion, that the horsemen's pay, which at that time was triple, should be lessened. And the other were as light-horsemen, which they called Alarii.  
The first sort were thus armed, 
Lib. 3.  as Josephus witnesseth; 
Excid.  They wore a sword on their right side, somewhat longer than that of the footmen, and carried a long staff or spear in their hand, a Target at their horse side, and three or more Darts in a quiver, with broad heads, and not much less than their staves; having such head pieces and corselets as the footmen had.  
The light-armed men, had either light Darts, or Bow and Arrows. And doubtless, their chiefest service was with their casting weapons. And accordingly Tully putteth his son in mind, of the praise he had got in Pompey's Army (where he commanded a wing of horse) Equitando, 
2. Offic.  jaculando, omni militari labore tolerando, in riding, casting darts, and undergoing all military duty.  
And as their service consisted in breaking their Staves upon an Enemy, and in casting their Darts: so we exercise the practice of the former, in our triumphs at Tilt; and the Spaniards the later, in their jocuo di can.  
The Pistolier, that will do somewhat to purpose, doth come up close to the other, & discharge his Pistol in his enemy's neck, or under the corselet, about the flank or seat of a man; and commonly misseth not.  
I have seen a device to use a Musket on horseback, which if it prove as serviceable as is by some conceived, will be of great advantage.    

CHAP. XXXI.  
The manner of imbattelling their Armies.  
AS Caesar approached near unto Pompey's Camp, 
〈◊〉  he observed his Army to be imbattelled in this manner: There were in the left Cornet two legions, which, in the beginning of these broils, were by order and decree of Senate taken from Caesar; whereof one was called the first, and the other the third: and with them stood Pompey. Scipio had the middle squadron, with the legions he brought out of Syria.  
The Legion of Cilicia, joined with the Spanish Cohorts, which Afranius brought with him, made the right Cornet. These Pompey held to be very strong. The rest of the troops were interlaced between the middle Squadron and the Cornets. All made one hundred and ten Cohorts, which amounted to fifty five thousand men: besides two thousand old soldiers, and men of note, whom he had called out to that war, and dispersed them over all the Army. The rest of the Cohorts, which were seven, he had left in the Camp, or disposed about the forts near adjoining. The right Cornet was flanked with a River, that had high and cumbersome banks: and thereupon he put all his Cavalry, together with the Archers & Slingers, in the left Cornet.  
Caesar, observing his former custom, placed the tenth legion in the right Cornet, and the ninth in the left; albeit they were very much weakened in the fights at Dyrrachium: but to this he so joined the eighth, that he seemed almost to make one of two, and commanded them to succour each other. He had in all about eighty cohorts, which made twenty two thousand men: two cohorts he left to keep the Camp. He gave the left Cornet to Antonius, the right to Pub. Sylla, and the middle Squadron to Cn. Domitius, and put himself opposite to Pompey. And withal having well observed these things (according as I have formerly declared) fearing lest the right Cornet should be enclosed about with the multitude of the Cavalry, he speedily drew six cohorts out of the third battle, and of them he made a fourth, to encounter the horsemen, and showed them what he would have done; admonishing withal, that the victory of that day consisted in the valour of those cohorts: commanding the third battle, and likewise the whole Army, not to join battle without order from him; which when he thought fit, he would give them notice of by an Ensign.  
And going about to encourage them to fight, according to the use of war, 
In manibus vestris quantus sit Caesar habetis.  he put them in mind of his favours, and his carriage towards them from time to time; and specially, that they themselves were witnesses, with what labour and means he had sought for peace, 
Lucan. lib. 7.  as well by treaty with Vatinius, as also by employing A. Clodius to Scipio: and likewise how he had endeavoured at Oricum with Libo, that Ambassadors might be sent to treat of these things. Neither was he willing at any time to misspend the soldier's blood, or to deprive the Commonwealth of either of those Armies.  
This speech being delivered, the soldiers both requiring and longing with an ardent desire to fight, he commanded the sign of battle to be given by a Trumpet.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
COncerning the order used in disposing these Armies, for the trial of this Cause, it appeareth by the story, that Pompey set two Legions in his left Cornet, which are here named the first and the third. Howbeit Lucan saith, that those Legions were the first and the fourth.  
— Cornus tibi cura sinistri,  
Lentule, cum prima, quae tum fuit optima bello,  
Et quarta legione datur.—  
— The left Cornets care,  
Which the first legion, (best in all that war)  
And fourth made up, O Lentulus, was thine.  
The middle squadron was led by Scipio, with the legions he brought out of Syria, which were also two; Exspectabat cum Scipione ex Syria legiones duas, he expected Scipio out of Syria with two legions, as it is in the second chapter of this book.  
In the right Cornet was the Cilician legion, with the Cohorts that Afranius brought out of Spain: which amounting to the number of a Legion, made that Cornet equal to the rest. And so of these six Legions, which were the strength and sinews of his Army, he fashioned his battle into a middle Squadron, and two Cornets. His other forces, being young soldiers, he disposed in the distances, between the Cornets and that middle Squadron.  
Frontinus speaking of this point, 
Lib. 2. cap. 3  saith; Legiones secundum virtutem, firm●ssimas in medio, & in cornu locavit; spacia his interposita tyronibus supplevit: He disposed his legions according to their goodness & worth: the stoutest he placed in the middle Squadron and the Cornets; filling up the spaces betwixt these with his young soldiers. His number of men, by our text, was fifty five thousand; but Plutarch maketh them not above forty five thousand.  
Caesar had not hall so many men, and yet made a triple battle; but not so thick or deep with Legions: for in the right Cornet he put the tenth Legion, and in the left the ninth and the eighth; being both weak and far spent, by the former overthrows. Of the other Legions he maketh no mention: but it seemeth they filled up the distances between the Cornets and the body of the Army; and were as flesh to those sinews and bones, which out of the prerogative of their valour, took the place of the Cornets, and the middle bulk of the battle. And fearing lest his right Cornet should be encumvented by the multitude of their Cavalry, he drew six Cohorts out of his third or last battle, to make a fourth battle to oppose the Cavalry: which got him the victory. For howsoever the Text saith, Singulas cohortes detraxit: 
Singulas cohortes detraxit.  yet Plutarch saith plainly, that those Cohorts he thus took were six, and amounted to three thousand men; which riseth to the number of so many Cohorts. And Appian agreeing hereunto, saith, that his fourth battle consisted of three thousand men. 
Lib. 2. cap. 3.  Frontinus likewise affirmeth, he took out six Conorts, & tenuit in subsidio, sed dextro latere conversas in obliquum; and kept them as a reserve, placing them off obliquely from the right cornet. Whereunto that of Lucan agreeth;  
— Tenet obliquas post signa cohortes.  
He placed these troops oblique behind the battle.  
Which is thus to be understood; that they turned their faces towards the left Cornet of Pompey's Army, that they might be the readier to receive the Cavalry coming on to enclose Caesar's right wing; as being sure of the other side, which was fenced with a River and a Marish.  
Touching Caesar's Speech to the soldiers, it seemed like that of Themistocles at the battle of Salamina: where Xerxes made a long Oration to encourage the Persians, and lost the day; Themistocles spoke but a few words to the Greeks, and got the victory. Howsoever, one thing is not to be omitted, that Plutarch, and such others as have dipped their pens either in the sweat or in the blood of this battle, do all agree, that Caesar had not above twenty two thousand men.    

CHAP. XXXII.  
The Battle beginneth; and Caesar overcometh.  
THere was one Crastinus in Caesar's Army, 
Caesar.  called out to this war, who the year before had led the first company of the tenth Legion, a man of singular valour; who upon the sign of battle given, Follow me, saith he, as many of you as were of my company; and do that endeavour to your Emperor, which you have always been willing to perform. This is the only battle remaining unfought: which being ended, he shall be restored to his dignity, and we to our liberty. And withal, looking towards Caesar, I will, saith he, O Emperor, so carry myself this day, that thou shalt give me thanks, either aliver or dead. And when he had thus spoken, he was the first that ran out of the right Cornet: and about one hundred and twenty elected soldiers of the same Centurie followed voluntarily after him.  
There was so much space left between both the battles, as might serve either Army to meet upon the charge. But Pompey had commanded his men to receive Caesar's assault, and to undergo the shock of his Army, without moving from the place wherein they stood (and that by the advice of C. Triarius) to the end that the first running out and violence of the soldiers being broken, and the battle distended, they that stood perfect in their Orders, might set upon them that were scattered and dispersed: hoping the piles would not fall so forceably upon the Army standing still, as when they advanced forward to meet them; and that it would fall out withal, that Caesar's soldiers, having twice as far to run, would by that means be out of breath, and spent with weariness.  
Which, in my opinion, was against all reason: for there is a certain incitation and alacrity of spirit naturally planted in every man, which is inflamed with a desire to fight. Neither should any Commander repress or restrain the same, but rather increase it, and set it forward.  
Nor was it in vain of ancient time ordained, that the Trumpets should every where sound, and every man take up a shout but that they thought these things did both terrify the Enemy, and incite their own Party.  
But our soldiers, upon the sign of Battle, running out with their Piles ready to be thrown, and perceiving that Pompey's soldiers did not make out to meet them (as men taught with long use, and exercised in former fights) stopped their course of their own accord, and almost in the midway stood still; that they might not come to blows upon the spending of their strength: and after a little respite of time, running on again, threw: their piles, and presently drew their swords, as Caesar had commanded them. Neither were Pompey's soldiers wanting in this business; for they received the piles which were cast at them, took the shock of the Legions, kept their ranks, cast their piles, and betook them to their swords.  
At the same time, the Cavalry, according as was commanded them, issued out from Pompey's left Cornet, and the whole multitude of Archers thrust themselves out. Whose assault our horsemen were not able to endure, but fell back a little from the place wherein they stood: whereby Pompey's horsemen began to press them with more eagerness, and to put themselves in squadrons, to enclose the Army about. Which Caesar perceiving, gave the sign of advancing forward to the fourth Battle, which he had made up of six Cohorts; who came with such a 〈◊〉 upon Pompey's horsemen, that none of them were able to stand before them, but turning their backs, did not only give place, but fled all as fast as they could to the highest Hills: whereby the Archers and Slingers being left naked without succour, were all put to the sword. And with the same violence, those Cohorts encompassed about the left Cornet, notwithstanding any resistance that could be made by Pompey's party, and charged them behind upon their backs.  
At the same time Caesar commanded the third Battle, which as yet stood still, and were not removed, to advance forward: by means of which fresh and sound men, relieving such as were faint and weary, as also that others did charge them behind upon their backs, Pompey's party were able no longer to endure it, but all turned their backs and fled.  
Neither was Caesar deceived in his opinion, that the beginning of the victory would grow from those Cohorts which he placed in the fourth Battle, against the horsemen: according as he himself had openly spoken, in his encouragement to the soldiers. For by them first the Cavalry was beaten, by them the Archers and Slingers were slain, by them Pompey's Battle was circumvented on the left Cornet, and by their means they began to fly.  
As soon as Pompey saw his Cavalry beaten, and perceived the part wherein he most trusted, to be amused and affrighted, and distrusting the rest, he forthwith left the Battle, and conveyed himself on horseback into the Camp. And speaking to the Centurions that had the watch at the Praetorian gate with a loud voice, as all the soldiers might hear, he said, Keep the Camp, & defend it diligently, to prevent any hard casualty that may happen. In the mean while, I will go about to the other Ports, to settle the Guards of the Camp.  
And having thus said, he went into the Praetorium, distrusting the main point, and yet expecting the event.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
POmpey so carried himself in the course of this war, as he rather seemed a sufferer then a doer: never disposing his Army for any attempt or onset, but only when he broke out of the place wherein he was besieged at Dyrrachium. And accordingly he gave order, that in the main action & point of trial, his soldiers should suffer and sustain the assault, rather than otherwise. But whether he did well or no, hath since been in question. Caesar utterly disliked it, as a thing contrary to reason. 
Plutarch.  Est quaedam (saith he) animi incitatio atque alacritas, naturaliter innata omnibus, quae stud●o pugnae incenditur; hanc non reprimere, sed augere Imperatores debent. There is a certain incitation and alacrity of spirit naturally planted in every man, which is inflamed with a desire to fight. Neither should any Commander repress or restrain the same, but rather increase it, and set it forward.  
Agreeable whereunto is that of Cato the Great; that in cases of battle, and Enemy is to be charged with all violence. And to that purpose it is requisite, to put the soldiers (at some reasonable distance) into a posture of vaunting and definance, with menaces and cries of terror; and then to spring forward in such manner, as may make them fall upon their enemies with greater fury: As Champions or Wrestlers, before they buckle, stretch out their limbs, and make their flourishes as may best serve to assure themselves, and discourage their adversaries; according as we read of Hercules and Antaeus.  
Ille Cleonaei projecit terga Leonis, 
Lucan. lib. 4.   
Antaeus Liby●i: persud●t membra liquore  
Hospes, Olympiacae servato more Palaestrae.  
Ille parum ●idens pedibus contingere matrem,  
Auxilium membris, calidas infudit arenas.  
The one throws by's Cleoncan Lion's skin,  
The other's Libyan; and ere they begin,  
The one anoints himself from top to toe,  
As the Olympian Gamesters use to do.  
Not sure his foe would let his feet touch ground,  
Himself with sand Antaeus sprinkles round.  
Howbeit, forasmuch as all men are not of one temper, but require several fashions to tune their minds to the true note of a battle, we shall find several Nations to have several usances in this point. The Romans (as appeareth by this of Caesar) were of ancient time accustomed to sound Trumpets and Oboes, in all parts of the Army, and to take up a great clamour and shout, whereby the soldiers (in their understanding) were encouraged, and the Enemy affrighted. 
Homer.  Whereas, chose, the Greeks went always with a close and silent mouth, 
Iliad. 3.  as having more to do then to say to their Enemies. And Thucydides, writing of the Lacedæmonians, (the flower of Greece for matter of Arms) saith, that instead of Trumpets and Cornets to incite them, they used the sweet harmony of Flutes, to moderate and qualify their passions, lest they should be transported with unbridled impetuesity.  
It is reported, that Marshal Byron the Father, seemed to dislike of our English march (hearing it beaten by the Drums) as too slow, and of no encouragement: and yet it so fitteth our Nation (as Sir Roger Williams then answered) as we have divers times overrun all France with it. Howsoever, the event of this battle is sufficient to disprove Pompey's error herein, and to make good what Caesar commanded.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
THese six Cohorts, which made the fourth battle, did so encounter Pompey's Cavalry, that they were not able to withstand them. It is said, that Caesar gave them order not to sling their Piles, as commonly they did, but to hold them in their hands like a Pike or a Javelin, and make only at the faces of those Gallants, and men at Arms on horseback. For the holding of them in their hands, I do not understand it, and cannot conceive how they could reach more than the next ranks unto them in that manner. But for making at the faces of the Cavalry, 
Lib. 4. cap. 2.  Florus saith that Caesar, as he galloped up and down the ranks, was heard to let fall bloody and bitter words, but very pathetical, and effectual for a victory: as thus, Soldier, cast right at the face: whereas Pompey called to his men, to spare their fellow-Citizens.  
Eutropius, in his Epitome of Suetonius, affirmeth the same thing, both of the one and of the other: and Lucan seemeth to aver the same, concerning that of Caesar;  
Adversosque jubetferro contundere vultus. 
Lib. 7.   
He bids them strike just at the Enemy's face.  
Frontinus hath it thus; 
Lib. 4. cap. 7.  C. Caesar, cum in partibus Pompeianis magna equitum Romanorum esset manus, eaque armorum scientia milites conficeret, ora oculosque eorum gladiis peti jussit, & sic adversam faciem cedere coegit: Pompey having in his army a great company of Roman Knights, who being well-skilled at their weapons made an end of their enemies; Caesar commanded his men to make at their faces and eyes: and thereby compelled them to turn away their faces.   

