JOHANNES CHARDIN MILES.   portrait of John Chardin 
Natus 6/16 novembris, 1643.    


TRAVELS OF S R JOHN CHARDIN INTO PERSIA AND Y ᴱ EAST INDIES. Through the BLACK-SEA And the Country of COLCHIS.  
LONDON Printed for Moses Pitt in Duke street Westminster. 1686.    

THE TRAVELS OF Sir John Chardin INTO Persia and the East-Indies.  
The First Volume, Containing the Author's Voyage from Paris to Ispahan.  
To which is added, The Coronation of this Present KING of Persia, SOLYMAN the Third.  
LONDON: Printed for Moses Pitt in Duke-Street Westminster. 1686.   

At the Court at Whitehal, March 23. 1685/ 6.  
Let this BOOK be Printed.  
SUNDERLAND P. 
* NEMO· ME· IMPUNE· LACESSIT   royal blazon or coat of arms   

 
To the KING.  
SIR,  
I Presume to Present to Your Royal View the First Volume of my Second Voyage into Asia; not so much to give it Credit by so Ambitious a Dedication, as to acquit myself of an Indispensable Obligation upon me to Offer to Your Majesty the First-Fruits of a Work, whereof the Publication is a Debt solely due to Your Majesty from me.  
I can sincerely affirm to Your Majesty, That it is the Product of Your Royal Grace and Goodness to me; and that the chief Motive I had to undertake it, was, Because I perceived it to be a Subject wellpleasing to Your Majesty, being Composed under the Shadow of that August Throne which Your Majesty does so Gloriously replenish: Nor had I taken so much time from the Necessary Occupations of my Life, to propose it for the Press, but out of an earnest desire to publish to the World the Resentments of my Heart, for the many Favours I have received from Your Majesty, and my Admiration of Your Majesty's Heroic and Transcendent Virtue.  
From the time that the Bounty of Heaven had blessed me in the happy Choice I made of establishing myself in this Land of Promise, quietly to enjoy in it the desirable Fruits of my long Travels, I was always Graciously received by the late King of ever blessed Memory who as a Mark of His Esteem was pleased to Honour me with a Character of Dignity. And the Nobility, who of themselves are so Affable and Generous, were not wanting in their Civilities to me, to imitate so admirable a Pattern of all Illustrious Virtues.  
The most Celebrated Societies in Your Majesty's Kingdom, have done me the Honour to admit me into their Bodies; and I was by Sovereign Authority employed in a most Important Negotiation with the Neighbor-State: But though I received so many great Effects of His Majesty's Bounty to me, I am in Duty bound for many Reasons to apply the Acknowledgement thereof to Your Sacred Majesty, which may be comprehended in that perfect Union which Your Majesty had with that Great and Good King, in participating with him not only in the most Important Affairs of his happy Reign, but even in the least and meanest of his Cares, whereby Your Majesty hath a just Title to share in all the Gracious Acts of his Royal Beneficence.  
The particular and immediate Testimonies of Favour which Your Majesty (of Your own Personal Goodness) hath extended to me, are too numerous to be related; and I am defective in words to describe the Gratitude wherewith my Heart is possessed in the sense of them: Wherefore in this my Incapacity to express my Resentments of Your Majesty's Benefits to me, I am less able to Delineate those Heroic Qualities which all Europe admire in Your Majesty's Sacred Person, and which enable Your Majesty with so much Renown to sustain that Glorious Crown which is derived to Your Majesty from Your Mighty Ancestors.  
I have had the Honour to approach Kings, which pass abroad for the Mightiest Monarches in the World; but none of those Magnificent Images of Divinity, are equal to Your Majesty in the Divine Resemblances of Affability, Courtesy, Vigilance, Knowledge and Constancy. None of them ever brought such Consummate Experience to the Government of a great and mighty Empire, or was ever possessed with so much Justice and Fortitude to uphold or augment it: None of them have ever joined to the Science of Commanding on Land, such vast and exquisite Knowledge in Maritime Affairs as well for War, as the Art and Improvement of Navigation.  
I might advance farther in this Parallel, where Your Majesty has so much the advantage, if I did not find my Eyes dazzled, when I attempt to fix them upon Your Majesty.  
I have indeed taken the Liberty in the Volumes which are to succeed this, (and perhaps not been altogether unhappy therein) to give the Characters of the most famous Monarches of the East: But though my Zeal for Your Majesty's Glory is very great, I find my Force at present too weak to express that of Your Majesties, in so illustrious a manner as the Merit of the Subject requires. However, I may endeavour hereafter to attempt it; and in the mean time I shall continue my Prayers to Almighty GOD, That Your Majesty's Reign may be Long and Prosperous; and that Your Throne may be always an Inviolable Refuge and Sanctuary to the Oppressed, and Your Sceptre as immovable in the Hearts of Your Subjects, as in Your Triumphant Hands; and that in the End for an Accumulation of Glory, Your Majesty may secure and preserve an Accumulation of Felicity to Your People.  
These are the Addresses which shall be Assiduously made at the Throne of Grace for Your Sacred Majesty, by,  
May it please Your Majesty, Your Majesty's most Humble, most Obedient, and most Faithful Subject and Servant, JOHN CHARDIN.   

THE PREFACE.  
THis is the First Part of my Relations of Persia, which I have divided into Four Volumes, whereof the First (which is this I now Publish) contains that part of the Journal of my Voyage from Paris to Ispahan, which ends in the Month of June in the Year 1673. I think it Needless in this place to Anticipate the Readers Expectation with Reciting any of the Particulars of it, because the whole is Delivered at large in the ensuing Treatise.  
The Second Part (which is the rest of my Journal of the Year 1673) contains a General Description of the Empire of Persia and its Force, together with the Laws, Governments, Manners and Customs of the Persians, of their Arts and Sciences, and their Civil and Mechanical Industry, with a particular Description of Ispahan, (which is at this time the Capital City of that vast Empire) and Five and Thirty or Forty Cuts Engraven in Copper, of the fairest and most Remarkable Buildings therein, or other Eminent Particularities thereof.  
The Third Part (which is my Journal of the Year 1674) contains (amongst other things) the Ruins of Persepolis, represented in Twenty Two Copper-Plates, as also an Exact, and Ample Description of them, with Observations Interwoven of the less Intelligible Parts of those Ruins, (which are the most Glorious Monuments and Noblest Remains of Antiquity Extant) together with a Relation of the Religion of the Persians, collected as well from their Public Worship, as their Writings, whereof there are many Copious Traductions.  
The Fourth and last Part (which consists of my Journal of the Year 1675. and the two succeeding Years) concludes with a Piece wholly new and unknown to Us in Europe, which is an Abridgement of the History of Persia, Extracted from their own Writings.  
And thus having informed the Reader of the Subject of my Memorials, I shall mention something of the time, and means which I employed to collect them.  
I Travelled by Land to the East-Indies, in the Year 1665, and arrived in Persia at the beginning of the Year 1666. where I stayed all that Year, and a good part of the next.  
I came back to Persia from India in the Year 1669. where I remained Six Months before my return to Europe. This was my first Voyage. And though I then provided myself of Observations, and all sorts of Materials for a Relation of it, in as great a Degree or perhaps greater than those that have visited those Countries before me (having Learned many things from the Turkish and Persian Languages, which have not been observed by any that have hitherto Writ of Persia,) yet I did not then think myself sufficiently instructed for the Publication of so complete a Work, as I intended. But in the mean time I entertained the World with a little Treatise of the Coronation of Soliman, which consisted of some few Curious matters of Fact, whereof I was an Eye-Witness. And the earnest desire I had to improve my knowledge in that vast Empire of Persia, to be enabled to produce to the World useful and Ample Relations of it, induced me to undertake a Second Voyage thither, which I did in the Year 1671. (as the same will appear in this Journal,) I stayed there until the Year 1677, chiefly following the Court in its Removals, but likewise I made some particular Journeys, as well of Curiosity as Business, to prosecute my intentions, studying the Language, and assiduously frequenting the most eminent and most knowing Men of the Nation, the better to inform myself in all things that were Curious and New to us in Europe, concerning a Country that may well be called, Another World, both in respect of the Distance of place it has from us; and the different Manners and Maxims of it. In a Word I was so solicitous to know Persia, that I knew Ispahan better than Paris (though I was Bred and Born there.)  
The Persian Language was as easy to me as French, and I could currently Read and Write it, I had often Travelled, through the whole Country in the Length and Breadth thereof, and seen its Seas (both the Caspian and the Ocean) from one end to the other; I have visited its Frontiers in Armenia, Iberia and Media, and Arabia also, as far as the River Indus, and have been so exactly informed of those few Places where I have not been, that I am confident I could know them (if I may so say) upon any sudden Transportation thither; which I say only to let the Reader see what Ground he may have to rely upon the Truth of the following Relations.  
As for this Translation, I shall not say much of the Expressions and Phrase used in it, being no competent Judge thereof, but I can aver that it was done under my Inspection, and I have reviewed it with Attention, and Knowledge enough to affirm, that it is exactly my Sense, but I must not omit to mention, that in my Revision of it, there was scarce a Leaf where I did not discover some considerable Fault, as a Parenthesis, Line or Word omitted, and sometimes my Thoughts imperfectly rendered, (though the substituted Sense was neither Incongruous nor Perplexed.) In brief, I have Corrected many Mistakes of this sort, which could not be Perceptible to any but an Author, who carries the Sense of his Work, Word by Word in his Head.  
As for Example, in describing the Cultivation of the Vineyards of Colchide, I said, 
* On taille la vigne tous les quatre Anns une fois.  That they cut their Vines there, once in every four Years; and my Translator had expressed it, 
† As if I had said, On taille la vigne quatre fois en un An.  That they cut their Vines four times every Year. One cannot say that this proceeded from a defect of Sense, or want of Understanding the French Tongue, for he knows it well, and is otherways a Man of Letters, and has quickness of Thought, and is very able for such Works; but Mistakes are inevitable in long Translations: And as I believe that this of my Book is nearer the Original than any Version that I have seen of other Voyages, so I am convinced that there are no Translations wherein many Errors may not be found against the Sense of the Authors.  
The Copper Plates are done by different Gravers, which will not happen in the others of my Volumes, where all of them will be Engraven by that Hand which has done the Draught of Tauris, and Nine or Ten other Figures.  
I have Written nothing of the Indies, because I lived but five Years there, and understood only the Vulgar Languages, which are the Indian and Persian, without the Knowledge of that of the brahmin's, which is the proper and necessary Organ to arrive at the Knowledge of the Wisdom and Antiquity of the Indians: but nevertheless I did not altogether waste my Time there in Idleness: On the contrary, as the Winters in that Country will not permit One to Travel, I employed that time in a Work which I had long in my Thoughts, and which I may call, My Favourite Design, by the Pleasure wherewith I laboured in it, and the Profit which I hope the Public will receive thereby; which is certain Notes upon very many Passages of the Holy Scriptures, whereof the Explication depends on the Knowledge of the Customs of the Eastern Countries, for the East is the Scene of all the Historical Facts mentioned in the Bible. The Language of that Divine Book, (especially of the Old Testament) being Oriental, and very often Figurative, and Hyperbolical, those Parts of the Scripture which are Written in Verse, and in the Prophecies, are full of Figures and Hyperboles, which, as it is manifest, cannot be well understood without a Knowledge of the Things from whence such Figures are taken, which are Natural Proprieties, and Particular Manners of the Countries to which they refer; I discerned this in my first Voyage to the Indies: For I gradually found a greater Sense and Beauty in divers Passages of the Scriptures than I had before, by having in my view the Things either Natural or Moral, which explained them to me, and in perusing the different Translations, which the greatest part of the Translators of the Bible had made, I observed that every one of them (to render their Expositions (as they thought) more intelligible) used such Expressions as would accommodate the Phrase to the Places where they Writ; which did not only many times pervert the Text, but often rendered the Sense obscure, and sometimes absurd also. In fine, consulting the Commentators upon such kind of Passages, I found very strange Mistakes in them, and that they all along guessed at the Sense, and did but grope (as in the Dark) in the search of it. And from these Reflections, I took a Resolution to make my Remarks upon many Passages of the Scripture; persuading myself that they would be equally Agreeable and Profitable for use. And the Learned, to whom I Communicated my Design, Encouraged me very much (by their Commendations) to proceed in it: And more especially when I informed them, That it is not in Asia as in our Europe, where there are frequent Changes more or less, in the Forms of Things, as the Habits, Buildings, Gardenings, and the like. In the East they are constant in all Things; The Habits are at this Day in the same Manner, as in the Precedent Ages; So that one may reasonably believe, That in that part of the World, the Exterior Forms of Things (as their Manners and Customs) are the same now, as they were Two Thousand Years since, except in such Changes as may have been Introduced by Religion, which are nevertheless very Inconsiderable.  
These Notes upon the Bible will be the last Things which I shall expose to the Public, unless I shall understand that they are desired sooner: In which case I may Publish by Advance, those I have made upon the Book of Genesis for a Taste of the rest. And the same desire which I have to Gratify the World, and particularly the English Nation, to which I have so many Obligations, will induce me to Publish the Third or Fourth Part of my Relations before the Second, if I shall find that they are desired and expected before it.  
The Bookseller was desirous to add to this Volume the Piece which is to be seen at the End of it, which contains, A Relation of the Solemn Coronation of the Present King of Persia; whereof I was an Eye-Witness myself about Twenty Years ago, and which I caused to be Printed at Paris Five Years after, at my First Return from my Travels. And though I cannot but say that the Narrative is Faithful and Exact, yet I must confess that it is too Diffuse, and often Interwoven with such small Incidents, as I would have omitted, could the Bookseller have been prevailed with to wait the Publishing of it till after That of my Second Journey.   


PONTI EUXINI CUM REGIONIBUS VERSUS SEPTENTRIONEM ET ORIENTEM ADJACENTIBUS NOVA TABULA an: 1672. A JOAN: CHARDIN MIL: AD LOCA INSTITUTA.   map of Black Sea area   

THE TRAVELS OF Sir John Chardin INTO PERSIA, Through the Black-Sea, and the Country of Colchis.  
I Departed from Paris, with an Intention to return to the East-Indies, the Seventeenth of August 1671, just Fifteen Months after I came from thence. I undertook this tedious Journey a second time, as well to perfect myself in the Knowledge of the Languages, the Customs, the Religions, the Trades and Sciences, the Commerce and History of the Oriental People as to endeavour the Advancement of my Fortunes and Estate.  
I found at my Return into France, that the Religion wherein I had been Educated made me incapable of all sorts of Employment; and that it was requisite for me either to change it, or altogether to renounce whatever is called Honour and Preferment. Both the one and the other seemed to me to be somewhat severe: for we are not at liberty to believe what we please. Thereupon I presently bethought myself of returning to the Indies, where, without altering my Religion, or abandoning the Condition of a Merchant, I could not fail to gratify a moderate Ambition: for Trade is there an Employment so considerable, that even Sovereign Princes publicly follow it.  
The deceased King of Persia made me his own Merchant, by his Letters Patents in the year 1666. and gave me in charge to order the making of several Jewels of a great value, of which his Majesty designed the Models with his own Hands. Madam Lescot, a Lady much more famous for her Wit, and her adventurous Boldness in Undertaking, then for her Wealthy Gettings, joined with my deceased Father to encourage me to go on with my Commission, and both promised to go Halves with me. Monsieur Raisin of Lions, a Person of very good Repute, and my Companion in my former Travels, embarked himself once more in this sort of Trade; and though we differed in our Religion, yet for all that we lived Peaceably and in Unity together. For Christians learn in the East, to be at Peace, and keep a good Correspondence one with another, notwithstanding their disagreement in Opinions. There are a thousand Sects, but there are only these two Beliefs, the Christian, and the Mahometan. For Fourteen Months together we made it our Business to search in the Richest Countries of Europe for the biggest coloured Stones, the largest Pearls, and the fairest wrought Coral that could be found, We ordered the making of several Rich Pieces of Goldsmith's Work, Watches and Clocks extraordinary for Curiosity of Workmanship; and because our Stock was not as yet all spent, we returned into Italy Twelve Thousand Ducats of Gold. My Companion arrived at Legorn in less than a Month, by the way of Genoa; and I myself got thither toward the end of October, by the way of Milan, Venice and Florence.  
The 10th of November we Embarked in a Vessel under a Holland Convoy, bound for Smyrna. This Fleet was composed of six Merchant Men, and two Men of War. The whole Cargo amounted to three Millions of Livers, besides what the Passengers, Mariners, and Captains themselves kept close and undiscovered, to prevent the Payment of Freight, Custom, and the Consul's Dues. We touched at Messina, Zant, and several other Islands of the Archipelago. Near the Island of Micona we had a considerable Dispute with a Corsair of Legorn, about one of his Men who had made his escape aboard us, by swimming a Mile. Upon demand of him, the Corsair sent us word, He would Fight us, if we did not restore him his Seaman; and for our parts we did not think it worth our while to protect him.  
There are usually about Forty Christian Corsairs Cruising up and down in the Archipelago, belonging some to Majorca, some to Villa Franca, others to Legorn and Malta. These Vessels are for the most part but of small Burden, and very ill Victualled; but Manned with People whom Misery and a long habit of doing Mischief have rendered resolute and cruel. There are not any Villainies or Violences imaginable which they do not commit upon the Islanders of these Seas, wherever they can but set foot ashore; though the Inhabitants are all Christians, and most part acknowledge the Pope's Jurisdiction.  
I cannot forget the Answer which a Corsair, called the Chevalier de Temericourt, gave upon a time to the Marquis of Pruilly, who commanded one of the French Kings Ships, called the Diamond. These two meeting together in the Island of Millo, the Marquis gave the other an Invitation a-board, at what time among other things falling into discourse about Piracy, Sir, said the Marquis to the Knight, as I was informed not long after, by some Gentlemen that were present, The Robberies, the Murders, the Sacrileges, which you daily commit, your Blasphemies, and in a word, so many impious and barbarous Crimes, do they not strike a Terror to your Soul? Can you ever hope for Paradise? Or do you believe there is any Hell? Who I! replied the Knight, Not at all. I am a Lutheran, I believe not a tittle of any such thing. Thus you may see the Natural Disposition of Pirates. Concerning whom I will add this one Particular more.  
While we stayed for a Wind in the Port of Micona, there arrived in that Haven two First-Rate Venetian Men of War. They entered in the Nighttime. The Admiral coming to an Anchor, fired several Squibs from his Main-Top-Mast. This is called Giving the Rocquet, from the Italian word Rocquetta, which signifies a Squib: And this is done to give Notice to the Christian Corsairs or Rovers, if any should happen to be in Port, to weigh and be gone before Day. Two were there at that present time. They set Sail early the next Morning, and came to an Anchor behind a Promontory, not above a League from the Port. The Admiral was a Nobleman of Venice, to whom I gave a Visit, and desiring to know the reason of his firing the Rocquets, he told me he had Orders so to do; for that the Republic being engaged to the Grand Signior by the Treaty at Candy, to clear the Archipelago of all the Christian Rovers, and to take as many of 'em, as they could, yet in regard of the several good Services which the Rovers had done the Republic in the last War, he took that course to satisfy the Port, without acting to the prejudice of the Rovers. And this was the reason that the Ships of the Republic were obliged always to make themselves known in the Archipelago to the end the Christian Pirates might keep at a distance from 'em, and not approach within ken; that so they might be said not to have had any sight of 'em. In the Daytime, added he, we are known by our Colours; but in the Night, when we enter any Port, we let off these Rocquets; and sometimes also we send certain Officers ashore, to discover whether there be any Christian Rovers in Port, and so give 'em Notice to be gone.  
I arrived at Smyrna the seventh of March 1672, after being four Months at Sea. In which tedious Voyage we endured much Cold, and many a boisterous Storm. We were in want of Victuals; nor could we have made this Voyage with more Danger or more Hardship  
I shall not trouble myself to make any Description of Smyrna, where I found nothing worthy Remark, or in any other part of the Archipelago, more than what is to be found in the Relations of Spon, and other Travellers, Men of Learning and Exactness, who have been there since my time. I shall therefore content myself with recounting some Particulars relating to Commerce and History, of which they have not spoken.  
The English drive a great Trade at Smyrna, and over all the Levant. This Trade is driven by a Royal Company settled at London; which is Governed after a most prudent manner, and therefore cannot fail of success. It has stood almost these hundred Years, being first Confirmed towards the middle of Queen Elizabeth's Reign. A Reign famous for having, among other Things, given Life to several Trading Companies, particularly those of Hamborough, Russia, Greenland, the East-Indies and Turkey, all which remain to this Day. Trade was then in its Infancy; and there is no greater Mark of the Ignorance of those Times, in reference to Countries, though but a little remote, than the Association which those Merchants made: for they joined several together in one Body, for mutual Conduct and Assistance. That Company which relates to the Turkish Trade, is of a particular sort: For it is not a Society, where every one puts in a Sum for one General and United Stock: It is a Body which has nothing in Common, but a peculiar Grant and Privilege to Trade into the Levant. It assumes to itself the Name of The Regulated Company. None are admitted into it, but Sons of Merchants, or such as have served an Apprenticeship to the Trade, which in England is for Seven Years. They give to be admitted into the Society about an Hundred and Twenty Crowns, if under the Age of Twenty Five Years; and double if above that Age. The Company never commits to any one single Person their Power, nor the sole Management of their Affairs, but manage their Business among themselves by the Plurality of Voices. So that who has sufficient to drive a Trade that will bear an Imposition of Eight Crowns, has as good a Vote as he that Trades for an Hundred Thousand. This Assembly, thus Democratical, sends out Ships, Levies Taxes upon all their Commodities, presents the Ambassador whom the King sends to the Port, Elects two Consuls, the one for Smyrna, the other for Aleppo, and prevents the sending of Goods which are not thought proper for the Levant. It consists at present of about Three Hundred Merchants, besides that they bring up in Turkey a great number of young Persons well descended, who learn the Trade upon the Place itself. This Trade amounts to about Five or Six Hundred Thousand Pounds yearly, and consists in clothes made in England, and Silver which they carry as well out of England, as out of Spain, France and Italy: In exchange of which they bring back Wool, Cotton-Yarn, Galls, Raw Silk and Woven, together with some other Commodities of less value. Now the Company, finding that Malice which Interest begets among Persons of the same Profession, would in time be the Ruin of their Society, by Enhancing or Loring the price of Goods on purpose to under-sell one another; and that the same Malice causes the Merchants to be at variance with the Consuls, the Consuls with the Ambassador; (which is the reason that many times where Expenses are requisite, an unseasonable Stinginess in the Ambassador causes great Impositions and Fines, and other severe Vexations to the Nation) The Company, I say, foreseeing these Mischiefs, have prudently provided a Remedy to prevent 'em. For the English Cloth, of which they send into Turkey about Twenty Thousand Pieces yearly, and the chiefest part of the rest of their Merchandise is sent to the Factors with a Bill or Invoice of the Price at what they are bound to sell; together with another Bill of the Price certain for those Goods which they give order to be bought; and by that means it never happens that the Merchants receive any Damage in the Prospect or Design of their Profit.  
For the prevention of these and other disorders, the Company gives a Pension to the English Ambassador, who resides at the Port; to the Consuls, and all their Principal Officers, as the Minister, the Chancellor, the Secretary, the Interpreters, the Janissaries and others. Which Officers have no Power to Levy any Taxes or Sums of Money upon the Merchandise, whether under the pretence of Duties, or Presents, or any other extraordinary Expenses. But when any thing of that Nature is to be done, they give Notice to the Deputies of the Nation, who are Two Persons appointed to Act in the Name of the rest. These Deputies examine and debate with the Ambassador, or the Consul, What is fit to be given, What Journeys are necessary to be made to the Port, and what is there to be transacted: Not but that the Ambassador or Consul may not Act of themselves, but they observe that method to acquit and justify themselves; and sometimes upon Emergent and Extraordinary Affairs they assemble the whole Body of the Nation. So soon as they are come to a Result, the Deputies give Notice to the Treasurer to provide what is necessary, whether it be Money, Toys or Curiosities. This Treasurer also is settled by the Company, and provides Money for every thing, discharges punctually all manner of Charges and Expenses, and pays exactly the Wages of every Officer. Thus the Ambassador and Consuls have no more to do but only to mind the Security of the English Nation, and the good of Trade without being encumbered and diverted by their own Interests. There are also many other excellent Regulations and Orders for the support of their Trade in the Levant; by which means they carry it on with Honour and Profit beyond any of their Neighbours.  
The Hollanders also drive a great Trade at Smyrna, and more than any other Nation of Europe, but they have little to do elsewhere; all their Dealing in all the rest of the Cities in the Levant amounting to little or nothing. Their principal Profit consists in carrying the Armenians and their Goods into Europe, and carrying 'em back again. They also make great Advantage of their Money, of which Turkey is very full. This Money of theirs is made of base Mettle, and notoriously intermixed with Counterfeit pieces. It chiefly consists of Crowns, Half-Crowns, Testons, or Eighteen-penny pieces, and pieces of Fifteen Sous. The Crowns and Half-Crowns for the most part carry the Dutch Stamp. Which the Turks therefore call Aslani, that is to say Lions; in regard of their being marked on both sides with the Figure of a Lyon. The Arabians, either out of Ignorance or otherwise, mistaking the Lion for a Dog, give 'em the Name of Abou-Kelb, or Dogs. The Quarter-Pieces are almost all Counterfeit; or at Best, but Half Silver. However the Turks are so void of Judgement and Understanding, that they esteem this Money beyond that of Spain, which they call Marsillies, by reason that the Merchants of Marseilles first brought it in great Quantities into Turkey.  
The States maintain a Resident at the Port, with an Allowance of Four Thousand Crowns a Year. Which Resident has besides the one Moiety of the Revenue of the Dutch Consulships in the Levant, which sometimes amounts to a considerable Sum; there being one Dutch Consul at Smyrna, who got Fifty Thousand Crowns by Duties. When I arrived there, it happened that there was a great Quarrel between the Consul and the Merchants: For he accused them for Cheats; Appealing to their own Books for the truth of his Affirmation; and desired they might be viewed; to which the Merchants would by no means give their consent. The Resident not daring to determine this Difference, both Parties referred themselves to the States. But at last, for fear the coming of the Convoy, should occasion farther disturbances, the Merchants and the Consul agreed the Duties of the Consulship, at Ten Thousand Five Hundred Crowns, for all that the Convoy brought in, and Shipped off.  
The French are very numerous in Smyrna, and over all the Levant, there not being a Port of Turkey upon the Mediterranean Sea, wherein there are not several. They are for the most part all Provençalls. But the Trade which they drive is so inconsiderable, that one Merchant in each Place might dispatch all the Business. At Smyrna, for example, there are above a Hundred Merchants; and yet the Truth is, that in some Years the Effects that came out of France consigned to all those Merchants did not amount to above Four Hundred Thousand Livres; and there are many that have not above Five Hundred Crowns Stock: Besides that they agree but very badly together, as being a sort of people that Love to harbour Division and Contention one among another. So that it is no wonder if their Trade decrease, and turn to loss rather than profit. For they who better understand the Nature and Maxims of Trade, affirm, That that same Dis-union is the Thing which ruins'em in the Levant; so that if we should compare the present with the former Trade which they drove, we should find it more miserable and pitiful then ever. They add moreover that the Provençalls have formerly had in Turkey those fortunate Chances and Luckie Opportunities, that it is highly to be wondered, that they did not fill their Country with Wealth in that happy Conjuncture. One of those Lucky Seasons began about the Year 1656, and lasted Thirteen Years, during which time they drove a Trade, by which they gained Fourscore and Ninety per. Cent.  
This Trade which was really and truly a great piece of Knavery consisted in these Five-Sous-Pieces that have made such a Noise. For the Turks took the first that were brought at Ten Sous apiece: At which rate they held up for some time; though afterwards they fell to Seven Sous and a half. There was no other Money Stirring: All Turkey was full of it; neither was there any other Money to be had; for that the French carried all the other Money away. This good Fortune so intoxicated their Senses, that not content with such great Gains, they still thirsted after more; and to that purpose they set themselves to alter their own pieces of Five Sons, and made others of the same sort, but of base Mettle, which they Coined first at Dombes, then at Orange, and afterwards at Avignon. More than this, they Stamped far worse at Monaco and Florence: And lastly they made more of the same Stamp in the remote Castles belonging to the State of Genoa, and other private places, which were only Copper plated over. The Merchants of Marseilles, to utter this Money, brought down the price themselves, and put off their Pieces in payment, and to the Money-changers at a lower Rate than the Current Value. The Turks were a long time before they perceived the Cheat that was put upon 'em, though so palpable and of so great a Consequence; but so soon as they found it out, they were so incensed, that they laid most heavy Impositions upon the French, using 'em no better than Counterfeiters of Money, though the Dutch and Genoeses had a hand in it as well as they. Thereupon they forbid 'em to utter any of those Pieces which they called Timmins, but such as were stamped with the real Arms of France, which they also brought down and put at Five Sous apiece. So that all the European Merchants, except the English, were loaded at that time with great Quantities of those Timmins. Their Warehouses were full, whole Ships Loadings of 'em arrived daily, and they began to Coin 'em in all parts. But soon after, this Money being cried down, several of those Money-Merchants lost all their Gains, and many much more than ever they got.  
The English were the Procurers of this Decry. For had that Money continued Currant, their Trade had been ruined, which consisted chiefly in the purchase of Silks. And the reason was, because the Timmin-Merchants caused an advance to be made upon the price of Silks, not caring what they gave, provided the Sellers would take their Pieces of Five Sous in payment. I have seen above Fifty several sorts of Coins of this sort of Money. But the most common sort carried on the one side a Woman's Head with this Motto, Vera Virtutis Imago: On the other, the Arms of France, with this Impreze, Currens per totam Asiam.  
There are no People in the World that have been more frequently cheated, or that are more easily gulled then the Turks; as being naturally very dull, and thick-skulled, and apt to believe any fair Story: Which is the reason that the Christians have imposed a Thousand Cony-catching-Tricks, and Cheats upon 'em. But though you may deceive 'em once or twice, yet when their Eyes are open, they strike home, and pay ye once for all. And those sort of Impositions which they lay upon Offenders in that Nature, are called Avanies; which are not always unjust Impositions neither; they being like the Confiscations so frequent in Custom-Houses: Where for the most part the Chief Ministers and their Officers devour the People, while the Port winks at all the first time, and only exhorts to Amendment. If the Complaints cease, the Offence is stifled; but if the Clamour grow too loud, the Port sends to take off the Head of the Party accused, and Confiscates his Estate. By which means the People are satisfied, the Treasury is filled, Justice is done, and the Example remains to terrify others.  
The Merchants of Marseilles affirm, That the Imposition of these Fines was the main thing that spoiled the Trade of the French in the Levant, as having cost 'em such prodigious Sums. But of all the Impositions that ever I heard of, there is one which I shall never forget, that was laid upon the French Merchants, at the time that M. de Sésy was the Ambassador of France at the Port, which happened thus.  
His Excellency had a great desire to turn one of the Grand Signior's Farmers, and to Farm the Customs of Constantinople and Smyrna. But at the end of Six Months, M. de Sésy finding himself a Hundred Thousand Franks in Arrear requested to be discharged: which was a favour granted him on condition he would pay what he owed. But in regard he wanted Money, the Turks obliged the French Nation to pay for him. Thereupon he told the Merchants, That he had not taken upon him to Farm the Customs, but in hopes to advance the Trade of the French, and to prevent the Squabbles and Differences which daily arose between the Turks and Them about the payment of their Duties. To which the Merchants failed not to make a fair Apology, and to justify themselves by solid Reason: but all to no purpose: there was no more to be done, but they must pay down the Hundred Thousand Franks; so that for want of Money of their own, they were reduced to that Exigency, as to borrow the Sum of the Jews at Five and Twenty per Cent. for Six Months. And I am certainly assured by persons that were well acquainted with all the passages, that it was so long before the Hundred Thousand Franks were paid, that the Interest amounted to three times as much as the Principal; so that this Avanie, or Imposition cost the French Nation near an Hundred and Fifty Thousand Crowns.  
Two other Impositions they paid, during the Embassy of M. de la hay, the Son, which amounted to Two Hundred Thousand Franks. I have also heard that one of his Predecessors for Fifteen Years together took of every French Merchantman that came to Constantinople Five Hundred Crowns, to re-imburse himself of a pretended Expense of Six Hundred Crowns for the Advancement of the Trade of the Nation; and when they made it out, that he had repaid himself that Sum a hundred times over, he made answer, I will show ye my Accounts, I take no more than is my due.  
The Venetians maintain a Consul at Smyrna, as also the Genoeses; yet there are few Merchants, Natives in either of those two Republics, that live there; especially of the Genoeses, who have little or nothing to do in the Levant. They were only settled there at first by reason of the great Trade which they drove in Five-Sous-Pieces, in regard of the great profit which they gained. So that as soon as that Trade was prohibited, their principal Merchants retired: Only two or three remained at Smyrna, and one at Constantinople. Thereupon, their Levant Company began to dissolve itself, and there is no question but the whole Establishment of the Genoeses had utterly gone to ruin, by the recalling their Resident from the Port, and their Consul from Smyrna, had they not been better advised then to make that Revocation, upon two Considerations. First, Because the Turks never suffer Nations that are settled among 'em to retire for good and all. Secondly, because such an entire abandoning the Country, would have too manifestly discovered the beggarly Reason that swayed the Republic in an Enterprise that had cost 'em so dear, and which had given France an Occasion to show how highly she was displeased at their Conduct. For the better understanding of which Transaction, the Reader perhaps may not think his time ill spent in viewing three or four Pages.  