THE THIRD OBSERVATION.  
AMongst these memorials Crastinus may not be forgotten, being the first man that began the battle; 
In the life of Pompey.  whom Plutarch calleth C. Crassinius, and saith, that Caesar seeing him in the morning as he came out of his Tent, asked him what he thought of the success of the battle. Crastinus, stretching out his right hand unto him, cried out aloud, O Caesar, thine is the victory; and this day shalt thou commend me either alive or dead. And accordingly, he broke afterwards out of the ranks; and running amongst the midst of his Enemies, with many that followed him, made a great slaughter. At last one ran him into the mouth, that the swords point came out at his neck, and so slew him.  
By him, and others of like courage and worth, was Caesar raised from the extremity of his wants, and the disgrace of his former losses, to the chiefest height of earthly glory: and herein might well assume unto himself, that which was formerly said of the people, Magna populi Romani fortuna, sed semper in malis major resurrexit; Great is the fortune of the people of Rome; but it still grows greater & increaseth by troubles: together with that of Plutarch, 
Florus.  Res invicta Romanorum arma, The Roman Arms are things invincible. Lucan speaking of Scaeva formerly mentioned, 
Lib. 4.  saith, 
Infelix▪ quanta Dominum virtute para●●●  He showed a great deal of valour to get Rome a Lord. But upon Crastinus he layeth a heavy doom.  
D●i tibi non mortem, quae cunctis poena paratur,  
Sed sensum post fata tuae dent, Crastine, morti,  
Cujus torta manu commisit lancea bellum,  
Primaque Thessaliam Romano sanguine tinxit.  
Mayst thou not only die, which all men do;  
But die, and have thy senses after too.  
A lance thrown by thy hand the fight began.  
When with brave Roman blood Thessalia ran.  
SABINUS AND COTTA    

CHAP. XXXIII.  
Caesar presseth hard after the Enemy, and taketh the Camp.  
POmpey's soldiers being thus forced to fly into their Camp, 
Caesar.  Caesar thinking it expedient to give them no time of respite, exhorted the Army to use the benefit of Fortune, and to assault the Camp: who notwithstanding the extreme heat (for the business was drawn out until it was high noon) were willing to undergo any labour, and to yield obedience to his commandments. The Camp was industriously defended by the Cohorts that had the guard thereof; but much more stoutly by the Thracians, and other succours of Barbarous people. For such soldiers as were fled thither out of the battle, were so terrified in mind and spent with weariness, that most of them (having laid aside their Arms and Military Ensigns) did rather think how they might best escape, then to defend the Camp. Neither could they which stood upon the Rampire any longer endure the multitude of weapons; but fainting with wounds, forsook the place, and presently fled into the high Mountains adjoining unto the Camp, being led thither by the Centurions and Tribunes of the soldiers.  
In the Camp were found tables ready laid and prepared with linen, together with cupboards of plate furnished and set out, and their Tents strewed with fresh herbs and rushes; and that of Lentulus and divers others with Ivy, and many other superfluities, discovering their extreme luxury and assurance of victory. Whereby it was easily to be conceived, that they nothing feared the event of that day, being so careful of such unnecessary delights. And yet for all this, they upbraided Caesar's patient and miserable Army, with riot and excess: to whom there were always wanting such requisites as were expedient for their necessary uses.  
Pompey, whenas our men were come within the Camp, having got a horse, and cast away all Ensigns of Imperial authority got out at the Decumane gate, and made towards Larissa as fast as his horse could carry him. Neither did he stay there; but with the same speed (having got a few followers that escaped by flight) posting night and day, came at length to the Sea side with a troup of thirty horse, and there went aboard a ship of burden: complaining that his opinion only deceived him; being as it were betrayed by such as began first to fly, from whom he hoped chiefly to have had the victory.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
Whereas it is said, 
Utilis & tuta res dilato. Dionys. Halicar. lib. 8.  That a dilatory course is very profitable and safe; we are to understand it as a chief and main point in the duty of an Ambassador, to temporize in things which are pressed hard upon him: 
Non commitruntur reg●●is trire●es, aut loca, aut legiones, aut arces; sed verba & tempora.  as being accountable for words and time; but no way charged with expeditions of war; wherein Protraction is oftentimes the interrupter of absolute victory, and the only supplanter of that which is desired. Vincere scis Hannibal, sed victoria uti nescis, Thou knowest well enough how to get the victory, 
Demost. de falsa legatione.  Hannibal, but thou knowest not how to use it; was a common byword, and happened then well for the State of Rome. But now it fell out otherwise; having met with one that knew how to conquer, and how to follow victory to purpose.  
For notwithstanding the battle he had fought, and the advantage he had thereby got, might have seemed sufficient for one day's labour; 
1. Labour in n●gotio, 2. fortitudo in periculo, 3. indu●tria in agendo, 4. celeritas in consiciendo, were Caesar's properties.  yet he would not let occasion pass, without taking the benefit that was then offered: and never ceased until he had forced the Camp, and overtaken those that escaped the battle: and so made victory sure unto him, by driving the nail home to the head. In regard whereof, he did not unfitly use for his word or Motto, (as they call it) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, BY DEFERRING NOTHING.    

CHAP. XXXIV.  
Caesar besiegeth those that were escaped into the Hills.  
CAesar having got the Camp, 
Caesar.  instantly required the soldiers not to look after pillage and booty, and let slip the means of ending the rest of their business. Which after he had obtained, he began to enclose the Hill about with works of fortification. They of Pompey's party, distrusting the place, for that the Hill had no water, left it at an instant. And all those that were partakers of that fortune, made towards Larissa. Which Caesar observing, divided his forces, and commanded part of the Legions to remain in Pompey's Camp, and part he sent back into his own: and leading four Legions along with him, he took a nearer way to meet with them; and having gone six miles, he imbattelled his forces. Which they perceiving, betook themselves unto a high Hill, under which ran a River.  
Caesar persuaded the soldiers, albeit they were spent with continual labour all that day, and that night was now at hand, yet they would not think it much to cut off the River from the Hill by a fortification, to keep them from watering in the night. Which work being perfected, they began by Commissioners to treat of conditions of yielding themselves. Some few of the Senators escaped in the nighttime away by flight.  
Caesar, as soon as it was day, caused them all to come down from the Hill into the Plain, and there to cast away their Arms: which they performed without refusal; and casting themselves upon the earth, their hands spread abroad, with shedding of many tears, desired mercy. Caesar comforting them, commanded they should stand up: and having spoken somewhat touching his clemency, a little to case them of their fear, he gave them all their lives with safety; commanding the soldiers not to hurt any of them, nor that they should want any thing that was theirs.  
These things being thus achieved with diligence, he caused other Legions to meet him from the Camp, sending those he had with him to rest themselves; and the same day came to Larissa. In that battle he lost not above two hundred soldiers; but of Centurions, valiant men, he lost thirty. And Crastinus fight valiantly was slain (of whom we formerly made mention) with a sword thrust into the face. Neither was that fals-which he said as he went to the battle: for Caesar was persuaded, that Cras●inus behaved himself admirably in that fight, and did deserve as well of him as a man possibly could.  
There were slain of Pompey's Army about fifteen thousand: 
Interd●● majores copiae sternuntur à minoribus. 〈…〉 lib. 8.  howbeit there were of them that yielded themselves above twenty four thousand. For such Cohorts as were in the Forts, did likewise yield themselves to Sylla: and many fled into the next Towns and Cities. Of military Ensigns there were brought out of the battle to Caesar one hundred and fourscore, with nine Eagles. L. Domitius flying out of the Camp into the Mount, sainting for want of strength, was slain by the horsemen.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
ANd thus we see the issue of that battle, and the victory which Caesar obtained at as cheap a rate as could be imagined: for there were slain twenty three thousand of the enemy, and as many taken, by rendering themselves, with the loss of two hundred soldiers, and thirty Centurions; amongst whom was Crastinus: whose death obliged Caesar to make this honourable mention of his valour. But as it is observed by Dionysius Halicarnasseus, 
Lib. 8.  Non Deus quispiam se ducibus, pro salute omnium qui certamen ineunt, sponsorem sistit: nec ea condidione imperium accepimus, ut omnes homines devincamus, nullo ex nostris amisso. No God can promise a General the safety of all his men: neither do we take commands upon that condition, to conquer all our enemies without the loss of a man.    

CHAP. XXXV.  
Laelius attempteth to block in the Haven at Brundisium: and Cassius fireth Caesar's ships at Messina.  
ABout the same time D. Laelius came with his Navy to Brundisium; 
Caesar.  and according as Libo formerly did, took the Island in the mouth of the Port. And in like manner Vatinius, Governor of Brundisium, having furnished and sent out certain Skiffs, enticed out Laelius ships, and of them took a Galley, with two lesser ships, that were further shot out into the straits of the Port: and also had disposed his Cavalry along the shore, to keep the Mariners from fetching water. But Laelius having the time of the year more favourable and fitter for sailing, supplied his Army with water from Corfu and Dyrrachium: neither could he be beaten off his design, nor be driven out of the Port, or from the Island, either with the dishonour of the ships he lost, or with scarcity and want of all necessaries, until he heard of the battle in Thessalia.  
CICERO BESIEGED  
Cassius' departed from thence, and went to Sulpitius' fleet at Vibone; where our ships being brought to shore for fear of the like danger, he there did as he did before; for finding the wind good, he sent in forty ships of burden, furnished with matter to burn the Navy. The fire having taken hold of both Cornets of the fleet, five of them were burned down to the water. And as the flame began to be further carried with the wind, the soldiers of the old legions which were left for the defence of the shipping, and were of the number of them that were sick, did not endure the dishonour: but getting aboard of their own accord, put the ships from the shore; and setting upon Cassius' fleet, took two Galleys, in one of the which was Cassius himself: but he being taken out with a Skiff, fled away. And furthermore, they took two Triremes. Not long after certain news came of the battle in Thessalia, so that Pompey's party believed it: for before that time, it was thought to be but a thing given out by Caesar's Legates, and other of his friends. Whereupon Cassius departed with his Navy, and left those places.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
THe branches of a Tree do receive life from the stock, and the stock is maintained by the root, which being once cut asunder, there remaineth no life for stock or bough, leaf or branch. Accordingly it happened with this large-spred Party; the root whereof was then in Thessalia: and being broken asunder by the violence of Caesar's forces, it booted not what Laelius did at Brundisium, or Cassius either at Messana, or Vibone. For all the parts were overthrown with the body: and the fortune of the battle overswayed other petty losses whatsoever; being so powerful in the opinion of the world, Ut quo se fortuna, eodem etiam favor hominum inclinat, 
Pompeius Trogus. lib. 6.  that what way soever fortune goes, the same way goes the favour of the people: Or, as Lucan saith, 
Lib. 8.   
— Rapimur, quo cuncha feruntur,  
We're snatched that way that things are carried.    

CHAP. XXXVI.  
Caesar pursueth Pompey: who is slain in Egypt.  
CAesar setting all other things apart, 
Caesar.  thought it expedient for him to pursue Pompey into what parts soever he should betake himself, lest he should raise new forces, and renew the war again: and thereupon made forward every day, as far as his Cavalry was able to go; commanding one Legion to follow after by lesser journeys. There was a publication made in Pompey's name at Amphipolis, that all the youth of that Province, as well Greeks as Citizens of Rome, should come to be enrolled for the war. But it is not possible to discover, whether Pompey did it to take away all cause of suspicion, that he might the longer hide his purpose of flying away; or whether he went about by new levies to keep Macedonia, if no man pressed hard after him.  
Howsoever, he himself lay at Anchor there one night. And calling unto him his ancient Hosts and Friends, he took so much money of them as would defray his necessary charges: and understanding of Caesar's coming, within a few days he hoist sail and departed thence, arriving at Mitylene, where he was kept two days with foul weather; and there renforcing his fleet with some Galleys he took to him, he went into Cilicia, and from thence to Cyprus. There he understood, that by the general consent of the Antiochians, and such Citizens of Rome as were there residing, the Citadel was already taken to keep him out: and that Messengers were sent about, to those that were fled from his Party into the bordering Cities, forbidding them to come to Antioch; for if they did, they should hazard it with the danger of their heads. The like happened to L. Lentulus, who the year before was Consul, and to Pub. Lentulus, of Consular dignity, and to some other at Rhodes. For as many as fled thither after Pompey, and came unto the Island, were neither received into the Town nor into the Haven; but were commanded by Messengers sent unto them, to depart from thence, and forced to weigh anchor against their will. And now the fame of Caesar's coming was spread abroad throughout all the Cities.  
Whereupon Pompey, leaving off his purpose of going into Syria, having taken what money he found in Bank, besides what he could borrow of his private friends, and putting abroad great store of Brass for the use of war; with two thousand Armed men (which he had raised partly out of the towns, and partly had forced up amongst the Merchants, and such others of his followers whom he thought fit for this business, he came to Pelusium. There by chance was king Ptolemy, a child within years, with great forces making war against his sister Cleopatra; whom a few Months before, by means of his Allies and Friends he had thrust out of his kingdom: And Cleopatra's Camp was not far distant from his.  
Pompey sent unto him, that in regard of ancient hospitality, and the amity he had with his Father, he might be received into Alexandria: and that he would aid and support him with his wealth and means, being now fallen into misery and calamity. But they that were sent, having done their message, began to speak liberally to the King's sould●ers, and to exhort them, that they would stand to Pompey, not despising the low ebb of fortune he was brought to. Amongst them were many that had been Pompey's soldiers, which Gabinius had received out of his army in Syria, and had brought them to Alexandria; and upon the ending of the war, had left them with Ptolemy, the father of this child. These things being known, such as had the procuration of the kingdom in the minority of the Boy, whether they were induced through fear of gaining the Army, (as afterwards they confessed) whereby Pompey might easily seize upon Alexandria and Egypt; or whether despising his fortune (as for the most part, in time of misery a man's friends do become his enemies;) did give a good answer publicly to such as were sent, and willed him to come unto the King: but secretly plotting amongst themselves, sent Achillas, a chief Commander, and a man of singular audacity, together with L. Septimius, Tribune of the soldiers, to kill Pompey. They giving him good words, and he himself also knowing Septimius to have led a Company under him in the war against the P●rats, went aboard a little Bark with a few of his soldiers: and there was slain by Achillas and Septimius. In like manner L. Lentulus was apprehended by commandment from the King, and killed in prison.  

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.  
IF it be now demanded, Where was Caesar's desire of Peace? and, Why pursued he not a treaty of Composition, at this time, when as his tale would have been heard with gladness, and any conditions of atonement very acceptable to the vanquished? the answer is already made in the beginning of this? Commentary; That there was but one time of making peace: & that was when both Parties were equal; which was now past, and Caesar too far gone, to look back upon any thing that might work a reconcilement. The one was crept so high, and the other cast down so low, that they seemed not compatible in any Medium, although it were to the saving of the Empire. Howbeit, it is not denied but that Pompey gave great occasion of these wars. 
Pomp●ius 〈…〉 esse non po●et, risi beneficio servitutis. 5. de 〈◊〉 16, 5. Polit.  For Seneca saith; He had brought the Commonwealth to that pass, that it could not longer stand, but by the benefit of servitude. And he that will look into the reasons of this confusion, shall find all those Causae corrumpentes, or ruining causes, which are noted by Aristotle to threaten the welfare of a State, in the excess of Pompey's exorbitancy. 
Nil nimium cupito, was writ in golden letters at Delphos.  For, having nothing in a Mean, he held all his fortunes by the tenure of Nimium; and was overgrown, first, with too much honour, secondly, with too much wealth, thirdly, with too much power; whereby he exceeded the proportion of his fellow-Citizens, and soblemished the beauty of that State, whose chiefest graces were in a suiting equality. 
Justum bellum esse iis, quibus nisi in armis spes nulla est. Machiav.  And adding to these the convulsions of fear, he made no difficulty to engage Rome in a bloody war; as having no other hope, but in the confusion of Arms.  
It is said that at his arrival at Mitylene, he had much conference with Cratippus, whom Tully mentioneth in his Offices: wherein, amongst other remonstrances, the Philosopher made it plain, that his course of government had brought a necessity of changing that State from the liberty of a Commonwealth, to the condition of a just Monarchy. 
Nusquana g●ntium r●peritur, qui possit penibus approbart.  And such it sell to Caesar's fortune, if there were any errors committed in the seizure, he may take the benefit of the general pardon, exemplified by Trebellius Pollio, That no Nation can show a Man that is altogether blameless.   

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.  
COncerning the State of Egypt, we are to note, that Alexander the Great being cut off by death, his Captains laid hold upon such Provinces and kingdoms as were under their commands: amongst whom one Ptolemeus the son of Lagus, a Macedonian, seized upon Egypt, where he reigned 40 years; and of him were all his successors called by the name of Ptolemy. This first Ptolemy possessed himself of Egypt about the year of the world 3640: which was 275 years before Pompey's overthrow. His son that succeeded by the name of Ptolemy Philadelphus, caused the Bible to be translated out of Hebrew into Greek by 70 Interpreters, which are called the Septuagint; and made the famous Library which was burned in these wars.  
The Father of this young Ptolemy, was the ninth in succession from the first, and at his death, made the people of Rome Tutors to his children. His eldest son and Cleopatra his daughter reigned together six years; but in the end fell to strife and wars, and were deeply engaged therein when Pompey arrived. But shortly after Caesar so ordered the differences, that he set the Crown upon Cleopatra's head; who held it peaceably, until she came to play that tragical part with Antony: which being ended, the kingdom was then reduced to a Province, under the obedience of the Roman Empire.  
Concerning this miserable end of Pompey, it is truly said of Seneca, 
Mors omnium par est per quae venit diversi sunt, id in quod defini●unam est. Epist 67.  that Death is alike to all: for although the ways are divers by which it happeneth, yet they all meet in the same end. And forasmuch as Plutarch hath described particularly the manner of this Catastrophe, it shall not be impertinent to insert his relation thereof.  
When Pompey heard news that king Ptolemy was in the City of Pelusium with his Army, 
Homines sicut pomi, a●t matura cadu●t aut 〈◊〉. Plut. in vi●a Rompeii.  making war against his sister, he went thither, and sent a Messenger before unto the king, to advertise him of his arrival, and to entreat him to receive him. King Ptolemy was then but a young man, insomuch that one Photinus governed all the whole Realm under him. He assembled a Council of the chiefest and wisest men of the Court, who had such credit and authority as it pleased him to give them. They being assembled, he commanded every man in the King's name to say his mind, touching the receiving of Pompey, whether the king should receive him or not. It was a miserable thing to see Photinus, an Eunuch of the Kings, and Theodotus of Chio, an hired Schoolmaster to teach the young king Rhetoric, and Achillas an Egyptian, to consult among themselves what they should do with Pompey the Great. These were the chiefest Counsellors of all his Eunuches, and of those that had brought him up.  
Now did Pompey ride at anchor upon the shore side, expecting the resolution of this Council: in the which the opinions were divers; for some would not have him received, others consented that he should be received. But the Rhetorician Theodotus, to show his eloquence, persuaded them that neither the one nor the other was to be accepted. For, quoth he, if we receive him, we shall have Caesar our enemy, and Pompey our Lord; and if we do deny him on the other side, Pompey will blame us for refusing him, and Caesar for not keeping of him: therefore this would be the best resolution, he told them, to send to kill him, for thereby they should win the good will of the one, and not fear the displeasure of the other. And some say moreover that he added this mock withal, A dead man bites not. They being determined of this among themselves, gave Achillas commission to do it. He taking with him Septimius (who had charge aforetime under Pompey) and Salvius, another Centurion also, with three or four soldiers besides, they made towards Pompey's Galleys, about whom were at that time the chiefest of his train, to see what would become of this matter. But when they saw the likelihood of their entertainment, and that it was not in Princely show nor manner, nor nothing answerable to the hope which Theophanes had put them in, seeing so few men come to them in a fisherboat; they began then to mistrust the small account that was made of them, and counselled Pompey to return back, and to launch again into the sea, being out of the danger of the hurling of a Dart.  
In the mean time the fisherboat drew near, and Septimius rose, and saluted Pompey in the Roman tongue, by the name of Imperator, as much as sovereign Captain: and Achillas also spoke to him in the Greek tongue, and bade him come into his boat; because that by the shore side there was a great deal of mud and sand banks, so that his Galley should have no water to bring him in. At the very same time they saw afar off divers of the King's Galleys, which were arming with all speed possible, and all the shore besides full of soldiers. Thus, though Pompey and his company would have altered their minds, they could not have told how to have escaped: and furthermore, showing that they had mistrusted them, than they had given the murderer occasion to have executed his cruelty. So taking his leave of his wife Cornelia, who lamented his death before his end, he commanded two Centurions to go down before him into the Egyptians boat, and Philip, one of his slaves enfranchised, with another slaves, called Scynes. When Achillas reached out his hand to receive him into his boat, he turned him to his wife and son, and said these verses of Sophocles unto them; 
The man that into Court comes free,  
Must there in state of bondage be.  These were the last words he spoke unto his people, when he left his own Galley and went into the Egyptians boat, the land being a great way off from his Galley. When he saw never a man in the boat speak friendly unto him, beholding Septimius, he said unto him; Me thinks, my friend, I should know thee, for that thou hast served with me heretofore. The other nodded with his head; that it was true, but gave him no answer, nor showed him any courtesy.  
Pompey seeing that no man spoke to him, took a little book he had in his hand, in which he had written an Oration that he meant to make unto King Ptolemy, and began to read it. When they came near to the shore, Cornelia with her servants and friends about her, stood up in her ship, in great fear, to see what should become of Pompey. So she hoped well, when she saw many of the King's people on the shore, coming towards Pompey at his landing, as it were to receive and honour him. But even as Pompey took Philip his hand to arise more easily, Septimius came first behind him, and thrust him through with his sword: next unto him also Salvius and Achillas drew out their swords in like manner. Pompey then did no more but took up his gown with his hands, and hid his face, & manly abode the wounds they gave him, only sighing a little. Thus, being 59 years old, he ended his life the next day after the day of his birth.  
They that road at anchor in their ships, when they saw him murdered, gave such a fearful cry, that it was heard to the shore: then weighing up their anchours with speed, they hoist sail and departed their way, having wind at will that blew a lusty gale. As soon as they had gotten the main Sea, the Egyptians which prepared to row after them, when they saw they were past their reach, and impossible to be overtaken, they let them go. Then having stricken off Pompey's head, they threw his body overboard, for a miserable spectacle to all those that were desirous to see him.  
Philip, his enfranchised bondman, remained ever by it, until such time as the Egyptians had seen it their bellies full. Then, having washed his body with salt water, & wrapped it up in an old shirt of his, because he had no other shift to lay it in, he sought upon the sands, & found at length a piece of an old fisher's boat, enough to serve to burn his naked body with, but not all fully out. As he was busy gathering the broken pieces of this boat together, thither came unto him an old Roman, who in his youth had served under Pompey, and said unto him; O friend, what art thou that preparest the funerals of Pompey the Great? Philip answered that he was a bondman of his, enfranchised. Well, said he, thou shalt not have all this honour alone: I pray thee yet let me accompany thee in so devout a deed, that I may not altogether repent me to have dwelled so long in a strange Country, where I have abidden such misery and trouble; but that to recompense me withal, I may have this good hap, with mine own hands to touch Pompey's body, and to help to bury the only and most famous Captain of the Romans.  
The next day after, Lucius Lentulus (not knowing what had passed) coming out of Cyprus, sailed by the shore side, and perceived a fire made for funerals, & Philip standing by it; whom he knew not at the first. So he asked him, What is he that is dead, and buried there? But strait fetching a great sigh, Alas, said he, perhaps it is Pompey the Great. Then he landed a little, and was strait taken and slain. This was the end of Pompey the Great. Not long after Caesar also came into Egypt, that was in great wars; where Pompey's head was presented unto him: but he turned his head aside and would not see it, and abhorred him that brought it as a detestable murderer. Then taking his Ring wherewith he sealed his Letters, whereupon was graven a Lion holding a sword, he burst out a weeping. Achillas and Photinus he put to death. King Ptolemy himself also being overthrown in battle by the River of Nilus, vanished away, and was never heard of after. Theodotus the Rhetorician escaped Caesar's hands, and wandered up and down Egypt in great misery, despised of every man. Afterwards Marcus Brutus (who slew Caesar) conquering Asia, met with him by chance, and putting him to all the torments he could possibly devise, at the length slew him. The ashes of Pompey's body were afterwards brought unto his wife Cornelia; who buried them in a town of hers, by the City of Alba.  
And having in this manner paid the tribute which the law of Nature doth exact, 
Mors Naturae lex est.  the law of the Twelve Tables did free his Sepulchre from any further disturbance; 
Mors tribu●um officiumque mortalium.  Ubi corpus demortui hominis condas, sacer esto, Let that place be sacred, 
Sene●● natural. quaest. ●.  where the body of a dead man is buried. Only this may be added; 
Fabius dictus Maximus, Scipio magnus. Polyaenus, lib. 8. Epist. 100  That as Fabius was called Maximus, Scipio Magnus, and Pompey Magnus, which titles they carried as marks of special Nobleness, to raise them above the common worth of men: so their ends made them even with the lowest of the State. According to that of Seneca; Intervallis distinguimur; exitu aquamur: Here we are distinguished by distances, but death makes us all equal.    

CHAP. XXXVII.  
Prodigious Accidents happening upon the Battle in Pharsalia. Caesar cometh into Egypt.  
CAesar coming into Asia, 
This tha●● followeth, seemeth of another stile.  found T. Ampius going about to take the money out of the Temple of Diana at Ephesus: and for that cause to have called together all the Senators that were in the Province, that he might use them as witnesses in the matter. But being interrupted by Caesar's arrival, he fled away. So that two several times, the money was saved at Ephesus by Caesar's means. It was further found very certain, that in the Temple of Minerva at Elis (a just calculation of the time being taken) the same day that Caesar overthrew Pompey, the Image of Victory, which stood before Minerva, and looked towards her portraiture, did turn itself towards the Portall and the Temple-gate. And the same day likewise there was such a noise of an Army twice heard at Antioch in Syria, and such sounding of Trumpets, that the City ran in Arms to keep the walls. The like happened at Ptolemais. And likewise at Pergamus, in the remote and hidden places of the Temple, which are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, into which it is not lawful for any man to enter but the Priests, were bells heard to ring. Besides at Tralles, in the Temple of Victory (where they had set up a Statue to Caesar) there was showed a Palmtree, which in those days was grown from between the joints of the stones, out of the pavement.  
Caesar staying a few days in Asia, hearing that Pompey was seen at Cyprus, and conjecturing he went into Egypt, for the amity and correspondency he had with that Kingdom, besides other opportunities of the place; he came to Alexandria with two legions, one that he commanded to follow him out of Thessaly, and another which he had called out of Achaia, from Fusius a Legate, together with eight hundred horse, ten Galleys of Rhodes, and a few ships of Asia. In these Legions were not above three thousand two hundred men; the rest were either wounded in the sights, or spent with travel, and the length of the journey. But Caesar trusting to the fame of his great exploits, did not doubt to go with these weak forces, thinking every place would entertain him with safety.  
At Alexandria he understood of Pompey's death: 
The Priest's of Egypt said, That whensoever the Axe and the bundle of Rods came into Alexandria, the power of their Kings should presently▪ case: according as it was written in a Column of gold, at Memphis.  and as he was going out of the ship, he heard a clamour of the sould●ers, which the King had left to keep the town, and saw a concourse of people gathered about him, because the bundle of Rods was carried before him; all the multitude crying out, that the King's authority was diminished. This tumult being appeased, there were often uproars and commotions of the people for every day after; and many soldiers were slain in divers parts of the City. Whereupon Caesar gave order for other Legions to be brought him out of Asia, which he raised and enrolled of Pompey's soldiers. He himself was sta●ed by the winds called Etesiae, which are against them that sail from Alexandria.  
In the mean time, forasmuch as he conceived that if the controversy between the King and his sister did appertain to the people of Rome, then consequently to him, as Consul; and so much the rather it concerned his office, for that in his former Consulship, there was a league made by the decree of Senate with Ptolemey the Father: in regard hereof he signified that his pleasure was, that both the king and his sister Cleopatra should dismiss their Armies, and rather plead their Cause before him, then to decide it by Arms.  
There was at that time one Photinus an Eunuch, that had the administration of the kingdom during the minority of the Child. He first began to complain among his friends, & to take it in scorn, that the King should be called out to plead his Cause: and afterwards having gotten some assistance of the King's friends, he drew the Army secretly from Pelusium to Alexandria, and made Achillas (formerly mentioned) General of all the forces; inciting him forward as well by his own promises, as from the King, and instructing him by Letters and Messengers what he would have done.  
Ptolemey the Father, by his last W●ll and Testament, had left for heirs the eldest of two sons, and likewise the eldest of two daughters: and for the confirmation thereof, had in the same Will charged and required the people of Rome by all the gods, & by the league he made at Rome, to see this accomplished. For which purpose he sent a copy of his Will to Rome, to be kept in the Treasury; which by reason of the public occasions, that admitted no such business for the present, were left with Pompey: and the Original, signed and sealed up, was brought to Alexandria.  
While Caesar was handling these things, being very desirous to end these controversies by arbitrement, it was told him on a sudden, that the King's Army and all the Cavalry were come to Caesar's forces were not such that he durst trust upon them, to hazard battle without the town; only it remained, that he kept himself in such places as were most fit and convenient for him within the town▪ and to learn what Achillas intended. Howsoever, he commanded all the soldiers to arm; and exhorted the King, that of those which were nearest unto him, and of greatest authority, he would send some to Achillas, to know his meaning.  
Dioscorides & Serapion being deputed thereunto, having been both Ambassadors at Rome, and in great place about Ptolemey the Father, they came to Achillas: whom as soon as they were come into his presence, and before he would hear or understand what they would have, he commanded to be taken away and slain. Of whom, one having received a wound, was carried away by his own people for dead: the other was slain outright. Whereupon Caesar wrought to get the King into his own hands; thinking that his Name and Title would prevail much amongst his people: as also to make it appear, that this war was rather moved by the private practice of some seditious thiefs, then by order and commandment from the King.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
THe multiplicity of occasions and troubles which happen to such as have the ordering of any businesses of import, doth make that of Pliny often remembered; 
Lib. 2. Ep. 8.  Veteribus negot●●s nova accr●scunt, nec tamen priora peraguntur; tot nexibus, tot quasi catenis, majus indies occupationum agmen extenditur: New businesses come in the neck of old, and yet the first are not dispatched: with so many ties and chains as it were, is the troup of businesses every day made longer and longer. For albeit Pompey had now spent his malice, and was no more to appear in Arms against Caesar: yet his hap was by flying, to draw him (as it were by way of revenge) into a place, where he was necessarily to be entangled in a dangerous war.  
To th●se prodigies here mentioned, may be added that of Aulus Gellius, 
Lib. 15. cap. 18.  that The same day the battle happened, there fell out a strange wonder at 〈◊〉: where a certain Priest called Cornelius, of Noble race and Holy life, suddenly fell into an ecstasy, and said, he saw a great battle afar off, Darts and Piles she thick in the air, some flying, and some pursuing, great slaughter, accompanied with many lamentable groans and cries: and in the end cried out, that Caesar had got the victory. For which he was m●●ked for the present, but afterwards held in great admiration.  
Pliny maketh the small increase of Nilus to be a fore-teller of Pompey's death; 
Lib. 5. cap. 9  Minimumque Pharsalico bello: veluti necem Magni, prod●g●● quodam, slumine aversante: The least increase of Nilus was at the time of the Pharsalia●● battle: the very river prodigiously showing (as it were) a detestation of the murder of the Great Pompey.    