In the first place therefore give me leave to observe, That the Genoeses were formerly very powerful in the Levant, as being the Lords and Masters of several Islands in the Archipelago, of several Places upon the Coast of the Grecian, and several Cities upon the Black-Sea. Pera also, now the Suburbs of Constantinople, was under their Jurisdiction. Upon which there is no need for me to dilate, in regard the Stories of past Ages have given a sufficient Account, how and at what time they lost all this fair Extent of Dominion. But the War in Candy, which happened in the Year 1645. encouraged 'em to revive their Commerce in the Territories of the Grand Signior; imagining they should make themselves Masters of that Trade which the Venetians drove there before the War. And to the end they might bring about this Design with more speed and security, they applied themselves to the King of France for his Recommendation, as being the most Ancient, and most Considerable Ally of the Ottoman Empire. Which was easily condescended to by the King's Council, who had Affairs in their Heads of greater Importance than Trade. In so much that they did not foresee the great Damages which it would bring upon the French Nation; of which the most considerable was the prejudice done to the Articles of the Treaty between the Crown of France and the Port, being a kind of Annihilation of one of the Principal Capitulations, wherein it was concluded, That all European Nations, that should desire to settle in the Levant, should not be permitted to Trade, but under the Banners and Protection of France. However the Genoeses being thus recommended by the King, M. de la hay, the Father, than the French Ambassador in Turkey, used the utmost of his endeavours to assist 'em. Nevertheless it came to nothing, because, as they say, it was not prosecuted with that vigour as it ought to have been.  
In the Year 1664. they were very fierce upon it again, encouraged by the great Profit which was got by Pieces of Five-Sous. But they could not then expect that the French should solicit in their behalf as they had done before, because the Face of Affairs was altered, as well in respect of Traffic in General, as of the Levant Trade in particular; rather they saw that their Enterprise would be displeasing to France: However they believed, that the King of France had so embroiled himself with the Turk, by the Assistance which he had given the Venetians and the Emperor, that they did not think his Opposition or his Recommendation would stand 'em in any stead. Thereupon they sought the Assistance of England and the Empire, and as for France, they satisfied themselves with giving the King a bare Information of their design. Their Resident informed the King that there was a Levant Company setting up at Genoa, and that the Republic had a design to send an Ambassador to the Port, in hopes that his Majesty would favour their Negotiation. But the King said no more, then only that he wished the Republic all good success.  
Which Answer increasing the Suspicions that the Genoeses had already conceived, and putting 'em into a deep doubt what Reception they should meet with at Constantinople, they sent Incognito the Marquis of Durazzo, as a Person that had the chiefest Interest in the Company, to sift out the Truth, and to treat privately with the Vizier; to which purpose he went with Count Lesley, the Emperor's Extraordinary Ambassador, as one of his Train. In short, he saw the Vizier, and treated with him, and by the Mediation of the said Ambassador, and the Ambassador of England, who were very active in forwarding the Negotiation, obtained that the Genoeses should have the same Articles with the English and Hollanders. Upon which, the Envoy, having the Grand Vizier's word in the Name of his Highness, returned to Genoa, and gave an Account of his Negotiation with the Divan. Presently thereupon the Genoeses fitted out two Ships, and sent the same Marquis of Durazzo again in Quality of an Ambassador.  
However the first Conferences which the Marquis had with the Vizier were not so secretly carried, but that the French in the Levant had private Intelligence of the Marquis' Proceedings. Immediately they were much troubled at this Design of the Genoeses, fearing it would be a great prejudice to their Trade; which was the reason that they wrote into France, that their Trade would be much impaired, if the Genoeses came to be settled in Turkey; and therefore that all means were to be used to prevent 'em. Which Address procured a Resolution to hinder 'em, and Instructions to that purpose were sent to the French Ambassador at the Port, who was then M. de la hay, the Son.  
No sooner therefore was he come back from Adrianople, where he had been about other Affairs, but he received Orders to oppose the Establishment of the Genoeses. Which made him send back immediately for leave to return. For in Turkey no Ambassador must appear at Court without Permission. But it happened that the Grand Vizier was not then in Town, being gone toward Thessaly, to hasten the Siege of Candy. And as for the Caimacan, who is as it were his Deputy, He, having private Intelligence of the new Instructions which the Ambassador had received from France, made answer, That he could not grant the Ambassador leave, without the Grand Vizier's consent.  
This the Ambassador looked upon as a flat Refusal; and therefore sent a Gentleman to Adrianople with Instructions, to represent to the Chief Ministers, That by the Capitulations between the Emperor of France and the Grand Signior, the Port was obliged not to entertain any European Nation, new Comers, but under the Colours of France; and so it was contrary to the Capitulations to Treat with the Genoeses; for which reason if they did proceed to a Conclusion of the Treaty, He would be gone. Which Message, together with so much of his Instructions as he thought requisite, were sent to the Grand Vizier, and debated in the place where he lay. But the Answer which the Vizier returned, was very harsh and uncivil. Which was not to be wondered at in regard the Vizier was at that time highly incensed for the Affairsfront which he had received in Hungary, by means of the French. His Reply therefore was, That the Port was open for him as well to go, as to come: That the Emperor of France had nothing to do to hinder the Grand Signior from making a Peace with his Ancient Enemies, or to grant 'em their Capitulations when they came to demand 'em: and that it might suffice his Majesty to be acknowledged at the Port under the Titles of Emperor and Chief Monarch of Christ'ndom, without taking upon him to prescribe to others what they were to do.  
The Ambassador of Genoa arrived at Constantinople at the same time that these Endeavours were used to prevent his Reception. Which was to him however no surprise, in regard he had already had Intelligence while he was at Sea, that some such thing was in Agitation. Besides, he had Advice, that the Resident of Genoa in France, having made known to the King, that his Masters had sent the Marquis of Durazzo in the Quality of an Ambassador to Constantinople, the King should return this Answer; I wish the Ambassador of the Republic a good Voyage, but I know not what our Own has done at the Port upon this Occasion. I have seen several People who were of Opinion, that if the Grand Vizier had not had a particular Peek against the French, and some kind of aversion to the Ambassador's Person, that the Genoeses had not been received into the Levant. For that the Port had no such high value for an Interest of Trade, to grant a favour to the prejudice of France, from which their Hands were so speciously tied with a fair pretence.  
After I had stayed twelve days at Smyrna, I embarked for Constantinople, where I arrived the Ninth of March, and Landed without any trouble, any danger, or any expense a very great Quantity of Rich Goods, which I brought along with me, being more than two Horses could carry. For M. de Nointel did me that favour as to give me leave to put his Name and the Flower de Lices upon my Chests, and then sent for 'em as belonging to himself. Which was done with the greatest ease in the World. For he presently sent his Interpreter to the Officer of the Customhouse, to let him know that he had two Chests aboard a Flemish Vessel that arrived the day before, which belonged to him; and therefore desired they might be delivered Custom-free. Accordingly the Officer gave such Order, that the Interpreter went aboard the Dutch Vessel, unladed the two Chests, and sent 'em to the Ambassador's House, who did me Kindnesses to send 'em to my Lodging the next day.  
For all Ambassadors, Residents, and Envoys that reside at the Port, have the Privilege to Import and Export whatever they please; provided they undertake to own the Goods as belonging to themselves; nor does the Officer of the Customs dare to take any Cognisance of it. Which is a Civility and Generosity of the Turks not to be paralleled in Europe.  
When I arrived at Constantinople, M. de Nointel was preparing to attend the Grand Signior at Adrianople, in order to the Renovation of the Articles. It was an Affair of great Importance, and which had made a great Noise in the World, as having hung in suspense for Seven Years together, and for that the Turks still stood upon their Terms and haughtily slighted the Ambassador notwithstanding that they were then entering into a doubtful War against Poland. And now I shall give ye an account of the Original of the Differences that were at that time grown to a great Height between France and Turkey.  
At the beginning of the Reign of Mahomet the IV. the present Emperor of the Turks, who ascended the Imperial Throne at Seven Years of Age, in the Year 1648. the Government was solely in the Hands of Women and Eunuches, who filled all the Chief Places of Honour and Trust with such Persons as they pleased themselves. And the Turks acknowledge, that the Ottoman Court was never so corrupt, nor in such a strange Confusion as at that Time. You should see almost every Month a new Grand Vizier, who after he had been some few days in his Office, was not only discharged from his High Employment, but many times deprived of his Life. Now it is the Custom in Turkey, that upon the Advancement of any Grand Vizier, all Persons of Quality go to kiss his Hands, and carry him some considerable Present. More particularly all Ambassadors are obliged to that Ceremony. But M. de la hay the Father, then Ambassador of France at the Port, observing the frequent Changes of Grand Viziers at that time concluded that there would be no Reformation of this evil Management during the Emperor's Minority, and that all his Visits and Presents to the New Vizier, were but so many Visits and Presents lost. So that he resolved to sit still Quietly, and to spare his Compliments and the charge of his Presents.  
It happened in a short while after, that Cuperly Mahomet Pacha, received the Seals of the Empire, that is to say, was advanced to the High Dignity of Prime Vizier. But the Ambassador still believed that his Fortune would be no better than that of his Predecessors, and that he had but a very short Reign; but he was deceived; for it so fell out, that this Grand Vizier upheld himself in his Office, till his Death, which happened in the Year 1662.  
So soon as he was advanced, every one paid him their Visits, and made him their accustomed Presents, and among the Rest all the Foreign Ministers, except the French Ambassador. To which as they say, he was advised and several times most earnestly pressed; but his good Husbandry for the Nation was such, that he would not be overruled. However at length percieving that Cuperly fixed himself at Court upon the Ruin of several of the Grandees, and that according to all outward Appearances he was like to continue Grand Vizier, at length he made him both his Visit and his Presents.  
But then the Vizier, heinously offended at his Remissness, and the little value he had testified for his Person before, had laid a design to be revenged not only upon him, but upon all the French Nation. And this in truth was the Source and Original of that Misunderstanding between France and Turkey, as well during that whole time the Grand Vizier lived, which was Twelve Years, as also during the Prime Ministry of his Son that succeeded him. So that the severity of the Port toward the Three last Ambassadors of France, M. de la hay, the Father, M. de la hay, the Son, and Monsieur Nointel, and the several Impositions that were laid upon the French, for Twenty Years together, are to be Originally attributed to a particular and Personal Enmity, notwithstanding all the Reasons afterwards pretended, of which the Principal and justest were the Enterprise of Gigery, and the Succours given to the Emperor and the Venetians.  
Nor was the Vizier long before he found an Opportunity to Thunder forth his Resentments. Such a one, as he could not have wished for a better to advance his mischievous Design. For than was the War very hot in Candy, and France had secretly assisted the Venetians at the beginning of the War. Nay more, it is said, that M. de la hay had Instructions to hold a private Correspondence with the Venetians, and to give 'em Intelligence of the Turkish Designs. Now it happened in the Year 1659. that a Frenchman, who went by the Name of Vertamont, and who had a very considerable Employment in the Venetian Army, desired leave of the Captain General, to go and see Constantinople. Presently the General gave him a Pass, and charged him with a great Packet of Letters for the French Ambassador. But the French Man, who had no other design then to turn Turk, applied himself to the Caimacan of Constantinople, and told him, That he had quitted the Camp of the Christians, as being resolved to adjure their Religion, and embrace Mahumatism; and more, that he had a Packet of great Importance to deliver into the Hands of the Grand Vizier. Upon which the Caimacan ordered him forthwith to be conveyed to Adrianople, where the Court then lay. Nor was this perfidious Renegade, contented only to renounce his Faith, but discovered to the Grand Vizier the secret Correspondence between the Ambassador of France and the Venetians; and farther told him, That the Packet of Letters which he had delivered into his Hands would convince him clearly of the Truth of what he said.  
The Grand Vizier had a jealousy of this secret Correspondence before, but being now in a manner assured in his suspicions through the Discoveries of the Renegade, it may be readily conjectured to what a degree his passion transported him against the Ambassador of France, incensed as he was already, and boiling with revenge, especially being naturally inhuman and bloody. However at this time he put a curb upon himself, and showed more reservedness and moderation than could be expected from him.  
M. de la hay, who well understood Vertamont's Design, and what his Errand was to the Court, and besides was well acquainted with the Grand Vizier's Disposition, his Implacability, and the Importance of the Affair, made no question but the Intercepted Packet would put him to a great deal of trouble; and therefore he consulted with his Interpreters and his Secretaries. Immediately the Secretary for his cyphers took such a fright at the Unfortunate Accident, that he resolved to march off, well knowing that the Grand Vizier, upon the like occasion of a Letter in cyphers Intercepted, had caused an Interpreter to the Venetians to be Drubbed to Death. Thereupon, addressing himself to M. de la hay, Sir, said he, I am naturally so very timorous, that so soon as I feel the Drubbing-Stick, there is no secret which I shall not reveal; and therefore secure me, or let me make my escape. Upon which the Ambassador ordered him to be conveyed into a private Concealment, and prepared to abide the Shock, whatever happened. He then kept his Bed, very ill of the Stone, so that he could not go to Adrianople, though he had received Orders to appear there. However he sent a Message to the Caimacan who sent him the Order, to tell him, That he was sick a Bed, so that it was impossible for him to Travel; nevertheless he would send his Son in his stead.  
But so it happened, that all the Letters which the Grand Vizier met with in the Venetian General's Packet, were writ in cyphers; so that all the Renegadoes and Interpreters in the Ottoman Court were sent for in vain; for there was not one that had a Key to the Lock: which enraged the Vizier so much the more. And as for M. de la hay the Son, he found him in such an ill Humour, at his coming to Adrianople, that upon his returning him an Answer, somewhat more boldly perhaps then the Circumstance would bear, Cuperly transsported with passion, not only caused him to be abused in his Person, but sent him Prisoner to a Tower adjoining to the Wall of the City; saying withal, That he was not to endure that from an Ambassador's Deputy, though his Son, which he might bear with in the Ambassador himself. However, the Vizier did no harm either to the Merchants or the Interpreters, that went along with M. de la hay: nor to the Secretary or Chancellor; being all discharged at the expense of that fear, into which he had put 'em at first, by Threats and cruel Menaces of Torment and Death if they did not Decipher the General's Letters. Only one of the Interpreters fell into such a Distemper upon it, that he has continued sick every since, and 'tis thought he will never recover.  
The Ottoman Court was then at Adrianople, as I have said, making great Preparations for the Transylvanian War. So that M. de la hay the Father, understanding the Grand Vizier was ready to march, and fearing his departure before he had enlarged his Son, as it really fell out, strove with his Distemper, and took a Journey to Adrianople; to which his Daughter-in-Law persuaded him, urging him continually, That if he did not speedily labour the Discharge of his Son, he might be in danger of his Life; and that the Vizier was cruel and incensed; and therefore he ought to use his utmost Endeavours to pacific his Fury.  
A Month after the Vizier's departure, the Ambassador ventured upon a bold Exploit, that deserves to be remembered.  
A little before Vertamont's coming to Constantinople, there arrived in the same place a certain French Man, whose Name was Quiclet, together with his Wife, and another French Man whose Name was Poulet, so enamoured of Quiclet's Wife, that he never forsook her in all her Rambles. This Quiclet was a great Interpreter of cyphers, a Man of Learning, but of little Judgement. He had also been employed to Decipher Characters by several Ministers of State, and divers Ambassadors. But he was so much a Beggar, that he could not well be poorer than he was; nor do I know what unlucky Star brought him to Constantinople. It is reported however, that he having heard of the great Rewards which the Grand Vizier promised to any one that could Uncipher the General's Letters, the Wife of this wretched Fellow addressing herself to some Gentlemen that belonged to Monsieur de la hay, gave it out, That though his Excellency refused to lend her Husband Money, yet if he would himself, he could have what he pleased of the Grand Vizier. I am not certain whether it were really so, as the Thing was related to me: but however it were, Monsieur de la hay, who well knew the great desire which Cuperly had to understand what was contained in the Intercepted Letters, and fearing lest they should reveal some Things as well to his own, as to the Ruin of all the French in the Levant, he sent for the Fellow, carried him up to the Terrace of his Palace that looked into the Garden; and after he had walked two or three Turns, holding him in a discourse, which what it was, no body knows, he gave a sign to some persons placed there for the purpose, who threw him headlong over the Battlements, at what time another Gang, posted near the place where he fell, perceiving he was not dead with the Fall, finished the Work, and buried him privately.  
After this, the French Ambassador having Audience of the Grand Vizier, he sent for the Intercepted Letters, and desired the Ambassador to explain 'em. To which Monsieur le hay made Answer, That it was well known to all the World, that the Ambassadors and Ministers of the Christian Princes, never wrote one to another unless it were in Characters, whatever the Subject were; nevertheless they did not understand the Characters themselves; as having their Secretaries who composed and writ the cyphers, and then explained them when they had done: That as for the Person by him employed for that purpose, he had sent him back into France, about six Months ago. Yet if the Grand Vizier would permit him to carry the Letters home, he would try to Uncipher 'em, and if it could be done, he would be sure to let him know the Contents. But the Grand Vizier having heard this Answer, only smiled upon the Ambassador, and so presently rose from his Seat, without speaking so much as one word. Some few days after the Chief Minister departed for Transylvania, leaving Monsieur de la hay, the Son, in Prison, but not so closely restrained as before, and Monsieur de la hay, the Father, without any manner of Answer.  
The Grand Signior did not go in Person to the Transylvanian War, but remained at Adrianople, where the Ambassador also tarried, in hopes to obtain of his Highness his Son's Enlargement; but no body durst open their Mouths to the Emperor without the Grand Vizier's order. Who having put a quick end to the Transylvanian Disorder returned Victorious to Constantinople. Where so soon as he arrived, he was put in mind of both the Monsieurs de la hay. At which the Vizier, feigning a kind of surprise, And what, said he, Are those Gentlemen still here? Which was as much as to say, They might go where they Pleased; as it appeared by the discharge of the Son, which was ordered forthwith: And so both the one and the other returned to Constantinople without so much as seeing the Vizier's Face.  
When it was known in France how unkindly the Grand Vizier has used Monsieur de la hay, the Cardinal dispatched a Gentleman to the Prime Minister, to prevent the ill Consequences of such Proceedings. Cuperly, whose Malice augmented through desire of revenge, as one that mortally hated the two Monsieurs de la hay, would fain have sent them back, and obliged the Gentleman to have taken upon him the Title of Ambassador in their Room, engaging to interpose so effectually, that the Alteration should be approved in France. But the Gentleman would not hear of that Proposition by any means, excusing himself fairly and genteel. And it is moreover reported that he highly pleased the Grand Vizier's Humour in all their Transacting together. I am sorry I know not his Name, which would have been an Honour to this Relation.  
The Account which the Gentleman gave of his Negotiation, caused Monsieur de la hay to be recalled. However there was not any one sent to succeed him; only he had orders to leave in his Place, as Resident, a French Merchant, that had lived for several Years in Constantinople, whose Name was Monsieur Rokely. Nor had France any other Minister in those parts till the end of the Year 1665.  
The King, who had then taken the Government into his own Hands, and Ruled with no less Renown than Success, had already sufficiently revenged himself for the Affronts offered to the Family of his Ambassador, and for the heavy Fines and Impositions laid upon his Subjects in Turkey, by lending powerful Succours to the Enemies of the Ottoman Empire. All which did but heighten the bad Understanding which was between the Two Empires, and Things were arrived to that Point, that there must either be an absolute Breach, or a New Alliance. The Importance of the Levant Trade advised the latter; so that the King resolved to send an Ambassador to Constantinople to renew the Articles of Peace. Monsieur de la hay was then at Paris, soliciting for Employment, and several Arrears due to him as Heir to his Father, who had been dead in that City some years before. Now in regard he understood better than any other Person, the Gains and Advantages of a Constantinopolitan Embassy, together with the Splendour and Authority that belongs to it, he made great Friends for the Place; and to remove all Opposition and Obstructions in his way, he offered to quit all his Arrears to the Chief Minister.  
Thereupon, his Friends at Court alleged His great Experience in the Affairs of Turkey; and that his Courage and Resolution was such as was requisite for an Embassy to the Ottoman Port. On the other side, that it was for the King's Honour to send him thither, were it only to humble the Grand Vizier, who must now be constrained to honour that very Person, whom his Father had abused and hated; Meaning Cuperly Mahamed Pacha, who died in the Year 1662. after he had settled his Son in his Room. Nor can I tell how this Counsel, as bad as it was, came to be embraced, unless it were in prosecution of that Design which the Court always had to bring the Turks to a Compliance by force. The Event of Affairs will show that there was something of that Nature in the Management of this Business.  
Monsieur de la hay arrived at Constantinople in the Month of November 1665. He also made a Magnificent Entry, and behaved himself for five Years together that he continued Ambassador, with as much State as could be expected from a Resolute Minister, and one that bore the Character of an Ambassador from a Potent and Formidable Prince. He discoursed of nothing in the Visits that he made to the Ministers of the Divan but of the Grandeur of the King his Master, and the Invincible Strength of his Armies. This offended the Vizier extremely, who looked upon it as an Affront done to him, and the Grand Signior, even in his own Court; and this Forestallment of his Honour, caused him to treat the Ambassador with disdain and contempt. So that when he gave him Audience, he received him with that pride and scorn which was unsufferable, not vouchsafing so much as to look upon him, or to rise from his Seat according to the ancient Custom, and the usual practice at the Reception of Ambassadors either from the Emperor or any other Crowned Heads. And not content with that, he upbraided him in bitter Language, with the Succours which France had sent into Hungary and Candy, and the Enterprise of Gigery. Monsieur de la hay dissembled his Resentment, believing that when he took his leave, the Vizier would show him more Civility: but he was deceived; for the Vizier dismissed him with the same Indifferency, wherewith he had received him.  
The Ambassador reflecting upon the Affront, which the Vizier had done him at that Audience, sent to him to demand another, upon Condition that he should receive him standing, and forbear any farther Reproaches. The Raisquitab, who is the High-Chancellor of the Empire, and the Vizier's Kiaia, or Chief Controller of his Household, answered the Interpreter, That he might assure his Master, the Vizier would receive him, as became him. Thereupon, the Ambassador relying upon a promise, that indeed carried with it a manifest Equivocation, went to his Audience, but his Reception was nothing different from what it was before. Which disgusted Monsieur de la hay to that degree, that he told the Vizier, That the Emperor of France having sent him to the Port, to Confirm the League of Amity between the two Princes, he would not take the Audience which he had given him for an Audience, because he had not paid him those Honours which were due to the Ambassador of the Greatest and most Potent Monarch in Christendom. Moreover he declared, That he had Order to give him up the Articles of Peace, and return into France in the same Vessel that had brought him, if he did not treat him answerably to the Grandeur of his Master. Which so incensed the Vizier, that he fell into a passion, and vented his Choler in reviling and reproachful terms. On the other side, the Ambassador was so highly provoked, that snatching the Articles of Peace out of the Interpreters Hands, he threw 'em at the Knees of the Haughty Minister, and rising from his Seat, flung out of the Room without speaking a word, or vouchsafing to tarry for an Answer. But he was stopped at the Door of the Antichamber; at what time the Vizier sent for the Mufti, Vani Effendi the Grand Signior's Tutor, and the Captain Bassa, to deliberate what was to be done in an Accident of such Importance as this. The Result was, That they should inform the Grand Signior, who was then gone a Hunting Twenty Leagues from Constantinople; which was the Reason that the Answer was delayed for three days, during all which time, Monsieur de la hay lay under Confinement in an Apartment of the Grand Signior's Palace.  
In the mean while the Captain Bassa brought a Message in the Vizier's Name, That if the Ambassador would Kiss his Garment, he would receive him as he had received Count Lesley, Ambassador from his Imperial Majesty; that he would also receive him standing, and pay him all those Honours which he had paid to that Count To which the Ambassador answered, That he was not to be governed by Precedents of any Person, when they were prejudicial to the Honour of the Emperor of France. The Captain Bassa demanded what he could object against the Example of Count Lesley, whose Master was the Emperor of Seven Kings? a Title which the Emperor assumes among the Turks, as being Elected by Seven Electors. At length, after many Disputes on both sides, and that the Grand Signior had given his Answer, it was concluded between the Vizier and the Ambassador, That he might return to his Lodging when he pleased, that the two Audiences which he had received should stand for nothing, and that he would grant him another with all the Customary Civilities and Ceremonies.  
This Audience was given him in the Month of January 1666. At what time, the Grand Vizier, because he would not be obliged to rise when the Ambassador was introduced, ordered him to be brought into a particular Room of State, whither he came to meet him. At his first Entrance he demeaned himself with an extraordinary Civility, approaching the Ambassador with a smiling Countenance, and reaching forth his Hand. On the other side, Monsieur de la hay, who was glad to see such a Compliance, answered his Civilities and Compliments with all suitable Decency, as if he had never seen him before; and the Audience ended with all the Courtesy and Decorum that could be expected on both sides: The Ambassador and his Retinue being Treated with Perfumes, Coffee, Sorbet, and Four and Twenty Turkish Vests. The next Month he had Audience of his Highness, where every thing was managed according to the usual Custom, with all Civility; it not being proper to discourse of Business to the Grand Signior.  
Monsieur de la hay had Orders to demand the renewing the former Articles of Peace, and Liberty of Trading to the East-Indies through the Red-Sea. But the Grand Vizier would not consent either to the one or the other, upon the Conditions that were propounded: and in March he left Constantinople, and attended the Grand Signior to Adrianople, from whence he departed for Candy. At the same time also Monsieur de la hay followed the Court to Adrianople, where he had several Conferences with the Caimacan in reference to his Negotiation; but in regard that Minister durst not conclude any thing without consulting the Vizier, Monsieur de la hay returned to Constantinople, having made no farther progress in his Business.  
Soon after happened the Treaty of Genoa, already spoken of, which put the whole Affair into an absolute Confusion, and exasperated both Parties. For on the one side, the Genoeses were entertained notwithstanding the Protestations and Threats of the Ambassador, and on the other side, the Ambassador, in his Complaints and Protests, made use of Expressions that offended the Turkish Ministers. They had written to him, as I have already related, That it was not for the King his Master to oppose the Reception of any whoever they were, whom the Grand Signior was pleased to favour with his Friendship; and that it was sufficient for his Master to be acknowledged at the Ottoman Court, for the first Prince in Christendom. To which Monsieur de la hay made Answer, That as for what concerned his High Titles, the Emperor of France was only beholding to God and his Victorious Arms. Which was taken very ill, as being the same Titles which the Grand Signior assumes to himself, and which the Turks believe to be only due to his Highness. And therefore the Ministers signified to Monsieur de la hay, That never any Ambassador had made use of those Titles before; neither was it a Thing which had been ever allowed by the Divan, to any other Person whatsoever. In the mean time the French sent very considerable Succours to Candy, which much retarded the Conquest of the Island, while the Turks on the other side oppressed the French Merchants with new Impositions and Extortions. In so much that their Complaints, which grew louder and louder every day, obliged the King to send express Order to Monsieur de la hay, to return to France, and lay aside all thoughts of renewing the League, at least if it were not a Thing first sought and desired by the Ministers of the Port. Which Orders were delivered to him toward the end of the Year 1668. not a little to his dissatisfaction. However he did not forbear to Visit the Caimacan at Constantinople, telling him that he had received Orders from the King his Master to return home; to which purpose he expected the Arrival of the Vessels which his Majesty had sent, and his leave of the Port, in order to his Departure; requesting him withal to write to the Court, that he might be sent for withal Expedition.  
The Court was then at Larissa in Thessaly, whither his Highness was gone, to the end that being somewhat the nearer to Candy, he might be a means to hasten the Conquest. And therefore, before the Caimacan, who is as it were the Grand Vizier's Lieutenant, would write, he demanded of Monsieur de la hay, Whether any other Ambassador came in his Room? To which he answered, Not any; but that the Emperor his Master had commanded him to leave a Secretary or a French Merchant for his Resident, like the Representatives of the Hollanders and Genoeses. The Caimacan asked him, Wherefore no Ambassador was sent? To which the other replied, That it was not a Thing which he could declare in public. By which Answer the Caimacan apprehending that he had something of secrecy to impart to him, gave him a private Audience. And then it was that the Ambassador discovered to him, the reasons which obliged the Emperor of France to recall him, with a Resolution never to send any more Ambassadors to the Ottoman Port. First, for that the Dignity of the Ambassador of France had not been regarded nor respected as it ought to be. That no heed had been given neither to the Complaints nor Requests which his Majesty had made for three Years together. That they refused to renew the Capitulations of Peace, which was an unsufferable Damage to the French Merchants, who were constrained to pay Five i'the Hundred Customs, whereas the English, Hollanders and Genoeses paid not above Three per Cent. That they had entertained the latter in Turkey, contrary to all his Remonstrances and Protests, and had forced the French to pay within less than three Years, above Two Hundred Thousand Livres, for unjust and oppressive Impositions. To which Monsieur de la hay farther added, That if these Grievances might be taken into Consideration, so that the Emperor his Master might be assured of Redress, he did not question but that his Majesty would rest satisfied and not recall him. Upon this the Caimacan made answer, That he would write to the Caimacan of the Port, who is also another of the Vizier's Lieutenants, and one who never stirs from the Person of the Grand Signior; and also that his Excellency would do well to write himself, which would add the greater weight, and give the quicker dispatch to the Affair. Nevertheless all the Answer which the Caimacan of the Port sent to Monsieur de la hay, was only this, That he would give an Account to the Grand Vizier of what he had writ, and that he should know his Answer with the first Opportunity.  
While the Ambassador tarried for this Answer, Four of the King's Men of War arrived in the Haven of Constantinople, being sent to bring back the Ambassador. And this Squadron struck no small fear into the Turks at first; but finding that Monsieur d'Almeras, who was the Commander, had sent to the City, so soon as he came to an Anchor, for Fifteen Hundred Weight of Biscuit, and that with no small Importunity too, they began to slight him under the want of Provision, and reduced to such a Condition that he could not subsist, if they should refuse to supply him.  
In March 1669. Monsieur de la hay received the Grand Vizier's Answer, containing a Permission to come to the Court; where he arrived in the Month of April. And here I shall pass over the Motives and Design of this Journey, not but that I sufficiently know what was discoursed at Constantinople; but because those Discourses were different from what Monsieur de la hay sets down in the Relation which he gave the King at his Return to Paris; from whence I took the chiefest part of this Recital: and where he declares that he had no other end but to take his leave. Nor shall I say any thing for the same Reason, of what he did at the Ottoman Court, from whence he wrote to Admiral d'Almeras, who then lay at Constantinople with his Four Men of War to come and take aboard him at Vola, in the Golph of Salonica, a Turkish Ambassador, which the Grand Signior was sending into France.  
This Turk was named Soliman, being then Muttifar Aga, or the Grand Signior's Porter. And when he was sent to the French King, he was a Fellow that served for Fifteen Asper's, or about sixpence a day. He arrived in France toward the end of the Year 1669. and departed thence the next Year in the Month of August. All Paris had a sight of him, and they that were acquainted with him, knew him to be as haughty, as brutish, and as crafty a Turk as ever was in the World. The Provençalls that were in the Levant called him Monsieur de la Haye's Ambassador, and took the Liberty to affirm that Monsieur de la hay furnished him with Money for his Equipage. And they grounded their Assertion upon this, That Soliman's Equipage was far short of the Magnificence of the Turkish Ambassadors. And Monsieur de la hay, when he was jeered for Soliman's Rigging, had no other way to justify himself, but by saying, That Soliman had not time to make better Provision for himself. Others would put it closer upon him, That the Title of AMBASSADOR was not to be found in Soliman's Credentials. But for that he had another shift, That while Soliman lay at Cale Saint Nicolas near Cerigo, expecting the Admiral's arrival to take him aboard, the Grand Vizier, secure of taking Candy, and finding no farther necessity to keep fair with France, or dread their Assistance, altered all Soliman's Titles, Instructions and Dispatches; recalling the first, and sending him others: But that it was most certain, that the Name and Title of Soliman Aga were bestowed upon him in the Quality of an Ambassador; of which there needed no farther proof than this, That the Great Turk gave him the Scimitar and Vestment which he gives to his Ambassadors, and that the Fortress of Napoli in Romania saluted him with several Guns at his entrance into the Haven.  
However it were, Monsieur de la hay returned to Constantinople in July, and three Months after he received Order to embark, if he could, aboard the Fleet under the Command of Monsieur d'Almeras; but if the Caimacan prevented him, that at the same Instant he should lay down the Title of Ambassador, to the end the Turks might not have the Opportunity to Glory that they had in their Power an Ambassador of France to abuse at their pleasure. But as I said before, the Men of War were gone before this Order arrived: so that Monsieur de la Hay could not obey the first part of the Order; and as to the second, he excused himself, by writing into France, That the Turks had a great Veneration and Respect for him.  
But this excuse not being so throughly acceptable at Court, was the Occasion that Monsieur de la hay was peremptorily recalled. Besides the Provençals, were so incensed against him, that they sent continually into France, clamouring that so long as he should be continued Ambassador at the Port, the League would never be renewed, neither would the Passage to the Indies through the Red-Sea be obtained; in regard the Vizier had an old Grudge against his Person. Which Complaints being believed, it was resolved that Monsieur de la Hay should be recalled, and that M. de Nointel should be sent in his stead. Who was a Counsellor of the Parliament of Paris, a Person of great Integrity, and so curious that his Curiosity had carried him to Constantinople before that Time; but he was of too mild a Disposition to negociate in Turkey. Neither were they resolved at first to have given him any higher Title then that of Resident; till the Importunity of his Friends and of the Levant Company, procured him that of Ambassador. For the Company judging of what begat Esteem and Reverence among the Turks, by the Humours of the Europeans, represented to the Chief Ministers of State, that in the transacting matters of such High-Importance, as the renewing of an Advantageous Peace and the obtaining a Free Trade to the Indies through the Red-Sea, the Grand Signior would sooner condescend to the Dignity of an Ambassador, than the more obscure Quality of a Resident.  
Monsieur Nointel therefore departed out of France in the Month of August 1670. together with the Turkish Ambassador, Soliman Aga, and arrived at Constantinople in October following; the King allowing him four Men of War for the security of his Passage under the Conduct of M. D'Aplemont. By the way I have heard several Persons of great Sagacity and Judgement affirm, that M. de la hay had wrong done him, and that they were deceived who vainly imagined that it was either out of disrespect to his Person, or for want of Good Management, that the Turks refused to renew the League at his Solicitations. Which the Sequel of Affairs has justified for Truth, plainly demonstrating that the Blame was to be laid upon the Ill timing the Embassy, and the Potent Succours which the King of France sent to Candy at the very Instant when he had sent his Ambassador to desire considerable Favours and particular Advantages of the Grand Signior.  