CHAP. XXXVIII.  
Caesar landeth his forces, taketh Pharus, and causeth Photinus to be slain.  
THe forces that were with Achillas were neither for their number, or fashion of men, or use and experience in war, to be contemned. For he had twenty two thousand men in Arms. These troops consisted of the Gabinian soldiers: which were now grown into a custom of life and liberty of the Egyptians; and having forgot the name and discipline of the people of Rome, had there married wives, and most of them had children. To these were added such as were gathered from the thiefs and robbers of Syria, the Province of Cilicia, and other finitimate Regions: besides many banished men, and others condemned to die, that fled thither. And for all our fugitives, there was ever a sure and certain receipt at Alexandria, and a certain condition of life: for upon giving up of his name, he was presently enrolled a soldier. And if one chanced to be taken and apprehended by his Master, he was presently rescued by the concourse of soldiers; who being all in the same condition, did strive for him as for themselves. These required the King's friends to be slain; these were accustomed to rob rich men of their goods to better their pay, to besiege the King's house, to expel some out of the kingdom, and to send for others home, according to an old custom and privilege of the Alexandrian Army.  
There were besides two thousand horse, that had been of ancient continuance in many of the wars held at Alexandria, and had brought back Ptolemy the father, and restored him to his kingdom; had slain Bibulus two sons, and had made war with the Egyptians: and this use and knowledge they had of war. Achillas trusting to these forces, and contemning the small number of Caesar's troops, did take and possess Alexandria; and further, assaulting that part of the town which Caesar held with his men, did first of all endeavour to break into his house. But Caesar having disposed the cohorts in the streets and ways, did bear out the assault. At the same time they sought likewise at the Port, and it came at length to a very forcible encounter: for having drawn out their troops, the fight began to be ●ot in divers streets and lanes; and the Enemy (in great troops) went about to possess themselves of the Galleys, of which there were 50. found there, that were sent to serve Pompey, and returned home again after the battle in Thessalia. These were all Triremes and Quinqueremes, rigged, and ready to go to sea.  
Besides these, there were twenty two, which were always accustomed to be the best, for the defence of Alexandria, and were all furnished with decks: which if they had taken, together with Caesar's shipping, they would have had the Haven and the Sea at their command; and by that means, hindered Caesar from succours and provision of victual. In regard whereof they fought hard on both sides; Achillas expecting victory, and our men for their safety. But Caesar obtained his purpose: and because he was not able to keep so many several things with so small forces, he set them all on fire, together with those that were in the Road, and presently landed some soldiers at Pharus; which is a tower in an Island, of a great height, & built with strange workmanship, taking that name from the Island. This Island lieth over against Alexandria, and so maketh it a Haven. But former Kings had enlarged it nine hundred paces in length, by raising great mounts in the Sea: and by that means had brought it so near to the town, that they joined them both together with a bridge.  
In this Island dwelled divers Egyptians, and made a Village of the bigness of a Town: and what ships soever had fallen off their course, either by tempest or error, were there robbed by those Egyptians. For by reason of the narrow entrance, no ships can come into the Haven, but by the favour and leave of them that hold Pharus. Caesar being afraid of this, while the Enemy was busy in fight, landed his soldiers, took the place, and there put a garrison. Whereby he brought it to pass, that both corn and succours might safely come by sea to supply him: for he had sent to all the confining Regions for aid. In other places of the town they so fought, that they gave over at length upon equal conditions: (which happened by reason of the narrowness of the passages) and a few of each side being slain, Caesar took in such places as were most convenient for him, & fortified them in the night. In this quarter of the Town was contained a little part of the King's house (wherein he himself, at his first arrival, was appointed to lodge) and a Theatre joined to the house, which was in stead of a Castle, and had a passage to the Port, and to other parts of Road. The days following he increased these fortifications, to the end he might have them as a wall against the enemy, and thereby need not fight against his will.  
In the mean time, the younger daughter of King Ptolemey hoping to obtain the Crown now in question, found means to convey herself out of the King's house to Achillas; and both jointly together undertook the managing of that war. But presently there grew a controversy between them, who should command in Chief; which was the cause of great largess and rewards to the soldiers, either of them being at great charges and expenses to gain their good wills.  
While the Enemy was busied in these things, Photinus, the Governor of the young King, & Superintendent of the kingdom on Caesar's party, sent Messengers to Achillas, exhorting him not to desist in the business, or to be discouraged. Upon the discovering and apprehension of which Messengers, Caesar caused him to be slain. And these were the beginnings of the Alexandrian war.  

OBSERVATIONS.  
PHarus is a little Island in the Sea over against Alexandria; in the midst whereof, Ptolemy Philadelph built a tower of an exceeding height, all of white Marble. It contained many Stages, and had in the top many great Lanterns, to keep light in the night, for a mark to such as were at Sea. The Architector ingraved thereupon this inscription; Sostrates G●●idius, the son of Dexiphanes, to the God's Conservators, for the safety of Navigatours.  
It was reckoned for one of the seven Wonders of the world. The first whereof was the Temple of Diana at Ephesus. The second was the Sepulchre which Artemisia, Queen of Caria, made for her Husband Mausolus, whose ashes she drank. The third was the Colossus of the Sun at Rhodes. The fourth was the Walls of Babylon. The fifth was the Pyramids of Egypt. The sixth was the Image of Jupiter Olympius at Elis, which was made by Phidias, and contained threescore cubits in height; and was all of Ivory, and pure Gold. And the seventh was this Pharus.  
FINIS.     

A CONTINUATION of the WARS in GALLIA, Beginning where Caesar left, and deducing the History to the time of the civil WARS. Written by A. HIRTIUS PANSA.  
With some short Observations thereupon.  
Together with The MANNER of our MODERN TRAINING, or TACTICK PRACTICE.  
LONDON, Printed by ROGER DANIEL: 1655.   

THE EIGHTH COMMENTARY OF THE WARS IN GALLIA, Written by AULUS HIRTIUS.  

CHAP. I.  
The Galls raise new troubles in divers places. Caesar scattereth and wasteth the Bituriges, and after that the Carnutes.  
AFter that all Gallia was subdued, forasmuch as Caesar had rested no part of the former Summer from war, he was desirous to refiesh his Soldiers after so great pains taken, the rest of the winter season; when news was brought him that many States at the selfsame time, did lay their heads together again about war, and make conspiracies. Whereof there was reported a very likely cause; in that it was known to all the Galls, that there could not any power so great be assembled into one place, as should be able to withstand the Romans: neither if many States at once made war in divers places at one instant, could the army of the people of Rome have sufficient, either of aid, or of time, or of men of war to pursue all at once: and there ought not any State to refuse the lot of their misfortune, if by the respite thereof, the rest might set themselves at liberty.  
The which opinion to the intent it should not settle in the minds of the Galls, Caesar leaving M. Antonius the Quaestor with charge of his winter garrisons, went with a strong company of horsemen the last day of December from Bibracte to his twelfth Legion, which he had placed not far from the borders of the Hedui, in the country of the Bituriges, and taketh thereunto the eleventh Legion which was next unto it. Leaving two Cohorts to defend his stuff and carriages, he led the rest of his army into the most plentiful fields of the Bituriges: the which being a large country and full of towns, could not be kept in awe with the garrisoning of one Legion amongst them, but that they prepared for war and made conspiracies.  
By the sudden coming of Caesar, it came to pass (which must needs happen to such as are unprovided and scattered abroad) that such as were tilling the ground without fear, were surprised in the fields by our horsemen, before they could get them into the Towns. For at that time, the common token of invasion which is wont to be perceived by burning of houses, was by Caesar's commandment forborn, lest they should either want forage and corn if they were minded to make any further rode into the country, or else, that their enemies for fear of the fires, should convey themselves out of the way.  
After that many thousands of men had been taken, the Bituriges being sore afraid, such of them as could escape out of the Romans hands at their first coming, upon confidence either of the old acquaintance and familiarity that had been privately between them, by reason of resorting as guests one to another, or of their mutual agreement and partaking in the same devices, fled into the next cities: but all was in vain. For Caesar by great journeys came so suddenly upon all places, that he gave not any city leisure, to think of the safeguard of other folks rather than of themselves. Through the which speed, he both kept his friends faithful unto him, and put the wavering sort in such fear, that he compelled them to be glad to receive peace.  
The matter standing in this case, when the Bituriges saw that through Caesar's gentleness there was yet a way for them to return into his favour again, and that the next States had delivered him hostages, and were thereupon received to mercy, without further punishment: they themselves did in like wise. Caesar, because his men had patiently endured so great travel in the winter days, through most cumbersome ways, in intolerable cold weather, and continued most resolutely in the same to the uttermost, promised to give to his soldiers two hundred sesterces apiece, and to the Captains 2000 apiece, in the name of a prey: & so sending his Legions again into their wintering places, he himself returned to Bibracte the fourtieth day after his setting forth. There as he was ministering of Justice, the Bituriges sent messengers unto him, desiring help against the Carnutes, whom they complained to make war upon them.  
Upon the receipt of this news, when he had not lain in garrison past eighteen days, he draweth the fourteenth and sixteenth Legions out of garrison from the river Arar, where he had placed them for the speedy purveiance of corn and victual, as was showed you in the last book: and with those two Legions went to prosecute the Carnutes.  
When our enemies heard of the coming of our army, the Carnutes moved with the calamity of others, left their towns and villages that they dwelled in, which they had made upon the sudden with little cottages for necessities sake to keep off the winter; (for since they were conquered of late, they had lo●● many of their walled towns:) and fled scattering abroad. Caesar, forasmuch as he would not put his soldiers to the abiding of the unseasonable sharp storms which chiefly at that time fell, encamped himself within Genabum, a town of the Carnutes, and housed his soldiers partly in the buildings of the Galls, and partly in such buildings as being unfinished they thatched in haste with the straw that was brought in to cover their tents and cabins. Nevertheless he sendeth abroad his horsemen and auxiliary footmen into all parts whither he heard his enemies resorted: and that was not in vain; for commonly our men returned ever with a great booty.  
The Carnutes being put to it with the hardness of the winter, and the terror of the danger, being driven out of house and home, and not daring to stay any where any long time, the woods being not able to defend them from the bitterness of the storms, were scattered abroad, and with the loss of a great part of them, dispersed into the next cities.   

CHAP. II.  
The Bellovaci and other States under the leading of Corbeus and Comius invade the Suessiones: Caesar marcheth against them.  
CAesar at that hard time of the year, thinking it enough to disperse the powers that were assembling, to the intent no beginning of war might spring up, and weighing how much it concerned him, to prevent any open war from breaking out the beginning of the next summer; he placed G. Trebonius in garrison at Genabum with those two Legions that he had there about him: and forasmuch as he was by often messages certified from the men of Rheims, that the Bellovaci (who excelled all Galls and the Belgae also in military fame) and the States adjoining unto them, under the conduct of Corbeus of Beanvoys and Comius of Arras, levied men of war, and assembled them into one place, to the intent with their whole power to invade the borders of the Suessiones, which were appertaining to the men of Rheims; thinking it stood not only upon his honour, but also tended to his own security for the future, to save his allies, which had deserved well of the Commonweal, from displeasure and damage, he called the eleventh legion again out of garrison. Moreover he wrote to C. Fabius to bring the two legions that he had, into the confines of the Suessiones; and sent for one of those two legions that were with T. Labienus. So according as his garrisons lay for the purpose, and as the slate of the war required, to his own continual trouble, he put sometimes one of his legions and sometimes another, to march from their quarters.  
With this power that he had assembled he went against the Bellovaci: and encamping himself in their country, sent abroad his horsemen into all quarters to glean up some of them, by whose means he might learn what his enemies purposed to do. His horsemen doing their duty, brought word how few were found in the houses, and those not such as had stayed behind to till the ground, (for they were purposely removed out of all places) but such as had been sent back again to spy. Of whom Caesar enquiring in what place the forces of the Bellovaci were, and what was their intent; found that all the Bellovaci were gathered together into one place: and that the Ambiani, Aulerci, Caletes, Velocasses, and Attrebates had chosen a very high ground to encamp in, enclosed with a troublesome marish, and had conveyed all their stuff into woods that were farther off: Of the which war there were many Noblemen that were ringleaders, but the multitude obeyed Corbeus chiefly, because they understood that he hated most the name of the people of Rome: And that Comius of Arras was a few days before gone to fetch aid of the Germans, who were their next neighbours, and swarmed in multitude of people. He learned moreover at their hands, that the Bellovaci by the consent of all the Noblemen, at the earnest instance of the Commons, were determined, if Caesar came (as it was said he would) but with three legions, to offer him battle, lest afterward to more disadvantage and hindrance they should be compelled to encounter with his whole host: And if he brought a greater power with him, then to keep themselves still in the same ground that they had chosen, and by ambushes to keep the Romans from forage (which by reason of the time of the year was scarce, and also lay scattering) and from corn, and other victuals and things necessary for their army.  
The which things when Caesar understood by the concurring report of many, considering how still of wisdom this project was, and how far from the rashness that the barbarous people are wont to use, he determined to make the best advantage of all things, to the intent his enemies disdaining his small company, should make the more haste to come into the field. For he had three old practised legions, the seventh, eighth, and ninth, of singular valour and prowess; and the eleventh, which was of chosen young men of great hope and towardness, which having at that time received eight years' wages, was notwithstanding looked upon as not comparable to the other three either for standing, or for valour and courage.  
Wherefore summoning an assembly, and there declaring all things that had been reported unto him, he confirmed the hearts of the common soldiers, if peradventure with the number of three legions he might draw out his enemies to fight with him in the field. He set his battle in this order: the seventh, eighth, and ninth legions went before the carriages, and the eleventh closed in the rear thereof; the which notwithstanding was but small, as it is wont to be in such expeditions: and this he did, lest the enemies should find a greater number than they expected. By this means, in a square battle almost, he brought his host in sight of his enemies sooner than they looked for him.  
When the Galls beheld these legions, so suddenly set in order, marching toward them apace, as it had been in a pitched field (whereas it was reported to Caesar that they intended to carry on their business with confident boldness,) whether it were for the peril of the encounter, or the suddenness of our coming, or that they looked to see what we intended to do, they set themselves in order of battle before their camp, and would not descend from the higher ground. Albeit that Caesar was desirous to have fought with them, yet wondering at the great number of his enemies, he pitched his camp directly over against theirs, on the other side of a valley, which was more in deepness downward, then in wideness any way at the bottom. This camp he commanded to be fortified with a rampire of twelve foot, and an open gallery to be builded upon it according to the measure of the same height, and a double ditch to be made of fifteen foot apiece, with sides plum down, and many turrets to be reared of three stories high, and to be joined together with draw-Bridges to let down at pleasure, the fronts whereof were fenced with grates of wicker; to the intent the enemy might be repulsed with double rows of defendants: of which the one from the Bridges, the more out of danger they were by reason of the height, so much the boldlier and the farther off might they send their darts; the other the nearer they were placed to their enemy upon the Rampire, so much the better should they be covered from the artillery that might fall down upon them: and over the gates he made high towers. This kind of fortification was to two good purposes: for by the greatness of his works and his pretence of fear, he hoped to put the barbarous Galls into a great confidence; and whensoever he should have occasion to send out far for forage or victuals, he saw that the camp might be defended with a small power, the strength of the fortifications was so great. In the mean while, parties on both sides would several times go out and skirmish in the marish that was between our two camps: the which oftentimes either the Galls and Germans that were of our host would pass, and eagerly pursue their enemies; or else in like manner our enemies passing over it, did send our men farther off.  
It happened in our daily foraging (as there was no other shift, forasmuch as we were fain to fetch forage at houses that stood scattering far a sunder) that our forages being dissevered in disadvantageous places, were entrapped. The which thing as it was some loss to us of our beasts of carriage, and slaves, so it heightened the foolish courages of the barbarous Galls: and that so much the more, because Comius of Arras (who we said before was gone to fetch aid of the Germans) was returned with some horse; of whom although there was not above the number of five hundred, yet the Galls were puffed up at the coming of the Germans.   

CHAP. III.  
Caesar strengthens himself with more forces. The men of Rheims worsted by the Enemy, and they again by the Germans on Caesar's party.  
WHen Caesar perceived how his enemies kept themselves many days together within their camp, which was fortified both with a marish and also with advantage of the ground, and that he could neither assault them without manifest peril, nor enclose the place where they were with any fortifications, without a greater army; he directed his letters to Trebonius, that he should with all haste possible send for the thirteenth legion which wintered amongst the Bituriges, under T. Sextius the Legate, and so with three legions make long marches to come to him. In the mean season he sent out by turns the horsemen of Rheims and of the Lingones and other States, of whom he had called forth a great number, to safe-conduct the foragers, and to withstand the sudden assaults of the enemy.  
This being done day by day, and our men taking now less heed, because it was an ordinary matter with them, (which thing for the most part cometh to pass by daily custom) the Bellovaci with a band of chosen footmen, knowing the places where our horsemen daily kept their stand, laid ambushes in woody places: and the next day they sent thither their horsemen, first to draw cut our men into the danger of their ambushments, and then to assail them as they were enclosed. The lot of this ill luck lighted upon the men of Rheims, whose turn it was to perform the duty that day. For they, when they had espied the horsemen of their enemies upon the sudden, despising them because they werelesse in number, followed them over-greedily, and were enclosed by the footmen. Whereby being disordered, they retired more hastily than horsemen are accustomed to do in battle, with the loss of Vertisco the Prince of their State, and Captain of their horsemen. Who being scarce able to sit upon a horse by reason of his age, would notwithstanding (according to the custom of the Galls) neither seek to disburden himself of the Captainship by excuse of his age, nor suffer the encounter to be fought without him. With this lucky battle, wherein they slew the Prince and Captain of the men of Rheims, the courages of our enemies were heightened and raised: and our men were taught by their own harm, to search the places better where they should keep their stand, and to follow their enemy more advisedly when he fled. In the mean while ceased not the daily skirmishes in the sight of both our Camps, which were made at the fords and passages of the marish.  
In this kind of exercise, whenas the Germans (whom Caesar had for the same purpose fetched over the Rhine, that they should fight intermingled with his horsemen in the battle,) had all boldly passed the marish, and slaying a few that made resistance, followed eagerly upon the rest of the multitude; not only they that were overthrown at hand or wounded aloof, but also they that were wont to succour afar off, were so stricken with fear, that they ran away shamefully; and never left flying from higher ground to higher, which they oftentimes lost, before they either recovered into their Camp, or (as some did for very shame) fled farther off. With whose danger the rest of the host was so troubled, that it can scarcely be judged, whether good success (were it never so small) would make them more arrogant, or a misfortune (were it never so mean) would make them more cowed and fearful.   

CHAP. FOUR  
The Galls discamp, and are pursued by Caesar. The routing of part of them, and the death of Corbeus.  
AFter they had linked many days in the same Camp, when the Captains of the Bellovaci understood that C. Trebonius, one of Caesar's Legates, was at hand with more Legions, fearing the like siege as was at Alexia, they sent away in the night all such as by reason of years or otherwise wanted strength, and all such as wanted armour among them, and with them they sent away also their carriages. While they were setting forth this troubled and confused company, (for the Galls even when they go lightest, are wont to have a great multitude of Carts following them) daylight came upon them; and therefore they set their men in battle-array in their camp, lest the Romans should pursue, before the company of their carriages could get any thing forward. But Caesar thought it not good to assail them that were ready to defend themselves, having so high a hill to climb up unto them; and yet he thought to come so near them with his host, as that they might not depart out of the place where they were without danger, our men being hard at hand ready to fall upon them. Therefore whereas he perceived that the troublesome marish parted Camp from Camp, (the difficult passage whereof might hinder the speedy pursuit of our enemies) and that the same ridge of the hill which went from the farther side of the marish almost to the camp of the enemies, was parted from their said camp with a small valley: he made bridges over the marish, and passing over his army, got quickly into the plain of the said ridge, the which on two sides was fortified with a steep descent. There embattelling his men, he came to the farthest end of the ridge: and ordered his battles in such a place, from whence with an engine artillery might be shot amongst the thickest of the enemies.  
The Galls trusting to the advantage of the place, when they would neither have refused the encounter, if perchance the Romans should have adventured up the hill against them, nor yet durst by little and little diminish their battle by severing themselves, lest when they had been out of array, they might hap to have been set upon, kept themselves in order of battle. Whose wilfulness Caesar perceiving, kept twenty Cohorts in a readiness, and pitching his tents in the same place, commanded his camp should be fortified. As soon as the works were finished, he set his Legions in array before the Rampire, and appointed the horsemen to their stand with their horses ready bridled.  
When the Bellovaci saw the Romans in a readiness to pursue them, and that themselves could not without peril either lodge that night, or continue any longer in the same place where they were, they devised this shift to recover themselves. In the place where they were set together, (for it is declared in Caesar's former Commentaries, how the Galls are wont to sit down in the battle) they received from hand to hand one of another bundles of straw and faggots, whereof there was great store in their camp, and cast it all on a heap before their battle, and in the later end of the day, at a watchword that was given, they set it on fire all at one instant: by means whereof the continual flame suddenly took away the sight of all their army from the Romans: and therewithal the savage Galls fled away as fast as their legs could bear them.  
Albeit that Caesar could not perceive the departing of his enemies, by reason of the flame that was betwixt them; yet notwithstanding, forasmuch as he suspected it to be a deceit practised by them, that they might the safelier fly away; he marched his footmen forward, and sent his ●orsemen to pursue them. Howbeit for fear of treachery in the business, lest perhaps his enemies should abide still in the same place, and only draw us forth into a ground of disadvantage, he went the slower pace. His horsemen fearing to venture into the smoke and thick flame (and if any were so resolute as to enter it, they could scarce see the foreparts of their own horses) lest they should be entrapped, gave the Bellovaci free liberty to recover themselves whither they would. Thus our enemies by their flight, which was mixed with fear and subtlety, escaping without any loss, went but ten miles off, and encamped themselves in a very advantageous ground. From whence by laying ambushes both of horse and foot in divers places, they did the Romans great displeasure as they went a foraging.  
After this had happened many and sundry times, Caesar learned of a captive, that Corbeus, Captain of the Bellovaci, had chosen out of his whole host, six thousand of the valiantest footmen, and a thousand horsemen, which he had laid in ambush in the same place whether (for the plenty of provision and corn that was there) he judged the Romans would send to forage.  
This being known, Caesar bringeth forth more legions then usual, and sendeth his horsemen before as he was wont to do, to safe-conduct his foragers. Among them he mingleth for their assistance many light-armed footmen, and himself with his legions followeth as near as possibly he might. The enemies that were laid in ambush, having chosen a field for their purpose, not above a mile over every way, environed round about, either with cumbersome woods, or else a very deep river, beset it with their ambushment, as it had been with a toil.  
Our men, forasmuch as they were privy to the design of their enemies beforehand, being ready both with heart and hand to fight, seeing their legions followed hard after them, would refuse no encounters but went rank by rank down into the said place. At whose coming, Corbeus thinking an occasion of doing some good to be fallen into his hands, first discovereth himself with a small number, and giveth charge upon the next troops. Our men stoutly withstand the brunt, & flock not many into one place at once; which in skirmishes of horse is wont commonly to happen through fear, and their clustering together turneth to their own loss. They being thus engaged in small parties, and having a care still that their fellows should not be circumvented, the rest broke out of the woods while Corbeus was fight. Then was the encounter hot and doubtful. After it had continued indifferent a good space, by little and little came their footmen in array out of the woods, which compelled our horsemen to give back. But they were quickly relieved again by the light-armed footmen, which as was said were sent before our legions, who being intermixed among the horsemen fought stoutly.  
The encounter continued a good while doubtful. But as the course of war requires, they that had withstood the first brunt of them that lay in ambush for them, had thus much the advantage, that they received not unawares any foil at their hands. In the mean while our legions drew nearer, and divers messengers brought word both to our men and to our enemies at one and the same time, that the General was at hand with his army in battle array. Which thing being known, our horsemen trusting to the help of the Cohorts, lay about them very eagerly, lest if they should have delayed the matter, they might have given the footmen part of the honour of the victory. Upon this our enemies hearts began to fail; and they sought to fly by several ways: but all was in vain. For by the disadvantage of the same places in which they would have enclosed the Romans, were they themselves taken tardy and could not get out. Notwithstanding, being vanquished and altogether out of heart, when they had lost the greatest part of their company, like men amazed they betook themselves to ●light; and some made toward the woods, others toward the river, where being overtaken by our men that followed eagerly after them, they were all slain. In the mean time Corbeus, whose heart could by no misfortune be daunted or overcome, never departed out of the battle, nor made toward the woods, neither could by the entreaty of our men be persuaded ●o yield himself: but fight most valiantly, and hurting many of our men, he so far exasperated the victors, that they could not forbear to throw their darts at him, and dispatch him.   

CHAP. V.  
The remainder of the Galls submit themselves to Caesar. Comius in danger to be slain by treachery.  
THe matter being brought to this pass, Caesar pursuing his newly-got victory, forasmuch as he thought that his enemies being discouraged with so great a misfortune, would immediately upon the news thereof, forsake the place where they were encamped, which was said to be not above eight miles from the place where the slaughter was made; although he saw it would be some trouble to him to pass the river, yet passed he his army, and marched toward them. But the Bellovaci and the other States, upon the return of a few of their men, and those wounded, out of the chase, which had escaped the mischance by means of the woods, understanding by them their own great misfortune and misery by the death of Corbeus, the loss of their horsemen, and the ●laughter of their stoutest footmen, and mistrusting that the Romans would out of hand come upon them; immediately called an assembly by the sound of a trumpet, and cried all with one voice, to send ambassadors and hostages to Caesar.  
When Comius of Arras perceived that this motion would be entertained, he fled to those Germans of whom he had borrowed assistance to the war. The rest sent ambassadors presently unto Caesar, desiring him to content himself with that punishment of his enemies, which if he might have laid upon them without battle in their chief prosperity, they were well assured that of his clemency and courtesy he would not have done it. The Bellovaci said that their power was weakened by the loss of their horsemen, many thousands of their choicest footmen were cut off, scarce any escaping to bring tidings of the slaughter: yet notwithstanding their great misfortune, they had by that battle received this happiness, that Corbeus, the author of the war and raiser of the multitude, was slain. For as long as he was alive, the Senate could never bear so great sway in the city, as the rude and unskilful commonalty.  
As the ambassadors were speaking these things, Caesar put them in mind, that about the same time the last year, the Bellovaci and other States of Gallia raised war, and that they above all others stood most stiffly in their opinion, and would not be reduced to obedience by the submission of the rest. He told them, he knew and understood it was an easy matter to lay the fault of their offence upon him that was dead. But he was sure that there was no man of so great power, that against the nobleman's wills, the Senate resisting him, and all good men withstanding him, could with a weak handful of the commonalty, raise a war, and go through with it. Nevertheless he was satisfied with the punishment which they had brought upon themselves.  
The night following, the ambassadors returned this answer to those that sent them, and forthwith they gave hostages. Then also the ambassadors of other States, which waited to see what success the Bellovaci would have, came to Caesar, giving hostages, and performing his commands; only Comius stood off, who durst▪ not for fear trust his life into any man's hands. For the year before Titus Lab●enus perceiving how while Caesar was ministering justice in the hither Gallia, Comius stirred up the States and made confederacies against Caesar, thought he might without being accounted a faith●breaker, revenge his treacherous carriage. And thereupon, because be thought he would not at his sending for come into the camp, lest he should by such a message make him more cautious, he sent C. Volusenus Quadratus to murder him, under pretence of communing with him: and for the performance of the matter, he sent with him certain selected Centurions for the purpose. When they came to conference, and that Volusenus (as it was agreed upon) had caught Comius by the right hand, one of the Centurions, as if he had been moved at the strangeness of the matter, gave Comius a shrewd blow on the head with his sword; howbeit he could not dispatch him, because his friends stepped in and saved him. By and by was drawing of swords on both sides, and yet none of both parties were minded to fight, but to fly away: our men, because they believed that Comius had had his death's wound; the Galls, because perceiving the treachery, they feared there had been more behind than they saw. Upon which business it is reported, that Comius vowed he would never come in the fight of any Roman.   

CHAP. VI  
Caesar disposeth his forces into several parts of Gallia, and himself wasteth the country of Ambiorix.  
WHen Caesar had subdued the Nations that were most warlike, perceiving there was now no City that prepared war, to stand against him, but that many to eschew the present yoke of the Roman Empire, left their towns and fled out of the fields, he determined to send his army abroad into divers quarters. M. A●tonius the Quaestor with the eleventh legion he took to himself. C. Fabius the Legate with twenty five cohorts he sendeth into the farthest part of all Gallia, because he heard say that certain States were there in arms, and that he thought C. Caninius Reb●lus the Legate had not a sufficient strength of those two legions that were with him already. T. Labienus he called unto him from the place where he was: and the twelfth legion which wintered under him, he sent into Gallia Togatu, to defend the towns that the Romans had there peopled with their own Citizens, lest any such harm should happen to them by invasion of the barbarous people, as had happened the summer before to the Tergestini, who were surprised and spoiled of their goods by their sudden invasions.  
He himself set forward to waste and spoil the borders of Ambi●rix; who flying before him for fear from place to place, when he saw there was no hope to get him into his hands, he thought it was most for his honour, so to despoil his country of people, buildings and cattle, that his countrymen might so hate him (if fortune reserved any countrymen for him) that for the calamities he had brought upon his country, he might never have access thither again.  
After he had sent abroad his host into all parts of Ambior●x his country, and wasted all places with slaughter, bu●ning and rapi●e; having slain and taken prisoners a great number of men, he sent Labienus with two legions among the Tr●viri: whose country, by reason of the nearness thereof unto Germany▪ being daily enured to the wars, is not much unlike to the Germans in rudeness and savageness of life; neither did they obey the commandments of Caesar at any time longer than we had an army in their country to compel them.   