M. Nointel made a Magnificent Entry into Constantinople; but the Turks were nothing pleased with so much Pomp, altogether unseasonable, and no way agreeable to the Circumstances of Time and Business. The Ottoman Court was then at Adrianople, where Monsieur de la hay with little difficulty obtained leave to depart, and to that purpose embarked himself in the Admiral of the Squadron, Commanded by M d'Aplemont. But soon after both the Admiral and the rest of the Squadron were Imbargo'd before the Castles, by reason of two Slaves that had made their escapes, as was supposed, into the French Ships. There were it seems about an Hundred in all, who had broke their Chains, of all sorts of Nations; of which Number was the Chevalier de Beaujeu, who had been a Prisoner in the Seven Towers. The Caimacan scent to demand the Slaves of M. Nointel, and M. Nointel went to demand 'em of the Captains of the Men of War, who answered, That there were none such in any of their Vessels: and M. de la hay was forced to write from the Dardanels to the Vizier to attest the same under his own Hand; who seeming to be satisfied with his answer, sent an Order to let the Vessels go.  
Sometime after the departure of M. de la hay, M. Nointel went to Adrianople. Where he had all the usual Honours duly paid him; but demanded Audience before he had made known the Subject of his Negotiation at the Ottoman Port, which he should have declared beforehand. For it is the Law in Turkey, That all Ambassadors before they see the Face of the Prime Minister, or of the Grand Signior, should signify the Occasion of their Coming, what their Demands are, and what it is that they have in Commission to Treat about. And the same Law is observed over all the East. Of which M. Nointel was not ignorant. But he found it in his Instructions, That he should Negotiate his Affairs in Person with the Grand Vizier, and that he should not disclose the King's Orders but in a full Divan, when he might also speak to the Grand Signior himself. Which was therefore so resolved upon in the King's Council, because it was said in France, That his Highness knew nothing of the Severities of the Grand Vizier toward the French Nation; no more than did the Divan. That the Haughty Minister refused to renew the Treaty of Alliance upon the King's Conditions, out of a particular hatred which he bore the French, and therefore it behoved him to get himself out of his Clutches, and free himself from any Dependence upon his Absolute Authority. But it is a Failing predominant in all the Courts of Europe, that they take false Measures as to the Affairs of Turkey: a certain sign that the Genius and Politics of the Turks are not as yet rightly understood. However most assuredly these Counsels were ill given, and worse followed. For M. Nointel did all he could to observe his Orders, sometimes he would disclose nothing at all; then again he was for discovering part of his Commission: but finding he could not obtain Audience, he was forced to unbosom himself, and to send a Memorial of all the Demands which he had to make at the Ottoman Port.  
This Memorial he gave to the Vizier's Interpreter, whose Name was Panaioti; a Grecian, and a Man of a piercing Wit, who understood several of the European Languages; and among the rest Latin and Italian, which he writ as well as spoke with great Judgement and Dexterity. He was a Person untaintedly faithful to the Grand Vizier, and it appeared that he was entirely devoted to the Interests of the Port, to the prejudice of the Christians. Which firmness of his, whether it proceeded from a dread of the Turkish Severity in the punishment of Treason and Treachery, or the Obligations of his Birth, or the Influences of Turkish Slavery, I will not here dispute; however it be, he bears the Title of Chief Interpreter, and Secretary of the Ottoman Empire. The Commonwealth of Genoa also made him a Nobleman of that City for the good Offices he did their Ambassador the Marquis of Durazzo. He was Interpreter to the Emperor of Germany, before he served the Vizier; who allowed him a Pension of a Thousand Crowns, which as some say is still privately paid him. And moreover he had the chief Management of the Treaty of Peace between the two Empires, which was not so honourable for Germany. He also carried on the Treaty of Candy, wherein he acted so much to the Satisfaction of the Grand Vizier, that at the time of the Ratification he gave him the Revenue of the Island of Micone in the Archipelago, worth Four Thousand Crowns a Year. I have been the longer in giving an Account of this Panaioti, because he is a Person so well known to all that have Business at the Port: as being the only Man that Treats in the Vizier's behalf with all Christians that make their Addresses to him, of what Quality soever, and whatsoever their Business may be.  
The Ambassadors Demands were comprehended under Thirty Articles, of which these were the chief.  
First, That the Grand Signior should not entertain within his Dominions any European Nation, except what were already settled there, but under the French Banners; and that particularly the Italians, except the Venetians and Genoeses, that should come into Turkey, should be obliged to put themselves under the Banner of France, and the Protection of that King's Ambassador.  
This Privilege was granted by the Turks to the French in the Capitulations made in the Reign of Francis the First, and the French enjoyed 'em till the beginning of this Age; at what time by reason of certain Pirates that Cruised upon the Coast of Egypt under French Colours, the Port struck out that Article in a new Agreement then concluded. Afterwards the Article was restored, and the same Privilege granted a second time in these words.  
All Nations of Europe, that do not maintain Public Agents at the Port, nor are in Alliance and Confederacy with the Grand Signior, which shall come into the Levant under French Colours, shall be there received and entertained, and enjoy the same Advantages which the French do. But the Turks refuse to acknowledge these latter Capitulations; and therefore making use of the former, they allege moreover, That the words [shall come] are not exclusive; and therefore though the Port be obliged to receive all Strangers that shall come under French Colours, yet they do not debar the Grand Signior to entertain Strangers, if it be his Pleasure, that come under other Colours.  
Secondly, That the French shall not pay above Three in the Hundred Customs, which is no more than the English, Hollanders, and Genoeses do.  
Thirdly, That the Grand Signior shall grant Free Liberty to the French to Traffic to the Indies, through his Dominions and Territories, more especially through the Channel of the Red-Sea, without paying any other Duties than those of Entrage.  
Fourthly, That the Grand Signior shall restore to the Religious Orders of the Roman Catholics the Holy Land, and the Holy Places from whence they were expelled by the Greeks in the Year 1638.  
Fifthly, That the King of France shall be acknowledged at the Port, the Sole Protector of the Christians.  
Sixthly, That all the Roman Catholic Christians that live within the Dominions of the Ottoman Empire, shall be looked upon and considered as under the Protection of his Majesty.  
Seventhly, That the French Capuchins, that live at Constantinople, may have Liberty to Rebuild their Church at Galata, which was burnt down about Fifteen Years ago.  
Eighthly, That all the Churches of the Roman Christians within the Ottoman Empire, may for the future be Repaired or Rebuilt, as often as need shall require, without being put to the Trouble of ask Leave.  
Ninthly, That all the French Slaves shall be set at Liberty.  
The other Proposals were of less Importance in particular, only their Number rendered 'em considerable. But the Port looked upon these Demands to be so extravagant, nay so ridiculous, that the Prime Ministers believed, or else pretended to believe, that the King sought only an Occasion to break with his Highness. Thereupon the Vizier sent to know of the Ambassador, Whether he had any Letter from the Emperor of France directed to the Grand Signior or Him, which contained those Proposals, set down in the Memorial which he had delivered in his Majesty's Name. For that he could never think the Emperor of France would ever give Order to make such Proposals to the Port, so exorbitant, and so remote from Reason and Justice in his own Name, unless he saw 'em expressly written in any Letter under his Majesty's Hand. M. de Nointel taking no farther notice of the Vizier's Demand, returned only for answer, That he had Letters of Credence from his Master for the Grand Signior, and the Grand Vizier, which was sufficient, for that his Majesty did not use to write about Business himself. And therefore that the Port was under a mistake to question the Mind and Intentions of the Emperor of France, because it was not shown in Writing under his Majesty's Hand. True it is, that the Ambassador spoke Reason, and the Impediment pretended by the Vizier was only a Litigious Nicety. However, notwithstanding all that M. de Nointel could say or allege to the contrary, he would not grant him Audience, till he promised and engaged to send for a Letter from the King that should contain precisely the same things that were set down in his Memorial, and that the Letter should come in six Months.  
It was toward the end of February 1671. that M. de Nointel made this promise: and the next day the Grand Vizier sent to him, to let him know that on the Morrow he should have Audience of himself, and that two days after he should have Audience of the Grand Signior likewise, upon condition that he would not discourse of any Business True it is, the Vizier gave him but a cold Reception. For the Ambassador entering into discourse upon several Subjects, which were all too long and tedious for the Turkish Humour, they went in at one Ear and out at the tother: The Vizier for the most part giving him no other Answer but only a short Yes, or as brief a No. Particularly Monsieur Nointel enlarged upon the Grandeur of the King, and his vast Forces: which the Vizier taking to be a kind of secret Threatening, Yes, said he, the Emperor of France is a Great Monarch, but his Sword is but a new Weapon yet. Intimating that the King had done no Exploits that deserved such loud Eulogies; but therein he was not well informed of what had passed among the Christian Princes. Neither did Monsieur Nointel escape some other Quips of the same Nature. For the Ambassador talking of the Antiquity of the Alliance between France and Turkey, was saying, That the French were the Turks true Friends. To which the Vizier smiling, Ay, said he, the French are our Friends indeed, but we always find 'em among our Enemies. But the next was more home and sharp.  
The Ambassador being ready to take his leave, ordered the Interpreter to tell the Vizier, That he had Orders from the Emperor his Master, earnestly to recommend to him the Business of the Red-Sea. That it was a Thing which his Majesty had set his Heart upon, and desired the Port would give him Satisfaction in that Particular with all Expedition. To whom the Vizier drily, Can it be, said He, That your Emperor, so great a Monarch as you say he is, should set his Heart so affectionately upon the profit of his Merchants?  
Nor was the Ambassador better satisfied with the Audience which he had of the Grand Signior. For after he had made his Reverence, they led him up to the end of the Room of State, Face to Face to his Highness, to whom he made his Harangue, which lasted about a quarter of an Hour. But it signified little. For the Interpreter explained no more than the Sense of it to the Vizier, which the Vizier abbreviated in two words to the Grand Signior. Which done, M. de Nointel began to discourse of Business to his Highness; contrary to Custom, to the Vizier's Request, and his own Promise. The Grand Signior listened attentively to what the Interpreter said, and for answer, looking upon the Vizier, who upon such Occasions is always near the Grand Signior's Person, This Ambassador, said he, addresses himself to our Lala. Which word Lala signifies both a Tutor, and a Father. The Turks made use of the word, to denote a Person who has a particular Care and paternal affection for another.  
Then again, it is the Custom, after the Ambassador has had his Audience of the Grand Signior, for him to Dine in the Divan, where the Ambassador sits with the Grand Vizier; and the Gentlemen of his Retinue Eat with the Viziers of the Bench; who are the Greatest Lords of the Empire. There would M. de Nointel be talking also of business. Which put the Vizier so out of Patience, that being forced to be somewhat rude with him, after he had desired him to be silent, Good Mr. Ambassador, said He, Keep to your promise, in Six Months we shall understand whither you are Friends or Enemies.  
This was the first Disappointment of M. de Nointel, and the success of his Journey to Adrianople. He returned to Constantinople in March 1671. from whence he wrote to France, what he had done at the Port, and upon what Terms he stood with the Vizier. By which it was apparent to the Court, that the Vizier did but make sport with the Ambassador and the French. Upon which it was debated whether they should break with the Port, or whether they should dissemble such an Affrontive Entertainment. And therefore that they might not proceed with too much Precipitancy in an Affair of that Importance, the Chief Precedent of Aix, M. d'Oppede, was ordered to assemble at Marseilles all the Levant Merchants, and others that were versed in the Affairs of Turkey, and to take their Opinions upon what several People had offered to the Council. That France might refrain from Trading into the Levant, at least for several Years, and that it was easy to do so much Damage to the Turks by Sea, that the Grand Signior should be constrained to grant his Majesty his own Demands. Upon which the Result of the Assembly, by the Plurality of Voices was, That the Proposals were certainly true; that Provence was so sufficiently stocked with Turkey Commodities, that there was enough to furnish France for Ten Years: And that if the King would send but Ten Vessels into the Grecian Seas, and particularly to the Dardanels, there would soon be such a Famine in Constantinople, that the People would certainly make an Insurrection to the Advantage of the French.  
Upon this the Provençalls made no question but that there would suddenly be a War with the Grand Signior. They wrote over all the Levant, what had passed at Marseilles, and assured their Friends that the King was setting forth a Fleet of Fifty Ships to send against the Turks. And M. de Nointel received Letters from Marseilles, which ascertained him the same thing. In so much that the News was spread in an Instant through Constantinople, Adrianople, and over all the Ports of the Levant. Besides, I have been credibly informed, that the Grand Vizier, and all the Prime Ministers of the Port, were very much startled at it. Insomuch that he sent to the other Ambassadors and Residents of Christendom, to know whither the King of France intended a War, and were making preparations for it. To which they all sent him answer, that it was true that the French were setting forth a very great Fleet. But whither it were designed against Turkey or no, they could not tell: but the general Report, and that which they believed to be the truest was, that they were intended against the Hollanders. Which Answers abated the Fears of the Turks; and soon after a French Bark arriving in two Months at Constantinople rid 'em of all their Jealousies. For though they thought at first, that it had been a Boat which had brought fresh Orders to the Ambassador and for all the French Nation; yet were they no less glad, when the Master being asked, where the French Fleet lay, that was designed against the Turks, made answer, that he did not understand what they meant; that he had heard no talk of a Fleet, and that he was sure there was no such thing, as any Preparations at Toulon.  
The first of September, the Grand Vizier wrote to M. de Nointel, That the Six Months were expired, which was the time he had taken to send for a Letter from his Master; desiring farther to know whether it were come, what it contained, and what Instructions he had received from his Majesty. To which the Ambassador replied by word of Mouth to the Messenger who brought the Letter, That the Emperor of France's Answer was not yet come, which was all he could say to the Grand Vizier, being resolved not to give any other Answer to a Letter, that did not give his Master all the Titles that belonged to his Imperial Majesty. Which M. de Nointel did on purpose, for that the Vizier had not given the King either in his Letter, or in the Superscription, any other Title then that of Craul, which among the Turks is not so high as that of Padcha, though they both signify a Sovereign Prince. But Padcha is the Title which they always give the Grand Signior, and which they were always wont to allow the King of France. Padcha being a Persian word; Craul a Sclavonian, and the very Title which the Polonians give their King: and in France the word Padcha is taken for Emperor.  
All this while the Resolutions and Results of the Council of France in reference to the Affairs of the Levant, after the Assembly held at Marseilles, did not answer public Expectation in the Prosecution of that Assemblies Advice. For the King designing a War with Holland, would not engage in another with Turkey at the same time, which required the best part of his Navy to maintain. Therefore he resolved to spin out time, and to endeavour an Accommodation; that so he might not be obliged to break with the Turks. To which purpose Monsieur de Lyone wrote to the Vizier, That the Emperor of France admired he should refuse to give Credit to his Ambassador, since the Port had never till then questioned the Truth and Reality of the Proposals of the French Ambassadors. That his Imperial Majesty would not trouble himself to explain his meaning any otherwise then by his Ambassador M. de Nointel: so that if the Grand Signior or his Ministers refused to give him Credence, they would do well to let him return in the Vessel that brought the Letter.  
With this Letter M. d'Hervieu, Interpreter to the Dolphin, and at present Consul at Aleppo, was sent, having Orders to deliver it himself to the Grand Vizier, and withal to carry the King's last Instructions to the Ambassador. He fet Sail from Marseilles in September, in one of the King's Men of War called the Diamond, commanded by the Marquis de Prully, but did not arrive at Constantinople till February following, bad Wether having detained him Four Months between Malta and Constantinople.  
So soon as the Vessel arrived, and that M. de Nointel had seen the King's Instructions, he wrote to the Vizier, That his Majesty's Answer was at length come, after it had been Five Months upon the Seas, and that he only tarried for Leave to appear at Court, that he might impart it to him. To which the Vizier returned answer, That he might come when he pleased, and be Welcome. More than that, he had superscribed his Letter according to the Ancient Custom, To the Ambassador of the Emperor of France; whereas he had only writ upon his former, To the Ambassador of the King of France. The same day also that the Ambassador received this Letter, the Caimacan sent a Messenger to him, to let him know, That he had Order from the Vizier to furnish his Excellency with Thirty Wagons, Twelve Horses, and a Thousand Crowns toward the Expense of his Journey; which should be sent him with all speed. In short, the Money was brought the next day, and the Wagons and Horses were punctually ready according to the time which the Ambassador had prefixed.  
And this was the State of Affairs and Condition of the Alliance between France and Turkey when I arrived at Constantinople in March 1672.  
The Ambassador departed from Constantinople the 29th of March, carrying along with him the Abbot of Nointel his Brother, a Gentleman, a Confessor, a Steward, a Secretary, three Interpreters, two Janissaries, and of meaner Officers a competent Retinue. Besides all these, he had also in his Train, M. d'Hervieu, who brought the Letter from M. de Lyonne to the Vizier; one of the Directors of the Levant Company, whose Business it was to Treat about the Conditions of the Red-Sea-Trade; Two Spanish Friars, Commissaries of the Holy Land, who were to solicit the Restitution of the Sacred Places, from whence they had been expelled by the Greeks by Authority from the Port, about Thirty Years before; a Merchant of Marseilles, who had Business at the Part, together with Four French and Italian Gentlemen, who, as I myself, made that Journey merely out of Curiosity. The Caimacan also sent a Chiaus to attend the Ambassador, to provide him Convenient Lodging, and to preserve that Respect to his Person, and his Retinue, which the Turks are subject to violate upon the slightest Occasions, if not overawed by the dread of Punishment. We were Six Days upon the Road; it being reckoned Fifty Leagues between Constantinople and Adrianople. A Road no way to be found fault with, as being very broad and level, over Plains, and a lovely Champain Country: besides that we passed through a great many very neat Villages, accommodated with fair and handsome Inns.  
We lodged half a League from Adrianople, in a most pleasant Situation, upon the River Hebrus, called Bosna-Koy, that is, the Village of the Bosneans. Ten days after our Arrival, Panaioti, the Vizier's Interpreter, of whom we have already spoken, came to visit the Ambassador in his Master's Name, and to know the King's Resolutions touching the renewing of the Alliance. After which Preamble to M. de Nointel, he told him, That it was the Grand Vizier's Opinion, that it was not convenient for him and the Ambassador to have any Personal Interviews and Discourse together, till all Affairs were concluded and fully agreed, for fear lest any Exceptions or Differences should happen between 'em, which though but upon slight and impertinent Punctilios, might break or put a stop to the Negotiation, and hinder its good success. To which Panaioti added, as it were in Confirmation of the Vizier's Judgement, That Affairs in Turkey were never well managed, unless it were by a Third Person, in regard the Vizier and the Ambassador being equally concerned to preserve the Honour and Interests of two great Empires, neither of the two would be the first that should forego the smallest Tittle of their Pretensions; but that a Treaty carried on by their Interpreters could not easily produce those unlucky Accidents either in the One or the Other. In short therefore, the Vizier desired that favour of him, that he might not give him Audience, but only to deliver into his Hands the new Articles of Peace and Agreement. M. de Nointel could have wished with all his Heart, it might have been otherwise: but there was a Necessity of condescending to the Grand Vizier's Pleasure, which was to Treat by the Intercourse of Interpreters. Thereupon Panaioti took the Letter which M. de Lyonne had written to the Vizier, and the Memorial of the Conditions upon which his Majesty was resolved to renew the Alliance, and no otherwise, as the Ambassador alleged; and so took his Leave, after he had made a Thousand Vows and Protestations to the Ambassador of the Services he would do in that Negotiation. Particularly he told him, That he took it for so great an Honour to have the Management of this New League between the Grand Signior and the Emperor of France, that there was no way or means which he would leave unstudied that he might bring it to a Conclusion, to the Satisfaction of his most Christian Majesty. But Time discovered, that his Protestations were altogether deceitful and fallacious, and that Panaioti had not the same Inclinations for the Interests of France as for those of the Grand Vizier.  
First then, the Vizier read over the Ambassador's Memorial, and then gave it to be examined in the Divan. It was not so long by half as that which he had presented the time before, as not containing above Eleven Heads. Nevertheless he found it to be very Extravagant. So that when the most Considerable Articles were read, he would still cry, The Port will never grant 'em. Upon others he would pass Sentence, saying, This may be granted; and we shall endeavour to pass over such an Obstacle and to remove such and such Difficulties. So that he absolutely refused one part of the Demands, and gave his Opinion of the rest but very doubtfully. Which was a piece of Policy in the Grand Vizier, to discover by the Ambassador's Answers whether it were true that his Instructions were not to recede in the least from his Memoires. And it fell out according to his desire, for by that means he found that the Ambassador had private Orders.  
At the end of April, the two Friars, Commissaries for the Holy Land, were very much troubled at a Report that ran among ourselves, That they needed not to tarry, as they did, in expectation of being restored to the Sacred Places, from which the Greeks had expelled 'em, for that the Vizier having declared, That he would agree to the Abatement of the Customs, and the Red-Sea-Trade, on Condition the Ambassador would not insist upon the Holy-Land, he had answered, That that was a Point to be reserved till the last. Which because it is an Affair of much Curiosity, I shall here set down the principal Passages relating to it; withal in some measure to divert the Reader, wearied perhaps with a long Story of the French Negotiations at the Ottoman Port, for the Renewing of an Alliance.  
The Kingdom of Jerusalem was Conquered by the Christians in the Year 1099. and lost in the Year 1177. At what time a certain King of Syria whose Name was Nezer-Salah-el-din-Joseph reconquered it, and expelled all the Western Christians, especially the Knights; leaving only behind the Oriental Christians, Syrians, Armenians, Georgians and Greeks. In a short time after one of the Kings of Naples, of the House of Anjou, purchased of the King of Syria the Sacred Places of Palestine. However the Bargain was kept secret, the King of Syria being afraid lest the Mahometan Princes his Neighbours, should reproach him for what he had done, and quarrel with him about the Sale. Thereupon the Franciscan Monks were sent to take possession of the Sacred Places according to the Compact, who continued there, and were confirmed by the Sultan's of Egypt, and the Turkish Emperors who afterwards Conquered Palestine.  
All this while the Friars had the Keys and Possession of whatever Christian Devotion had Consecrated at Jerusalem, Bethlehem, Nazareth, and in all other Sacred Places of the Holy Land. Moreover, the Eastern Christians, who were very numerous, had also their Chapels in several of those Holy Places, as well in the Church built upon the Sepulchre of Christ, as in those that were reared in the Places where he was Born and Crucifi'd. The Pope's likewise who make it their Business to bring over to their Communion all the Greeks, commanded the Franciscans that they should have all manner of Liberty in the Holy Places, and withal to permit 'em to build Chapels, to keep Lamps and Tapers burning, and to erect Images and Altars.  
This Allurement of so much Freedom, which the Greeks enjoyed in their Churches, say the Franciscans, was that which enticed 'em into a design to make themselves the sole Masters of those Places; though the Greeks most stiffly deny any such thing. However it were, in the Year 1634. the Greeks repaired to the Port, and there produced several Ancient Records, setting forth their Title to the possession of Mount Calvary, the Grotto of Bethlehem, and other Places. Thereupon the Franciscans were cited to the Divan; who appeared with the Ambassadors of the Christian Princes that were then resident at the Port: and the Cause was several times argued before the Prime Vizier. All the Christians also who were in Alliance with the Port, as well Protestants as Roman Catholics, interested themselves in the Suit; and both sides were at extraordinary Expenses. But at length the Greeks gained the Cause, and were put into possession of the Holy Places, according to their own desires.  
The Grand Vizier, who gave Judgement in favour of the Greeks, being dead at the end of two Years, the Europeans demanded a Rehearing of the Cause. Which was granted, and it went clearly for the Franciscans, who were thereupon restored to the possession of what the Greeks got from 'em, but they did not keep it above two Years more. For after that, another Grand Vizier, more favourable to the Greeks, resettled 'em again in all the Places which had been recovered by the Franciscans four Years before. After that, the Latins used great Endeavours to regain the Possession, but all to no purpose, the Divan being still deaf to all their Solicitations, Promises and Offers; and constantly alleging, That it was not just, that the Greeks, who were the Grand Signior's Subjects, and who paid him the yearly Tribute of Eight Hundred Thousand Crowns, should be deprived their share of the Custody of the Sacred Places in Palestine, which was part of the Demeasns of the Ottoman Empire. Yet for all that, the Franciscans have not forborn to renew their Importunities, their Petitions, and their Offers of Money, as often as they found any seasonable Opportunities to do it. In the Year 1665. Count Lesley in the Name of the Emperor took all the care and pains imaginable for the Restoration of the Franciscans to their Rights, prayed, paid and promised Mountains, but all was labour lost. Four Years after, the Procurator Molino in the Name of the Republic of Venice undertook their Cause with the same Vigour; so that the Franciscans had now no other hopes but in the King of France. To which purpose they deputed two of their Order to his Majesty, who presented him with Letters of Recommendation from Rome, Spain, and the most part of the Roman Catholic Princes, to make use of his Credit and Reputation in the Ottoman Court, for the Restoration of the Latins into the Sacred Places, from whence they had been expelled by the Greeks. But there was no need of a Recommendation to excite the King in the prosecution of such a Pious Act, to which his own Zeal was a sufficient Incentive. Immediately therefore he wrote to M. de la hay to insert the Demands of those Religious Persons among the Conditions for the renewing the Alliance. And after that, both M. de la hay, and M. de Nointel protested to 'em several times, That they had express Orders not to Treat with the Port, nor to renew the Articles of Alliance, unless they would restore the Franciscans to the Places they had lost. Nevertheless it appeared at the end of April, that an Affair of that Nature might be dispensed withal, rather than to put a stop to such an Important Treaty for the Custody of three or four silly Chapels.  
These two Friars told me, how that upon their Arrival at Constantinople, M. de la hay bid 'em rest satisfied; for that he understood so well the Resolutions of the Prime Ministers of the Port, that they would never renew the Treaty, upon the Conditions which the King demanded, in regard the Restoration of the Sacred Places, upon which the King so firmly insisted, was an Article the Port would never grant. To which, as they informed me, they returned this Answer, which included good Advice indeed for the success of their own Interest. If your Excellency, said they, have positive Instructions in Reference to the Restoration, and that you know the Port will never consent to it, make no other Demand to the Grand Vizier till that be concerted; and declare withal to the Prime Minister, That you will not Treat, till he has promised to restore us what the Greeks have taken from us. If your Excellency observe this Method, either the Vizier will grant or deny. If he grant, the greatest Impediment to the renewing of the Treaty will be removed: If he refuse, the Rupture will redound to the King of France 's Honour. He will appear not to have sought his own Interest: All Europe will admire his Majesty's Piety and Zeal; and there is no Person but must be forced to acknowledge that his High Respect to Religion was the only cause that incited him to break with the Turks.  
The wellmeaning Fathers told me this Story with an extraordinary Vehemence, which is usual among Spanish Monks. For they believed it to be one of the most Noble Actions in the World to enter into a War with the Ottoman Empire, to force the Great Turk to take from the Christians of Jerusalem, his own proper Subjects, the Custody of five or six petty Churches, and bestow it upon Foreign Monks, who not content to make use of 'em when they pleased, would have the Keys hung at their Girdles.  
About Mid-May M. de Nointel finding that the Grand Signior and Vizier were ready to depart for Poland, and that there was but little Progress made in his Negotiation, went to visit the Reisquitab, or Lord Chancellor: With whom he had three Conferences, before they could conclude the Treaty. But at the third Conference, which was upon the 26th of May, all things were agreed and settled, and the Alliance was renewed upon the following Conditions.  
That the French for the future should pay no more than Three per Cent. Customs.  
That they should have the Red-Sea open for a Trade into the Indies, paying Five per Cent. Customs, which should be paid at their Entrance into the Grand Signior 's Dominions, without any farther Payments either for their Passage, or at their Departure.  
That the French Capuchins should rebuild their Church of St. George at Galata, burnt down by Fire: And that the same Church, together with the Jesuits in the same Place, and all other Appurtenances belonging to the French within the Ottoman Empire, should be under the Protection of the King.  
That the Ambassador should be acknowledged Protector of the Hospital of the European Christians in Galata, and that they should have Liberty to say Mass in the said Hospital.  
That all the French Captives that were in Turkey, or should happen to be taken for the future, should be set at Liberty, provided they were not taken in any Fleets or Armies, or before any Places in Hostility with the Port.  
And this was all that was to be changed or added in the New Capitulations; for the Article concerning Foreign Nations was to continue as it was before in the former Treaty.  
When all things were accepted and mutually agreed, the Ambassador of France's eldest Interpreter spoke to Monsieur de Nointel, that he should not stir till the Chancellor had made out a Draught of the New Capitulations. Which advice was well given, but the Ambassador gave more Credit to Panaioti the Grand Vizier's Interpreter, who told him, it would be an Affront to the Chancellor, to distrust what he delivered by word of Mouth, by ask him for a Draught in Writing; and that he would engage his Word, and be Security for the performance of what the Chancellor had declared. Upon which the Ambassador suffered himself to be overruled; and returned to his Lodging extremely joyful and well satisfied, and with all the Cheerfulness and Gaiety in his Countenance which generally displays itself upon the good success of Business. Insomuch that sitting down at Table, Come, gentlemans, said he, the Capitulations are renewed; let us now be merry, and drink to this Renovation of the League.  
Now the Chancellor had promised to send a Copy of the Draught in the Evening, to the end it might be examined, and afterward written out fair: but he failed in his promise, nor was the Ambassador troubled in the least. The next Morning however he sent for it: but he was strangely surprised, to find that the Article about Foreign Nations did not oblige, as it should have done, all those that were under no settlement already at the Port, to put themselves under the Banners and Colours of France. Then Monsieur de Nointel began to mistrust that he had been deluded. At last he fell into a Passion, and presently called for his second Interpreter, to go and tell the Chancellor, That if that Article were not put down as he understood it, he would not accept the New Capitulations. Which his chief Interpreter observing, stepped in, and advised him to be wary how he enhanced the price as he was going to do; that it was not safe to put the Market into the Turks Hands, as he did; and therefore desired him to take care how he engaged himself in a heat to break with the Port, for a single Article of little Importance. But such was M de Nointels Impatience, that he bid the Messenger go forthwith, and carry his Message to the Chancellor; who answered, That he would report it to the Vizier.  
The 29th the Ambassador went to the Chancellor's House; who told him, That it became not France to demand of the Port a thing which was not in their Power to grant: For that the Grand Signior had engaged to the English, the Venetians, the Hollanders and Genoeses, That all Strangers that should come into Turkey, under their Colours, should be welcome, whoever they were; should enjoy the same Privileges, and in a word be entertained as their Friends were. That having also granted the same Privileges to the Emperor, particularly for the Imperial Hans-Towns, for the Subjects of the House of Austria and the Italians, his Highness could not without violating his Faith, grant to the French what they demanded; that is to say, That he should admit no Foreigners but what came under the French Colours, unless they were such as had their Establishments already confirmed at the Port. To which the Chancellor added, That what he had represented to his Excellency was notoriously public, and a most convincing Argument, and therefore besought him not to insist any further upon that Article. To which M. de Nointel replied with a Protest not to renew, unless that Article were granted in the same form as he demanded. The Chancellor returned, That he would report his Protest to the Vizier, and then he should know his Answer. The Ambassador told him, He should think himself highly obliged, so that his Conveniency would permit him, if he would be pleased but to go immediately and speak to the Vizier, while he stayed for his coming back. The Chancellor consented; went, spoke to the Vizier, and returned with this Answer.  
The Grand Vizier has ordered me to tell your Excellency, That you made him promise ye about a Month since, That provided the Port should grant the Emperor of France an Abatement of the Customs, and a Free Trade through the Red-Sea, he would be contented, as to what remained, with what was reasonable and just. That upon that word he had granted in the Grand Signior's Name those two Articles, and other Favours which you know; but now seeing you have not kept your word with him, he declares expressly, That he recalls his own, and will grant you nothing at all.  
This Answer was like a Thunderclap. M. de Nointel and those that were with him stood like Men in a Trance. They begged to resume, and ratify the Treaty, but it was impossible, though they proffered upon the place to quit and renounce the Article contested. To which the Chancellor answered, That he had no other Orders from the Vizier, then to deliver his Message, and that he had no Power to Treat any farther. The Ambassador replied; That he had a Letter from the Prime Minister of France, which he desired only to deliver into his Hands, and so to take his leave. The Chancellor made Answer, That for his Audience it might be easily obtained, but as for the Letter from the Prime Minister of France, the Grand Vizier cared not a Straw to look upon it.  
Monsieur de Nointel returning to his Lodging with that vexation and perplexity of Mind which may be conceived without any great difficulty, propounded to his Council, which were the Abbot his Brother, the Director of the Levant Company, and his two chief Interpreters, That since the English and Hollanders had lately given Ten Thousand Pounds Sterling apiece, for renewing their last Capitulations, it would be convenient for the French to give the same Money for the renewing of Theirs. Upon which the two Interpreters had order to propose the Sum to the Chief Ministers: but it nothing availed. For there are some Favours obtained at the Port by the Force of Money; others which no Money will procure. And such for Example was the Business solicited by the two Commissaries of the Holy Land, who offered an Hundred Thousand Crowns to the Grand Vizier to put 'em in possession of the Sacred Places, and to expend as much in Presents to the Grand Signior, and Ministers of the Port. But their Money was Dross, the Divan not being to be bribed in that case.  
By the way, I shall say this farther, in reference to those Religious Fathers, that their making such large Offers was not a thing to be wondered at. For they have assured me, that the Devotion which Spaniards have toward those Sanctifi'd Places is so great, that they themselves would expend whole Treasures for Liberty to enjoy 'em again. They affirmed to me moreover, That the Money expended in the Holy Land amounts to Eight Thousand Pounds Sterling a Year, of which a third part goes in Presents to the Turks; and that the Guardian who is Triennial, expends in Presents at his Arrival no less than Two Thousand Five Hundred Pounds.  