CHAP. VII.  
A new wa● raised in the territories of the Pictones. C. Fabius putteth to flight the forces of Dumnacus: subdueth the Carnutes and Are●orici.  
IN the mean season C. Caninius the Legate, understanding by the messengers and letters of Duracius, (who had continued always firm to the friendship of the people of Rome,) that a great number of enemies were assembled in the borders of the Pictones; forasmuch as a part of that City had renounced their obedience, went to the town of Lemovicum. When he came near the town, and understood by his prisoners, ●ow that Dumnacus Captain of the Andes; with many thousands of men had enclosed Duracius▪ and that Lemovicum was besieged; he durst not with his weak legions adventure upon his enemies, but pitched his Camp in an advantageous ground. Dumnacus hearing of the approach of Caninius, turned all his power against the Roman legions, determining to set upon them in their Camp. After he had spent many days in the assault, and had lost many of his men, and yet could not break down any part of their fortifications, he returned again to besiege Le●ovicum.  
At the same time, C. Fabius receiveth many Cities by composition, and assureth them with hostages; and is advertised by Caninius letters, of those things that were done among the Pictones. Upon the knowledge whereof, he setteth forth to rescue Duracius.  
But Dumnacus understanding of Fabius coming▪ forasmuch as he thought he should hazard the losing all▪ if at once he should be compelled both to abide the Romans his enemies without, and also to have an eye to and stand in fear of the town▪ retired suddenly with all his forces from the place, and could not think himself to be sufficiently in safety, before he had passed his army over the river Loire, which by reason of the greatness thereof, was to be passed by a bridge, and not otherwise.  
Although Fabius was not yet come within fight of his enemies, not had joined with Caninius, yet forasmuch as he was throughly informed by such as knew the coast of the country, he suspected that his enemies would take that way which they did. Therefore he marcheth with his army to the said bridge where his enemies had passed, and commanded his horsemen to go no farther before the footmen, then that they might upon occasion re●i●e into the same Camp without tiring their horses. Our horse, a● was commanded them, overtook the host of Dumnacus and set upon them; and assaulting them flying and amazed, as they marched with their luggage at their backs, slew a great number and took a great prey: and so with good success retired into their camp.  
The night following Fabius sent his horsemen before, so provided, that they might encounter the enemy, and stay all the whole army until he should overtake them. Q. Atius Varus the commander of the horse, a man of sinlar courage and wisdom, having encouraged his men and overtaken the body of his enemies, disposed certain of his troops in places convenient, and with the rest of his horsemen gave charge upon his enemies. The cavalry of the enemy fought so much the more boldly, because their foot were ready to assist them, who being mingled through the whole army, as often as occasion was, did succour them against our men. The encounter was very sharp. For our men despising them whom they had vanquished the day before, and remembering that the legions followed at their heels, ashamed to give ground, and desirous to get the day before their coming, fought very valiantly against the footmen. On the other side, our enemies believing that no greater forces of ours were behind, according as they had seen the day before, thought a fair opportunity offered them to destroy our cavalry utterly.  
When they had fought a good while very eagerly, Dumnacus made a battle to relieve his Cavalry, when occasion should be. But on the sudden our enemies espied our legions coming up close together: at the sight of whom their horse were stricken into such a fear, and the foot so amazed, that breaking through their carriages, with great clamour and confusion they betook themselves every where to flight. Then our Cavalry, who a little before had their hands full, being heartened with joy of the victory, raised a great shout on all sides, and casting themselves amongst them as they fled, made slaughter of them as far as their horses breaths would serve to pursue them, and their arms were able to strike them. Insomuch that having slain above twelve thousand men, armed, and such as for fear had cast away their arms, they took all their carriages, none escaping.  
Out of the which chase forasmuch as it was certainly known, that Drapes the Senon was escaped (who when Gallia first began to rebel, gathering to him men of desperate fortunes out of all places, setting bondmen at liberty, entertaining outlaws of all countries, and receiving highway thiefs, had cut off the carriages and victuals of the Romans) was going toward the Province with five thousand men at the most, which he had rallied after the chase; and that Luterius of Cahors joined himself with him, who in the former Commentary is said to have attempted an invasion of the Province at the first insurrection of Gallia; Caninius the Legate with two legions pursued after them, lest some great dishonour might be received by those loose fellows terrifying and harrasing the Province.  
C. Fabius with the rest of the army went against the Carnutes and the other States, whose power he knew to be crushed in the battle that was fought against Dumnacus. For he doubted not, but he should find them more tractable to deal with, by reason of the late overthrow: whereas if he should give them time of respite, by the instigation of the said Dumnacus, they might be raised again. Fabius with marvellous good luck and speed brought those States to submission. For the Carnutes, who had been oftentimes before ill-handled by us, yet would never listen to peace, now gave hostages, and came into subjection. And the rest of the States situate in the farthest parts of Gallia, bordering upon the sea, which are called Armoricae, following the example of the Carnutes, at the coming of Fabius with his legions amongst them, performed his commandments without delay.  
Dumnacus thus driven out of his own country, wand'ring and lurking in corners alone, was compelled to betake himself to the uttermost countries of all Gallia.   

CHAP. VIII.  
Drapes and Luterius seize upon Vxellodunum. Caninius pursueth them, overthroweth their forces, taketh Drapes prisoner, and with Fabius besiegeth Vxellodunum.  
BUt Drapes and Luterius, when they understood that Caninius approached with his army, perceiving they could not without manifest peril enter the bounds of the Province, considering how the army pursued them, nor yet range abroad on thieving at their pleasure, stayed together in the country of the Cadurci. There Luterius (who in times past while he was in prosperity, was able to sway greatly with his countrymen, and had gotten great estimation among the rude people, as one that was ever a beginner of new designs) took with his own and Drapes his forces, a town called Uxellodunum, which had been formerly in his tuition, a place excellently well fortified by the natural situation thereof, and caused the townsmen to join with him.  
To this town Caninius forthwith came; and perceiving that all parts of the same were fortified with craggy cliffs, insomuch that though no man were there to defend it, yet were it a ha●d matter for men in their armour to get up; knowing also that the moveables of the townsmen were great, which if they should go about to carry privily away, they could not escape either our horsemen or footmen: he divided his Cohorts into three parts, and made three Camps upon a very high ground; from which by degrees, as his army was able, he determined to draw a Rampire and trench round about the town.  
The townsmen perceiving that, and remembering the miserable condition of Alexia, feared the like siege. Luterius especially, who had tasted the smart of that misfortune, advised them to lay for corn beforehand: whereupon they determined by general consent, that leaving a part of the army for the defence of the town, Luterius and Drapes with the best-provided, should go forth to fetch in corn. This counsel being approved of, the next night Drapes and Luterius, leaving two thousand armed men behind them, drew the rest out of the town. After a few days being abroad, they brought in a great quantity of grain out of the country of the Cadurci, who partly were willing to help them therewith, and partly durst not withstand their taking it, as not being able to make their part good against them. Oftentimes also they would fly out in the night, and assault the castles of our camp. Upon which consideration C. Caninius stayed the making of fortifications round about the town, lest he should not be able to defend the circumvallation when it was finished, or else should be forced to set but weak watches in so many places at once.  
When they had gotten together a great quantity of grain, Drapes and Luterius took up their stand not above ten miles from the town, the better at times to convey it in; and they parted the charge between them. Drapes tarried behind with part of the army to keep the Camp: Luterius drove the beasts with their carriages toward the town: and setting guards there for his defence, about ten of the clock in the night purposed by narrow ways through the woods, to convey the corn into the town. The watchmen of our Camp hearing the noise of their feet, and the scouts which were sent out reporting what was a doing, Caninius caused his Cohorts to arm themselves quickly, and about break of day made attempt out of the next castles upon the foragers. Who being frighted with the suddenness of the mischief, fled to their guards. Which as soon as our men perceived▪ they flew more fiercely upon them, and suffered none to be taken alive. Luterius fled from thence with a few, but returned not to his Camp.  
After this good success, Caninius understood by his prisoners, that part of the army was behind in the Camp with Drapes, not above twelve miles off. Which when he had learned by many to be truth, believing that one of the Generals already put to flight, the remnant of the army being terrified, might easily be overthrown; he thought it a great piece of happiness, that none escaped from the slaughter into the Camp, to carry tidings of the mishap to Drapes. And forasmuch as he saw there was no danger in putting the matter to trial, he sent all his horsemen and the Germane footmen, swift and nimble fellows, before, to the Camp of his enemies. One of his legions he left in his Camp, and the other eased of all carriages, he took with him.  
When he came near his enemies, his scouts that he had sent before, brought word that (as the custom of the barbarous nations commonly is) they had abandoned the higher ground, & encamped themselves by the River side; & that our horse and the Germans had flown upon them suddenly ere they were aware, and charged them. Upon the receipt of this news, he hasted forward with his legion well armed and well appointed: and so the sign being given suddenly on all sides, the higher places were taken by our men. At the doing whereof, the Germans and our Cavalry seeing the Ensigns of our Legion, fought very stoutly: and by and by all our Cohorts charged upon them round; so that in the conclusion, they were all either slain, or prisoners, and a great booty taken. Drapes himself was also taken in the same conflict.  
Caninius having done his work successfully▪ without almost any hurt at all to his soldiers▪ returned to besiege the town: and having now destroyed his enemy without, for fear of whom he could not before divide his garrisons, nor environ the town with fortifications; he commandeth the works to be carried on round about the town. The next day came thither C. Fabius with his forces, and took another part of the town to besiege.   

CHAP. IX.  
Caesar having punished Guturvatus for the revolt of the Carnutes, joineth with Caninius and Fabius before Vxellodunum. Upon his depriving them of water the town yieldeth. Caesar cutteth off their right hands.  
IN the mean time, Caesar left M. Antonius the Quaestor with fifteen Cohorts among the Bellovaci, to prevent any new confederacies among them for the future: and he himself visited the other States, charging them with more hostages, and with comfortable words raising the fearful hearts of them all.  
When he came amongst the Carnutes, in whose country (as Caesar hath declared in his former Commentary) the war first of all began, inasmuch as he perceived them to be chiefly afraid, as being conscious to themselves of their fault, to the intent he might the more speedily deliver the rest of the State from fear, he demanded Guturvatus, the ringleader of that mischief, and raiser of the rebellion, to be delivered unto him to be punished: who albeit he trusted not himself with his own countrymen, yet all men made so diligent search for him, that he was soon found out and brought to the Camp. Caesar, contrary to his own nature, was compelled to punish him whether he would or no, by the importunity of his soldiers, who imputed all the dangers and losses that they had sustained by this war, unto Guturvatus: insomuch that his body after it was in a manner whipped to death, was beheaded.  
While Caesar●arried ●arried here, he was advertised by several letters from Caninius, what was done to Drapes and Luterius, and how the townsmen persevered in their resolution: the small number of whom although he despised, yet he deemed their wilfulness worthy of severe punishment; lest they might give occasion to all Gallia, to think that they wanted not strength, but constancy and resolution to withstand the Romans; or le●● by their example, other cities of Gallia trusting to the advantage and strength of places, should attempt to recover their liberty: especially seeing he was sure that all the Galls knew his commission lasted but one summer longer, which if they could hold out, they should need to fear no danger after. And therefore leaving Q. Calenus the Legate behind with two legions to follow leisurely after him by easy marches, he himself with all his Cavalry made haste to Caninius.  
When Caesar, contrary to all men's expectation, was come to Uxellodunum, and saw the town environed with fortifications, perceiving that it was not for him to break up his siege on any condition, and learning moreover by runaways that the town had great abundance of victuals: he assayed to cut of the water from his enemies.  
There was a river that ran through the bottom of the valley, which environed well-near all the hill whereon the town stood, from whence the descent was rough and steep on all sides. The nature of the place would not suffer this stream to be turned any other way. For it ran in such sort at the very foot of the hill, that there could be no ditch cut low enough to drain it. The townsmen had hard and very steep coming down to it, insomuch that if our men withstood them, they could not without wounds or danger of their lives, either come down to the river, or get up the steep hill again. Which distress of theirs Caesar well knowing, placed archers and slingers, and other artillery also, against such places where the easiest coming down was, to keep the townsmen from the water of the river: who afterward came for water all to one place. For under the very walls of the town there gushed out a great spring of water, on that side where there was a space almost of three hundred foot not encompassed with the river.  
Now whilst all the rest wished, and only Caesar perceived, that this spring might be taken from the town, though not, without great damage; he began to raise Vines directly against it toward the hill, and to make mounts, with great labour and continual fight. For the townsmen came running down from the higher ground, and fought with our men at a distance without danger, wounding many of them that pressed up too forwardly. Notwithstanding our men were nothing deterred from bringing forward their Vines, endeavouring to overcome the crabbedness of the place, with their labour and works. At the same time they drew privy mines to the head of the spring, which kind of work they might do without any danger or mistrust of their enemies. A mount was cast up six foot high, and thereupon was raised a tower of ten stories; not such a one as might equal the height of the walls, (for that was not possible to be done any way) but such a one as might exceed the top of the spring. From which conveying darts with engines to the brim of the spring, so that the townsmen could not fetch water without danger, not only all sorts of cattle, but also a great number of men died for thirst.  
The townsmen greatly astonished hereat, filled barrels with grease, pitch, and shingles, and setting them on fire rolled them down upon our works, and at the same time also fought very desperately, with the peril of fight to keep the Romans from quenching the fire. Suddenly there was a great flame in our works. For whatsoever was thrown down from that steep place, the same staying against the Vines and rampire, took hold upon the things that stayed them. On the other side, our Soldiers, albeit they were hindered both with the dangerousness of the encounter, and with the disadvantage of the place, yet they bore out all things with a stout courage. For the thing was done both in an eminent place, and also in the sight of our army: and a great cry was raised on both sides. So that every man as far as he could, especially the most daring, (to the intent his valour might the better be known and testified) ventured himself upon the fire, & the weapons of his enemies.  
Caesar when he saw many of his men wounded, commanded his Cohorts to climb up the hill on all sides of the town, and to raise a shout as if they purposed to scale the walls. Wherewith the townsmen being frighted, forasmuch as they knew not what was doing in other places, called back their men from assaulting our works, and placed them upon the walls. So our men having respite from fight, did quickly either quench the works that were on fire, or else cut them off from the rest.  
The townsmen stubbornly standing out, though they had lost a great part of their men by thirst, and continuing still unanimously resolved, at length the veins of the spring were cut off within the ground by mines, and turned another way: by means whereof the fountain of running water was presently dried up. Which so daunted the hearts of the defendants, who believed it could not be done by the wit of man, but came to pass by the will of the gods; that when they saw there was no other remedy, they yielded themselves.  
Caesar being assured that his clemency was sufficiently known to all people, and therefore he needed not to fear that it would be imputed to the cruelty of his nature, if he dealt something harshly with them; and besides that, considering with himself, that it might well be thought he little regarded the good success of his counsels and undertake, if by suffering such things unpunished, others should be encouraged to rebel in divers places: he thought it requisite to hold the rest in awe by the punishment of these. And therefore he cut off the hands of as many of them as were able to bear arms, and let them live still, that the punishment of such wicked men might be more manifest to the world.   

CHAP. X.  
Drapes dieth, Luterius brought to Caesar. Labienus good success against the Treviri. Caesar after his expedition into Aquitania, putteth his army into winter-quarters.  
DRapes, whom I declared to have been taken by Caninius, whether it were for vexation and grief that he was in bands, or for fear of more heavy punishment, fasted a few days from meat, and so starved.  
At the same time Luterius, that escaped by flight from the battle (as I showed before) fell into the hands of Epasnactus the Arvernian. For in often shifting from place to place, he was fain to venture himself upon the courtesy and civility of many, because he thought he could never continue any long time in one place without danger, his heart misgiving him how much he had deserved to have Caesar his enemy. Epasnactus the Arvernian being a faithful friend to the people of Rome, as soon as he had gotten him into his hands, brought him without further delay bound unto Caesar.  
In the mean time Labienus warreth prosperously against the Treviri: and having slain many both of the Treviri and also of the Germans, who were ready to assist any man against the Romans, got the chief of them alive into his hands; among whom was Surus the Heduan, a man of great valour and noble birth, who alone of the Heduans had unto that day continued in arms against the people of Rome.  
Caesar knowing thereof, and forasmuch as he saw his affairs went well forward in all parts of Gallia, weighing with himself how all Celtica and Belgica were the former Summers conquered and subdued, and that he had never all this while visited Aquitania, only he had made a kind of entrance into it by certain victories gotten by P. Crassus: he marched thither with two legions, with intent to bestow the later part of the summer there. Which thing (as he had done all others before) he dispatched quickly and luckily. For all the States of Aquitania sent ambassadors unto him, and gave him hostages.  
After the accomplishment of these things, he went to Narbone with his guard of horsemen, and sent his foot into their wintering-places by his Legates. Four legions he placed in Belgium under M. Antonius, C. Trebonius, P. Vatinius, and Q. Tullius, Legates. Two he quartered amongst the Heduans, whom he knew to be of greatest authority in all Gallia. Two more he placed amongst the Treviri, in the borders of the Carnutes, to be a stay to all the country that lay upon the sea-coast. The other two he placed in the borders of the Lemovici, not far from the Arverni: that so there might not be any part of Gallia without an army.  
After he had tarried a few days in the Province, and there speedily taken cognizance of all their courts, sitting upon public controversies, and rewarded such as had deserved well, (for he had a great desire to understand how every man had carried himself towards the commonweal during the general rebellion of all Gallia, which he had born out through the faithfulness & assistance of the said Province) as soon as he had dispatched these things, he returned to his legions into Belgium, and wintered at Nemetocenna.   

CHAP. XI.  
Comius of Arras overthrown in a battle of hrose by C. Volusenus, submitteth to M. Antonius, and receiveth pardon.  
WHile he was there, he understood that Comius of Arras had encountered with his Cavalry. For Antonius being come into his winter-quarters, and the city of Arras concontinuing firmly loyal, Comius, who after his wound that we spoke of before, was wont still to be ready at hand to his countrymen at every stir, to the intent that if they would begin any new rising, they should not want a head and a captain for the war; as long as the city continued obedient to the Romans, he with his horsemen maintained himself and his followers by thieving, for laying the ways, he cut off many convoys that were going with provision to the Roman garrisons. C. Volusenus Quadratus, the general of the horse, was appointed to winter in the same place with Antonius: him did Antonius send to pursue the horse of his enemies. Volusenus, beside the singular valour that was in him, did also bear a great hatred toward Comius, and for that cause was the more willing to execute the thing that was commanded him. Wherefore placing divers ambushes, he oftentimes set upon Comius horsemen, and put them to the worse.  
At last, when the contention grew more vehement, and that Volusenus, desirous to cut off Comius himself, followed him somewhat more eagerly with a small party, and Comius on the other side fled the faster away, thereby to draw him farther from his company; at length espying his advantage, Comius suddenly cried out to all his men, that as they were true unto him they should stand to him, and not suffer the wound that was given him basely under colour of friendship, to be unrevenged: and therewithal turning his horse, he runneth from the rest of his company upon Volusenus. All his horse followed, and because there were but a few of our men, they made them retreat, and pursued them. Comius putting spurs to his horse, encountered the horse of Quadratus, & with his spear thrust Volusenus by great violence through the thigh.  
When our horse saw that their Captain was wounded, they bestirred themselves, and turning again upon the enemy, put them back. Many of the enemies by the violent charge of our men were beaten off and wounded: of whom some were overthrown in the chase, and some were taken prisoners. As Comius escaped any farther mishap by the swiftness of his horse: so our General being by him in this battle sore wounded, was carried into the Camp in such a case, that it was not likely he should have lived. And Comius, whether it were that he thought himself sufficiently revenged, or because he had lost a great part of his men, sent messengers to Antonius, giving hostages, and assuring him that he would continue where it should please him to appoint, and do whatsoever he should command him. Only one request he made, wherein he besought him to bear with his fearfulness, that he might not be forced to come in the sight of any Roman. Which request Antonius judging to proceed out of a real fear, and not without good cause, he pardoned him according to his desire, and received his hostages.   

CHAP. XII.  
While Caesar is busy in quieting and ordering ●hings in Gallia, and visiting some municipal towns in Italy, his enemies conspire against him at Rome.  
DUring the time that Caesar wintered ●in Belgium, his chief purpose was, to keep the States in amity, and to take away all hope and occasion of war: for he intended nothing less, than the carriage of his business so, as he should be constrained to have war at the time of his departure: lest when he should withdraw his army, he should leave any troubles behind, which all Gallia could willingly engage in, so that it might be without present danger. And therefore by entreating the cities honourably, by rewarding the noblemen highly, by burdening the country with no new impositions, he easily kept all Gallia, which now was tired out with so many unfortunate battles, in quiet and obedience.  
Winter being over, Caesar, contrary to his custom, hasteth into Italy with as much expedition as might be, to treat with the municipal towns and colonies, and to commend unto them the suit of his Quaestor M. Antonius for the Priesthood. For he made all the friends for him he could, both because the same Antonius was his very dear friend, whom he had sent before to sue for that promotion, as also to oppose the factions and unreasonable proceedings of a few men, who by putting Antonius beside his purpose, sought to disparage Caesar now going out of his command.  
Albeit he had tidings by the way before he came near Italy, that Antony was made Augur, yet he thought he had as good reason as before, to visit the municipal towns and colonies, both to give them thanks for appearing in the business, and for their civility showed in the behalf of Antony; as also to commend unto them his own case, touching the honour which he purposed to sue for the next year: and that the rather, because his adversaries proudly made their brag, that L. Lentulus and C. Marcellus were created Consuls, to deprive Caesar of all honour and authority; and that the Consulship was wrested from Sergius Galba, though he had more voices on his side, because he was a familiar friend of Caesar's, and had been engaged unto him as his Legate.  
Caesar at his coming among the municipal towns, was entertained with extraordinary affection and respect: that being his first coming from the wars in Gallia. Nothing was omitted that could be devised for the decking and adorning of their gates, ways, and places where Caesar should pass. All the people came forth with their children to meet him by the way; sacrifices were every where offered; the temples and market-places were hanged with clothes of tapestry: so that a man would have thought by the expressions of joy, there had been some great triumph expected and provided for. So great costliness was among the richer sort, and such hearty expression among the meaner sort.  
When Caesar had lightly passed through all the countries of Gallia Togata, he returned with all speed to his army at Nemetocenna, and calling all his legions out of their winter-quarters into the country of the Treviri, he went thither, and there mustered them. T. Labienus he made governor of Gallia Togata, thereby to get himself the more favour and furtherance in his suit for the Consulship. He himself removed from one place to another, according as he found it necessary for health. And albeit he heard oftentimes that Labienus was solicited strongly by his enemies, and was also advertised how it was carried on by a small faction at Rome, to take away part of his army from him by a decree of the Senate: yet notwithstanding he neither gave credit to any thing that was reported of Labienus, nor would be drawn to do any thing contrary to the authority of the Senate. For he believed that if the Senators might give their voices freely, he should easily obtain his purpose.  
For C. Curio Tribune of the people, who had taken upon him the defence of Caesar's cause and dignity, had oftentimes propounded to the Senate, that if the fear of Caesar's army prejudiced any man, and seeing that the authority and power of Pompey did not a little keep the Courts in awe; that both of them might lay down their arms and dismiss their armies: and so should the City be at liberty to use her own right as she pleased. This he not only propounded, but began to divide the Senate about it: which the Consuls and the friends of Pompey commanded should not be done: and so ruling the matter as they listed, they departed. This was a great testimony of the whole Senate, and agreeable to their former act.  
For Marcellus the year before, opposing Caesar's dignity, contrary to the law of Pompey and Crassus, and having put up a bill to the Senate for the discharge of Caesar before the time of his commission was expired; when they had given their voices, Marcellus, who sought all his honour by working spite against Caesar, departed aside, and the Senate fell all of them quite upon other matters.  
This did not at all daunt the spirits of Caesar's enemies, but rather stirred them up to strengthen their party, and thereby to compel the Senate to approve of that which they had determined. Hereupon a decree was made, that Cneius Pompeius should send one legion, and Caesar another, to the war against the Parthians. But it was easily discerned that both these legions were taken from Caesar. For the first legion, which Cneius Pompeius had sent unto Caesar levied in the Province, he gave unto Caesar as one of his own number. Nevertheless, albeit that no man need doubt but that Caesar was spoiled at the pleasure of his enemies, yet he sent Pompey his legion again: and of his own forces, he ordered the fifteenth legion which he had in the hither Gallia, to be delivered to him according to the decree of the Senate. In the room whereof he sent the thirteenth legion into Italy, to lie in garrison in the same place from whence the fifteenth was drawn.  
Then he distributed his army into winter-quarters. C. Trebonius with four legions he placed in Belgium: C. Fabius with as many amongst the Hedui. For this he thought would be the best way to keep Gallia in most safety and quiet, if the Belgae, who were the most valorous, and the Hedui, who were of most authority, had forces quartered among them to keep them in obedience. This done, he took his journey into Italy.  
When he came thither, he understood that the two legions which he had dismissed, which by the decree of the Senate should have been employed in the Parthian war, were by C. Marcellus the Consul delivered to Pompey, and kept still in Italy. Although by this dealing it was evident to all the world, what was intended against Caesar, yet Caesar determined to take all things patiently, as long as he had any hope left to decide the controversy rather by the law then by the sword.    

OBSERVATIONS UPON THE EIGHTH COMMENTARY OF THE WARS IN GALLIA.  
SOme attribute the so frequent revolts of the Galls to their changeable and impatient humour, which cannot endure to be lorded over by strangers: and others, to the too great clemency of Caesar. I grant that clemency apt to pardon emboldens to revolt; for that we easily forget all benefits which do not entirely establish our liberty: but if cruelty causeth them less frequent, yet it renders them more dangerous; for that when despair driveth men thereunto, and that the hope of safety resteth only in voctory, the revolted become all valiant, obstinate, constant, and faithful to the end; which never falleth out where there is hope of the enemy's clemency. We have here plentiful examples thereof. Caesar in the greater part of the revolts of the Galls hath often found great facilities to reduce them to his obedience, by reason of his clemency; which hath been a powerful means for him to make divisions amongst themselves, and to prevent obstinacy in their revolts: and if sometimes it hath so happened that he hath used severity, it hath been occasioned by fowl and unworthy acts; as when the Veneti under public faith imprisoned the Roman officers, which came to them to buy corn for the sustenance of the army. But I cannot excuse that of Uxellodunum. On the contrary, the cruelties of the King of Spain executed by the Duke of Alva, drove poor fishermen so into despair, that they have shaken off his insupportable yoke; and with an admirable constancy have maintained and enriched themselves, and are grown so potent, as that they are able to resist him by land, and by sea take from him his treasure in the Indies.  
Caesar showeth us also by his care and industry to get intelligence of the enemies proceedings, (whether by taking prisoners in the field, or by having good spies) the advantage which may be made thereof; many of his successful designs having been founded thereupon, there being great advantage in the attempting them; for that he which ass●ileth hath more courage than he which is assailed, and always believeth the assailant to be the stronger, not knowing what part he will assail, and ever jealous that he hath some secret intelligence. Briefly, all that a well-exercised and well-disciplined army is able to do in such a case, is to defend itself; but where are new-levied soldiers, fall out great disorders: which was the reason he took so much care to fortify his camp very strongly, to the end he might defend it and all his baggage with a few men, and might without danger execute many brave designs, being always assured of his retreat. Let us farther take view of the siege of Uxellodunum: which Caesar judging to be impregnable by ●orce, and knowing it to be well provided of corn, undertaketh by a great & dangerous labour to keep them from water, which was from a fountain without the town, from whence they were only supplied: which the besieged perceiving, having set fire on Caesar's works, by a sally they hindered him from quenching it. Caesar not being able to repulse them by reason of the advantage of the place, resolveth to make an assault upon the town; which apprehension caused them to retreat.   

THE MANNER OF OUR MODERN TRAINING, Or TACTICK PRACTICE. By CLEMENT edmond's, Remembrancer of the City of LONDON.  
FOrasmuch as my purpose was to make this task of Observations as a parallel to our modern Discipline, I did not think it fit to mingle the Tactick Practice of these times with the use of foregoing ages, but rather to shut up these Discourses therewith, as the second line of this warlike parallel, which is thus drawn in the best fashion of modern Art.  
In the knowledge of marshalling an Army, there is nothing more especially to be regarded, then that from a confused company of men, having chosen the fittest for the wars, we should so place and digest a convenient number of them, that in marches, in encamping, in battles we may be able with a few well ordered to encounter a far greater army in confusion, and to overthrow them. From hence Aeneas did define the Art of war, to be the knowledge of warlike motions.  
Before this unexpert army shall be able to be moved in such fashion, it shall not be amiss to acquaint it with the most usual terms, wherewith they shall be often commanded into divers postures, as occasion shall be offered. For as in the art of Fencing, no man shall be able to turn and wind his body for his best advantage to offend his enemy, or defend himself, unless first his master shall instruct him in the several parts and postures thereof: so every soldier, or the whole troup as one body, or one soldier, shall never be readily instructed to transform or turn itself by divers motions into different forms, unless they first understand what is meant by Fronts and Flanks, by Files and Ranks, what by Leaders and Followers, by Middlemen and Bringers up. By this means each soldier understanding what the term doth signify, shall readily both apprehend and execute such commandments as the Captain or Officer shall direct him.  
A File is a certain number of men following singly one Leader unto the depth of 8 or 10, 
A File.  as they shall be commanded. The ancients have called this File Seriem, ordinationem, or decuriam. It consisteth of Leaders and Followers, placed according to their worth and valour: and especially there ought to be regarded, the Leader or Decurio, the fifth, sixth, or Middlemen, and the tenth and last called the Bringer▪ up or Tergiductor.  
First therefore, every soldier being aptly fitted unto his several arms according to his worth, 
The Leader.  age and stature, they are to be disposed into several files, wherein every one is especially to acknowledge his leader or foremost man to be the author of all his motions: & therefore duly attending what directions shall be commanded, each follower shall according to the motions of his leader or foremost man, order his own; and is to be excused, if he attend the motions of his leader before he move himself.  
When many files are thus disposed together, all the leaders making one and the same front, and their followers observing likewise one and the same proportion of distance before, and after, and on each side; these Files thus joined make one battalion, 
battalion.  the front whereof is called a Rank, and so likewise the second and third in depth, 
A Rank or Front.  according to the number of men in each file. The first, second and third, 
Sidemen.  and so forward in each file, are called Sidemen, in respect of the same numbers in the next file. Neither must every soldier only regard the motions of his Leader, but he must also diligently respect his sidemen, and such as shall be placed on his right and left hand, called his ranks: so that both in files and ranks he may always be found in the same distance wherein he is commanded.  
It should be impertinent to the purpose to prescribe a certain number of soldiers unto these battalions, 
The number of soldiers in a battalion un●●rtain.  only thus much for the proportion: that it ought never to exceed so much, but that it may easily upon any occasion be changed into such a form or fashion to fight, as may be thought fittest for the present.  
The length of this battalion is diversely termed amongst the Latins, 
The length.  as Frons, Fac●●s, Adstructio Jugum, etc. but in our modern practice, most familiarly the Front or Rank.  
The breadth of the battalion, 
Breadth o● depth.  which is from the leader to the bringer-up, with the distance between all the followers, is said to be the length or depth of one file or flank.  
In the disposing of soldiers into files and ranks, besides their observing a right line in their places and standing, 
Dignities in places to be observed.  we must likewise especially respect the different worth and quality of the soldiers; that every one according to his worth may be suited unto his proper place, and accordingly receive advancement, as the death of his Leaders, and true value of his desert by his Commander shall give occasion.  
First therefore there must be especial choice made of the leaders of each file, 
The first rank.  or first front or ranks of the battalion, of the most expert, ablest, and best-armed men: because that as from them the rest are to receive directions of their after-motions; so in them the greatest hope of the day doth consist.  
Next unto the first it must be provided, that the bringers up or last rank, called Tergiductores, 
The bringers up or Tergiductores or▪ last rank.  be little inferior, well experienced, wise and valiant, that they may both know when to reprehend their former Ranks, and urge them forward, if they see them declining or yielding upon false occasions; as also to be able upon any sudden alarm given in the rear, to turn faces about and make themselves a Front for the best resistance.  
Neither must it be neglected concerning the second and ninth ranks, 
The second and ninth ranks.  that they also may be furnished with the next most sufficient men; both because of their nearness unto danger, as also that if their leaders or bringers up shall either be slain, or disabled by wounds, they may presently succeed in their places and make them good.  
There is also a good decorum to be observed in the middlemen, 
The fifth and sixth ranks.  or fifth and sixth ranks, both for the men themselves and their arms: that in our marches, when the middlemen or sixth ranks shall be called up to front with their leaders, they may in some sort and proportion answer their places; as also when we double our front, by calling up middlemen to fight in a greater breadth, they may not be unsuitable: but especially in marches, that they may be able to make the best resistance, when they shall become the flanks of the battalions.  
As these respects aught to be observed in ranks, so the files also are not without their different degrees of dignity. 
Files.  As the leader of the right-hand file is accounted to have the first place of honour in the battalion: 
The right-hand file.  for he doth not only lead the rest in his own file, but he is the author and beginner of the motions of the whole battalion.  
The leader of the lefthand file hath the next place, 
The lefthand file.  because that he with the leader of the right-hand file do always in their marching and imbattelling rectify or rank the whole front of the battalion: and so consequently all the next of their files as they stand in order, even until the middle, who are accounted the last in dignity.  
The battalion being thus disposed into files and ranks, 
Distances between files and ranks.  and each file and rank according to his worth and experience rightly advanced: it followeth that there should be a just distance proportioned between either, that at all times upon all occasions, they might be found ready, and in comeliest fashion, either to offend their enemy, or defend themselves. These distances which every follower must observe in respect of his leader, and every leader and follower in respect of the sidemen, may be reduced unto three several Orders, as followeth.  
The first is called open Order; 
Open order.  the distance whereof is twelve foot between every follower and his leader, or between every rank; and six foot between them and the sidemen, or between every file. This order is commonly used upon marches when the enemy is known to be far off, as also in private exercising of soldiers for their several managing of their arms. It differeth somewhat from the Ordinatus Miles amongst the Romans, who always observed but four cubits in files and ranks.  
The second distance is called Order, 
Order.  when we contract the battalion both in length and breadth, and gather the soldiers within a nearer scantling both in files and ranks, that is, by observing six feet in their files between the follower and leader, and three feet between the ranks or sidemen. This distance is used when we march toward an enemy near at hand, or in marches by reason of the opportunity of the place suspiciously dangerous. This is also near unto Densatus ordo, but only that that was but two cubits in both files and ranks.  
The third and last order, 
Close order, pouldron to pouldron.  is when either we attend the enemy his present assault, or that we intent to charge him upon our securest and best distance; when every follower standeth three feet, or his rapier length behind his leader, and a foot and a half from the sidemen or files; or when every soldier occupieth but one foot and a half for his own station, joining pouldron to pouldron, or target to target. This differeth from Constipatus ordo, because that alloweth but one cubit for files and ranks, and this close order alloweth one cubit in the file, but two in the ranks.  
This distance doth agree also best with the length of our piles of 15 or 16 feet long. 
The manner of charging with five ranks.  For it is thought fit oftentimes that the battalion consisting of ten ranks, there should not charge more at one time then the 5 foremost, so that the pikes of the fifth rank might be three foot over the foremost shoulder; and the other five ranks should in this close order, or nearer if it be possible, follow the other charging, with their pikes advanced, until some occasion should require their charge. In the mean time they should perform their duty, in keeping the five foremost ranks from retiring, and besides add strength unto the charge or shock.  