The Third of June, which was the Day appointed for the Grand Signior's departure for Poland, the Ambassador went betimes in the Morning to the Camp, to the Quarters of the Grand Vizier, with a design to oblige the Haughty Minister to grant him that Audience which he had refused him ever since his Arrival, and to receive the Letter from Monsieur de Lyonne. He carried with him also M. d'Hervieu, to the end that as he was the Person that brought it, he should deliver it into his Hands. But the Vizier was not then in the Camp, being gone to Convoy the Sultaness, Mother to the Grand Signior, to her first Lodging. Which constrained the Ambassador to go to the Chancellor's Quarters, where he waited seven complete Hours, sometimes in one Tent, sometimes in another, because the Camp was then just upon Dislodging. At length a little after High Noon, the News came that the Grand Vizier was come to the City. Whither the Chancellor went to him, and told him, That the Ambassador of France stayed in the Camp to Kiss his Hands, and to know his last Commands. The Vizier ordered him to tell his Excellency, That he needed not to give himself the trouble of waiting, for that he was then taking leave of his Wife, his Mother, and his Family, and should not return to the Camp till Night: and therefore that it would be sufficient for him to leave only one of his Interpreters, to whom he would give his Answer. Which was, That he would impart the Ambassador's Demands to the Grand Signior and the Divan; but that he could not do it so soon as he might expect, by reason that the Army was upon its March. That in the mean time, his Excellency might return to Constantinople, and there await the Grand Signior 's Resolution. That he would in the mean time write to the Caimacan to grant a Pass for the King's Ship in the Harbour; and for what remained, had it not been but that he confided in the Faith and Honour of the Ambassador, he would have stopped him at Adrianople, to have prevented his departure without leave.  
At the same time the Interpreter had also Orders to know the Grand Vizier's Commands touching certain particular Affairs relating to Trade in several places of the Levant. Which he ordered to be dispatched the next Morning in manner and form, as the Interpreter desired.  
And this was the Success of M de Nointel's second Journey to the Port; upon which both Parties made different Reflections. For the Turks with great assurance lay the blame of this Rupture upon the French: Affirming that the Abatement of the Customs was not a thing to which the French could justly pretend. For that if other Nations paid not so much, as the English, Hollanders, and Genoeses, yet there were some Nations that paid more, as the Germans and Venetians: Or if the first who paid but Three per Cent. had formerly paid Five, than the French had had some reason to have demanded an Abatement. Nevertheless, that the Port, who is Free to bestow his Favours where he pleased, having Treated upon their Arrival with the last Comers upon Terms more advantageous than those which he granted to his first Allies; he was not obliged to alter the Conditions of Commerce that had been for so long time concluded. Then for the rest of the King's Demands, they said, That they were Favours which could not be in Conscience demanded; as being such which the French were so far from having deserved from the Port, that they had always opposed him in all his Enterprises. To which they added, That the French had made their Demands, as if they had had the Market in their own Hands, threatening, and acting like Lords and Masters, while the French that were in the Levant, did nothing but talk of Burning Constantinople, making War upon the Grand Signior, and Sacking his Islands, and his Seaports. That the Men of War that brought M. de Nointel to Constantinople, openly protected the escape of a great number of Slaves of several sorts of Nations, that put themselves aboard. And that the French Ambassadors in all the Visits which they made to the Great Personages, discoursed of nothing but his Majesty's Conquests, and the Puissance of his Arms. This Defence the Turks made for themselves. With whom other Nations also sided, alleging, That the Turks were not too blame, as having showed themselves upon this Occasion less Barbarous than they were said to be: not having manifested any thing of violent Resentment either against the French in the Levant, or his Majesty's Ambassador, of the numerous and powerful Succours which they had many times given their Enemies; of the War which they carried on, even in Countries under the Turks Protection; or of their Affronts and Menaces not forborn even in the Court itself. Nor could these things be otherwise spoken then out of an Ardent Desire to see some Unlucky Accident happen, which might engage France to employ against the Turks those mighty Preparations of War which the greatest part of her Neighbours dreaded.  
And now having thus given an Account of the whole Progress of M. Nointel's Negotiation at the Port, I shall add something in short in reference to the Negotiations of M. Witzosky, the Polish Agent, and Signior Quirini, Procurator of Venice, of which two the one happened to depart as soon as I arrived there; but the other remained at the Court all the while I stayed.  
The Grand Vizier ordered 1700 Crowns to be given to the Polish Agent at his departure, for the discharge of his Debts, and his Expenses upon the Way; allowing him besides seven Wagons and a Chiaus. The Bassa of Silistria also had Orders to cause him to be Conducted through the Frontiers of Tartary; and to Command the Tartars to detain him, till they understood that the Turkish Envoy who was in Poland, had passed the Frontiers, and was entered into Turkey. The Divan did all they could to compose all Differences with this Agent, and to prevent a War with his Master. For the Port had some Designs upon Persia and the Red-Sea, so that it was only by constraint if they turned their Arms against Poland. On the other side the Polander could not brook the Protection which the Grand Signior had given to the Cossacks. For which reason the King demanded that his Highness would publicly renounce the Protection which he had publicly allowed. To the end that the Cossacks being terrified by such a Desertion, might be compelled to submit the sooner to the Polish Prince without Fight, and he by that means regain the Possession of the Ukraine, which is his particular Demeasns, and the Patrimony of his Ancestors.  
During the Reign of King Casimir, M. Ratzieuskie was sent to demand the Ratification of the Treaty of Coctchin, which was observed between Poland and Turkey; and some other Things. To which the Port made answer, That they would Ratify the Treaty purely and barely without mentioning the Cossacks. But M. Ratzieuskie died at Adrianople before he could conclude his Negotiation. Whose Employment of Agent his Secretary, M. Witzosky by the Order of the King that succeeded Casimir, was appointed to supply, and received Instructions to represent to the Port, That seeing the Ukraine was the particular Estate of the Prince who then Reigned, he had a double Reason to claim the Repossession of it. To which the Port returned for answer, That they would not hinder his Majesty of Poland from regaining the Possession, and that he might do what he pleased with the Cossacks; but in regard the Grand Signior's Honour was concerned, he could not openly disavow the Protection which he had openly granted. But M. Witzoski, being a Person of a violent hasty Humour, would not accept of that Expedient, nor of any other which the Turks proposed. But loudly protested in a full Divan, That though the King, the Senate and the Republic should agree to accept a single Ratification, he would prevent 'em from doing it, by the Power which he had, as a Gentleman of Poland.  
But when the King and the Senate understood that the Grand Signior was turning his Preparations against them; and that most assuredly the next Spring they should have him at their Gates, they were both surprised and confounded. Nor did the Agent himself know what to do, being deceived by the Rumours that were spread abroad of the Revolt of the Arabians, and Sacking of Mecca; as also for that through the Assurances which M. de Nointel had given him that his Most Christian Majesty would send a Fleet of Fifty Ships into the Archipelago, he had always written to the Republic to hold fast their own, and not to relinquish the least Tittle of their Demands, in regard that infallibly the Grand Signior would suddenly have his Hands full on every side.  
And indeed Poland was very desirous at that time not to have diverted his Highness from his Asiatic Designs. For which reason, they sent an Interpreter to the Port. Who arrived the 23 of May with a Train of eight Men, six weeks after the departure of the Agent; and had a Lodging assigned him, and Twenty Shillings a day for his Expenses. The Letters which he brought were from the Great Chancellor, superscribed to the Grand Vizier, purporting, That Poland was very much surprised to understand, that the Grand Signior was preparing for a War against them; that they knew not the Reason, nor had they given him any Occasion. That if the Port would Ratify the Treaty of Coctchin, the King was ready to do it, and would send an Ambassador Extraordinary for that purpose. But that if the Grand Signior persisted in his Design of making War, his Majesty was ready to defend himself; protesting withal that the Polanders were not the Violators of the Peace. The Interpreter was dispatched and sent back again in eight days, with Letters to this effect, That Poland might send an Ambassador Extraordinary, and that he should be welcome. But in the mean time the Grand Signior's Army and the Grand Vizier at the Head of it, continued their March toward Silistria.  
In the Negotiation of the Signior Quirini there was nothing particularly observable. Only he had peculiar Instructions to press the release of such Prisoners as had been taken in the War of Candy: but after great Pains and vast Expenses he could obtain no more than an Exchange of Eight and Twenty of the Principal for as many of the Turks. Which Exchange was made at Castello Tornese in the Morea. As for the rest of the Prisoners to the Number of a Thousand or thereabouts, the Grand Vizier told the Procurator of Venice, That the Ottoman Galleys were destitute of Slaves, and therefore to release a Thousand at one Clap, would weaken 'em too much; especially at a time when they had so much need of Rowers to carry Men and Ammunition through the Black-Sea for supply of their Army in Poland. However he promised that when the Campaigne was at an end, he would order Two Hundred and Fifty to be released; and so the like Number every year till they were all at Liberty.  
The Venetians are at that vast Expense at the Port, that it may be truly said they buy whatever they obtain, and that at a dear rate too There is no Person of Credit either in the Court or the Divan, to whom they do not make considerable Presents every year. For the Republic, that has no Neighbour to be afraid of, but the Turk, spares for no Cost to be at peace with him. They pay him Tribute, out of several Islands in the Archipelago, as Zant, and Cerigo. They connive at his Humours, his Affronts, his Tyranny; and all to prevent Quarrels and Wars that arise every day between Potent Neighbours, as much as may be done by the Prudence of their Conduct: and the same Republic sends for her Ambassadors to Constantinople, the Ancientest, and most Experienced of her Senators. The Procurators also of Venice are usually such as have been Ambassadors in all the Courts of Christendom, and which have been employed in Treaties of Peace and War, and all other Negotiations. Persons in a word that understand all the Politics of all the Princes of the World, and the Slights of the most Crafty Ministers of State, in the Art of concealing their own, and discovering the Thoughts of others. These Procurators are fully Commission'd to expend and give whatever they deem requisite. Generally they reside three years at Constantinople, during which time they pick up above an Hundred Thousand Crowns; or at least it is in their power so to do; for the Republic never calls 'em to Account. And this they do for two Reasons; the first is, to balance by their Gains the Trouble and Hardship of an Embassy to Constantinople, which arise from the Danger and Toil of Travailing; and from the ill Humour and Contempt of the Turks. And secondly, to recompense those Procurators, who have wasted their Estates in European Ambassies.  
I have heard M. Quirini affirm, at several times that I have had the Honour to visit him, That the Turkish Policy did very much surpass that of the Europeans: That it was not confined within Maxims and Rules; but consisted altogether in Sense and Judgement, as being grounded altogether upon Reason, and never acting but according to Reason. Which sort of Policy, having neither Art nor Principles, was as it were unapproachable; insomuch that he seriously acknowledged, That the Conduct of a Vizier, was to him an Abyss, of which he could not Fadom the Judgement, the Foresight, the Perspicacy, the Secrecy, the Cunning, with all its Windings and Labyrinths. He assured me, That if had a Son, he would send him to no other School then to the Ottoman Court; where he could not too highly admire the Vizier, who without speaking, writing, or so much as moving himself, Governed one of the most Potent Empires of the World, and had extended the Limits of it in several places.  
During my stay at Adrianople, I had the Honour several times to converse with this Venetian Ambassador; and because that then our most general discourse was concerning the War of Candy, I learned from him and several other Eminent Personages of the Court, divers Particulars worthy Observation; of which I shall here set down the most Memorable.  
One of the Principal Performances which the Law of Mahomet enjoins, is the Pilgrimage to Mecca and Medina. There is nothing that can legally dispense with it but an extreme Poverty: and it further lays a strict Injunction upon those whom either Sickness, or Employment, or other Occasions will not permit to go in Person, to make their Pilgrimage by Proxy; that is, to send to those Places of Devotion, a Person on purpose, to perform all those Duties which he himself ought to have done, could he have gone thither himself.  
The Ottoman Emperors are very punctual in the Discharge of this Duty, as well for themselves, as for their whole Families. They send every year Considerable Presents to those Cities, of which they esteem it a High Honour to call themselves the Lords and Protectors: and these Presents are sent sometimes by Land, and sometimes by Sea. In the year 1644. they were put aboard a great Gallion, which was to carry 'em to Cairo. Several Eunuches and Women of the Seraglio were embarked in the same Vessel, together with the Grand Signior's Delegates, and a great Number of Passengers and Soldiers. This Vessel putting to Sea from Constantinople, with several other Vessels under her Convoy, was set upon not far from Rhodes by the Galleys of Malta, and after a fierce Engagement taken. Nevertheless the Galleys could not carry her off to Malta, by reason that she leaked in several places, as having received several Shot in the Fight; so that they were forced to carry her into a Port of the Island of Candy. Where they stopped her Leaks the best they could, and took all the care imaginable to have carried her Home, but all to no purpose; for she sunk by the way. However the Cargo which they unladed into their Galleys was valued at a Million of Money.  
The News of the taking this Gallion put the Grand Signior into a Rage: insomuch that he threatened to exterminate all the Christians that were in Constantinople, as well Ambassadors and Foreign Ministers, as others. And he thus menaced all sorts of Nations, because, said he, the Galleys of Malta were Manned with Christians and Soldiers from all parts of Christendom.  
M. Soranzo, the Venetian Ambassador at the Ottoman Court, presently addressed himself to the Ministers of the Divan. For he was in great hopes to divert the Storm from falling upon his Head, and to appease the Grand Signior by giving him to understand, that there was not any one Subject of the Republic who was a Knight of Malta. The Ambassadors of England and Holland made the same Remonstrances. So that in all probability the Tempest was like to fall upon M. de la hay the Father, then Ambassador of France. And questionless he had severely felt the Barbarousness of the Turks, and the Fury of the Grand Signior, if Givan Capigi Bachi the Grand Vizier had not Warded off the Blow. Who being a Person of great Wit, of singular Worth, and Illustrious for his Descent in Turkey, as being descended from a Family famous for Six Grand Viziers, took upon him to secure the Ambassador of France, the French and all the Christians that were at Constantinople, except the Venetians. He gave his Highness to understand that the Venetians were the most guilty, for having permitted the Galleys of Malta to bring in the Gallion into their Harbours, and not securing it. By which means he turned all the Grand Signior's Wrath upon Candy, who thereupon determined to make that the Seat of his War. But this Resolution of his was privately carried, and the better to conceal his Design, he displayed his intended Revenge only against Malta. To which purpose he proclaimed open War against that little Island, and ordered all his Forces to be in a readiness by the end of March 1645.  
The Ambassador of Venice spared neither Industry nor Presents to penetrate the Truth of this Design, whether it were real, or only a Trick to cover some Enterprise against the Republic. On the other side, the Ambassador of France assured him, that it was only a dissembled Pretence, and that the true Design was upon Candy. But he gave no heed to his Intelligence, suffering himself to be deluded by the Assurances which the Grand Vizier gave him from time to time to the contrary.  
But toward the end of April the Ottoman Fleet consisting of Fourscore Ships and as many Galleys, under the Command of Issouf Captain Bassa, putting to Sea from Constantinople, Landed in Candy, and in Ten Days took Canea. They who were acquainted with that same General, affirmed him to be a great Commander, and that he would have Conquered the Island in a small time, had he not been deprived of his Life and the Conduct of the War. For the Grand Signior being put i' th' Head that Issouf had Vast Treasures; and that he could Conquer the rest of Candy without his Assistance, caused him to be strangled at Constantinople some few days after his return. However his Highness had not only a great loss by his Death, but missed of the Treasures which he expected. In the following Years he sent other Armies into Candy under different Generals: and for the Success which they had, it is too well known, to speak more of it in this place.  
For it was neither to the Strength of the Island, nor the Weakness of the Turks, that we are to ascribe the length of that War, which lasted Four and Twenty Years; but to the strange Revolutions that happened in the Ottoman Court almost at the beginning of that Enterprise; and to the Wars of Transylvania and Hungary that lasted till the Year 1665. But the Prince who undertook the Conquest of Candy was Ibrahim, then about Two and Thirty Years of Age, who was advanced to the Empire Four Years before, contrary to his own and the Expectation of all the World. For he had been kept in a close Imprisonment during the Reign of Osman, and Murat his Brothers; the latter of which, after he had caused his two younger Brothers to be strangled, when he saw himself near his End, commanded also that Ibrahim should be strangled, who was the only Brother that remained. However this Rigorous Command was not put in Execution, for that Amureth not having any Children, Ibrahim that was the only Remainder of the Ottoman Family, was also Heir of the Empire. By the way we are to observe, that the reason which induced Amurat to let Ibrahim alone, and put his two other Brothers to death, though much younger, was his want of Wit, which rendering him unfit for Government, secured him from any fear of a Rebellion for his sake. So soon as he came to the Throne, he plunged himself into all manner of Vice and Wickedness. His Debaucheries, his Extortions, and his Cruelties rendered him Odious and insupportable to all his Subjects. He seized upon the Revenues of the Mosques, and private men's Estates, without any distinction of Sacred or Profane, and frequently put to death such as he thought to be Rich, to the end he might with more ease make himself Master of their Estates, and all this to supply the inordinate Expenses of his Pleasures, and the excessive Luxury of his Court. The Soldiers were ill paid; which caused 'em to mutiny, with a Resolution to depose Ibrahim in the Month of August 1648 and to set upon the Throne Mahamed his Eldest Son, about seven Years of Age; so that twelve Days after they strangled Ibrahim.  
I have already related, how that in the Minority of Mahamed, the Empire was Governed by Women and Eunuches, who filled all the chief Places of Trust, as they thought good themselves, and particularly that of the Prime Minister, till they gave it to Cuperly Mahomet who undertook the War of Transylvania. His Successor, who was his Son, began that of Hungary, which being ended by the Peace in the Year 1665. as already has been said, for the next two Years he closely pursued the War of Candy, where he found a longer and more vigorous Resistance than he expected.  
Had Candy held out another Winter against the Turks, 'tis not to be questioned, but that the Grand Vizier must have been forced to raise his Siege, and then strange Commotions would have happened in the Empire. The Veterane Janissaries were all either slain or dead in the Siege: The rest would not budge a foot. The Turks murmured at the War; and cried out that the Ottoman Forces were commanded to dash out their Brains against a Rock: The People of Constantinople were for advancing the Grand Signior's Brother to the Throne. His Highness was solicited to put the Grand Vizier to death by means of such a Sacrifice to appease the Fury of the People and Soldiery. Both the one and the other of these Changes had been sufficient to have raised the Siege.  
The Grand Vizier knew all this. So that he despaired of putting an end to the War: dismally afraid at once to lose both his Honour and his Life. It is reported that he tore his very Hair from his Chin. However it is most certain that it brought upon him a most Incurable Distemper, difficult to be named. It was an odd kind of seizure of the Heart, or fainting of the Spirits, caused by Fear, Affliction and Panic Terror. For which the Physicians prescribed him to drink pure Wine without any Mixture; which he did every day; nor could any thing but that do him any good.  
When the News of the Surrender of Candy was brought to the Grand Signior, his Highness could not believe it; but when the Tidings were confirmed, it transported him to such an Excess of Joy, that rather seemed to be a sort of Frenzy for the time. And both He and the whole Court frequently repeated these words, The Franks have had pity upon Us.  
The Turks boasted upon the taking of Candy, That they had Conquered all Christendom. Because the Town had been defended by Soldiers and Volunteers from all parts of Christendom; and they said moreover, That the Siege had lasted three Years, for that all Christendom had been there, and done the utmost of their Endeavours.  
The most useful and provident Preparation which the Grand Vizier made for the Siege, was to make his Kiaia, or Steward of his Household, High Treasurer of the Empire. For he knew the Love and Friendship which that Lord had for him, and that for a need he would not spare his Life to do him Service. And this same Foresight of his was the gaining of the Place, and the safeguard of his own Life. For the High Treasurer would not suffer any want to be in the Camp. Sheep were there in great plenty at a Crown apiece. The Markets were stored with all Things necessary for Food and Raiment. And Men cared not what they gave, or what Riscoes they ventured, to carry Ammunition to a Place where Money abounded.  
By the Accounts which the Treasurer brought into the Divan of the Extraordinary Expenses at Candy the three last Years of the Siege, it appeared that Seven Hundred Thousand Crowns had been spent in Gifts to Renegadoes that turned Turks, or left the Island, to recompense such Soldiers as had behaved themselves more bravely than others; and to pay the Prizes set upon the Christians Heads; which was half a Guinea for every Head. By that Account it appeared that the Turks had made an Hundred Thousand Shot with their great Guns against the Place; and that there had been slain before the Place Seven Bassa's, Fourscore Captains and Colonels, 10400 Janissaries, besides other Soldiers and Troops of the Provinces, whose Pay is not charged to the State.  
The Day that the Grand Vizier entered Candy, Signior Molino, who was sent by the Republic to make a Peace with the Port, Riding o' one side of him, the Grand Vizier told him, That the Grand Signior had paid dear for the Island of Candy. To whom Molino replied, That it had cost the Republic as much; no less than the Lives of a Hundred Thousand Men, without reckoning the French. The Grand Vizier asked him, Why the Place was not surrendered sooner, in regard they had been but in a bad Condition a long time to hold it out. To whom the Ambassador made answer, That the King of France had hindered the Surrender, by his Promises of Powerful Assistance, and to declare a War against the Turks.  
The Procurator Molino arrived in Candy in the Spring of the Year 1669. and lay at a place called Gozi, not far from the Island. From whence he sent to offer the Grabusi, Spina Longa, Suda, and Tine Islands of the Archipelago; Clissa and other Places upon the Continent, the whole Expenses of the War, and an Annual Tribute of Fifty Thousand Crowns a Year for the City of Candy, so that the Republic might keep the possession of it. To which the Grand Vizier returned for answer, That the Grand Vizier valued his Honour at a Higher Rate, than all the World beside; and therefore he would only have that Bit of a Rock, which his Highness had been labouring for above these Four and Twenty Years.  
But it was Captain General Morosini who made the Truce with the Vizier; which he did without Molino's knowledge, or imparting to him the least Tittle concerning it. Which Transaction of his had like to have cost Morosini his Life at Venice, but the large Sums of Money which he paid in one Night, delivered him from his Fears: For this General minded no other Interest in Treating but the Public Welfare. He neither troubled himself about Religion or Trade: But wholly applied himself to what concerned the Island of Candy, and the War, and agreed with the Vizier, that all other Things should remain in the same Condition as before the Rupture. Which was the reason that Signior Molino found it so difficult to rebuild at Galata, part of the Suburbs of Constantinople, the Venetian Church, that had been burnt down; and laboured so sedulously to remove the Obstacles which he met with on every side, that he died in the midst of all his Toil: but by Good-Luck the Work was almost finished. He required several other Things of the Grand Signior; as the Abatement of the Customs, which the Venetians paid; but could not obtain it. For, said the Grand Vizier, Signior Molino, The Alliance between the Port and the Republic is an Ancient Alliance, and the Port values it for its Antiquity. If you change some of the Articles, the Alliance will be a new one, for which the Turks will never have that high esteem. Besides, if you require Favours of the Grand Signior, he will demand something more of you. Signior Molino understood well enough what he meant, which was the Reason he spoke not a word more of the Abatement of the Customs, nor of changing the Ancient Capitulations.  
And thus I have given a fair Idea of the Grand Vizier's Conduct, not to say any more in particular concerning his Person. But in regard it was to his Father, who was also Grand Vizier, that he was beholding to for his Fortune and his Honour, I shall in the first place, and in few words, give an Account of the most Remarkable Achievements of that Renowned Vizier.  
He was called Cuperly Mahamed Bassa, raised to that High Dignity by the Fantastic Humour of the Women and Eunuches, who Governed during the Minority of Mahamed the Fourth. Before his Advancement, it was that which he least dreamt of; but when he was Invested in his Employment, he began to consider the frequent Changes of the Grand Viziers his Predecessors almost every three Months, and therefore for the Preservation of his Life and Dignity, he thought it his best way to put to Death his Envyers and Competitors, and to set new Wars afoot, on purpose to remove the Grand Signior from Constantinople, and to keep himself still at the Head of an Army  
He began with the Seraglio, where he caused several Eunuches to be strangled; and having in a little time made himself Master of the Credulity and Affections of the Young Prince, he persuaded him, that to make himself Absolute Sovereign of the Empire, to free himself from the Fears of Tumult and Sedition, and prevent the Soldiery from making the same Attempts upon him as they had done upon his Father, the best way would be for his Highness to remove from the Capital City, where the People were Mutinous, and the Janissaries were Masters, and that he should rid himself of all those Persons that had deposed his Father, and dipped their Parricide Hands in his Blood. In pursuance of this Project, Cuperly caused Dely Ussein Pasha to be strangled, who had been General at Candy, and was accounted the most Famous and Valiant Captain of the Empire. Then he removed the Court to Adrianople, and began the Transylvanian War, in regard the War in Candy would have called him too far from the Grand Signior's Person, not being as yet of Age to March at the Head of his own Armies.  
This Transylvanian War was short, and honourable for the Grand Vizier by the defeat of Prince Ragotsky, and by the taking of Waradin, though it cost him the Blood of the choicest Ottoman Troops, and the bravest of their Officers. He returned Victorious to Adrianople, and though he had made a Peace with the Emperor, yet he set himself to make preparation for a new War against him in Hungary. But being ready to take the Field in the Year 1662. he died; yet so prevalent at Court as to obtain his only Son Achmet Pasha to be admitted into his Place, though at that time he had scarcely attained to Thirty Years of Age, which was a Thing altogether extraordinary, and not to be paralleled in the History of the Ottoman Monarchy.  
'Tis a question whether ever there were a Grand Vizier more capable to Govern the Ottoman Empire, than Achmet Pacha. He was very tall, and somewhat full and plump of Body. His Eyes large and wide: His Face well shaped; his Complexion Fair and Smooth: The Air of his Face Modest, Grave, Affable, and Obliging. He was no Tyrant, mortally hating Oppression, Justice and Equity appeared in all his Actions, nor did he suffer himself to be swayed by his own Interest. For whether it were that he did not give his Mind to thirst after Riches, or whether it were that his own Estate which was very Great, satisfied his desires, he was never known to be Covetous like the rest of the Turks: And this is particularly said of him, very much to his Honour, that of all the Persons, that addressed themselves to him with Presents, to accomplish their Ends, not any obtained 'em by that means. His Wit was of a large extent, penetrating and reserved: His Memory happy and prompt: His Judgement sound, and always well applied: For he still fell directly upon the Point. He spoke little and Modestly, but with that Solidity and Knowledge which it is not easy to describe. The First Years of his Ministry were very Honourable and Advantageous to the Ottoman Empire, and his following Achievements much more.  
This Great Personage therefore having observed the Happy success of his Father in the Government of Turkey, laboured to follow his example and tread his Steps as near as he could. He began the War against the Emperor which his Father had projected, and was about to have undertake. To which purpose he marched to Buda, with an Army of Threescore Thousand Men, and besieged Neuhausel, which he took in the Year 1663. He raised the Siege of Canisia, and carried the Fort Serini toward the beginning of the next Year. And designing a farther Progress of the Turkish Armies even to the Walls of Vienna, he caused a Bridge to be laid over the River Raab: Over which Twelve Thousands Turks had already passed; and all the rest of the Army was about to have followed, had they not been prevented by the Emperor's Forces, who being reinforced with the Succours of the Allies of the Empire, and particularly the French, cut to pieces the greatest part of the Twelve Thousand Turks, put the rest to flight, and gained that Famous Battle, called the Battle of St. Goddard, from the Name of the Village where it was fought.  
The Grand Vizier repaired the loss of that Battle by a Treaty of Peace as Honourable and as Advantageous as if he had gained the Victory; and perceiving the Grand Signior's earnest desire to return to Constantinople, carried him thither so well guarded, that there was no Commotion to be feared; where be stayed till the beginning of the Year 1666. At what time he undertook the War of Candy, in which he spent Three Years, as has been already said. Two Years after he began the War of Poland; observing always his Father's Great Maxim, That it behoved a Prime Vizier still to keep himself at the Head of an Army.  
We departed from Andrianople the 9th of June, and returned to Constantinople the 15th. The 17th by Break of Day M. de Nointel went incognito to visit the Caimacan and to demand a Passport for the Kings Ship. The Caimacan returned for answer, that he had received no Orders from the Grand Vizier to give him one, and therefore could not do it. At which the Ambassador was very much surprised, and as highly concerned; and thereupon complained to the Caimacan of the Grand Vizier's unkindness toward him. Upon which the Caimacan made a show of taking his Part, and being concerned for the Unjustice done the Ambassador; and then concluded with his Excellency, that they would send a particular Messenger and Letter's to the Prime Vizier. As for the Caimacan, he failed not to send, on his part, to the Vizier an account of all that the Ambassador had told him, and represented to him by way of Complaint. On the other side M. de Nointel in his Letters taxed the Vizier of Breach of his Word. He conjured him not to injure his Patience, which he had now contained as long as he could; to let him know the Final Resolution of the Port, and particularly to send him Order for a Pass for the Kings Ship.  
The Expresses that carried these Letters set forth at several times. The Caimacan's Messenger departed the 18th of June, and the M. de Nointel's the next Day. The Caimacan's Messenger found the Court not far from Silistria from whence he returned to Constantinople the Ninth of July. So soon as he arrived, his Master sent for the Ambassadors Chief Interpreter and told him, that the Vizier had given no answer to his Express; only had sent him word that he would let him understand the Grand Signior's Pleasure by another way. The Ambassadors Courrier was not returned the 20th of July, when I left the City; and therefore I know not what answer he brought.  
At the end of June the Ambassador sent for a Pass for the Director of the Levant Company, and for myself; a Licence to bring in a Parcel of Wine, and another to be admitted into the Santa Sophia. To which the Caimacan returned for Answer, That he could not grant any one of the Ambassador's Demands, until he first knew the Grand Vizier's Mind: That it very much troubled him to refuse him such Trifles; but considering how Things stood between the Grand Vizier and the Ambassador, he should make himself a Public Offender to grant Passes to his Excellency: but that so soon as he had leave, his Excellency should find the great Affection which he had for the French Nation.  
This Refusal troubled me extremely; for that it seemed to confirm the Report, which ran about, That the Grand Vizier intended to Arrest the Ambassador and all the French Nation. I found I had a large Stock of Goods; as much as two Horses could carry, as I have said before. My Comrades Baggage and my own was as much as would load four Horses more. So that it was to no purpose to think of escaping by Flight, much less of concealing ourselves. Besides this, three other Considerations very much augmented my cares and my perplexity. The first was, That whatsoever way I took to get into Persia, I could not get out of Turkey in three Months▪ during which time the Port would have time enough to send their Orders to the utmost Limits of the Empire to stop the French, if they designed any such violent proceedings against 'em. The second was, That nothing of all that I carried of greatest Value, had paid at the Customhouse, so that if I happened to be searched either at Constantinople, or any other Cities of Turkey, I could not expect any Assistance from the Ambassador. The third was, That because of the Heat of the Wether, there was no Caravan that travelled into Persia till October.  
In the midst of this Intricate Perplexity, GOD, whose Infinite Favour I have always experienced in my most pressing Necessities, showed me a ready way to make my escape from Constantinople. The Grand Signior has a Fortress about Twenty Miles from the River Tanais, over against that part where the great River discharges itself into the Lake Maeotis; which Fort is called Azac. The Port sends thither every Year a New Commander with Soldiers and Money: and they send by Sea, because it is not above 1300 Miles by Water; and to avoid the Hazards by Land for fear of the Tartars, Cossaques and Muscovites. Moreover, the Saique which is a sort of Turkish Vessel that takes the Commander aboard, is not exposed to the search of the Customers, as are the rest of the Ships that Sail into the Black-Sea. That which is aboard may be said to be free, there being none but the Turkish Commander that has any Authority to take Cognizance of it. This Saique touches at Caffa, which is a City and famous Port in the Crimoean Tartary. Whence all the Vessels that are bound for Mingrelia or Colchis put to Sea in the Months of September and October, from whence it is not above seven or eight days Journey before ye enter into the Persian Dominions. There is no shorter way from Constantinople to Persia, nor less troublesome. For the whole Voyage may be made in three Weeks, all by Sea till within about Sixty Leagues, yet is there no passage less used, nor more unknown, by reason of the Dangers of the Sea; nor could I find any one Person at Constantinople that ever had undertaken it. I met with a great many that confirmed my Report, and that had been at the Havens of Mingrelia, where there are great Numbers of Armenians and Georgians, the Subjects of the Persian King, who told me that it was not above six or seven Days Journey from thence into their Territories.  
The Dangers of this Passage which discourage People from attempting it, are twofold: First, For that the Black Sea is very Tempestuous, to the loss of the most part of the Vessels for want of skill and good Havens. Besides that the People that inhabit between the Sea and the Persian Territories are naturally barbarous and wicked, without any Religion, and under no Government: So that I should never have so much as dreamt of the Way of Colchis, whatever might have been the Allurements of Curiosity, or Easiness of Passage, had not the Road through Turkey presented itself much more Formidable, considering the Mischievous Circumstances already mentioned. But that which most inclined me to the Voyage by Sea, was the Conveniency of the Saic bound for Azac, which to me seemed a most infallible way to get out of Constantinople, without much Trouble, and without any Danger, unless it were that of the Black-Sea. But that Sea so named and so famed from terrible and frequent Shipwrecks that happen in it for want of Skilful Pilots among the Turks, made me tremble to think of it. Nevertheless I saw the Hazards to which I exposed myself, and the Dangers of the Voyage; however they did not terrify me so much as the Dangers and Perils which I have mentioned either in staying any longer at Constantinople, or in travelling quite through Turkey.  
The Danger indeed of the Black-Sea was the greatest, because it threatened the loss of all; but it was more uncertain. The Hazards of Turkey were less; for there was no fear of Life's being lost; or of losing entirely the whole Cargo. But it was more difficult to be avoided, so that at length I resolved for the Black-Sea, and prepared to embark.  
One of my Friends to whom I imparted my Design, engaged a Greek Merchant to assist me, who was bound for Colchis, and went in the Saic prepared for Azac. He was a very honest Man, besides that my Friend had some thank as well over his Estate as Person. So that he obliged him to serve me to the uttermost of his Power, under the forfeiture of his Friendship if he failed. Thereupon the Greek Merchant undertook to help me, and did it so cordially and sedulously that the Success answered both his Diligence and Fidelity. He took upon him to hire Cabins for me in the Saic, never discovering for whom it was; he put my Goods aboard, some and some, as he saw his Opportunity. He gave me advice, and necessary Instructions how to make myself respected in the Vessel, and to get good Entertainment at Caffa, whither I was first bound. Among the rest of my Directions, he ordered me to get good Recommendations to the Officer that was to Command at Azac, and to take along with me the Grand Signior's Pass. As for the Recommendation, I did not much fear to get it, but the Pass drove me to despair, because I had already been refused it.  