The manner of exercising of composed battalions, with their different motions.  
THe files and ranks being thus understood, disposed and ordered, and all parts and members of the battalion being joined in their just proportion and distance, able and fit to be altered upon any sudden occasion (as if it were but one entire body) into several and divers postures, and to make resistance unto what forces soever shall oppugn the same: it might be thought needless to have made the disposition of the members so exact, unless by continual practice and exercise they might be made nimble and ready, not only to defend themselves and their whole body on all sides, but also to be able to offend whensoever they shall espy the least occasion of advantage.  
The terms of direction or command, which are commonly used in this modern discipline of martial exercise, as they are not many, only answering to the different postures which are required in the battalion; so they are and must be short and perspicuously plain, that by this means being suddenly uttered, easily apprehended and understood, they may as speedily be put in execution by those which shall be commanded.  
First therefore, that the battalion may be commanded into some one fashion or posture, 
Stand in front.  from whence it shall be fit to convert itself into all other, the Captain or Officer shall bid them stand in front. 
In arrectostate.  When every particular soldier composing himself after his foremost leader, standeth comely in file and rank, fronting unto some certain place, or to the Captain, as shall be thought best for the present.  
In this and all other directions whatsoever, it shall be especially observed, that every follower attending what is commanded, mark his next leader, and accordingly move himself, as he shall see him move first.  
The battalion therefore thus fronting, 
Faces to the right or left hand.  if the enemy should suddenly either assault the right or left flank, 
Declinate in hastam vel in scutum.  it shall be commanded to turn faces to the right or left hand; when every soldier observing his leader shall turn his face, and make his flank his front according to the direction.  
There is also a doubled motion or declination to the right or left hand, 
Faces about to the right or left hand Duplicate declinatio or mutatio.  when every soldier observing his leader shall turn their bodies twice to the right or left hand, and by that means become turned with their faces where their backs were, as if they expected an enemy in the rear, or being to perform some other motion that may be offered: beginning this alteration from the right or left hand as shall be commanded.  
As every particular soldier in the troup is thus commanded at sometimes to turn his face to the right or left hand, or about, the battalion standing in order, 
Wheel to the right or left hand.  that is, according to the distance before named; so the whole battalion being reduced into their close order, is commanded to turn as one body to the right or left hand. 
Conversio in hastam vel scutum.  It is performed thus: Imagine the battalion stand first in order, it shall be commanded that they close their files to the right hand; when the right file standing still, the rest turning their faces to the right hand, march into their close order and return as they were: next that they close their ranks from behind, when every follower marcheth forward to his leader unto his rapiers point as is said before. This done, (the leader of the right file standing immovable) all the rest (as the body of a ship or a great gate) turn about that leader, as about the hinge or centre, every one keeping the same distance and order wherein they were first placed, as if they were but one entire body.  
When the same battalion is to be restored into the same station wherein it was first, 
As you were.  it is commanded; 
Revolutio.  Faces about to the left hand, and march into your order from whence you were closed. 
Reversio.  Then let your leaders or first ranks stand still, and the rest turning faces about, march ranks in order as before: then turn as you were, and you are restored.  
When the whole battalion being in their close order should turn about and make the Rear the Front, 
Wheel about.  it is done by a double turning or declination, 
Inflexio militum.  and commanded to wheel about, which is answerable to the former faces about or mutation.  
There is also another wheeling in this sort, 
Reflex●o.  when the front changeth the aspect thrice; for as wheeling about maketh the Front the Rear, so this wheeleth from the right hand to the left, or chose: which fashion is so seldom used, that we scarce afford it a name.  
In all such motions and alterations, it is most fit that all men perform their directions with their pikes advanced, being in that sort most easy to be commanded, as also less troublesome to their followers and leaders.   

Countermarching Files and Ranks.  
THere is also another means to prevent the enemy his assaulting us in the rear or flank, lest he should find our worst men least able to make resistance; and this is performed by countermarching both files and ranks three divers ways apiece.  
The first was used by the Macedonians, 
Files.  after this fashion: First the leader turneth his face about towards the right or left hand, 
From the rear 〈◊〉.  and so the next follower marching behind his leader turneth also, 
●volutio Macedonica  and so the third and fourth, until the bringer up have carried himself out into a new place in the rear further from the enemy, as he was before next unto him. But this neither was nor is accounted safe or secure, because it doth somewhat resemble a flying or running away from the enemy, which might give him no small encouragement, and therefore it is not much in practice.  
Only at some times, the bringers up marching throughout beyond the leaders, until they possess the same space before them which they did behind them, all turning their faces about, make their leaders to affront the enemy, who were before farthest from them.  
The Lacedamonians used the contrary, 
From the front through.  as it were pursuing the enemy: the bringer up first being turned face about, and so the next marching before him, and so the third, 
Laconica evolutio.  until the leader himself became also turned, and in the foremost front unto the enemy. Which with us is somewhat otherwise, but yet both affronting, and as it were pursuing the enemy: because our leaders first begin this motion, and so countermarching through on the right or left hand, become in the front in a new space of ground, who were before in the rear.  
The third and last was invented by the Persians, whom when the place or near approach of the enemy would not suffer to change their ground, 
From the front and stand.  they were wont to countermarch the front to the right or left hand: and being come unto the depth of the bringers up, to stand still until the other half file had likewise marched forth, and fallen upon their leaders in every file. In all these it is especially commanded, 
Cho●ica evolutio.  to march still in the same distance, and by whole ranks, to prevent confusion, which (especially the enemy at hand) must needs be most dangerous, and therefore carefully to be avoided.  
In like sort the ranks may countermarch, when either the right wing would be strengthened by the left, 
Countermarching of ranks.  or the left by the right, always marching by whole files towards the right or left hand, according as they shall have the direction, either changing the ground, or upon the same ground, as in the former countermarches.  
There is used also another kind of strengthening both the front and flank when occasion shall be offered, viz: by doubling either files or ranks. And this, either by doubling the number of soldiers in the same files or ranks, keeping still the same breadth and depth of ground; 
The doubling of files to the right or left hand.  or else by doubling the ground, keeping the same number of soldiers. The files are doubled, when the second file shall insert itself into the first, the leader thereof putting himself a follower unto the leader of the first, 
By men.  and the next follower follower to the next in the first file, and so forwards. And likewise the fourth file inserting itself into the third, and the sixth into the fifth. And this is to be performed when the battalion standeth in his order.  
To double the place or depth, 
Duplicare altitudinem.  is when the same number of men shall put themselves out of their order into their open order, 
By ground.  either by advancing forward, or by falling backwards, as they shall be commanded.  
The ranks are doubled two manner of ways: 
Doubling of ranks by inserting, or adding new troops.  either by inserting the second into the first to the right or left hand, as before in the files; or else (the enemy being at hand) by joining whole troops together to the right or left wing, according as occasion shall be offered: 
Duplicare longitudinem.  and this is held to be the safest when the enemy is near, to avoid confusion. It is performed either in the same ground, or by doubling the ground, when either we desire to exceed the front of our enemy his battalion, or to prevent lest we ourselves be included. The terms to both are; Double your files or ranks to the right or left hand: and when you would have them return again into their proper places, it is commanded; As you were.  
The ordinary directions which are especially given in these martial exercises are, first that no man in the time of exercising or marshalling shall be louder than his Officer: 
Silence to be kept.  but every one attending to his place, when he is commanded, shall diligently hearken to such directions as shall be given. The Captain in the front shall speak, and the Sergeants in each flank shall give the word unto the Lieutenant or Ensign in the rear: who as in his proper place, seeth all things executed accordingly as the Captain shall command. It shall be impossible to perform any thing herein, unless first every one do exactly observe his leader and his sideman: and to this purpose it is often commanded, Keep your files, Keep your ranks.   

Of Marches.  
IN champains there needs no great labour to marshal particular troops for their after-marches: 
In a champain.  because they may march either by whole divisions, observing only their course of indifferency, that every division may every third day have the vanguard; or else in such form and fashion as the General hath proposed for a day of battle, according as the danger of an expected enemy shall give occasion. But because all countries will not afford a champain for the marching of an army, and therefore not possible to march far with many troops in front, nor many files of any one troup or division, by reason of often straits, and passages betwixt hills, woods, or waters; It is provided, though by long induction, the whole army shall be extended into a thin length and few files, 
In straits or narrow passages.  yet the soldiers well disposed shall be as readily able to defend themselves and offend the enemy on their flanks (from whence only in such straits the danger is imminent) as if they were to affront an enemy with an entire battalion in a champain country.  
First therefore a division or battalion being ordered and drawn before the Quarter, 
How to 〈◊〉 a division for such a ma●ch.  into one even front of just files, ten in depth; the musketeers equally divided on the right and left slanks of the pikes, all standing in their order, that is to ●ay, six feet distant in files and ranks; the Captain carefully provideth, that the first, fifth, sixth and tenth ranks be always well filled and furnished with his most able and best-armed soldiers. Which done, he commandeth first the middlemen or half files to come a front with their leaders; so that the division becometh but five in depth. Next he commandeth to turn faces to the right or left hand, as direction shall be to march from that quarter: and so the whole division resteth ready in his fashion to march five in front, the one half of the musketeers in the vanguard and the other in the rear, the pikes in the battle, and both flanks well furnished with the ablest & best men to offend or defend, as there shall be occasion: that is to say, the right flanks with the first and fifth ranks, and the left with the sixth and tenth ranks. If occasion afterwards shall be given of a halt in a champain or before the quartering, 
To reduce them 〈◊〉 in into the●r first front.  the Captain commandeth first unto all, (they being first closed into their order) Faces as you were; next unto the half files; Faces about, and march out, and fall again upon your files. By which means the division becometh again reduced into the same front and fashion from whence it was first transformed, ready to encounter an enemy, or to be drawn into the Quarter.  
When pikes are to charge pikes in a champain, 
The manner of cha●ging pikes with pikes.  it useth to be performed two several ways. First the whole division being commanded into their close order, the five first ranks charging their pikes, every follower over his leaders shoulder directeth his pike as equally as he can, 
Five ranks only.  & the first rank shall have three feet of his pike over the foremost shoulder. The other five ranks with their pikes advanced follow close up in the rear, either ready to second the foremost, or to be employed in the rear as occasion shall be offered. 
By the whole depth.  Otherwise and most usual, when the whole depth of the files throughout the division shall charge together, all fast locked and united together, and therefore most able to make the strongest shock offensive or defensive: provided always that none mingle their pikes in others files, but the whole file one in another's shoulder.  
In charging with musketeers, it is observed no way convenient that there should be too many in a rank, 
To charge with musketeers.  or that the ranks should be too long. For the first rank is commanded to advance ten paces before the second, and then to discharge, and wheeling either to the right or left hand, falleth into the rear; and so the second advancing to the same distance, dischargeth and wheeleth as before; and likewise the third, and so forward as long as the Officer shall be commanded. Which shall not so well be performed the ranks being extraordinary long, 
There must not be too many in a rank.  because it will require so long a time to wheel from the front, that the second may succeed, unless by direction the rank may divide itself, the one half to the right hand and the other to the left in wheeling to the rear.  
In the retreat the whole ranks having turned their faces about, are to march three or four paces forward: 
In the retreat.  their chief officer coming in the rear, first commandeth the last rank to make ready, and then to turn faces about & discharge, and wheel about to the head or front of the division: and being clearly passed, the next rank to perform as much: and so the rest in order.  
Where the passages are narrow, 
The manner of charging by ●iles in narrow passages.  and the division cannot come to charge in front, as between two waters or woods, the manner of charging is different: for there being five or ten files led in the induction, that file which flanketh the enemy dischargeth first only, and the rest marching continually forwards, it standeth firm until the last rank be passed, and then sleeveth itself on the left flank and makes ready; and so the second file and the third, so long as the enemy shall continue, there being a continual discharging by files as before by ranks. 
In the pases of Ireland.  Unless it be in the pases of Ireland, meeting with an irregular enemy, where they use to intermingle their files of shot with pikes, that the one may be a defence for the other, when the enemy shall come up to the sword, as they use there very often.   

How directions are delivered in the wars.  
ALl directions in the wars have ever been delivered either by signs subject to the eye, by word of mouth, or the sound of a drum, or some such warlike instrument. 
By signs.  Concerning those visible signs displayed unto the soldiers, the falling of mists, the raising of dust, showers of rain & snow, the beams of the Sun, hilly, uneven and crooked passages, by long experience have found them to be most doubtful and uncertain; as also because, as it was a matter of great difficulty to invent different signs upon all sudden occasions; so it is almost an impossibility, that the common soldier (who oftentimes is found scarce capable of the understanding of plain words distinctly pronounced) should both apprehend and understand suddenly, and execute directly the true sense and meaning of his Commanders signs.  
The Drum and Trumpet are yet used. 
By drum or trumpet.  But because many different sounds are not easily distinguished in soldier's understanding, without some danger of confusion, we only command by the inarticulate sounds, to arm, to march, to troup, to charge, and to retreat: with all which several notes the soldier is so familiarly to be acquainted, that so soon as he hears them beaten, he may be ready suddenly to put them in execution, as if he heard his Captain pronouncing as much.  
The directions by word of mouth are infinite, 
By word of mouth.  according to the different occasions which shall be offered; yet always with this caveat, that they be short, yet perspicuous, without all ambiguity, and plainly pronounced, first by the Captain, then derived by the Sergeants through the division or battalion. Though infinite, yet the most usual are these: To your arms: Keep your files, keep your ranks: 
The most usual▪ directing terms in exercising a ba●●allion or division.  Follow your leader: Leaders look to your files: Keep your distance: Faces to your right hand: Faces to your left hand: Close your files: Close your ranks: Stand as you are: As you were: Faces about to the right hand: Wheel about to the right or left hand: Double your ranks: Double your files: Leaders countermarch through to the right or left hand: Leaders countermarch to the right or left hand and stand: Middlemen come forth and fall upon your leaders. Besides many fit terms commanded in managing particular arms, as pikes and muskets, which are omitted.  
And thus much touching the Tactick practice of our modern wars: which I have the rather added, in regard that divers soldiers, as unacquainted both with the manner and the value thereof, do think a heap of people unmartialled, to be as available for a great design, as any other number distinguished in files and parts, and disposed for facile and easy motions, according to the powerful circumstances of time and place. Wherein, howsoever the practice of the Turk and the Hungarian may seem to give warrant to that opinion, yet the use of Arms amongst the Grecians and the Romans, whose conquering armies are pregnant witnesses of the excellency of their military discipline, shall speak sufficiently for order and Tactick motion, as most necessary parts in a well-ordered war.  
FINIS.