Thereupon I discovered my perplexity to M. de Nointel, beseeching his Excellency to give me leave to make use of the Letters of Recommendation which I had from the English Ambassador, who was at Paris, when I departed thence, for the English Ambassador at Constantinople, that I might by his means obtain a Pass as an English-Man Which although M. de Nointel scrupled at first, yet he consented at length, when I told him the Urgency of my Occasions. So that he caused his Secretary both to write and carry his Letter to the English Ambassador, who was very glad to serve his Excellency in my behalf. And indeed the Ambassador pursued his Kindness with the greatest Grace in the World, and with a real Affection, but without success. For as the Caimacan was ready to sign the Pass, Somebody gave him private Intimation to take a care what he did; for that the Pass required of him was for a Frenchman under pretence of being English. Which spoiled all; and made a Difference between the English Ambassador and the Caimacan, who complained of the Surprise; and between the English Ambassador and M. de Nointel, whom he taxed for having given the Caimacan his private Intelligence.  
The 19th of July the Greek Merchant who was to Conduct me to Mingrelia, came to give me notice that the Saic lay at an Anchor near the Mouth of the Black-Sea, and only expected a fair Wind. So that I would presently have gone aboard, but my Friends did not think it convenient, till the Vessel was ready to Sail, for fear I should be discovered for a Frenchman. Thereupon I stayed three days with Signior Sinibaldi Fieschi, Resident of Genoa, at a Countryhouse which he had upon the Bosphorus, and four days more at a fair Monastery of the Greeks, at the end of the Channel upon Europe side, over against the Harbour where the Saic lay at Anchor.  
The Thracian Bosphorus is certainly one of the Loveliest parts of the World. The Greeks call Bosphori, those straits or Arms of the Sea which an Ox may be able to swim over. This Channel is about Fifteen Miles in length, and about Two in breadth, in most parts, but in others less. The Shores consist of Rising Grounds covered over with Houses of Pleasure, Wood, Gardens, Parks, Delightful Prospects, Lovely Wildernesses Watered with Thousands of Springs and Fountains.  
The Prospect of Constantinople, when ye behold it from the top of the Channel, at the distance of two Miles, is beyond compare, as being to my Eyes, as to all that ever saw it, the most Charming Prospect that can be seen. The Passage through the Bosphorus is the most lovely and fullest of Divertisement that can be made by Water: And the number of Barks that Sail to and fro in fair Wether is very great. The Resident of Genoa told me, He made it his Pastime to tell the Boats that Sailed to and fro before his House from Noon to Sunset, in what time he told no less than Thirteen Hundred.  
There are Four Castles that stand upon the Bosphorus well Fortified with great Guns: Two, Eight Miles from the Black-Sea, and Two more near the Mouth of the Channel. The Two latter were built not above Forty Years ago, to prevent the Cossacks, Muscovite and Polanders from entering into the Mouth of the Channel; who before made frequent Inroads into it with their Barks, almost within sight of Constantinople.  
The 17th by break of day I embarked, our Vessel being then under Sail. Above Fourscore Vessels of different Burdens put to Sea at the same time. In ours there were about Two Hundred Men; the Commander of Azac with his Train, to the Number of Twenty; a Hundred Janissaries, Thirty Mariners, and Fifty Passengers. I had three Cabins, two for my Comrade and myself, and the third for our Goods. Our Servants lay upon the Deck. Their Cabins are very narrow and incommodious; ours being at the Prow. There were in all Thirty two in the Saic, with a great cabin for the Captain very spacious and handsomely furnished; wherein Ten Persons might lodge very conveniently. But that which is very inconvenient in the Turkish Vessels is this, That they make no Provision of any thing for Subsistance, not so much as of Wood and Water; for the rest might well be endured. Every one has his Liberty to dress his Victuals three of four times a day. The Fire Place is upon the Deck near the Poop: where they who have any thing to dress carry their Kettle, their Wood and their Water. So that I have seen about Eighteen Pots together upon the Fire. Their Places of Easement are with outside of the Ship near the Poop; like Cages, which they take off and hang on as they please themselves.  
The Saics have no more than one Deck. Nor but two Masts with a Boltsprit; that is, a Main Mast and Mizzen. These Masts carry but two Sails, and for the most part but one. They have no Shrouds but one that is very small, which is fixed to the Main Mast, and hangs down upon the Deck. They have no Skuttles at the top of their Masts. So that the Turkish Seamen never run up to the Yards Arms to furl or loosen their Sails, which is needless, because the Yards Arm is always below upon the Deck; so that when they would take the Wind, they only draw up the Yards Arm, to which the Sail is fixed. The Topsail is tied to the Yards Arm, and when they would make use of it, they pull up the Yards Arm with a Poultry fastened to the Top-Mast-Head. Thus it may be easily seen that they neither understand the Use of the Yard-Arms nor Masts of a Ship.  
Neither have they in these Vessels either Pumps to pump out the Water, nor Capstalls to weigh their Anchors; but they empty out their Water with Pales: and then when they weigh Anchor, there are Twenty or Thirty Men that take hold of the Anchor-Cables that run through two small Pulleys fastened to the Prow of the Ship, and draw up the Anchor with all their Might, till it be high enough. When a Vessel enters laden into any Port, they fix four Anchors, two to her Poop, and two to her Prow, and so let her lie. And this is all I have observed in reference to the Building and Rigging of these sort of Vessels among the Turks.  
As for their Navigation there is nothing of Art, nor Security in it: The best of the Turkish or Greek Pilots depend only upon a bare Experience, without any Foundation of Rules. They never make any use of Sea-Carts, nor ever make those exact Observations, like our Seamen, of the Ships way every day set down in Journals, by which Observations they know how far they are from the place whither they intent. They understand very little of the Compass; only they know that the Flower de Luce always tends toward the North. When they are to make any Voyage they stay for a good Wind and fair Wether. Nor do they, when that is come, presently put to Sea till they have stayed eight or ten Hours to see whether the Wether will hold or no: and generally they Sail along by the Shore, having the Land always in sight. But when they are forced to take the Main Sea, than they make use of the Compass: To which purpose they know either by report or experience upon which hand they ought to have the North, that they may gain such a Harbour; which is all they have to guide 'em; for more than this they know not. Were they to make long Voyages in the open Sea, hardly one Ship would escape a Tempest, which they happily avoid, keeping as much as they can within sight of Land, or near some Harbour. When the Wind is very high, they furl their Sails, and let the Vessel drive with the Waves. If the Wind be contrary, they never strive against it, but vere about, and rather return from whence they came, then endure the Violence of a contrary Sea. That which ruins 'em, is when the Wind blows 'em upon the Shore; for than they are so out of heart, that they split immediately not knowing what it is to lie by.  
I have heard several old Turkish Captains affirm, That there are Fifteen Hundred Vessels upon the Black-Sea, of which they lose a Hundred every Year. The most dangerous place where Shipwrecks are most to be feared being at the Entrance of Bosphorus.  
The Entrance into it is very Narrow, where generally the Winds encounter one another; of which there is one that still keeps back the Vessels, which if it be violent dings 'em upon the Coast which is full of sharp Rocks; to the loss of so many Galleys and Ships that their Number is hardly to be numbered. 'Tis but a little while since that no less than seventeen Galleys were cast away in one day. And there is no question but that the frequent Storms that arise at all seasons in the Black-Sea, the Surges short, and cutting one upon another, its straight and narrow Channel, and the dangerous Coasts that in part surround it, are the chief cause of the several Shipwrecks that happen there. On the other side there is no doubt also but that skilful Pilots and good Seamen would save above half the Vessels which are there lost.  
The Third of August in the Morning we arrived at Caffa, after a Voyage of eight days, all which time we had very fair Wether and little Wind. Upon the Fifth we spied the Point of the Tauric Chersonnese. For the Greeks call that a Chersonnese, which the Latins call a Peninsula, and they gave that Name to this almost Tauric Island, because it was first inhabited by the Scythians of Mount Taurus. It lies toward the East and West, being about 250 Leagues in Circuit; that is, 35 Leagues in length, which I take from the North to the South, and 55 Leagues in the broadest part. But the Isthmus that joins it to the Continent is not above a League in breadth. The Modern Geographers call it Crim Tartary and Precopensian Tartary. As much as to say Tartary full of Towns; to distinguish the Tartars of this Peninsula that live for the most part in Cities, especially all the Winter long, from those other European Tartars, which inhabit without the Peninsula, called Nogays, as also Hordes or Hordou, a word which signifies an Assembly, and of which the Turks and Persians generally make use to signify the Camp of an Army, or the Numerous Train of a Court. The Country belonging to these two sorts of Tartars, Precops and Nogays, is that which we call the Lesser Tartary to distinguish it from the Asiatic Tartars that inhabit beyond the Lake Maeotis, to the East of the Caspian Sea, and thence as far as China.  
The Sea-Coast of this Precopens Peninsula, to speak of that part which shoots farthest into the Sea as far as Caffa, consists of very high Shores, and Mountains covered with Woods and Villages. And by the Account of the Seamen, it is from Constantinople to Caffa through the Black-Sea, 750 Miles. Tho I know not how they reckon, nor how it can agree, with what frequently happens, for the Saics to make the Voyage in two Days and two Nights just. And therefore by my Account it is no more than Two Hundred Leagues. Upon our coming to an Anchor; our Vessel fired two Guns, and the Commander designed for Azac made all his Musketeers give the Castle a Volley. Which done, he went ashore with the Officers that were come to receive him in the Bassa's Name. Both the City and Port are very free; for you have Liberty to go in and out, never ask any leave: Nor do they come aboard to search the Vessels. But when a Ship drops her Anchor, several Boats make from the Haven to carry those ashore that are desirous to go.  
Caffa is a great Town built at the bottom of a little Hill upon the Seashore. It extends itself more in length than breadth, lying in length very directly from the South to the North; encompassed with very strong Walls, that advance a little into the Sea, which is the reason that when we take a Prospect of the City from the upper part of the Deck, it seems to be built like a Half-Moon. The Castle upon the South side stands upon a Rising Ground that commands all the parts thereabout, being very large, and the Residence of the Bassa. The other is not so big, but well stored and defended with great Guns; the Sea washing that side which is next to it. They reckon about 4000 Houses to be in Caffa; of which 3200 are inhabited by Mahumetans, Turks and Tartars, and 800 by Christians, Greeks and Armenians; though the Armenians are more numerous than the Greeks. The Houses are but small, and all built of Earth, as are also their Bazars or Market-places, their Public Structures, Mosques, and Baths. There is not one Building of Stone in all the City, except eight Churches somewhat gone to decay, formerly built by the Genoeses. This Caffa was once called Theodosia, which the Greeks built in the fifth Age. Afterwards it fell under the Dominion of the Genoeses, with several other Seaport Towns in several parts of that Sea, in the Thirteenth Age, in the time of the Holy War and during the weak and low Condition of the Eastern Emperors. But Mahomet the Second won all those Places from the Genoeses toward the end of the Sixteenth Age; Caffa being taken in the Year 1574.  
The Soil about Caffa is Dry and Sandy; nor is the Water good; but the Air is very pure and wholesome. There are very few Gardens about it, nor is there but little Fruit. However they bring great Quantities from the Neighbouring Villages, though it cannot be said to be very delicious. However I do not know whether there be any other City in the World where other Provisions are cheaper and better. Their Mutton is exceeding well-tasted, and not above one Farthing a Pound. Their other Provisions of Bread, Fruit, Wild Fowl, and Butter, is sold proportionably at a cheaper Rate. Salt is as good as given ye; and in a word, whatever is necessary for Human Sustenance costs little or nothing. Nevertheless by the way take notice, that Fresh Fish is a very great Rarity, and very small whatever that they catch in the parts round about the Harbour, and that only at certain times, as in Antumn and the Spring. Almost all the Turks and Tartars that live in the Town wear little Bonnets of Cloth faced with Sheepskins. But in regard that over all Asia Bonnets are most usually worn among the Christians, those of Caffa are obliged to fasten to theirs a little piece of Cloth, such as the Jews in Germany wear upon their Cloaks, to distinguish 'em from the Mahometans.  
The Road of Caffa is sheltered from the Winds, except it be to the North and Southeast: and the Ships lie at Anchor near the Shoar in Ten and Twelve Fathom Water, Ouzie at the bottom and very safe. There is also a great Trade driven there, more than in any other Port belonging to the Black-Sea. During the Forty Days that I stayed there, I saw come in and go out above Four Hundred Sail of Ships, not counting little Vessels that keep close to the Shoar. The most usual and most considerable Trade which they drive consists in Salt Fish, and Caviar, which comes from the Lake Maeotis, and is thence transported into Europe, and as far as the Indies. 'Tis incredible what a World of Fish is caught in that Lake, considering its extent. And the reason which the Country People give for the Infinite Multitude of Fish there bred and taken, is this, For that the Water of that Lake being muddy, thick, and not very salt, because of the Tanais that empties itself into it, it invites not only the Fish out of Tanais and the Black-Sea, but also out of the Hellespont and the Archipelago; where they breed and grow fat in a small time. Several Persons have assured me, That they usually catch Fish in that Lake, which weigh every one Eight and Nine Hundred Pounds, and of which they make between three and four Hundred weight of Caviar. 'Tis true, I never saw any such large Fish alive at Caffa; however I am apt to believe it, by the pieces of Fish which I have seen, and the vast Quantities which they export into a Thousand Places. Their Fishing lasts from October till April. And perhaps it is the Mudd of that Water of Maeotis which makes 'em call it a Mersh; for otherwise it would be more properly called a Lake, in regard it bears Vessels of Burden, nor do the Waters rise or fall, and besides that it continually partakes of a great River and the Sea.  
Next the Exportation of Caviar and Fish, the most considerable Trade is driven in Corn, Butter and Salt, with which this City furnishes Constantinople, and several other places. The Caffa Butter is the best in all Turkey. The Venetians have several times desired leave to Trade to this Town; but it would never be granted. In the Year 1672. Signior Quirini was at great Expenses to obtain it, and he had obtained it indeed, but the Customer of Constantinople caused the Licence to be revoked upon this Occasion.  
All the Europeans have it agreed in their Capitulations, That they shall pay no Customs, but in such places where they unlade their Goods. By Virtue of which Article the Venetians would pay no Customs at Constantinople for Goods that came in a small Vessel bound for Caffa, which the Farmer of the Customs claimed. And Signior Quirini obtained an Order from the Defterdar to the Farmer, not to take any Cognizance of what was in the said Venetian Vessel: (Which Defterdar is the High Treasurer of the Empire; and has all the Customs under his Inspection.) But the Customer seeing this Order, wrote to the Vizier, That the Trade of the Venetians into the Black-Sea, would be very prejudicial to the Grand Signior and the Port, and that the particular Damage to his Highness was most visible, in regard the Merchandise which is proper for the Black-Sea and brought from Venice pays Customs twice, at their coming into the Port of Constantinople, and going out. That it was the same thing as to the Commodities that were brought out of that Sea, and which the Venetians Export, all which the Grand Signior would lose if the Venetians had Liberty to Trade thither, in regard that by Virtue of their Capitulations, they ought to pay no Customs but where they discharge their Merchandises. Besides, that to permit the Venetians an Entrance into the Black-Sea, was to open a new way for the Christian Princes to Correspond and Confederate with the Princes whose Dominions border upon those Seas who are all Enemies to the Port. And lastly, That it behoved him to consider that such a Permission would ruin a great Number of Seamen, of the Grand Signior's Subjects, as well Turks as Christians, for that in regard there is more Security in the European Navigation then in the Turkish, the Venetians would have all the Carriage of Goods through the Black Sea, and every one would Ship his Goods in their Vessels. The Grand Vizier was sensible of this; and therefore gave Orders to the Governor of Constantinople not to let any Venetian Ship pass into the Black-Sea.  
The 30th my Grecian Guide unladed my Goods, Baggage, and whatever belonged to me out of the Ship that brought me to Caffa, and Shipped it aboard another Vessel bound for Colchis. Which done, he went to the Customer of Caffa, and told him, That there were two French Papa's aboard the Vessel of Azac, who were desirous to Embark themselves in another Vessel, being bound for Mingrelia. That those Papa's carried several Trifles along with 'em, as Books, and other Things of no value, for the Use of a Monastery; and that if the Customhouse thought fit, that he should send some of their Officers to search the Ship. For the Oriental Christians as well as the Turks, call Papa's all manner of Ecclesiastical Persons that Officiate in Holy Orders, whether Single or Married; and therefore my Guide thought fit that my Companion and myself should both take upon us the Title of Papa's.  
To that purpose our Greek made 'em believe, that we were going to the Italian Missionaries in Colchis, and that we were of their Fraternity. However the Customer sent his Officers aboard to search our Packs; and our Greek came along with him. Presently I opened two Chests before the Searcher; who put his Hand into one that was full of only Books, Papers, and Mathematical Instruments, and finding nothing more at the Bottom, than what he saw at the Top, fell a laughing, and asked the Man that brought him, If such Rubbish as that were worth carrying out of Europe into Mingrelia? With that I fumbled out one of those Pieces that are worth Three Shillings, like a Man that had not much to spare, but looked upon five or six of those Pieces to be a great Treasure, and presented the Searcher with it; who refused it at first, but took it at last, when I told him 'twas only to pay for his Boat, which he could not deny; and so went away without more ado. My Guide went along with him, and heard the Report which he made to the Customer, That we had nothing but a few Books and Papers, with some few Toys of Brass and Wood that were of little or no Value.  
At the end of two Hours my faithful Guide returned, and told me, That to protect us absolutely from any further danger of the Customers, it behoved us to give the Clerk of the Vessel as much as we had given the Searcher; in regard the Clerk took an exact Note of all that was embarked, and gives it every Evening to the Customer, who keeps it for a Control: to which I answered, That he might do what he thought fit. Thereupon presently calling to the Clerk, Thou seest, said he, that the Searcher has found nothing in the Frank Papa's Chests. They have one more full of Papers, and five or six Boxes of Pictures for their Church. That they did not open 'em because the Air spoils the Colour of the Painting, and because the Pictures were carefully tied up in Bundles; and therefore I desire thee to accept of this Three Shillings which they give thee, and to put down in thy Note no more than the two Chests which the Searcher has seen, without taking Cognizance of the rest. Upon which he let us carry away all that we had, and bid us, Farewell in the Name of God. So that we carried off all our Goods in two Boats, and put 'em aboard the Ship that was bound for Mingrelia. Nor did any Body demand any thing of us. For the Customers, and the Seamen of the Ship which we left as well as of the other Vessel wherein we embarked again, really believed us to be Papa's, and that all we carried with us was of little worth: that the Sacks wherein I told 'em were our Provisions were full of nothing else beside. For there are certain Slights and Shifts which we cannot so well set down, that are absolutely necessary for those that travel Turkey, that they who can make a right use of may pass securely and without trouble. For thereby we avoid Forfeitures and ill usage, and we free ourselves dextrously from the Custom-Houses, which take 'em all together, are none of the severest. But after all, it requires Good Luck, that is to say, a prudent Conduct and a Contrivance proper to the Genius of the Turks; and a Man must also be sure to watch his Opportunities.  
The 25th of August, the Vessel that brought us to Caffa, fet Sail for the Fortress of Azac, with three Saics of the same Burden in her Company. The New Commander would not have had her set Sail till the return of the Courier which he had sent to the Fortress, to know whether they were at Peace with the Muscovites, and whether there were any Pirates or not Cruising upon the Lake Maeotis. The People of Caffa reckon it 450 Miles from thence to Azac: though it be not so much by Land, in regard they travel it easily in Twelve or Thirteen Days. As for the Straight of the Lake Maeotis, or rather the Channel between the Lake and the Black-Sea, it is about five Leagues in length. Which Channel was by the Ancients called the Cimmerian Bosphorus; but now the Moderns call it the State of Caffa, and also the Mouth of St. John. The great Vessels that go to Azac put in at Palestra, which is Forty Miles from the Fortress, and Twenty from the River Tanais; for that there is not Water deep enough for 'em to Sail any farther. The Fortress of Azac is Fifteen Miles from the River: And it is very dangerous and hazardous to send either Men or Money to that Place; for they are attacked by strong Parties of the Muscovites as well by Sea as by Land. The Commanders of this Fortress make always Leagues with the Neighbourhood, though they seldom last long: for that either of one side or tother there arise every day new Occasions to break 'em. The Turks have two little Fortresses where they keep Garrison at the Mouth of the Tanais upon the Banks of that great River which the Ancients called Orxentes, and which the People of the Country call Don, being about Fourscore Leagues in length. They Fortify the Mouth of this River with a vast Chain, to prevent the Muscovites and Circassians from Roving with their great Barks upon the Lake and the Black-Sea. For before those two Fortresses were built, and this Chain fastened athwart the River, those People came down with their Boats and Gruised about all over those Seas. But there is a stop now put to their great Vessels. However in the Nighttime, and by the power of Number, they sometimes force their smaller Barks over the Chain; but 'tis very rarely that they will venture, for fear of being sunk by the Shot from the two Forts. There was also formerly another Fort three Leagues off from the Mersh called Tana, belonging to the River Tanais; but it is now ruined; nor is it Azac, as some would have it to be, which is fifteen Leagues distant from it.  
The 30th our Vessel put to Sea, and Sailed to a place called Donslow, or the Salt-Pits; which are great Marshes of Salt upon the Shoar fifty Miles from Caffa. We arrived there the 31st in the Morning: Immediately all the People went to Lade Salt; for there was no Guard kept upon it; and they assured us that Two Hundred Vessels were Laden there every Year with Salt, and that there was enough for twice as many if there were occasion. These Salt-Pits are supplied without any Charges: For they only let in the Water into the Mersh; which is a fat and hard Earth at the bottom. There it congeals and becomes a white Salt, which has all the good Qualities of Salt, and among the rest that it preserves the Moisture of Salted Meats. They only pay Three Shillings a Day to those that they employ to lad the Salt, without any further Examination how much they carry away.  
About a Mile from the Shoar there is a Habitation of the Tartars; whither I went with some of my Servants to buy Provisions, but I did not see in all that place above Ten or Twelve Houses with a little Mosque. Only round about it there was a great Number of Tents, Round and Square very well closed, together with several Wagons close and covered, which serve 'em in stead of Houses. The fairest of their Tents were very handsome, being made of Round Poles laid a cross one upon another, and covered without with large Furs very light and well stretched. The Door is made after the same Manner, with an opening at the Top, for the Light to come in, and the Smoke to go out. The Door is shut with a piece of Felt. The inside is Hung with Tapestry, and the Floor covered also with the same. Every Family has one Tent of the same Fashion and two others. The other is covered with a great Sarpler of Wool, for their cattle and Horses. The other covered with the same, but not so handsome, and much larger; in the midst of which is a round Pit five Foot deep and two Foot wide, and there it is that they dress their Victuals. Here their Slaves lie, and here they keep their Provisions for the Family. The Tartars store up their Corn and their Forage, as do all the Country People in the East, in deep Pits under Ground which they call Amber, or Magazines. Which they cover so exactly, that you cannot discern where they have removed the Earth, so that only they that made the Pits can tell where to find find. The Tartars dig these Pits either in their Tents or in the Field; and as I have said they cover these Pits so like the rest of the surface of the Earth round about it, that you cannot perceive where they broke the Ground. When they remove their Quarters, they do it presently and without any Trouble; their Tents being pulled down and laden in less than Half an Hour. Their most usual Carriage is by Oxen and Horses of which they breed a Great Number. The People profess the Mahometan Religion but intermixed with strange Superstitions and Ridiculous Opinions of Fortune Telling and Divination.  
The 2d of September the Wind blew hard and contrary, so that we were constrained to return for Caffa, in regard the Coast where we lay was very dangerous.  
The Seventh at Midnight we put again to Sea with fair Wether, which did not long continue. For in the Morning rose a most furious Tempest, insomuch that we were afraid of being cast away; and that which increased our fears was this, that our Vessel was very deep Loaden, not only the Hold being full, but Twelve Foot High above Deck. But the Storm, thanks be to God, was soon over, and that which saved us was this, that the Wind was with us.  
Our Ships Lading consisted in Salt, Fish, Caviar, Oil, Biscuite, Wool, Iron, Tin, Copper, Copper and Farthen Ware, in all sorts of Harness, Arms, Utensils of Husbandry, Cloth, Linen of all Colours, Habits for Men and Women, Coverlets, Carpets, Leather, Boots and Shoes, and in a word in all things most necessary for Man's Use. There were all sorts of Grocery and Apothecary's Ware, Spices, Perfumes, Drugs and all manner of Ointments. So that the Vessel seemed to be a little Town, where every thing was to be had; besides the People that were aboard, to the Number of a Hundred.  
The 8th in the Morning we discovered the Coasts that bound the Lake Maeotis, which were very High Lands about 30 Miles distant from us. In the Evening we found ourselves near Cape Cuodos which Ptolemy calls Cirocondoma, shouting out far into the Sea; the shore being all very High Land, and seen a great way off. From Caffa to this Point, we sailed all along in the Channel, from whence to Mingrelia we always kept along by the shore.  
It is Six and Twenty Mile from Caffa to the Channel of the Lake Maeotis. The Country on each side is all in Subjection to, and inhabited by the Tartars, but so very thinly that all the Coast is like a desert. From the Channel of the Palus Maeotis to Mingrelia they reckon it Six Hundred Miles along the Coast, which consists of pleasant Mountains covered with Woods, inhabited by the Circassians whom the Turks call Cherks. By the Ancients they were generally called Zageans, as also Mountaineers. Pomponious Mela calls 'em Sargacians. They are neither the Subjects of the Port, nor Tributary to it; their Climate being very bad, cold and moist; it produces no Wheat, nor indeed does it afford any thing that is rare and valuable; which is the reason that the Turks leave all this vast Country to the Natives, not worth the Toil of Conquering, nor the Charge of Keeping. The Vessels that are bound from Constantinople and Caffa for Mingrelia, cast Anchors in several places along these Coasts, and stay at every place a Day or two: During which time they Trade with the Cherks with their Arms i' their Hands. For when any of them desire to come aboard, they give Hostages, and so they likewise do when any of the Seamen or Persons in the Ship desire to go ashore, which is very seldom; for they are a very perfidious People: and therefore they give three Hostages for one. The Seamen carry thither all the very same Commodities which they carry into Mingrelia, for which they take in Exchange Slaves of all Sexes and Ages; Honey, Wax, Leather, and Chacal-Skins; which Chacal is a Beast like a Fox, but much bigger. Zerdava's, which is a Fur that resembles a Martin; with the Furs of other Beasts that breed in the Mountains of Circassia. Which is all to be had among these People. They Exchange their Commodities after this manner: The Ship-Boat Rows close to the Shoar, and they that are in it are well armed. Nor will they suffer a greater Number of Cherks to come nearer the place where the Boat lies then they themselves are: For if they see a greater Number approach, they presently put out to Sea. When they are come so near as to talk one to another, they show their Commodities, agree upon the Barter to be made, and presently make the Exchange: however it behoves 'em to stand upon their Guard all the while: For the Cherks are Infidelity and Perfidy itself; and it is an Impossibility for 'em to find an Opportunity to steal, but they take their Advantage.  
They are a People altogether Savage: formerly Christians; but now of no Religion, not having so much as the Light of Nature among 'em. For I look upon their Superstitious Customs as nothing; which seem to be a Mixture borrowed from the Christians and mahometans their Neighbours. They live in Wooden Huts, and go almost Naked. Every Person is a sworn Enemy to those that live in the Provinces round about 'em. The Inhabitants make Slaves one of another, and sell one another to the Turks and Tartars. And for their Ground the Women Till and Manure it. The Cherks and their Neighbours live upon a kind of Paste made of a very small Grain like to Millet: and they who have Traffic along these Coasts will tell ye a Thousand Stories of the Barbarous Customs of these People. However there is no safety in believing the Reports which are spread abroad either of those that live upon the Seacoasts, or of those that inhabit farther up in the Country; in regard that no body travels thither, and all that we know is by means of the Slaves that are brought from thence, who are all mere Savages, from whom there is nothing to be learned of Certainty. This is the reason why I have made no more Descriptions of Places in my Map of the Black-Sea, which is at the beginning of this Book, choosing rather to leave a space for the Circassians and Abca's void, then to fill it up upon the Credit of People so illiterate, who for the most part can hardly tell the North from the South.  
The Abca's border upon the Cherks, possessing about a Hundred Miles of the Sea-Coast between Mingrelia and Circassia. However they are not altogether so much Savages as the Cherks, but they are equally inclined with Them to Thieving and Robbery. The Seamen also Trade with 'em, with the same Precautions as with their Neighbours already mentioned. They stand in need of the same Commodities as their Neighbours, and make their Exchanges in Slaves, Furs, Does and Tigers Skins, Linen, Thread, Box, Wax and Honey.  
The 10th of September we arrived at Isgaour: Which is a Road belonging to Mingrelia, pretty safe in the Summer: and there the Vessels that Trade into Colchis lie; so that we saw seven great Ships there, when we arrived in the Road. Presently our Captain fastened his own Vessel to four Anchors, two at the Prow and two at the Poop, and carried his Masts and his Yards ashore. As for Isgaour it is a desert place without any Habitations: only according to the Number of Traders that come thither, they build up Huts and Booths of Boughs, as they find themselves secure from the Abca's, which does not often happen. But besides those Huts, there is not one House to be seen.  
Now before I enter into the Relation of the Hardships which I suffered, and the Dangers I underwent in Mingrelia, I shall give ye a Description of the Country and Parts that border about it, without intermixing any thing Dubious, or what I have not learned by exact Information.  
Colchis is situated at the end of the Black-Sea. To the East it is enclosed with a little Kingdom, which makes a part of Georgia, which by the People of the Country is called Imiretta, by the Turks, Pacha tchcouk or Pacha Koutchouk, as much as to say, the Little Prince: to the South, by the Black-Sea; to the West, by the Abca's; and to the North, by Mount Caucasus. In length it lies between the Sea and the Mountains; in breadth, it extends from the Abca's to the Kingdom of Imiretta. The Corax and Phasis, famous Rivers in Ancient History, at present called Coclours and Rione, serve for its Bounds; while the first parts it from the Abca's; the second from Imiretta. The length of Colchis is a Hundred and Ten Miles at most, the breadth Sixty. Which I know to be true, not only by the concurring Report of the People of the Country, but also as having crossed it myself from one end to the other. It was formerly Fortified against the Abca's by a Wall Sixty Miles in length, which has been laid in Ruins these many Years: So that now the Thick Forests are its chiefest Defence, and its greatest Security. The Inhabitants of Caucasus, that border upon Colchis, are the Alane's, whose Country was formerly the Northern Frontier of Armenia; the Suane's, the Gigue's, the Caracioles or Caracherks; a sort of People more Barbarous than their Names. These Caracherks, as they are called by the Turks, that is to say, the Black Circassiens, are the Northern Circassians. The Turks so call 'em, though they are the fairest People in the World, by reason of the Fogs and Clouds that continually darken their Sky. Formerly they were Christians; and some Relics of their Customs they retain, and some certain Ceremonies also they observe, yet at present they profess no Religion, but live by Robbery and Rapine, utterly ignorant of all Arts and Sciences, and having nothing that may entitle 'em to Humanity, but their Speech. They are much taller and more portly than other People; so furious in their Looks, and speaking with such a terrible Tone, that you may easily thence discern their Dispositions and their Courage to be no less savage. Their very Countenances are frightful to look upon; more especially when you come to experience their Civility, and understand 'em to be the most resolute Assassins', and most daring Robbers in the World.  
The Ancient Kingdom of Colchis was not so small a Kingdom as now; for it extended on the one side to the Palus Maeotis, and the other way as far as Iberia. The Capital City was also called Colchis, seated at the Mouth of Phasis upon the Western side of the River, and that was the Reason that Mingrelia was formerly called Colchis; for that Mingrelia is bounded by this River, to the East. Our Modern Geographers have seated another City which they call Fasso, in the place where Colchis stood; but this I know myself to be a grand Mistake.  
All the Oriental People call Colchis Odische, and the Colchians Mingrelians; though I could never understand the Etymology of either of those Words. The Country itself is unequal; full of Hills and Mountains, Valleys and Plains; which causes great variety of Prospect, and it rises insensibly from the Seashore. It is almost all over covered with Woods, except the Fields that are Manured, which are not very many: and besides, the Woods are so thick and tall, and the Trees grow so fast, that if they did not grub up the Roots that spread themselves into the Tilled Land, and the Highways, the whole Country in a short time would be nothing but a Thick Forest altogether Impassable. The Air is temperate as well in respect of the Heat as Cold, but very moist and very unwholesome in regard of the extreme wet Wether; for it reins there almost perpetually. In Summer the Moisture of the Earth, being heated by the Sun, infects the Air, and causes not only frequent Pestilences, but several other Distempers and Diseases. Therefore insupportable to Strangers. For it reduces 'em to a Ghastly Leanness, and renders 'em in a Years time yellow, juiceless and faint. The Natives of the Country, more used to the Climate, are not so much incommoded by it, for the time that they live, which is seldom above Threescore Years.  
Colchis abounds with Water-Streams, which fall from the Mountains of Caucasus, and discharge themselves into the Black-Sea. The Principal Rivers are Codours, which is that Corax I have already mentioned; the Socom, which I take to be the Terscen of Arrian, and the Thasseris of Ptolemy; the Langur, called by the Ancients Astolphus; the Cobi, by Arrian called Cobo, which before it enters into the Sea, meets with another River called Cianiscari, which was the Ancient Cianeus. The Tacheur which Arrian calls Sigamus; The Scheniscari, that is to say, The River Horse, so called from the Rapidness of its course, and which the Greeks for the same Reason call Hippus, and the Abascia to which Strabo gives the Name of Glaucus, Arrian that of Caries, and Ptolemy that of Caritus. These two Rivers intermix with Phasis, about Twenty Miles from the place where it discharges itself into the Sea. I have set down as well the Ancient as Modern Names of the Mingrelian Rivers, in regard that all the Historical Geographers, especially Arrian, and several of the Moderns place 'em ill. But besides these Rivers there are are some others of lesser note; of which I say no more, for that before they fall into the Sea, they lose themselves in those larger Torrents already mentioned.  
The Soil of Colchis is very bad, and produces little Corn or Pulse. The Fruits are almost all wild, without any taste, and very unwholesome; and yet there grow in Colchis almost as many sorts as we have in France. They have also very large Melons, but they are worth very little or nothing. The only Fruit that thrives best in this Country are their Grapes; of which there is great Plenty. The Vines grow about the Trees, and run up to the very Top of the Boughs. I have seen some Stocks of these Vines that have been so large, that I could hardly compass 'em with both my Arms. They prune their Vines every four Years, and as for the Wine of Mingrelia I must needs say it is most excellent. It is strong, and has a very good Body; pleasing to the Taste, and comfortable to the Stomach. Nor do I know where there is better in any part of Asia. So that if the Country People knew how to make Wine so well as we do, theirs would be the best in the World. But they never take any pains at all with it. They only hollow the larger Trunks of great Trees, which they make use of in stead of Tubs. In those they bruise and squeeze the Grapes, and then pour out the Juice into great Earthen Jars, which they bury in their Houses, or else hard by. These Vessels contain about two or three Hundred Quarters. And when the Vessel is full, they close it up with a Wooden Cover, and then lay the Earth upon it. For indeed they cover these Urns just after the same manner as I have told ye that the Eastern People cover the Pits where they store up their Corn.  
The Earth is so moist in Mingrelia in Seedtime, that for fear of softening too much the Land where they sow their Wheat and Barley, they never Plough it at all. They only cast their Grain upon the Top of the Earth, and that is sufficient: for it comes up without any farther trouble, taking root a foot deep in the Mould. The Mingrelians moreover affirm, That should they Plough their Ground where they sow their Barley and Wheat, it would be so soft that the least Wind would lodge the Stalks, so that they would never be able to rise again. Their other Lands they plough, and sow their other Grain with Ploughs and Ploughshares of Wood, which make however as deep Furrows as if they were of Iron, by reason of the softness and moisture of the Earth, as I have already said.  
Their usual Grain is Gom: which is a sort of Grain as small as Coriander Seed, and very much resembles Millet. Which they sow in the Springtime after the same manner as they do Rice: for they make a Hole in the Ground with their Finger, then put in the Grain and cover it. This Grain produces a Stalk about the bigness of a Man's Thumb, and grows up as high as most Men are tall; at the end of which there is an Ear that contains above Three Hundred Grains: And indeed the Gom-Stalk is very like to the Sugar-Cane. They gather this Grain in October, and presently lay it upon high Hurdles exposed to the Sun; which they do to dry it. After it has been Twenty Days upon the Hurdles, they bind it up in Sheaves; but they thrash it only as they have occasion to boil it, and they never boil it, but just before they go to eat it. It is insipid and heavy. Yet is it presently boiled, and in less than half an hour after it is put into the Water, they stir it softly with a Stick; and after it has stood never so little upon the Fire, it turns into Past. When the Grain is all dissolved, and the Past well wrought together, they lessen the Fire, let the Water boil away, and the Past harden and dry in the Skellet where it was boiled.  
This Past is very white; and some there is, which they make as white as Snow. They serve it upon little Woodden Peels made on purpose. And this sort of Bread the Turks call Pasta, the Mingrelians, Gom, being easily broken between the Fingers: but it is of a very cold and laxative Quality; nor is it worth any thing, after it is once cold, or when it is heated a second time. However the Circassians, Mingrelians, and Georgians, who are Tributary to the Turks, the Abca's, the Mountaineers of Caucasus, and all that inhabit the Coasts of the Black-Sea from the Lake Maeotis to Trebisond, live all upon this Past. 'Tis all the Bread they have, nor have they any other; and indeed they are so accustomed to it, that they prefer it before Bread made of Wheat, as I have observed in most parts of those Countries which I have seen. Nor do I wonder at it; for when Necessity constrained me to make it my Food, I found it so acceptable to my Palate, that I could hardly leave it, when I came where I met with our usual Bread. Besides, I found myself very well, and my Body in a better Condition of Health then before. In Armenia and Georgia I saw a great many of the Turkish and Georgian Lords, and among the rest the Prince of Tiftles and the Bassa of Akalzike, who sent for this Grain and eat it for a Delicacy: but it requires good store of Wine to wash it down, to correct and temper its cold and laxative Quality.  
Besides this Gom, they have in Mingrelia great plenty of Millet, some Rice, with Wheat and Barley, but very scarce. The People of Quality many times eat Wheaten Bread for a Dainty; but the meaner sort never so much as taste of it.  
The ordinary Food of the Country is Beef and Pig; of which latter they have an extraordinary plenty, and that so good, that the World does not afford better. There is also Goat's Flesh, but very lean, neither is it well tasted. Their Wildfowl is very good, but very scarce. While I was there, there was hardly any to be got, by reason that the Wars had harassed all the Country. For Fish, there is none but Saltfish, which is brought from Turkey; Tunny Fish, and some few small Quantities of other Fish at certain seasons of the Year. Their Venison in Mingrelia is the Wild Boar, the Hart, the Stag, the Fallow Deer and Hare: which is so excellent that there cannot be better Food. Partridge they have also, Pheasants and Quails in abundance, some River-Fowl, and Wild Pigeons, which are very good Meat, and as big as our Crammed Chicken. The Mingrelians catch these Pigeons with Nets, and take great Numbers of 'em in Autumn; for in the Winter they return to the Mountains of Caucasus.  
The Nobility of Mingrelia spend their whole time in the Field: and their chiefest delight is in Birds of Prey, which they tame and afterwards make use of for their sport. And indeed it may be truly said that these Birds of Prey are no where in the World in greater Numbers then in Mingrelia, as Lanner-Hawks, Gos-Hawks, Hobbies and others, which build and breed in Mount Caucasus. The young Ones, as soon as they are fledge, resort to the Forests round about, where they take great Numbers, and reclaim 'em in five or six days.  
But of all their Flights, that which yields the most delightful Pastime, is that of the Falcon at the Heron. For River-Fowl and Pheasants they only make use of their Sparrow-Hawks. To which purpose, as they do in Persia and Turkey, they carry a little Drum at the Pummel of their Saddles to put up the Wildfowl with the Noise, and then let fly their Hawks at the Game. When they take any Herons, they only cut off the Feathers upon their Heads to make Heron Tufts for Bonnets, and then let 'em go again: for the People of the Country affirm, that the Feathers grow again as fair and as beautiful as they were at first. Besides the Fowl already named, and which are to be found in Mingrelia, there are other strange Fowl as well for their Shape as Feathers, altogether unknown in our parts; and not only those, but a great Number of Eagles and Pelicans. All which Caucasus produces, besides a great Number of Wild Beasts, as Tigers, Leopards, Lions, Wolves, and Chacalls; which are Creatures much resembling Foxes, only that they are much bigger, and their Hair is much more thick and shaggy: and some will have this Chacal to be the Hyaena of the Ancients. For it digs up dead Bodies, and devours both living Creatures and Carrion. They bury their Dead in the Eastern Country without Coffins, only in their Winding-sheets. And therefore I have seen 'em in some parts roll great Stones over the Graves of the Deceased, only for fear of these Beasts to prevent 'em from digging up the Graves, and devouring the dead Bodies. For Mingrelia is full of these Chacalls and Wolves; insomuch that they beset the very Houses themselves, where they make a most dreadful howling Noise. The worst is, they make most terrible Havoc among their cattle and Horses. The Superior of the Theatins assured me, that in one Week the Wolves eat him up three Horses and a Colt, close by the House.  
There are a great Number of Horses, and very good ones too, in Mingrelia, of which every Man has a great many, in regard they cost 'em little or nothing to keep. For as soon as they alight, they take off their Bridles and Saddles, and turn 'em a Field: Nor do they ever Shoe 'em, or give 'em any other Food or Provender, than what they graze of themselves.  
In Mingrelia are neither Cities nor Towns, only two Villages by the Seaside: But all the Houses are scattered so thick up and down in the Country; that you shall hardly travel a Mile, but you shall meet with Three or Four together. There are also Nine or Ten Castles, of which the chiefest is called Rucs, where the Prince of Mingrelia keeps his Court. This Castle is surrounded with a Stone-Wall, but so ill built, and so thin, that the least Field-Piece will make its way through it: however there are some few Cannon within it; but the rest of the Castles have none at all: being all built after this manner.  
In some level and open place in a Wood, they erect a Stone-Tower about Thirty or Forty Foot High, sufficient to contain Fifty or Sixty Persons. This is the strongest part of the Tower, where they secure all the Treasure of the Lord, and of those that desire his Protection. Close by this, stand Five or Six other Towers built of Wood, much lower than the middlemost, which are the Storehouses for their Provision; and where they put their Wives and Children, when they happen at any time to be assaulted. Beside which there are within the compass of the open place, several Huts made of Carpenter's Work; others, with Boughs of Trees, others of Canes and Reeds. The space is enclosed with a very thick Hedge and with the Wood itself, which is so thick that it is impossible to come near those retirements but by the way which is cut open on purpose. Which passage, when they are afraid of an Enemy, they dig up and cover with Trees, that 'tis impossible to be forced. Nor do the Colchians ever retire to these Castles, but when they are in fear of an Enemy; for when the danger is past they return to their Houses.  
The Houses in Mingrelia are all of Carpenter's Work; and Building is very cheap, by reason of the great Plenty of Wood Of these Houses, the Poorer sort contain but one Story: nor have those of the Gentry and Nobility themselves above two. The lower Rooms are always furnished with Beds and Couches to lie down and sit upon, by reason of the great Moisture of the Earth. The Persons of Quality sit upon Carpets, the meaner sort upon Forms. But their Houses are very inconvenient and Nasty; as having neither Chimneys nor Windows. The Fire place is in the middle, and the light comes in at the Door. Their Houses are built upon no Foundations, which is the reason that they are easily Robbed. For the Thiefs dig a hole under the first Beam that lies upon the Ground, and supports all the rest of the Fabric, and so creep into the House. And as soon as the People begin to stir, they get out again with the same ease. Which Inconvenience constrains the Country People to have no more than one Room for every Family. Where they keep all that they have about 'em, except their Corn, and sometimes their Wine. So that they lie all together, and House their cattle in the Night.  
Mingrelia breeds very good Blood; So that the Men are very well shaped, and the Women very handsome. Those that are of any Quality carry always in their Countenances some certain Features and Graces that are very Charming. I have seen some wonderfully well shaped, that have had a very Majestic Air, with an Aspect and Proportion much to be admired. Besides, they have those Obliging Glances, that win the Affections of all that behold 'em, and seem as it were to command their Love. They that are not so handsome, or in years, paint abominably, Colouring their Kickshaws, their Cheeks, Foreheads, Noses and Chins; but the rest only paint their Kickshaws. They dress themselves with all the curiosity they can. Their Habit is like that of the Persians: but their Head-Attire is much like that of the European Women, even to the curling of their Locks. They wear a Veil that covers only the Top and Hinder part of the Head. They are naturally very subtle and of clear and quick Apprehensions. Extremely Civil, full of Ceremonies and Compliments; but otherwise the wickedest Women in the World, Haughty, Furious, Perfidious, Deceitful, Cruel, and Impudent. So that there is no sort of Wickedness which they will not put in Execution, to procure Lovers, preserve their Affection, or else to destroy 'em.  
The Men are endued with all these Mischievous Qualities with some Addition. There is no Wickedness, to which their Inclinations do not naturally carry 'em. But all addicted to Thievery. That, they make their study; that they make their whole Employment, their Pastime and their Glory. Assassination, Murder and Lying are among them esteemed to be noble and brave Actions. But for Concubinage, Adultery, Bigamy, Incest, and all Vices of that Nature, they are Virtues in Mingrelia. They make nothing to take away one another's Wives by force: and they Mary their Aunts, their Nieces, and their Wives Sisters without any Scruple. He that has a mind to two Wives at a time, marries 'em without any more ado: and many there are that will have Three. Every Man keeps as many Concubines as they please; the Wives never grudging their Husbands that convenience: for there is seldom any such thing as Jealousy among 'em. If a Man take his Wife in the act with her Gallant, he has a Privilege to compel him to pay him a Pig by way of satisfaction; which they eat all Three together: and generally that is all the revenge the Person injured takes. But this is the greatest Wonder, that this Wicked Nation should maintain, that to have several Wives and Concubines is justifiable: for say they, they bring us many Children, which we sell for ready Money or Exchange for necessary Conveniences. Which is nothing to another most Inhuman Tenent of theirs, that it is a piece of Charity to Murder Infants newly Born, when they have not sufficient wherewith to maintain 'em; or such as are Sick and past hopes of recovery. And the reason they give is this, that by so doing, they put those Children out of a great deal of Misery which they would undergo in a languishing Distemper, which in the end must of necessity carry 'em off. Such are the Arguments of these Barbarous People that have neither shame, nor Humanity. I am afraid to tell the Truth, lest History should want belief in this particular, or that the Truths which I recount should be looked upon as the Exorbitances of Relation. But I aver 'em to be really true, as some actions which I shall recite, will sufficiently justify.  
The Gentlemen of the Country have full Power over the Lives and Estates of their Tenants, with whom they do what they please. They seize upon 'em, whether Wife or Children; they sell 'em, or dispose of 'em otherwise as they think fit. Every Countryman furnishes his Lord with so much Corn, cattle, Wine, and other Provisions, as he is able. So that their Wealth consists in the Number of their Vassals. Besides, every one is obliged to entertain his Lord Two or Three days in a Year at their own Expenses. Which is the reason that the Nobility, so long as the Year lasts, go from one place to another devouring their Tenants, and sometimes the Tenants of other Men.  
The Prince himself leads the same Life, so that 'tis a hard matter every day to know where to find him. When the Vassals of several Lords are at difference, their Masters decide the dispute: but when the Lords are at variance among themselves, force and main strength determine the Quarrel, and the stoutest Arm gets the better. There is not a Gentleman in Mingrelia but has some quarrel or other. And therefore it is, that they always go armed, and as numerously attended as they can. When they ride, they are armed at all Points, and their followers also; nor do they ever sleep without their Swords by their sides; and when they go to Bed, they sleep upon their Belleys, laying their Swords under 'em.  
Their Arms are a Lance, Bow and Arrows, a straight Sword, a Mace and a Buckler; but there are very few that carry Fire Arms. They are very good Soldiers, sit a Horse very well, and handle their Lances with an Extraordinary Dexterity.  
Their Habit is peculiar; and unless they be the Ecclesiastical Persons, they wear but very little Beard. They Shave all the Top of their Heads in a Circle, suffering the rest of their Hair to grow down to their Eyes, and then clip it round of an even length. They cover their Heads with a light Cap of Felt very thin pared, and cut into several Halfmoons about the Edges. In the Winter they wear a furred Bonnet: They are moreover so beggarly and so wretched, that for fear of spoiling their Caps or their Bonnets in the Rain, they will put 'em in their Pouches, and go Bareheaded. Over their Bodies they wear little Shirts, that fall down to their Knees, and tuck into a straight Pantaloon. Nor indeed is there any habit in the World more deformed than theirs. They carry a Rope several Fathoms long at their Girdles, to tie together such People or cattle which they Rob from their Neighbours, or take in War. The Nobles wear Leathern Girdles Four Fingers broad, full of Silver Studs, at which they hang a Knife, a Whetstone, and a Steel to strike Fire: together with Three Leathern Purses, the one full of Salt, the other of Pepper, and the other with Pack-Needles, Lesser-Needles, and Thread. The Poor People go almost naked; such is their Misery not to be paralleled; as not having any thing to cover their Nakedness but a pitiful sorry Felt like to the Chlamys of the Ancients; into which they thrust their Heads, and turn which way they please as the Wind sits; for it covers but one side of their Bodies, and falls down no lower than their Knees. There are some, that are pared very thin to keep out the Water, which are not so heavy as the common sort; that are ready to weigh a Man down, especially when through wet. He that has a Shirt and a pair of pitiful Drawers, thinks himself Rich; for almost all of 'em go Barefoot; and such of the Colchians as pretend to Shoes, have nothing but a piece of a Bufalo's Hide, and that untanned too; which piece of raw Hide is laced about their Feet with a Thong of the same: so that for all these sort of Sandals, their Feet are as dirty, as if they went Barefoot.  
Almost all the Mingrelians, both Men and Women, even the most noble and wealthy, never have but one Shirt, and one pair of Breeches at a time; which last 'em at least a Year: In all which time they never wash 'em above Three times: only Once or Twice a Week they shake 'em over the Fire, for the Vermin to drop off, with which they are mightily haunted; and indeed, I cannot say I ever saw any thing so Nasty and Loathsome. Which is the reason that the Mingrelian Ladies carry a very bad scent about 'em. I always accosted 'em, extremely taken with their Beauty; but I had not been a Minute in their Company, but the Rank Whiffs from their Skins quite stifled all my Amorous Thoughts.  
The Grandees Eat, sitting upon Carpets, after the manner of the Eastern People Their Napkin is only a piece of painted Cloth, or Leather, and sometimes they only wipe upon the Board's. The Ordinary sort sit upon a Form, with another Form before 'em of the same height, which serves for a Table. All their Dishes are of Wood to their very Drinking Cups: only among the People of Quality you shall see a little Silver Plate.  
Moreover it is the custom in this Savage Country, that the whole Family without distinction, Males and Females, Eat all together. The King with all his Train to his very Grooms. The Queen, her Women, Maids, Servants and all, to the very Lackeys that attend her. When it does not rain, they Dine in the open Courts, where they rank themselves, either in a Circle, or side by side, one below another, according to their Quality. If it be cold weather they make great rousing Fires in the Court where they eat; for Wood-Firing costs nothing in that Country, as I have said already. When they are sat down, Four Men, if the Family be great, bring upon their Shoulders a large Kettle full of Gom, or Grain boiled as I have already related; of which, most usually a Poor beggarly half-Naked Rascal serves upon a Wooden Plate, to every one his proportion, which weighs full Three Pound. Afterwards two other Servants, somewhat but not much better equipped, bring in another Kettle full of Grain more white than the other; which is only for the better sort. Upon Worky-Days they never give but only Gom to the Servants, the Masters being served with Pulse, or dried Fish roasted, or else Flesh. On holidays or when they make entertainments, they kill either a Hog, or an Ox, or a Cow, especially if they have no Venison. As soon as they have cut the Throat of the Beast, they dress it, and set it upon the Fire, without Salt, or Sauce, in the great Kettle where they boil their Past. When it has boiled a while, they take it from the Fire, throw away the Broth, and serve it in half-raw, without any seasoning. The Master of the House has always standing before him a large Portion of this Victuals: They set before him likewise all the Pulse, all the Bread, and all the Tame and Wildfowl. Who presently Carves for his Guests and his Friends their share They feed themselves with their Fingers, and that so nastily, that nothing but extremity of hunger could provoke the meanest of our Europeans to Eat at the Tables of those Barbarians. When they have begun to Eat, there are two Persons, that serve the Drink round the Table: Among the common sort, this Office is performed by Women or Maids. 'Tis the same Incivility among them, to call for Wine, as to refuse it. For they must stay till it is presented, and take it, when 'tis given 'em. They never give less than a Pint at a Draught; which at their Ordinary Meals is thrice done; but at Feasts and Banquets, the Guests, and the Gentry Drink on till they are Drunk.  
The Mingrelians and their Neighbours are very Great Drinkers; far exceeding the Germans, and all the Northern People They never mix their Wine, but Drink it pure, both Men and Women. But when they are once Heated, they think their Pints too little, and therefore Drink out of their Dishes, and out of the Pitcher itself. While I lay near Cotatis, I lodged at a Gentleman's House, who was one of the stoutest Drinkers in all the Country: and while I stayed at his House, he made a Feast for Three of his Friends; at what time they were all Four so set upon Carousing, that from Ten in the Morning till Ten in the Evening, they Drank out a whole Charge of Wine, that weighed Three Hundred Pound Weight. It is also a custom among these People, practised by all the World, to rise from the Table, and empty as often as they have occasion, and when they return, they sit down without ever Washing their Hands. They provoke their Guests and their Friends, as much as they can, to Drink; it being chiefly at the Table that they observe Civility, and are free of their Compliments. Their discourses between Man and Man, are only Stories of their Robberies, their Wars, Duels, Murders, and Selling of Slaves. Neither is their discourse any better among the Women: for they are pleased with all sorts of Love-Tales, let 'em be never so Obscene, or never so Lascivious: and their Children learn their filthy Words and Phrases, assoon as they can speak; insomuch that by that time they come to be Ten Years of Age, all their discourse with the Women, is the most beastly that a Brothel-House can utter. And certainly the Education of their Children in Mingrelia, is the most Vicious and Lewd in the World. Their Father's bring 'em up to Thievery, and their Mothers to Obscenity.  
Mingrelia is at present very much dispeopled; there not being in it above Twenty Thousand Inhabitants. Though it is not above Thirty Years ago, that there was no less than Fourscore Thousand. The cause of which Decrease proceeds from their Wars with their Neighbours, and the vast number of People of both Sexes, which the Nobility have sold of late Years. For a long time there has been drained out of Mingrelia every Year, either by Purchase or Barter, above Twelve Thousand Persons; all which are sold to the Mahometans, Persians and Turks, there being none but they, that deal in that sort of Traffic in those parts. They carry Three Thousand every Year directly to Constantinople, which they have in Exchange for Cloth, Arms, and other things which they carry, as I have said, into Mingrelia. To which purpose there came every Year Twelve Sail of Ships from Constantinople and Caffa, and above Sixty Feluques from Gorica, Trissa and Trebisond. The Commodities which they export from Mingrelia, besides Slaves, are Silk, Linen Thread, and Woven, Linseed, Hides, martin's, beaver's, Box, Wax and Honey. The Honey of Mingrelia is very Good; and there are two sorts of it, the one Red, the other White; the White is not so plentiful as the other, but it is much better and more Sweet; Sweeter indeed then refined Sugar, very delicious to the Taste, and Crumples between the Teeth. Besides their Garden Honey, there is another sort is found in the Trunks and Clefts of Hollow-Trees in great abundance; which the Vessels from Caffa carry into Tartary, where they make a very strong Liquor of it, mixed with Barley. The Turks make great profit of their Mingrelion Trade, selling for Four, what they buy for one Crown; but their greatest advantage is by their Slaves.  
Certainly the Inhumanity of these Mingrelians, their unnatural Cruelty toward their own Country Men, and particularly of some of 'em toward their own Flesh and Blood, are things hardly to be Credited. They Study Opportunities to fall out with their own Vassals, merely to find a Pretence to Sell 'em, with their Wives and Children. They force away their Neighbours Children from the Embraces of their Parents, to the same end, and sometimes they will sell their own Children, Wives and Mothers: And I have been showed several Gentlemen who have been so Prodigiously Unnatural. One of those Gentlemen sold Twelve Priests in one Day. In which Piece of Impiety there is one particular passage so strange, that it deserves to be related as an Example not to be Paralleled.  
This Gentleman fell in Love with a Lady, whom he resolved to Marry, though he had a Wife already. To which purpose he Courted the Lady, and obtained her Good William. Now it is the Custom in Mingrelia, to purchase their Wives, and they Buy 'em, according to their Quality, their Age, and their Beauty. Thereupon the Gentleman not knowing where to raise the Sum which he had promised for the Enjoyment of his Mistress, nor to defray the Expenses of his Wedding, but by selling of Slaves, and for that reason reduced to Despair, bethought himself of a Piece of Treachery, the most Infamous and Wicked that could be. To that purpose he invited Twelve Priests to his House, to hear a Solemn Mass and offer a kind of Sacrifice, upon which the Priests went very Cheerfully, never Dreaming that he intended to have sold 'em to the Turks, the like Practice having never been heard of before in Mingrelia. The Gentleman on the other side received 'em very Courteously, caused 'em to say Mass, and to offer an Ox, and afterwards gave 'em an Entertainment. But after he had made 'em to take a Hearty Cup, he caused his Servants to seize 'em, Bind 'em, Shave their Heads and their Beards, and the Night following carried 'em to a Turkish Vessel, where he sold 'em for Household Goods, and other Necessaries, but finding he had not yet enough to pay for his Mistress, and his Nuptials, this Tiger went and fetched his own Wife, and sold her to the same Vessel.  
All the Trade in Mingrelia is driven by way of Barter: for there is no set price of Money among the People: the currant Money are the Piastres, Dutch Crowns, and Abasse's, which are Pieces made in Georgia, and Stamped with the Persian Stamp, to the value of Eighteen Pence every Piece. 'Tis true that the Prince of Mingrelia, who died about Twenty Years ago, began to Coin Money of his own. But the Mint did not work long, in regard there was but little Silver brought into the Country, and for that the Country produces none at all, no more than it does Gold, or any other Metal. I know not what is become of that Gold-Gravel, and Golden-Sand which the People sponged out of the Water with their Sheepskins, according to the Ancient Stories, and which gave occasion to the Fable of the Golden Fleece. There is no such thing in Colchis, nor in the Mountains or Rivers adjoining. So that which way soever ye go, there is no possibility of Reconciling Antiquity with the present Times.  
Mingrelia of itself is not able to raise above Four Thousand Men, fit to bear Arms; which are also all Cavalry for the most part; there not being above Three Hundred Foot to join with these Horsemen. Nor are the Soldiers Marshaled into Regiments and Companies. But every Lord, and every Gentleman, leads his own People to the Fight, without Order, without Ranks, without Officers; and they follow their Leader, whether it be in Flight, or to the Charge.  
The Wars of the Mingrelians, and their Neighbours, are indeed but mere Incursions, and Boots-Halings; and when they make their Inroads into the Enemy's Country, they fall on with an Extraordinary Fury; for they want neither Courage nor Resolution. When they have put the Enemy to Flight, they vigorously follow the pursuit, and overrun all the Country, Burn and Plunder all before 'em, carry away Prisoners of all Sexes and Degrees, and then retreat with the same Impetuosity. They take as many Prisoners as they can; so that when they have Dismounted any one, presently they leap from their Horses, bind the Person Vanquished, with the Cords which they carry at their Girdles, as I have said, and deliver 'em to the Custody of their Servants. He that has taken a Prisoner, has Power over him of Life and Death, he may dispose of him as he pleases; but generally they make 'em their Slaves, and sell 'em to the Turks. On the other side, when these People are invaded, they show themselves at the Ford of some River, where they lay their Musketeers in Ambuscado, endeavouring to prevent the Enemy's Passage. At what time, if the Enemy forces his way, they fly to the Woods, leaving the Country to their Mercy: So that the Wars with these People never last long. In less than Fifteen Days the War is at an end, and the Enemy retreats, after he has ravaged, and ransacked all the Country.  
The Revenues of the Prince of Mingrelia, amount at most, to no more than Twenty Thousand Crowns a Year. Which arises from the Customs of what is Imported and Exported out of the Country, the Slaves which he sells, and his Impositions and Fines. All this he lays up; for he is not at a Farthing Expense, for his Slaves serve him for nothing, and his Crown Lands furnish him with more Provision for his Court then he can spend. He often Presents the King of Persia with Falcons, and all sorts of Birds of Prey. For which the King of Persia sends him Rich Tissues, Carpets, Tapestries, Arms, all sorts of Cups and Dishes, and such other Necessaries, of which such a beggarly Prince as the Prince of Mingrelia, may be thought to stand in need. He also keeps the same Correspondence with the Cam of Georgia. His Court upon Solemn Festivals consists of Two Hundred Gentlemen, upon other Days, not above Six Score. His Train consists of Three Hundred Persons besides Gentlemen. And as for the Princess, she is attended by a Hundred of hoth Sexes: but upon Festival Days, she shows a Court of about Sixty Ladies, all handsome and well dressed.  
The Religion of the Colchians, has formerly as I believe, been the same with that of the Greeks. The Ecclesiastical Historians say, That a Slave Converted to the Christian Faith, the King, the Queen, and all the Nobility of Colchis, in the time of Constantine the Great, who sent both Priests and Doctors to Baptise the new-Converted, and to instruct 'em in the Mysteries of Christianity. Others assert, That they owe for their knowledge of Christianity, to one Cyril, whom the Sclavonians in their Language call Chiusil, who lived about the Year 860. The Mingrelians also show ye, by the Sea side, at a Place called Pigivitas near the River Corax, a Church with three Bodies, which is a very large one; assuring ye withal, that St. Andrew Preached in the Place where that Church was built. I have seen it at a distance; and it seemed to be a very great Pile of Building so far as a Man may guests a Mile off. The Catholicos once in his Life goes thither to make the Holy Oil, which the Greeks call Mirone. I never discoursed of Religion with any Mingrelian, having never found any one, that either knew what Religion, Law, Sin, the Sacraments, or Divine Service were. All I could learn was only this, That the Women sometimes light up small round Candles, which they fix to the Doors of their Houses, or of some Church, where they burn at the same time a Grain of Incense and turning toward the Sun, bow their Bodies very low several times, and cross themselves all over from Head to Foot.  
The Priests and Bishops perform the Ecclesiastical Ceremonies, say Mass, and Baptise. I have seen 'em at the performance of their Functions, when no Body has been present for want of Devotion. But in regard I did not understand the Language which they spoke, I had rather in stead of relating what I only saw and heard by report, recite what I met with out of an Italian Manuscript concerning the Religion of the Mingrelians and Georgians, written by Father Joseph Maria Zampi a Mantuan, Superior of the Theatins in Mingrelia. For that Friar who made me a Present of the Manuscript, had lived there Twenty Three Years, and could not be ignorant either of their Ceremonies or their Belief: which made him write at large his own knowledge of the Mingrelian Piety. And this is that which he speaks more particularly, and as it lies in the Manuscript.  
The Mingrelians, says he, are fallen into the profoundest Abyss of Ignorance and Darkness, that the Understanding of Man was ever plunged in: in regard the people have not the least Idea of Faith or Religion; while the most part look upon Life Eternal, the Day of Judgement, and the Resurrection of the Dead, to be mere Fables, and Humane Invention. Nor do the Clergy perform any Ecclesiastical Duties, there being hardly one of the whole Herd, that can either Write or Read. They have utterly lost the Knowledge of the true service of God: only the Priests make a public profession of foretelling things to come, and make the people believe that their Books do show 'em the success of future Events. With which Imposture the Mingrelians are so obstinately bewitched that when any one falls sick, they call the Priests, not to make Confession of their Sins, or to Recommend their Souls to their Prayers, which is the least thing that troubles the Patient, but to bid 'em look in their Books, and see whether he shall die of that Distemper or no; to tell 'em the event and success of it, and what was the reason that he was visited with that Sickness. Presently the Priest falls to turning over the Leaves of his Book which he carries along with him, and after he has turned 'em over and over, and over and over again, he pronounces with the Voice of an Oracle, That such a Cati (for so the Mingrelians call their Images) is angry with him, and has therefore stricken him with that Disease; nor will he be appeased without a good Present, which if he do not send forthwith, the Image will certainly ruin him. Which Present is to be either a Pig, or a Goat, or an Ox, or else Ready Money. The poor sick person upon this, being dreadfully afraid of death, fails not immediately to give the Priests what they appoint for an Offering to the Idol, who divide the spoil among themselves; and in that manner cozen the poor sick person.  
The Catholicos of Mingrelia is the Head of all the Clergy of that Country, of the Abca's, of Guriel, of Mount Caucasus, and Imiretta. Whom the Prince of Mingrelia appoints and deposes as he pleases himself. His Revenue is very great, as having Four Hundred Vassals under him, who furnish his House with all Things necessary for Human Life, and many other Superfluities. He sells their Children to the Turks besides, and as it is his Employment to visit the Dioceses under his Jurisdiction, he visits 'em indeed, but it is not for the good of his Flock, to instruct the people, or to examine the Miscarriages of the Inferior Clergy: Those Cares never trouble his Brains nor his Thoughts; but his main business is, to rake Money together, to suck the Blood of the poor people, and dispoil 'em of what they have. And as to the Train that attends this Catholicos when he makes his Visitations, it consists of no less than Two Hundred persons.  
The outward Sanctity of this Pontiff consists in a continual abstinence from Flesh, and Wine only during Lent; and in long Prayers Day and Night. He is so ignorant that he can hardly read his Breviary and Missal. And there is so much to be said concerning his Simony, that it would be a difficult task to make a true recital of it. I shall therefore say no more than this, That he never Consecrates a Bishop for less than Six Hundred Crowns; that he never says Mass for the Dead, under Eight Hundred; nor any other Masses under a Hundred Crowns a Piece. Not long since the Prince of Mingrelia's Vizier, being sick, made his Confession to him, and gave him Fifty Crowns. Which the Catholicos took for so small a Remuneration, that upon the Vizier's falling sick again, and sending for him to make a new Confession, he sent him word, that he should pay for his first Confession, and then he would come and hear what he had to say.  
There are Six Bishops in Mingrelia, but those Prelates take no care of the Souls of their Flocks, nor do they ever visit their Churches, or their Dioceses. They suffer the Priests to live in all manner of Errors, and the People to prostitute themselves to all manner of Vices; they understand not the Form of Baptism: they let Polygamy Reign, and permit the Mothers to Bury their new Born Children alive. And though they have been often reproved for so much Cruelty more than Barbarous; Remonstrances operate nothing upon 'em; this Inhumanity being become a Custom. The Clergy tolerates it, and the Prince near Prohibits any one that pleases, from putting it in practice. The chief Employments of the Bishops, is continual Feasting and Banqueting, where they are Drunk almost every Day: they are Rich and go Sumptuousl-y Habited; their Principal Revenue arising from what they Sponge from their Vassals, and the price of the Women and Children, which they sell to the Turks.  
They abstain from Flesh, after the manner of the Greek Bishops, and include the whole Christian Religion, within the practice of Fasting. They do not believe themselves obliged to any other Duty; but believe themselves acquitted of all the Precepts of Christianity, by Fasting. Their Cathedral Church is indifferent neatly kept, and well adorned with Images, after the Grecian manner, dressed up and finified with Gold and Jewels. They believe that in Beautifying their Images they satisfy the Justice of God, and that the offering of a Jewel, to an Image wipes away all their Sins. And this is the way which they take, when they have offended themselves.  
Their Apparel is very Magnificent, considering the Country, being of Scarlet and Velvet. It differs little from the secular Habit. That which makes the peculiar distinction between 'em, is the long Beard which they wear, with a black Bonnet, Round and High, made after the Fashion of the Greek Monks. They wear Chains of Gold about their Necks, go a Hunting, and many times to the Wars, where they Fight no less Courageously at the Head of their Slaves, than the Gentry and Noblemen. There are some of 'em that are never Consecrated, which nevertheless does not hinder 'em from bestowing Orders, as if they were Consecrated.  
There are in Mingrelia, certain Monks of the Order of St. Basil, which they call Berres, who wear the same Habit as the Greek Monks, and observe the same manner of living. And a Child may be made one of these Monks by his Father and Mother only. They Consecrate him in his Infancy, by putting a black Bonnet upon his Head, suffering his Hair to grow, hindering him from eating Flesh, and telling him upon all occasions that he is a Berre. All this while the Infant understands nothing more what belongs to his Condition, and all his Life long never minds any thing else but to observe his Fasts as others that bear the same Title with himself.  
There are also Nuns of the same Order, who observe Fasting Days, and wear a black Veil; but they have neither Nunneries, neither are they under any Vows or Subordination. They that have taken upon 'em to wear the Veil of Sanctity, and to observe Fasting, when they are weary of well-doing, quit their Habit and their Temperance, when they please themselves: For that same manner of living is wholly at their own discretions, whether they be Maids, Wives or Widows; whether Divorced, whether Free or Slaves; no Condition is exempted from that Liberty.  
The Priests of Mingrelia are very numerous; and a sort of miserable Creatures that live upon whatever they can get, and marry again as often as they please themselves. There needs no more than to be able to read and say a Mass by Heart, to be admitted into the Priesthood For the Bishop never examines those that he admits into Orders, being many times more ignorant than they: especially if the Priest that desires to be admitted gives him the Value of a Horse for his Ordination. God alone knows the lamentable Condition of those Miserable Priests, and the Validity of their Priesthood; for many times it is a great Question, whether they are Baptised, and whether the Bishops that Ordain 'em, were ever Baptised or Consecrated themselves.  
Nor is it to be imagined how these Priests are contemned and scorned. They Till their own, and the Lands of their Lords, being no less Slaves than the Seculars; they follow 'em to the Wars, and carry their Baggage. Now that which causes this Contempt is their Ignorance, their Gluttony and their Poverty. Their Poverty is so great, that they go Barefoot, and all in Tattars that hardly cover their Tails. So that there is no respect given 'em but when they are sat down at Table; for than they are the first to whom they offer Drink; and they desire 'em to bless the Wine and the Food when they say Mass; and at another time when they are sent for to visit the Sick, and turn over their Books to know what Image the sick Party has offended, and what Present will appease him. They are only distinguished from the Seculars by their Beards, which they let grow very long: for the Seculars wear hardly any at all.  
There are but few of their Churches which have any Bells, but they call the people together by knocking with a good big Stick upon a Board. The Images in the Cathedrals are very well dressed; being encircled by the Offerings of the people, such as are Hearts Horns, Boars Jaws and Tusks, Pheasants Wings, and Weapons, to the end the Image should prosper 'em in their Hunting and Wars  
The Parish-Churches are more Nasty than Stables; the Images mangled and broken, and covered over with Dust and Spiders. Their Sanctum Sanctorum is so Nasty that I am ashamed to speak it. The Ornaments of the Altar are nothing but a few Nasty Tattered Clouts, torn and stained with Wine. Their Cup or Chalice is a Goblet of Wood as Nasty as may well be imagined; and the Cover of the Chalice is a Wooden Plate, as Nasty and as Greasy as the Chalice. When they have occasion they wipe it with the Curtain of the Sanctum Sanctorum, which is yet more Nasty than all that has been said; and I say the less, because I would not offend the Reader. But the Cathedrals are very clean and well adorned. And I could wish, that every Bishop had as much care of the Education and Instruction of his Flock, as he has of the Cleansing and Adorning his Church.  
The Worship which they pay to their Images, is an Idolatrous Worship. For they adore 'em not with a Relative Adoration, but pay their Devotion to the Material Substance and Figure before their Eyes. The Images which are the fairest, are the best served, and most devoutly adored: especially those that are adorned with any thing that is costly, as Gold; those that have most Jewels and Precious Stones; but above all those that are reputed to be Cruel, easily Provoked, and apt to Kill those against whom they are Incensed. Which latter are served with an incredible respect: For the People throw themselves to the Ground, as far off as they can see the Church that contains those Images; thump their Breasts, and beseech 'em to Kill their Enemies, and such as have Robbed 'em of any thing. They are Horribly afraid to swear by those revered Images, and when they do, there is no gainsaying such an Oath. For they believe whatever is sworn by those Images. Some there are that will not call these Images to Witness the most certain Truths, for fear of being Killed by 'em; and they that do Swear, Swear only by those that have a pleasing, mild, smiling Countenance, and are reputed neither Murderers nor Bloody-Minded.  
Nor do they Worship these Images in hopes of any Spiritual Advantages, or to obtain any Assistance in order to a future Life: For the Mingrelians acknowledge no other Life but their Present Being. And all that they do is merely out of a Terrible and Servile fear, lest the Images shoved deprive 'em of their Lives, or Vex 'em with Diseases, deliver 'em over with their Goods, into the Hands of Thiefs and Robbers, or the Fury of their Masters, or suffer 'em to be made Slaves to the Turks. When they have been Robbed at any time, they go to the Church where stands the Image in which they have most Confidence, make it a present of two Loaves, and a Bottle of Wine, bow several times to it; and having driven a Stake into the Earth before it, they Pray to it in this manner. Thou knowst, O Image, that I have been Robbed of such and such Goods, and that I cannot discover the Thief, which has proved so great a Grief to me, that I come here to make my Prayers to thee, and I offer thee this Present, to the end thou mayst take away their Lives, exterminate 'em from the Earth, and fasten 'em down in the Abyss, as I have driven this Stake into the Earth before thee. The Priest being present at all this Ceremony, takes the Offering, and having hung it about the Head of the Suppliant, they go and Eat it together. But of all the Images of whose Cruel Usage these blind People are most afraid, there is not any so formidable as that of S. Giobas. They relate how this Image being one day carried a Journey, and passing by a Lake or Marsh full of Frogs, the noise of the Frogs so amazed it, and put it into such a Fury, that it flew away to a Church that stood upon a Mountain. They report moreover, that it Kills all that approach too near it. So that when any Person has occasion to Pray to it, he goes no nearer than just within sight. Where he throws his Present down at a distance, and keeps himself at the same distance all the while he makes his Prayer. The Mingrelians are also every one very Zealous for the Honour and Bravery of his Parish-Idol; every one vaunting the Exploits of the Idol he Worships, and how Courageously it has revenged him upon his Enemies: or how speedily they die that fall under its disfavour! But to the Images of the Roman Catholics, the Mingrelians pay not the least Veneration, nor have they any value for 'em. Only for St. George, they account him their chiefest Saint, as do all the Georgians, Muscovites and Greeks.  
They have several Relics among 'em, of which the chiefest were brought 'em as they say, by the Prelates that fled for Shelter into those parts, when Constantinople was taken by the Turks; fearing lest they should fall into the Hands of the Infidels. Our Theatin Monks have seen a piece of the True Cross, about a handful long, and one of the Holy Virgins Shifts. The colour of it was something inclining to Yellow, Powdered with Flowers, and Embroidered with Needlework. The length of it was Eight Spans, the Breadth Four, the Sleeves short but a Span in Breadth, and straight at the Neck. This Shift is locked up in a little Ebony-Box garnished with Silver: They have also a dried Hand of St. Marina, enchased in Gold, adorned with several little precious Stones. Another Hand of St. Quiric; with several Bones set in Gold and Silver. The Holy Swaddling clothes, wherein the Happy Virgin Swathed Jesus Christ. A little Square Box, where lie the Hairs of his Beard, and the Twisted Cord wherewith he was Whipped. All which Relics the Prince of Mingrelia has in his keeping; and when he showed 'em to our Friars, he spread 'em upon a Carpet, where any one that would, handled 'em without any Veneration or Respect. For the Mingrelians have a greater Esteem for the Enchasements, then for the Relics themselves. But as for the Relics they have little or no Value for 'em, but handle 'em very contemptibly.  
Their Mass is after the Greek manner, which the Priests Celebrate, without any other Sacerdotal Habit, then only in their Surplices. And if they have no Shoes, they lay a Piece of a Wooden Plank before the Altar to stand upon. If the Priest comes to the House of any one that desires a Mass, the good natured Priest never troubles himself to go to the Church to say it; but presently repairs to the place where the Wine lies, and takes the first Plank that he meets with, though never so Dirty or Dusty, to serve him in stead of an Altar; then he Borrows an Old Shirt, or some other piece of Linen, to put about his Shoulders, and orders a little Dough to be given, of which he makes a little Cake, and Bakes it in the Cinders. After that he takes a Wooden Cup, and a Dish for a Chalice and Cover, though never so Greasy and Nasty; which he wipes with his Hands in stead of a Towel; and then says Mass without Book. For the Missal of the Mingrelians is a little Book Written in the Georgian Language: and several Priests carry about 'em these Missals, all torn or Dog's-eared, and sometimes here a Leaf and there a Leaf torn out, and altogether imperfect. But this never troubles 'em. They say Mass all the while they are Looking for it in the Missal, and many times they have done before they can find it: for as I said before, they have it by Heart. Nor is the Office performed with any Decency i' the World. For many times, they talk all the while of other matters. During Lent, they never say Mass, but Saturdays and Sundays, for that all the other Days it behoves 'em to Fast; and it is an Opinion among 'em that the Communion spoils their Fasting.  
They Consecrate Unleavened as well as leavened Bread, without any difference; nor do they ever mix any Water in the Chalice, unless the Wine be very strong. For they hold that the Communion may be given in Vinegar, as well as in Wine. I enquired of several Priests (I still recite the words of the Manuscript) concerning the Form of their Consecration; but I never could meet with above one that could tell me. Him I asked, Whether after Consecration, the Bread and Wine were Substantially the Body and Blood of Christ? Upon which the Mingrelian Priest fell a Laughing, as if I had spoken to him in Raillery. What, said he, is there any one that can put Christ in a Loaf? Which way could he get into it? How is it possible he should be contained in such a little piece of Bread? What reason should move him to leave Heaven and descend to Earth? I never heard the like of the Question that you ask. Then I asked him, Whether the Mass were effectual without the words of Consecration? To which he answered, That the Mass was certainly effectual without 'em, yet that the Priest who did not pronounce the words of Consecration, did very ill. But as for the Intention of Consecration requisite in him that Consecrates, that's a thing of which the Mingrelian Priests know nothing at all.  
They make their Viaticum Bread once a Year; that is to say, upon Holy Thursday. Which they keep in a Purse of Leather or Linen that hangs fastened to their Girdles. But they have no more Veneration for this Viaticum, then for a Morsel of any other Victuals. As for example, when they go to Bed, they lay it under the Bolster with the rest of their Furniture, and when a sick Person sends for any of this Viaticum, they open the Purse, and take out a piece, and give it the Messenger for the use of the Person that wants it, whether Man, Woman or Child. And because this Viaticum is usually very dry, they break it with their Hands upon a Stone, or in a Platter, never minding to gather up the Bits or Crumbs that fall to the Ground; which afterwards they put into a Draught of Wine, and give it the sick. At the Years end the Priest empties out of his Purse upon the Altar the remainder of the Viaticum, if there be any left; where generally the Mice come and eat it. By which you may conjecture what is the Opinion and Belief which the Mingrelians have of the Holy Sacraments.  
They anoint the Foreheads of their Children so soon as they are born, and the Oil which they make use of for this purpose is called Myrone. But they are not Baptised till a long time after: nor does any one Baptise his Child, until he be in a Capacity to make a Feast after the Ceremony is over; which is the reason that many Children die, without being ever Baptised. And when they do perform the Ceremony, they never carry the Child to the Church, but into a Cellar or Vault, where the Priest sits down without minding to put on his Sacerdotal Habit, and reads a good while in a Book; which being ended, the Godfather strips the Child, washes him all over with Water, and then rubs him from Head to Foot; which done, he dresses the Child again, and gives it to eat. And then the Priest, the Father, the Godfather, and the Guests invited, sit down at the Table. There is not one Priest among 'em all that understands the Form of Baptism, so that 'tis a Question whether their Baptism be to any purpose or no. Which is the reason that our Theatin Monks Baptise as many Children as they can: which they generally do under the pretence of some Physical Application: by that means concealing the Office of the Priesthood under the disguise of Physical Operation.  
There are very few People in Mingrelia, whether Ecclesiastical or Seculars, that make any Confessions: and I think I might well say there are none at all. For they believe it to be a sufficient Satisfaction for their Sins to offer a Present to their Idols, which is the utmost address of their Worship, and limit of their Religion. They never make use of Extreme Unction, which is a thing of which they are utterly ignorant. They do not believe that Ordination imprints a Character not to be defaced. And therefore they Ordain anew those who have been degraded, as if they had never been in Orders.  
They do not allow Marriage to be in the Number of the Sacraments. 'Tis a Contract by way of Bargain and Sale; for the Parents of the Maid agree upon the price which the person that demands her in Marriage is to give for her. The price of a Woman repudiated is less, then that of a Widow; and the price of a Widow less than that of a Maid. When the Match is concluded, the Party concerned makes it his Business to raise the Sum agreed upon for the purchase of his Mistress: which he raises by the Sale of his Subjects if he have any, or their Children to the Turks, either for Ready Money or Commodities. However, while he is raising the Sum, he has Liberty to go privately and see his Mistress; nor is it any scandal if her Belly swell before she is married. At length when the Young Man has raised the Sum agreed upon by the Parents, he carries it to 'em: and that Day they make a great Feast together, and that is the first Day of the Nuptials. The next Day the Parents Conduct the Bride to the Bridegroom's House: and usually give him either in Slaves, Cattle or household-goods the value they have received from him: and upon the fourth or fifth of these Feasting Days the Ceremony is concluded, according to the Custom of the Greek Church, only in this, that the Ceremony is performed not in the Church, but over the Door. But if any one have married a Barren Woman, or of an ill Disposition and ugly Humour, they hold it not only lawful, but requisite to Divorce her; in regard it was no Match of Gods making, for that God does always that which is good, and never makes Matches between people that are Barren, or whose Humours are incompatible one with another.  
There is not a Man among 'em that understands the Bible, or that reads it; there being very few among 'em that can read or understand the Georgian; which is the only Language wherein they have the Holy Scripture written. But as for the Women, they are not altogether so ignorant as the Men; so that you shall have some of them who will rehearse several Stories of the Gospel, which they have read and got by Heart.  
Their Fasts are almost the same which the Greeks observe. For they observe the four great Lents; The first before Easter, being 48 Days; That before Christmas, which lasts 40 Days; That which is called St. Peter's Fast, which holds very near a Month; and the last which the Oriental Christians observe in Honour of the Virgin Mary, which continues for 15 Days.  
They make the Sign of the Cross upon certain Occasions, but they do not believe the Sign of the Cross to be any Mark of Christianity. Only they make this Sign when they drink Wine and eat Pork. Their Prayers are all addressed to their Idols, relating only to Temporal Benefits, their own Prosperity, and the Ruin of their Enemies.  
They offer Sacrifices like the Jews and Gentiles. The Priest prays over the Victim, and then cuts the Throat of it: And when it is Boiled, they set it upon the Table. At what time all the people of the Family stand about it with Candles in their Hands, except the person who makes the Offering, who is Kneeling all the while. He first perfumes the Victim with Incense; which when the rest have likewise done, they fall too, and eat it altogether. They also cut the Throats of Beasts and Birds over the Graves of their Relations and Friends, and pour Wine and Oil upon 'em. And these Libations they observe every day. No Body drinks, till as he holds the Cup in his Hand, he has first said a sentence of a Prayer, with his Eyes lifted up to Heaven, and pouring out at the same time upon the Ground a small quantity of the Wine in the Cup.  
They never make Holiday upon Sundays, or abstain from Work, but upon the Festivals of Christmas and Easter. However the celebration of their great Festivals consists only in Eating and Drinking to excess in their Houses. Their greatest Festivals which they observe is, when any Idol is to be carried through their Country. Then they put on all the best clothes they have. They make a great Feast, and get ready a Present for the Idol which is to pass by.  
And this, I believe, may suffice to show that there is not the least shadow of Religion among the Mingrelians. The Manuscript, from whence I took these observations, relates their several sorts of Divination practised among 'em; their Superstitions and Sundry Customs, which are a Medley of Judaisme, and Paganism. All which I left behind me, not finding therein the least Grain of Wit or common Sense. But quite the Contrary, nothing but Extravagance. I shall only add, that all that I observed in the Religious Ceremonies and Belief or Faith of the Mingrelians, is no other than what I have truly reported.  
I shall only speak a word concerning their Mourning, which is the Mourning of people in despair. When a Woman loses her Husband, or a near Relation, she rends her clothes, strips herself naked to the Waste, tears her Hair, and with her Nails claws off the Flesh and Skin from her Body and Face, she beats her Breast, she cries, yells, gnashes her Teeth, foams at Mouth, like a Woman mad or possessed, and acts her passion to that degree, that it seems terrible to the sight. The Men also express their Grief after a manner altogether as Barbarous: They tear their clothes, thump their Breasts, and shave their Heads and their Beards. This Mourning continues 40 Days, with the same Fury as I have described for the first Ten Days, but afterwards relaxing by degrees. During the first Ten Days, the Relations of the deceased, and a great Number of Men and Women come to bewail the Dead, which they do in this manner. The people range themselves in order about the dead Corpse, and in their torn Habits, thump their Breasts with both Hands; crying out Vah, Vah; and so keeping time with their Thumps and their Cries, they make a dismal Noise; which altogether yields a frightful Spectacle of despair, not to be beheld without a kind of Horror. Of a sudden you hear nothing, all's quiet, the Mourning stops, and all observe a profound Silence; By and by they all begin again with a loud Cry, and fall into their first Transportments. The last Day, which is the Fortieth, they Bury the Dead. Then they make a Feast for all their Relations, all their Friends, all their Neighbours, and all those that came to bewail the Party deceased; the Women eating by themselves, apart from the Men. The Bishop says Mass, and then seizes as his Right, upon all that the Deceased Person made use of in his Life, his Horse, his clothes, his Weapons, his Plate if he have any, and all the rest of that sort. So that these Mournings ruin whole Families in Mingrelia. Nevertheless they are obliged to this Solemn Performance. The Bishop says a Mass for the Dead, for the great profit he receives; and the Mourners come to wail the Deceased, as sure to live Forty Days upon what he has left behind. When a Bishop dies the Prince himself causes Mass to be said upon the Forti'th Day, and seizes upon all his Goods that are Movable.  
This is all that I could learn in Colchis, concerning the Nature of the Country, and the Customs and Religion of the Inhabitants. Their Neighbours Live and act after the same Fashion, almost in every respect: only they who Live nearer to Persia and Turkey, are more Civil in their Manners, and more Honest and Just in their Inclinations Whereas they who lie nearer the Tartars and Scythians, are more Barbarous in their Customs, living without any Idea or outward Form of Religion, or observance of any Laws. I have spoken also of the Abca's and other People that Live at the Foot of Mount Caucasus; concerning whom I have related as much as I could learn. But now I shall give an account of what I have seen and heard, most remarkable, concerning those other Countries that border upon Mingrelia. Which are the Principality of Guriel, and the Kingdom of Imiretta.  
The Country of Guriel is very small; it Borders to the North upon Imiretta; Eastward upon a part of Mount Caucasus that belongs to the Turks. To the West upon Mingrelia, and to the South upon the Black-Sea. It lies all along upon that Sea in length from the River Phasis, that runs a Mile from the Castle of Gonie, held by the Turks, distant only Forty Miles from Phasis. The Country of Guriel resembles Mingrelia in every thing as to its Nature and the Manners of the Inhabitants. For they have the same Religion, the same Customs; and the same Inclinations to Lewdness, Robbery and Murder.  
The Kingdom of Imiretta is somewhat bigger than the Country of Guriel; and is the Hiberia of the Ancients. It is Enclosed and Surrounded by Mount Caucasus, Colchis, the Black-Sea, the Principality of Guriel, and Georgia: being about Six and Twenty Miles in Length, and Sixty Miles broad. The People of Mount Caucasus that lie next to it, are the Georgians and Turks, and to the North the Ossi and Caracioles, or Caracherks or Black-Circassians, so called by the Turks, for the reasons already mentioned. These are those Caracioles or Black-Circassians, which the Europeans call Huns, who ransacked Italy and Gaul, and whose devastations in those Countries, are so frequently mentioned by the Ancient Historians, and particularly by Cedrenus. The Language which they speak is almost half Turkish.  
Imiretta is a Country full of Woods and Mountains like Mingrelia; but the Valleys are more Lovely, and the Plains more Delicious; where you may meet much more easily with Bread, Meat, Pulse and Herbs of all sorts. There are also in it some Iron-Mines. Money goes among the People of this Country, and is Coined in the Kingdom; and here ye also meet with several Towns. But as for their Manners and Customs, they are the same as in Mingrelia. The King has Three good Castles; one called Scander, seated upon the side of a Valley, and two in Mount Caucasus, called Regia and Scorgia, both almost inaccessible; as being built in places that Nature herself has ingeniously fortified; the River Phasis running before 'em. The Prince had also not long since another Fortress called Cotatis, bearing the same Name as the Country round about it, which perhaps may be the same place that Ptolemy calls the Region of Cotatene. But the Turks are at present Masters of it.  
The Kingdom of Imiretta, has had under its Jurisdiction the Abca's, the Mingrelians, and the People of Guriel, after they had all Four shaken off the Yoke of the Emperors of Constantinople first of all, and then of the Emperors of Trebisond. But then in the last Age, setting up for themselves, and revolting one from another, they have been ever since at continual Wars one with the other. They who lay next the Turks implored their assistance, who readily took 'em into their Protection, and then made 'em all Tributaries one after another. The Tribute of the King of Imiretta is Fourscore Boys and Girls, from Ten to Twenty Years of Age. The Prince of Guriel pays Six and Forty Children of both Sexes; and the Prince of Mingrelia Sixty Thousand els of Linen Cloth, made in the Country. The Abca's also were made Tributary, but they seldom paid any thing; and now they pay nothing. The King of Imiretta, and the Prince of Guriel, send their Tribute to the Bassa of Akalzike: but a Chiaux gathers it in Mingrelia. ' When I came to Akalzike, the report went, that the Turks would take possession of these Countries, under the Government of a Bassa, not knowing any other way to prevent the perpetual Wars, that apparently ruin and depopulate the Countries. However it be now, the Turks formerly forbore to take possession of it, in regard that the Precepts of Mahumatism, could not conveniently be there observed, because the best nourishment in those Countries is their Wine and their Hog's Flesh, which are both prohibited by the Mahometan Law: besides that they have no Bread; and the People live scattered upon and down the Country, so that wherever the Turks should build their Fortresses, they would not be able to Command, within their reach, above Seven or Eight Houses. Upon which Considerations they left those Provinces in their Ancient Condition, and are satisfied only to keep 'em under Subjection for a Nursery of Slaves; which yields 'em every Year no less than Seven or Eight Thousand. And the same Reasons and Obstacles most apparently discourage the Turks from Incorporating into the Body of their Empire, those Vast Plains of Tartary and Scythia, and the wide Regions of Mount Caucasus. For if the People that inhabit those parts, were united into Cities and strong Places, there might be a way found to reduce 'em, and keep 'em in Subjection. But which way is it possible to subdue a People that change their Habitations every Month, and all their Life-time wander up and down the Country?  
The present Prince of Mingrelia is the Eighth, since that Country first revolted from the Dominion of Imiretta. These Princes of Mingrelia, all give themselves the Title of Dadian: as much as to say, the Head of Justice; from Dad a Persian Word, that signifies Justice: from whence the first Race of the Kings of Persia was called Pich-Dadian, that is to say, the first Justice. To denote, that they were the first Men, whom the People of that vast Country, established over 'em for the Administration of Justice among 'em; and to maintain every one in the enjoyment of his own Property. The King of Imiretta gives himself the Title of Meppe, which signisies a King in the Georgian Language. Both which Meppe and Dadian boast themselves to be descended from the King and Prophet David. The Ancient Kings of Georgia also assumed the same descent; and the Can of Georgia, among the rest of his Titles, calls himself, the Issue of that Great King by Solomon his Son. The King of Imiretta, also in his Letters assumes a more Haughty and Pompous Title than the other, call himself King of Kings.  
Now so soon as our Vessel was come to an Anchor, in the Road of Isgaour, as I have already said, I went a Shoar with the Greek Merchant, who was my Guide. For I expected to have met with Houses, where I might have found Provisions and some other Relief. Nor were these hopes without any Ground, to one that saw no less than Seven Vessels together at an Anchor in the Road: but I was utterly deceived; for I found nothing at all. The Coast of Isgaour, is all covered with Wood Only they have levelled and laid open, about a Hundred Paces from the Sea side, a certain spot of Ground, about Two Hundred and Fifty Paces long, and Fifty broad; which is the Grand Market of Mingrelia. In this there is one Street, containing on both sides of the Way, about a Hundred small Huts, made up of the Boughs of Trees, fastened one to another: of which every Merchant takes one. There he lies, and keeps Shop, though with such Wares only as he thinks he shall sell in Two or Three Days. But as for those which he has bought, and such for which he does not see any Probability of a quick Vent, he keeps 'em in the Vessel, there being no kind of Security a Shoar, There was nothing else to be had at this Market, nor a Country-Man's House to be heard of in all the parts there about. Thereupon my Guide spoke to some of those that came to the Market, to bring us some Gom, which is that sort of Grain, by them made use of in stead of Bread, some Wine and other Provisions; which the Countrymen promised to do, but failed in their Words. So that I was surprised, and very much troubled to meet with nothing, for our own Provisions began to grow short, nor to see any thing at such a Market, but a Company of Slaves Chained together, and about a Dozen of Tattered Fellows, with Bows and Arrows i' their Hands, who it seems were the Officers of the Customs, and looked more ready to Rob, then relieve us. But I was much more surprised and perplexed, when I heard, that the Turks, and the Prince of Guriel, were coming into Mingrelia, that the People took Arms, and had begun the War, Pillaging and Ransacking their Neighbours, and clearing the Country both of cattle and Inhabitants. I must confess I depended very much upon the Theatin Missionaries in Mingrelia, when I first resolved to make choice of that way. I was assured they had a House where I might be secure, and that they could much facilitate my passage into Persia. But their House was Forty Miles from Isagour by Land, and Fifty Five by Sea. However I sent an Express to the Superior of the Missionaries, with a Letter wherein I gave him an account, That I was come into Mingrelia, and that I was going into Persia about business of great Importance. That I had Letters of Recommendation to him from the Ambassador of France, the Resident of Genoa, the Warden of the Capuchins of Greece, and the Solicitor for the Theatins at Constantinople, and therefore I earnestly desired him to send me some Person that might give me necessary Informations how to proceed in my Voyage. I would have made my Bargain with the Express for Ready Money, but he rather chose to have Cloth. Thereupon my Guide agreed with him for two pieces of blue Linen, upon Condition that he returned in two days and a half. Which two pieces cost Six Shillings at Caffa. This done, I returned to the Vessel, very pensive, and sorely troubled to find myself in a Country where there was no Provision to be bought, where Money would not go, nor any Lodging was to be had. And besides the sight of so many Slaves of all Ages and both Sexes, some in Chains, some tied two and two, and of the Officers of the Customers that looked like mere Robbers and Ruffians, had filled my Head with a Thousand Fears. However I kept a good Heart still, and did my utmost endeavour to dissipate those Disturbances of my Mind.  
All this while I said nothing to my Comrade or to my Servants, only that I had been promised Provisions; nevertheless 'twas but prudence to be as good Husbands as we could of that little we had. Not did the Rumours of the War hinder the Merchants in our Vessel from going a Shoar; where they took every one a Hutt, and carried their Commodities along with 'em.  
The 18th at Noon, my Guide came aboard, and brought me an Answer from the Superior of the Theatins. It was very short: For he only sent me word, That within two or three Days he would come to the Vessel with a Bark, and would serve me to the utmost of his Power.  
The 19th toward the Evening, a great Number of Country People that had made their escapes, passed by Isgaour, and gave us a hot Alarm, That the Abca's whom the Prince of Mingrelia had called in to assist him against the Turks, pillaged and burnt all before 'em, carrying away the Inhabitants, and driving away the cattle, wherever they came. Thereupon the Merchants endeavoured to carry off what they could in their Long-Boats. But it was late, and the Vessels rid about a Mile from the Shoar; nor could they make above two Returns. Thereupon every Captain caused two great Guns to be carried ashore, which they planted at the Avenues of the Market, and stood to their Arms all Night. For my own part I cannot express the sorrow I was in at such an unfortunate and unexpected Accident. I had hardly Constancy enough to hold out. And that which drove me almost to despair was this, That the Captain discoursed of going to Trade among the Abca's and Cherks, and then to return back to Caffa. Which was to be three Months at Sea, and not to be laid up till the end of the Year. The Recoil of my Fortune, which such a Resolution set before my Eyes, the danger of perishing at Sea, want of Victuals, the impossibility to get any; all these things which I foresaw distinctly, were not the greatest Trouble that perplexed me. My greatest Vexation was to see my Friends Concerns, which I thought had escaped the Dangers of the Black-Sea and Turkey, exposed to new Hazards, and myself likely to undergo the Reproaches and Scorn of People, that would be apt to lay to my Charge unexpected Accidents for Miscarriages, and attribute unfortunate Conjunctures to my Imprudence. To this I may add the Grumbling and Imprecations of my Servants, that continually rang i' my Ears: Some cursing Destiny, others the Country, others the People that had advised me to the Black-Sea. In a word, I was in such a profound Agony, as I thought would have utterly swallowed me up. But GOD in his Mercy delivered me; He strengthened me with Courage, and I heartened up my People; but their patience was soon tired, ready to break forth every foot with the same extravagance; for the Hunger which we endured heightened their Transports even to Brutish Outrage.  
The 20th all the People that belonged to our Vessel, and the rest that lay in the Road, returned aboard. Choosing rather to leave their Wool, their Salt, their Earthen Ware, and such like Commodities, then to hazard their being taken by the Abca's, who as they were assured were very near at hand. And indeed their Intelligence was too true. For about Ten a Clock at Night we saw all the Marketplace a Fire; and the next Morning such as ventured to see what was the matter, found nothing but the Ashes, and Remainders of the Conflagration.  
So soon as our People were all come aboard, I endeavoured to buy of them Biscuit, Rice, Butter, Onions, and dried Herbs: but no Body would part with their Goods, fearing lest they should not return to Caffa; till at length by the power of Money I got of several Merchants Sixty Pounds of Biscuit, a few Herbs, Eight Pounds of Butter, and Twelve Pounds of Rice. This was but a small Stock for six People. But good Husbandry made it last longer than I expected. For there was in our Vessel dried Fish in abundance, and we scarcely fed upon any thing else. But I was wonderfully pleased when I had prevailed with my Men to make a Meal without Bread, and looked upon that Abstinence of theirs as the Lucky Chance of a Fortunate Day.  
The 27th, seeing the Superior of the Theatins did not come, and not knowing what I might hope for from him, I proposed to my People the Necessity there was that one of them should go and find him out; in regard there was none but he that could preserve us from the Miseries that threatened us, and which came thick upon us every day more than other. But 'twas the want of Victuals and their own despair that prevailed beyond all my Arguments. So that one among the rest proffered me to go seek out the Theatins. And it so happened that there was a Bark of Anarguie that lay by our Vessel. Which Anarguie is a Village upon the Sea-Shoar, not above Twenty Miles from Sippias, where those Friars have their Residence. This Bark being come to take in a Lading of Salt, my Servant went aboard, after I had given him four Ducats in Gold, Money, Mercery Ware, and all the Letters I had for the Superior of the Theatins. Which I did, to the end that the Recommendation of so many Persons, some of Quality, the rest his Friends; might hast'n him to assist us in our Extremity: besides that I had written to him myself at large, desiring him to aid us if it were in his Power. I wrote to him also, That the Messenger whom I had sent, had Money, which I desired him to make use of, for that I begged no more of him then his Trouble; for which I should not also fall to be farther Grateful.  
The Fourth of October in the Morning my Servant returned, bringing along with him the Superior of the Theatins, whose Name, as I have already said, was Don Maria Joseph Zampi, of Mantua: to whom I presently ran and embraced him. But observe how he accosted me: Sir, said he, God forgive those People that advised ye to come this way, the Mischief they have done ye. You are come into the most Wicked and Barbarous Country i' the World; and the best Course you can take is to return back to Constantinople with the first Opportunity. At which words the Joy which I felt for the Arrival of the good Friar, was soon at an end. However, I carried him into my Cabin, and there, together with my Comrade, we debated what was best to be done. We returned him Thanks in the first place for the pains he had taken in coming so far. To which he answered, That he had come according to his promise, but that the War and the Incursion of the Abca's, had made the Roads so dangerous, that he durst not venture himself. After that, I told him, That his first Compliment to me at our first Greeting, put me at my Wit's end: and therefore I besought him to tell me, Whether he were not come to take us along with him, and carry us to his own Residence? Who answered, That he was come to serve me to the utmost of his Power, and that he would carry us Home to his own House if we desired: however he would gladly let us know the Nature of the Country through which we were to pass. That it was a Place where there was no Bread to be had; and hardly any other Food to be got at that present time: That the Air was very unwholesome, and the People so wicked that it was scarce to be imagined. I told him, That we had a Letter of Recommendation to the Prince of Mingrelia. To which he answered, That this Prince was as great a Cutthroat, and as professed a Robber as any of his Subjects. He told us moreover, That about three Years before, returning from Italy, he brought along with him several Presents for the Prince, for the Princess his Wife, for the Visier, and the Principal Lords of the Court, which he distributed among 'em till he had almost left himself nothing; with which the Prince was so far from being satisfied, that he sent and took away that little that he had reserved; and although he were at that time Physician to the Prince and all the Grandees, the Visier clapped him up soon after in a Dungeon, with a Chain about his Neck, and Fetters upon his Feet, to get more Money from him, and that he could not be released out of the Clutches of that Tiger, till he had paid him Forty Crowns. Not that I tell ye this, Gentlemen, said he, to send ye back again, but only to inform ye of the danger ye have thrown yourselves into, by setting foot in Mingrelia. Yet after all this, if you will needs go forward, I will do my best to preserve your Persons and your Goods, and to pass ye securely into Persia.  
Upon this, I considered what the Father had represented to us: and I came to this result with myself, That the Mischiefs that threatened me in Mingrelia were Mischiefs to come, and which I was in hopes, though I knew not which way, to escape. Those which I endured were present, and my Head and my Heart were both full of 'em I represented therefore to Father Zampi, That whatever Misfortunes should happen to us in Mingrelia, would be less than those would befall us in returning to Caffa, which would infallibly be our ruin. I desired him to consider, that we had neither Provision nor Victuals, that the Vessel where we were was old, and daily took aboard great Numbers of Slaves of all Ages and Sexes, so that we could hardly stir one by another in the Ship. That a great Number of Abca's and Mingrelian's went and came from Morning till Night, that filled it with Vermin that would endanger a general Infection, and end in a Pestilence. That the Vessel would be two Months before she returned for Caffa, at what time the Wether would begin to be unseasonable and tempestuous; as being that part of the Year when the Black-Sea, so dreadful stormy, was most furiously exasperated by the Violence of continual Tempests; so that suppose they should get safe to Caffa, and thence to Constantinople, 'twould be four Months at least before they could perform their Voyage, and then we should be forced to begin again, and put to find out a new Project which way to pass through Turkey. Besides running the Risco of extravagant Impositions, or exorbitant Customs; and yet after all these Adventures we should be still exposed to ruin, which was the same thing or worse then to run the hazard in Mingrelia, where the Danger could not be greater, but where the Peril could never last so long, since it was but four Days Journey before we should be in a Country where we should be secure.  
Father Zampi could not gainsay any of my Reasons: Besides that our passage could not but be advantageous to himself in particular, or to his Mission. So that he talked of nothing else but of taking us along with him, and of our leaving the Ship for good and all. Now the Bark wherein I had sent my Servant was a long Vessel like a small Lighter, and was hired to go and come with Goods: and into this Vessel it therefore was that we put our Baggage aboard, and about a hundred Crowns worth of Goods which we bought out of the Vessel. Which Purchase was made at my Entreaty by Father Zampy, because he knew what would best go off in Mingrelia, for that Money, as I have said already, was no otherwise Current or Valuable there then as it was a sort of Merchandise. Our Baggage being Embarked before Noon, we set Sail at the same time. And then it was that I was overjoyed to find myself quit of the Ship; for I could not endure the Stench of it. Besides that the Nastiness and Infamous Behaviour of the People aboard made me loathe the very sight of 'em. The Vessel was a mere Sink and Dungeon of Slaves, who as soon as Night came, were Chained two and two, as well the Boys as the Men. In the Morning they took off their Chains again, so that I could hardly rest for the rattling of the Irons, and then the very Object itself grieved me to the very Heart. Every Morning we were sure to see a Fire ashore, which was a signal that there were people come to sell either Slaves or other Merchandise. Upon which they sent away their Longboat, into which they who had a desire to come to the Vessel put themselves and their Wares, and being brought aboard, drove the Bargains as they could agree. And indeed the War in Mingrelia was very favourable to our Merchants; for the Abca's brought 'em all their Plunder and Booty to sell: Among the rest there came one day to our Vessel an Abca of Quality, having a Train of seven or eight Men at his Heels, who seemed to be the arrantest Rakehell's in the World. He brought three Slaves, and his Men were loaden with Booty; and among other Things they had got a Frame of an Idol all of Silver; I caused 'em to be asked, Where the Idol itself was? To which they answered, That they had left it in the Church, not daring to carry it away, for fear it should have killed 'em.  
Our Vessel had Forty Slaves when I left it, which the Turkish and Christian Merchants had bought for Arms, Householdstuff, and other Commodities. They gave 'em what they pleased themselves, and reckoned twice as much as the Goods cost 'em. They gave no more than Fifteen Crowns for Men from Twenty Five to Forty Years of Age; and Eight or Ten, for those that were older. Handsome Maids from Thirteen to Eighteen were sold for Twenty Crowns, others for less. Women for Twelve, and Children for Three or Four. A Greek Merchant that lay in a Cabin next to mine, bought a Woman and a Child at her Breast. She had incomparable Features in her Face, and a truly Lily-white Complexion; and indeed I never saw more lovely Nipples, and a rounder Neck, nor a smother Skin; which created at the same time both Envy and Compassion. So that I could not choose but cast a mournful Look upon her, saying this to myself, Unfortunate Beauty! neither would I envy or compassionate thee, were I in another Condition, and that I did not find myself just upon the Brink of Danger, threatened with the greatest Miseries imaginable, if there can be a greater Misery then that of Slavery. But that which surprised me was this, That these miserable Creatures were no way cast down, nor did they seem sensible of the misery of their Condition. At length when they had bought 'em, their Masters took from them the Rags that covered 'em, clad 'em with Linen and new Habits, and set 'em to work; the Men and the Boys to moil in the Ship, and the Women to sow. Nor did they seem to be much dissatisfied with their Habit, or the Food which was given, only they did not like Working, so that the Cudgel was forced to walk now and then to quick'n their Laziness.  
We had a good Wind, and we made use of Oars as well as Sails in our Bark. And for my own part, all my discourse was with Father Zampi, what course I should take to prevent my falling into the Enemy's Hand, and my being plundered and assassinated by the Mingrelians. Which discourse at length brought us to talk of those Persons, whose Letters I had sent him. He told me the French Ambassador's Letter was a Duplicate of one which he had sent the last Year for Attestations of the Religion of Colchis: but when he gave it into my Hands, and that I had read it, I was surprised to find, that having been given me for a Letter of Recommendation, there should not be the least mention of my Name. Which made me afraid lest Father Zampi should think, that the Ambassador had not that Value and Kindness for me, which I pretended to make him believe. And therefore I thought myself obliged to show him the Letter which the Ambassador had done me the Honour to write to the Prince of Mingrelia, of which this was a Copy.  
Thrice Illustrious Prince,  
THE Emperor of France my Master, having Commanded me to make use of his Protection to support your Interests in the Ottoman Court upon all Occasions that should offer: I am glad of this Opportunity not only to Confirm it by this Letter, but for that these two Gentlemen also, the Sieur Chardin, and the Sieur Raisin will give you farther Assurances of the same Thing in my behalf. You will oblige me to believe 'em, and in Consideration of that Value which I have for their Persons, to support and defend 'em with all your Authority so long as they shall sojourn in your Court; and when they depart from your Court in order to their going forward into Persia, I hope you will freely grant 'em that Favour, and add to the rest that one more of believing me to be,  
Thrice Illustrious Prince, Your most Humble and Obedient Servant, De NOINTEL, Ambassador for his Most Christian Majesty, the Emperor of France at the Ottoman Port.  
About Midnight we arrived at the Mouth of the River Astolphus, called by the Mingrelians, Langur; and which is one of the biggest Rivers in Mingrelia. There we stopped and sent to Anarghie two of our Seamen, to know what News of the Enemy, and to see whether the People were not fled, and in what condition they stood. This Anarghia is a Village two Miles from the Sea, the most considerable in all Mingrelia, consisting of a Hundred Houses, but so far distant one from the other, that it is two Miles from the first to the last.  
There are always Turks in this Village that come to buy Slaves, and have Barks ready to carry 'em away. And it is said, that this Village is built in the same place where formerly stood a fair and large City, called by the Name of Heraclea.  
The fifth before day, the two Seamen returned, and brought us word that the Abca's had made no Inroads within Fifteen Miles of Anarghia, but that things were quiet without any Disturbance or Alteration. Thereupon Father Zampi desired 'em to Row hard, to the end we might come early to the Village, and Land our Goods before we should come to be seen by any Person. All things fell out to our Wish, and we took a Lodging at a Countryman's House, which was one of the best Accommodations in the Town. For we had a great many Chests, the biggest of which was full of Books. Thereupon Father Zampi advised me to open it, and take out the Goods in the sight of the People of the House, to the end they might have no suspicion that we carried any Treasure in our Chests; but might be ready to give it out that we were only Persons in Holy Orders, for which reason we loaded ourselves with a great Number of Books for our particular use. I followed his Advice, and found it to be very good. For the People of the House were amazed to see nothing in such a large Chest but only Books; and I am apt to believe they conceited there was nothing else in all the rest.  
The ninth a Lay-Theatin came to see us: He was the Physician and Surgeon that served all Mingrelia. And the Access which his Art had procured him to the Prince and all the Grandees, had puffed him up to that degree of Pride, that he valued neither Fathers nor Superior, and in all his Actions and Discourse manifested a most insupportable Superbity. However, I received and entertained him as his Vainglory seemed to require. Who thereupon gave me a Thousand Assurances of Protection and Assistance, and promised to bring us Tidings of the Retreat of the Abca's, so soon as he found his Information to be such as he could confide in. Nor did he fail in his Undertaking; so that he returned to us the 13th, and brought us the Good News we expected. He told us that he had been with the Prince the Day before, at what time the Intelligence came to him. He recounted also to us, that the Abca's had carried away with 'em Twelve Hundred Persons, and a great Number of cattle, with other Booty; that they had plundered the House of a Tenant to the Theatins, and taken away three of their Slaves: That the Prince had sent three Gentlemen to the Prince of the Abca's to make his Complaints, and to threaten 'em for their Perfidiousness; for that having entered Mingrelia, under an Engagement and upon Oath to defend it against the Turks, they had made use of their Forces to Sack and Pillage the Country, and was returned, and had retreated without doing him the least Kindness. And thus after he had given us a full Account of the News that was stirring, he told Father Zampi farther, That we might all go together to their Residence at Sippias, and that the Prince and the Catholicos had ordered him to assure me and my Comrade, That we were Welcome, and that he would provide us Men and Horses to Convoy us into Georgia. Upon which we resolved to depart the next day.  
While we stayed at Anarghia we suffered for no want of any thing; we had Fowl, Wild Pigeons, Porkers, and Goats in abundance. All which my People had in exchange for Linen, Needles, Incense, Combs and Knives: and they had their Provisions very Cheap too: Wine was also very plentiful, for it was then the very time of their Vintage. There was also at Anarghia a Lady of Quality, who had made choice of that Place to retire to for security but a little before. She was a Widow, and her Husband had been Chief Minister or Vizier to the Prince. Father Zampi carried me to her House, where I presented her with some inconsiderable Trifles, and she in Acknowledgement of what she had received, and in hopes of more, sent me every Day a Loaf of half a Pound, with some other of her choicest Viands. One Day she sent me a piece of Wild Boars Flesh, another Day a Ball of Wax, another Day a small Quantity of Honey, another time a Pheasant, and by the Messenger still she requested some Trifle or other, as Knives, Scissors, Ribbon, Paper, or the like, and so she paid herself double for her Presents. One Day she came to give me a Visit, and showed herself very Complaisant, and signified her Fancy for several other things. But though I did not like this Trade, I kept fair with her however, because I would not want Bread, which was not otherwhere to be had.  
Father Zampi advised me to pretend myself a Capuchin; and gave out himself that I was going to the Capuchins in Georgia: That I had disguised myself because I would not be known in Turkey, and to the end I might travel with more freedom. And the better to counterfeit my Disguise, he persuaded me to go very meanly, and to pretend Poverty upon all Occasions. And for my own part, I acted my part very well, but the ill Management of my Servants prevented my Plot from taking Effect. They broke my Measures by the Good House which they kept. For they bought the best Victuals they could find, let it cost what it would. In a word, they repaid themselves for the scarcity which they had endured. Which Expenses of theirs caused People to think I was not so poor as I pretended to be.  
The 14th, two Hours before Day, we departed from Anarghia, and Rowed up the River Astolphus two Leagues, after which we landed our Baggage, and loaded our Goods into six little Carts: and filled two more with the Provisions which Father Zampi had bought. These Eight little Wagons made a great Noise; for it was an unusual sight in Mingrelia to see so many together. So that in less than two days the News flew about the Country of the Arrival of certain Europeans, with Eight Wagons loaden with Baggage. Which News was spread with so many Circumstances, as were the occasion of several Misfortunes that befell us, as I shall relate in the pursuit of my Story. Thus we travelled four Leagues and a half by Land, and by Sunset arrived at Sapias.  
Sapias is the Name of two little Churches, of which the one is a Parish-Church of Mingrelia, the other belongs to the Theatins. It was bestowed upon 'em, together with the Churchyard wherein the two Churches are enclosed. Which Enclosure is very large: and where they have also built several Apartiments and Lodgings after the Fashion of the Country: every one of the Friars having his Apartment to himself, according as they are one separated from another. The lesser Lodgings are for their Slaves, and two Families of Countrypeople who are their Tenants.  
The Theatins came first into Mingrelia in the Year 1627. where they were admitted as Physicians. The Prince who then Reigned was very Potent, and it was represented to him as a Thing greatly to the Advantage and Benefit of his Country, that Persons who understood an Art so profitable for the Advantage of his Health, should be suffered to settle in his Country. Thereupon he made 'em Welcome, gave 'em the Residence which they enjoy, with Lands, and a certain Number of Countrypeople to Manure the Ground, and furnish their Society with Corn and Wine. One and Twenty Years before, the Jesuits of Constantinople sent Two of their Fraternity into this Country, but they died there so soon, that the rest were afraid to venture any more. The Theatins however for some Years last passed, had Houses in Tartary, Georgia, Circassia and Imiretta. Which are all forsaken and destroyed, seeing the People no way inclined to embrace the Roman Religion; and besides they, were over-imployed in their Practice of Physic. Moreover, they assured me that they had long since abandoned Colchis likewise upon the same Considerations; only that they stayed there for the Honour of the Roman Church, which gloried to have her Missionaries in all parts of the Earth; but more particularly for the Honour of their own Order, out of which there being no other Mission into any part of the World, it would turn to their discredit should they not be able to uphold it.  
There were only four Theatins at Sapias when I arrived there, three Priests and one Laic. The Priests practised only Physic, the Lay-Brother both Physic and Surgery. For he had been up and down in the World, a Chirurgeon by Profession. The Theatins affirm, That all the Spiritual Benefit which the Country reaps from their being among 'em, is only Baptising of Infants, there being none which are there Baptised, or but after a very odd Fashion. Unless it be in that, they confess, they make no other progress among the Mingrelians, who are so far, say they, from embracing the Roman Ceremonies, that they do not believe the Europeans to be Christians, because they do not see 'em observe so many Fasts, nor with so strict and severe an Abstinence, besides that they do not Worship Images. The Theatin's very immediate Slaves, will not Communicate with their Masters in their Religious Exercises; and they have assured me, they could never Educate any one to serve at the Mass. I have seen these Friars sometimes Baptise Children; for they Baptise all that they meet with, in Houses where they have not either been of a long time, or where they do not remember that ever they Administered that Sacrament before. I have tarried several Days in several Places of Mingrelia with the Superior of the Theatins, and have frequently seen his way of Baptising. For when they brought him any one that was ill, he called for a Basin of Water, pretending to wash his Hands, and when he had washed 'em, before he dried 'em again, with the end of his Finger he touched the Forehead of the Child, making the Parents believe, it was only to understand the Distemper.  
He Baptised Children that were in Health by flirting a little Water in their Faces, while he was washing his Hands, as if he had done it in sport. I asked him, What it was he did? I have Baptised these Children, said he; happy is it for them that we came into the House. I asked him a second time, What Name he had given 'em? I give 'em no Name, answered he; for ofttimes I know not whether I Baptise a Male or a Female; there is no Necessity for the Name, it being sufficient to cast a drop of Water upon the Infant, and mentally to recite the Form of Baptism. In a word, the Theatins are very miserable in Mingrelia, they pillage 'em, they abuse 'em; nor have they any value or respect for 'em, unless it be when any Sickness or Wound constrains 'em to require their Assistance.  
The 18th the Princess of Mingrelia came to visit the Theatins; and presently the Superior of the Theatins made haste to attend her. These Princesses of Mingrelia and those of the Neighbouring Countries they call Dedopalè, which in the Georgian Language signifies Queen. She was a Horseback, attended by about Eight Women and Ten Men, and some Lackeys that ran by her Horse. But this Train of hers was very ill clad, and very badly mounted. She told the Perfect or Superior, That she understood that the Provision which was usually sent 'em from Constantinople was come, and that there were Europeans in the House, who had brought a long with 'em a considerable Quantity of Goods: that she was very glad of it, and desired to see 'em that she might bid 'em Welcome. Presently I was called for to pay my Respects to her: at what time Father Zampi told me that I must make her a Present, the way according to the Custom of that Country, to acknowledge the favourable Visits of the Prince and Princess. Upon that I besought her to tarry till I could bring her one to her Palace; to which she readily consented. Now she had been told, that I spoke Turkish and Persian; upon which she sent for a Slave that understood Turkish, whom she ordered to ask me a Thousand Questions concerning my Quality, and the design of my Travels. I made him answer, That I was a Capuchin, and spoke and acted always as a Religious Person: but it was plain her Majesty did not believe me; for all her Discourse was about Love: and she caused the Question to be put, Whether I were sensible of that Passion, and whether I had ever been in Love? How it could be that a Man could never be in Love, or live without a Woman? And with this Discourse she went on so pleasingly, that all her Train were strangely delighted to hear her. Though for my part I could have wished the Princess and her Train farther off from me: For I was afraid she would have caused the House to be plundered, having three times demanded to see what I had brought, together with the Theatins' Provision. Which Provision is yearly sent 'em from Constantinople, as I have already said, and consists of Goods and Commodities of several sorts; of which they are obliged to send a good share to the Prince, the Princess, to the Vizier, and the Principal Gentlemen of the Country. Father Zampi therefore promised to bring her the accustomed Present the next day, and that I myself should bring her one likewise; and so satisfied, God be thanked, she went away.  
The 19th in the Morning she sent to invite me to Dinner, whither I went with Father Zampi and another Theatin. She was then at a House about two Miles from ours. For she did not live with the Prince, who could not endure her, but hated her to death, in regard he had been forced to marry her. I found her in a Dress somewhat richer than the day before; she was likewise painted; and had used all her Skill to set herself out to the best Advantage. Her Habit was of Cloth of Gold, the Attire of her Head Glister'd with Precious Stones: but for her Veil it was altogether Curious and Gay, and of a particular Fashion. She sat upon a Carpet, having on each side Nine or Ten Women that belonged to her Chamber; for her Maids of Honour were, as they said, retired for safety to a Fortress by reason of the Wars. The Hall was full of Rake-shames half Naked, which composed her Court. Before I was admitted, I was asked for the Present I had brought. Which was carried by a Lackey, who gave it to some of her Servants; consisting of Pastes of Genoa, Ribbons, Paper, Needles, Twizers, Knives and Scissors, all Neat and Curious The whole cost about Forty Shillings; but worth above a Five Pounds in Mingrelia. The Princess was extremely pleased; and when she had seen 'em, sent for me into her Presence. Where the Slave that spoke Turkish ordered me to sit down upon a Bench that was close by. Presently the first thing she said to me was, That she would marry me to one of her Friends, and that she would not have me to leave the Country, for that she would give me Houses, Lands, Slaves and Tenants. After that she fell into the same Discourse as the Day before; but it lasted not long, because the People gave her Notice that Dinner was ready.  
The House where she lived was in the midst of five or six others, every one a hundred Paces distant from it, without any Fence either of Hedge or Wall. Before it stood a large Estrade or Ascent of about eighteen Inches high, covered with a kind of a Duomo. This they spread with Carpets; where also sat the Princess, and her Women about four Paces from her upon other Carpets: The Rakeshames that composed her Court sat in a Circle upon the Grass, to the Number of Fifty. As for the Theatins and myself there were two Benches placed near the Ascent, the one to sit upon, the other to serve us in stead of a Table. So soon as the Princess was sat down, her Butler spread before her a long painted Linen Cloth, at the end of which he dressed up his Court-Cupboard, which consisted of two great Flagons and two small ones, four Plates and eight Cups, some bigger some lesser, a Basin and Ewer, and a Skimmer, all of Silver; and at the same time other Servants set before all those that were seated in the same place, Wooden Planks to serve in stead of Tables; and one also was placed before the Women. And thus when every thing was ordered in this manner, they brought into the Middle of the place two Kettles, one very large, carried by four Men, which was full of Common Gom; and the t'other much less, which was carried by two Men, full of white Gom. And I have already observed, that this Gom is a Paste of which the Mingrelians make the same use in their Diet, as we do of our Bread. Two other Men brought in upon a kind of Bier a whole Porker boiled, and four other Men, every one a large Pitcher of Wine. Of all which they carried first to the Princess, then to the Women, next to us, and last of all to the Train. After this they served in to the Princess a Wooden Platter with Bread and strong Herbs to create an Appetite, together with a large Silver Plate containing two Fowls, the one Boiled, the other Roasted; both ill dressed, and with such Sauce that my Stomach would not bear. The Princess sent me a part of her Bread and Herbs, and bid the Messenger tell me withal that I should stay and Sup with her, and that she would cause an Ox to be killed; but that was only a Compliment. A short while after, she sent me two Pieces of her Fowl, and bid the Messenger ask me, Wherefore none of the European Workmen, being such Excellent Goldsmiths, and Weavers both of Silk and Woollen came into Mingrelia, but only Monks, of which they had no need, and whose Company they so little desired? Which was a Question that did not a little startle me; for the Princess spoke aloud in Mingrelian, and her Slave returned the Interpretation of his Answer as loud. So that I leave the Reader to judge whether or no the poor Theatins were not strangely abashed to hear the Princess propound such a Question. To say truth, I took the scoff to be pretty well aimed at myself, and therefore I answered as well for myself as for them, since she had addressed herself alike to all, That the European Artists work for Money, and that they had Employment enough at Home to keep 'em from any thoughts of Gadding abroad, but that they who were in Orders sought only the Glory of God, and the Salvation of Souls, and that only those two predominant Motives could overrule the Europeans to quit their Country to travel so far.  
The Feast lasted two Hours; and when it was half over, the Princess sent me a Cup of Wine, and bid the Messenger tell me it was Wine which she preserved for her own Drinking, and the Cup out of which she drank herself: and this Honour she did me three times. But she wondered very much when she saw me mix Water with my Wine, saying withal that she had never seen the like done: For she and her Women drank it Neat, and that to a good pitch. When Dinner was ended, she sent to know whether or no I had brought along with me any Spices or Porcelain Dishes; and six or seven of these Messages I had from her all to the same purpose, by which I guest that the beggarly Princess did not Caress me with so much Civility but only for her own Interest. But all my Answers were positive Denials; which put her at length into such an ill humour, that she told me she would send to search my Chests; to which I only replied, That she might do it when she pleased: which I did, as well fearing lest a refusal and unwillingness might incense her Covetous Humour, as to conceal the dread into which her threatening Language had put me. She answered me, That she had only spoke it in Drollery; and I made as if I had really believed what she said: but so soon as we were risen from the Table, I desired one of the Theatins to make haste home, and give my Comrade Notice of the Princess' words, to the end he might be prepared, whatever should happen. After Dinner she fell again into her Discourse of Marriage, and told me that within a few days she would show me the Lady she had a mind to bestow upon me. To which I answered as before, That Persons in Orders were never allowed to Marry. And having so said, she was about to have dismissed me. But as ill Luck would have it, as I was making my Obeisance, the Princess espied under my poor and mean Habit, that I wore Linen much whiter and finer than any was made in Mingrelia. Thereupon she came close up to me, took me by the Hand, thrust up my Sleeve to my Elbow, and holding me by the Arm, talked to one of her Women with a low Voice. I was then, I must needs confess, at a cruel Nonplus; for the Ladies Caressing Actions no way pleased me; and though she smiled very pleasantly in my Face, yet my Fears were ne'er the less. And that which troubled me most was, that I could not understand what she said, and yet by her Gesture I could perceive she spoke of me with a more than ordinary Earnestness and Affection. Nor did I know how to behave myself before so many People toward a Woman, in whom I considered at the same time the Quality of a Sovereign Princess, and the Impudence of a Courtesan. However, till than I felt no more than only a little Disturbance in my Mind. But that which put me into a very great Consternation was this, that the Princess, addressing herself to Father Zampi, gave him this Rebuke: You have both deceived me, said she, but 'tis my Pleasure that you both come hither to me again upon Sunday-Morning, and that the New comer say Mass before me. The Father would have made her an Answer, but the Princess turning her back, bid us depart.  
Upon this I returned to my Lodging very pensive and sad: for her Discourse had filled me with a Thousand Fears, apprehensive lest her Avarice and some other Motives might spur her on to do me a Mischief. And Father Zampi admonished me to take it for good warning, and to expect it as a thing that would infallibly happen; which made me resolve to prepare for it, insomuch that the Night following we buried all our Goods that were of greatest Value. To which purpose I caused a Pit to be made in the Chamber of the Theatin Friars five Foot deep, where I hid a Chest of Clockwork, and another of Coral: which were so well covered, that there was not the least Appearance that the Earth had been stirred. Afterwards I went into the Church with the same design. Where Father Zampi advised me to open the Grave of a Theatin, who had been buried six Years before, and to commit the Care of a little Caskanet to his Ashes. But GOD, who knew what would soon after happen to that Grave, prevented me from following that Advice; so that I rather chose to dig a Hole in a corner of the Church behind the Door, where I caused as deep a Pit to be made as in the Chamber, and there buried a little Box that contained Twelve Thousand Ducats in Gold. Afterwards I hid in the Roof of the Chamber where I lodged a Scimitar and a Dagger set with Precious Stones, and some other Jewels; which Roof was covered with Straw. And as for such other Things as were of great Value, and light, my Comrade and I carried those about us; and as for such Things as were of less Worth, we recommended them to the care of the Theatins.  
The 23d I understood the Kindness which the Princess had done me, when she threatened to Visit my Baggage. It was upon a Sunday, part of which I had spent in Prayer, and in bewailing myself, out of a deep sense of the Misfortunes that overwhelmed me, and the Dangers that environed me, not finding any Door open for me to make my escape. I expected so certainly to be made a Slave, that I durst not pray to GOD for my Liberty. Only I thought it all I could do to beg that I might fall into the Hands of a kind Master; for that if I might have my choice, I should rather choose the Chains of a Turk then the Fetters of a Colchian Lady.  
When we had Dined, word was brought to the Superior, That two Gentlemen desired to speak with him at the Door; which two Gentlemen were their Neighbours, both a Horseback, in Coats of Mail, and very well armed: Nor did the Superior wonder to see 'em in that Equipage with such a Train, in regard it was in time of War. When he came to 'em, the two Gentlemen told the Superior, That they came to discourse with him, and the Europeans that were newly arrived. And so saying, they alighted. Thereupon the Superior called both me and my Comrade forth, who as readily went to wait upon 'em, never stopping to consider whether they had any ill design or no. But they quickly let me understand their Errand; for so soon as we accosted 'em, they caused us to be laid hold on by their Followers: and at the same time they commanded the Superior and the other Theatins who were come to salute 'em, that they should retire; telling 'em withal, that if they stirred, they would cut their Throats. Upon which the Superior in a Panic fear ran away; but the rest would not forsake us, and the Lay-Brother stood briskly to us. He sacrificed himself in our behalf; Nor could the Naked Sword which they set to his Throat affright him from our sides. Presently our Servants were seized; and one of them who was resolved to have made some resistance, and to that end drew his Cutlace that hung at his Girdle, was knocked down with a Lance, and then Bound and Tied to a Tree.  
Afterwards these Assassinates declared they would see what we had; to whom I answered, That they were our Masters, and we only poor Capuchins, all whose Riches consisted in Books, Papers, and such pitiful Lumber, that they needed not have used so much Violence to constrain us to show it. For I had no other Game to play, being seized and bound, and these Cutthroats become Masters both of the House, and all the People that were in it. And indeed through GOD's Mercy it took effect; for immediately they unbound me, and bid me open our Chamber-Door; which was in the first Story; and where there was nothing but what we did not much value whether it were seen or no. For as I have said already we carried our most Costly Jewels about us; and my Comrade had sowed his share in the Collar of a large Furred Just-au-Corps which he wore. And for my own share I had made 'em up in two little Bundles, and hid 'em in the Chest where my Books were. For I durst not carry 'em about me for fear of being Murdered or Robbed, or sold for a Slave. I was therefore fain to desire the Lay-Brother and my Comrade to take the Gentlemen aside, and hold 'em in a Discourse of Composition, and to offer 'em a little Money, thereby to gain time to take those two Costly Bundles out of my Chest, to the end I might hide 'em the best I could. Which they did, and I went into the Chamber, and Locked the Door upon me. The Soldiers apprehensive of my Design, gave the Gentlemen Notice, who presently came to the Door, which was strongly Locked withinside. At what time my Comrade cried out from below, and bid me have a care, for that the Enemy peeped and watched me through the Chinks. Which made me presently take away my two little Bundles from the Roof where I had thrust 'em, for fear they had seen where I laid 'em, and put 'em in my Pocket: but then perceiving they were about to break open the Door, I flung myself out at the Window into the Garden, taking such a Leap, that had not Necessity constrained me, I should not have taken at another time for never so much: for it had been enough to have broke a Man's Neck; but a Man that is seized with a Panic Dread fears nothing but the Object of his first Fears. However, being once down, I ran to the end of the Garden, and threw the two little Bundles among the thickest of the Bushes: though the Distraction of my Mind would not suffer me to take a true Notice of the Place where I threw 'em. After this, I returned to my Chamber, which I found full of Robbers, some of whom were abusing my Comrade, others knocking with their Maces upon my Chests with a design to break 'em; but then I took Courage, knowing there was nothing in 'em that was very considerable, and bid 'em have a care what they did, for that I was the King of Persia's Envoy; and that the Prince of Georgia would severely chastise the Violence they had offered me; and so saying I showed 'em the King of Persia's Passport, which one of the Gentlemen took and would have torn, saying he feared no Body, nor valued no Man living upon the Face of the Earth; but the other prevented him, as having a greater Reverence for the Gold Letters and Gilt Seal. After that he bid me open my Chests, and he would do me no Injury; but if I made any longer delay, he would take my Neck from my Shoulders. To which I was about to have replied, in stead of yielding Obedience, which had like to have cost me my Life, for one of the Soldiers had drawn his Sword, and was lifting up his Arm to have split my Brains. But the Lay-Brother stopped his Arm. Upon this I opened my Chests; but then, heavens bless me, what work they made! Whatever they had a mind to, 'twas all free Plunder.  
While they were thus busy at their Pillage, I was leaning at a Window, and turning my Eyes another way, as unwilling to increase my Sorrows, I looked into the Garden, where I perceived two Soldiers among the Bushes, where I thought I had thrown my little Bundles. Presently I ran like mad to the Place, followed by a Theatin Friar; but whatever the Matter was, the two Soldiers withdrew when they saw us enter: Nevertheless I was willing to satisfy myself whether they were there or no, and sought for 'em, but having mistaken the place, through the trouble I was in, I could not then find 'em, so that I thought they had been found and carried away. And you may judge by the Value of these two little Bundles, that amounted to Six Thousand Pounds, what a desperate condition I was in: enough to have broke a Man's Heart: but God sustained me through his Mercy, and so supported me that I had still a presence of mind and thought that seldom failed me in extremity. But the loud Cries of my Comrade and the Lay-Brother, called me out of the Garden, into the Chamber: where when I came, I was seized by two Soldiers, who drew me to a Corner of the Chamber, and took what I had in my Pockets, which was no great Matter. Which done, they took me by the Hands, and would ha'bound me. Upon that I made a Noise, and used all the Strength I had, and made signs that they should carry me to their Masters; and then I told the Chief of these Cutthroats, that there was no Necessity to bind or kill me, for that I was ready to suffer whatever they were disposed to do to me. Who answered, That they would carry us to the Prince since we were Ambassadors. To which I replied, That we were ready to go without binding, and that we hoped he would do us Justice: for that we had Letters for him, for which no doubt but he would have a very great respect. By this time it grew late, and Night drew on; besides, it was above fifteen Miles to the Prince's Castle: so that they released us, and carried no Body along with 'em but only the Servant, who offered to make Resistance at first, whom I redeemed fifteen Days after for Ten Crowns.  
When I was rid of these Freebooters, I went to the Garden, for the Friar that followed me before, when I went to look for the two Bundles I had hid in the Bushes, had been telling the Misfortune which he believed had befallen me, and no Body questioned but that the Soldiers had observed and followed me, and found the Treasure I had so endeavoured to conceal. Now I had an Armenian Servant at that time, whose Name was Allaverdy; (and I therefore name him, because several of my Friends have seen him at Paris after my return from my first Travels, and for that his Fidelity to me at that time was so remarkable that I cannot forbear to mention it.) This poor honest Man followed me into the Garden; but I could not but wonder to see him throw his Arms about my Neck, with Tears in his Eyes: Sir, said he, we are ruined: Fear and our common Misfortune made us forget what we were. I was a little scared at first, for I took him for some Rakehell Mingrelian that would have cut my Throat: but knowing him, I was mightily taken with the Man's Affection for me, and bid him forbear weeping. But, Sir, said he, have you looked well? I have looked so well, said I, that I am too well assured of my ill Luck. However, the Fellow would not be so satisfied, but desired me to show him the place as near as I could guests, and what course I had taken both to hide 'em before, and since to search for 'em again. Which I did to satisfy a Servant, who showed himself so much concerned for me, but for my own part, I looked upon it to be so much Labour lost, and therefore never thought it worth my time to help him. Moreover, it was by this time almost Night, and I was so possessed with Grief, and my Sorrows did so perplex me, that I was not sensible either what I did, whither I went, or what I felt. But I was amazed to find the Fellow come and hang about my Neck a second time, who at the same time overjoyed thrust the two little Bundles into my Bosom. Nor is it to be imagined what a Change this Comfortable Return of my Servant wrought in my Mind. Though my Consolation did not so much proceed from the Recovery of Six Thousand Pounds, which I thought I had lost, as to see the Care that Providence took of me, the Goodness of GOD, his Presence, and his Assistance. This Consideration restored me again to myself in a moment; my present Condition neither troubled me, nor did the prospect of future Mischief disturb me, but manifestly acknowledging that only GOD could have thus preserved me, I conceived such an Assurance of his Preservation, that has still supported me in all my Distresses.  
Thus having saved the two High-prized Packets, I made little account of what they might have taken out of my Chests; so that returning to my Chamber, I gave an account of my good success to my Comrade, whom I found restoring to order the confusion which those Robbers had made; by which it appeared that they had carried away only some few clothes, some Arms, Copper Vessels, and other Trifles. There we agreed together, not to let any Body know that we had found the two little Bundles, to the end they might think we had nothing more of Value to lose. Which proved to be very good Counsel. For the Theatin's Servants, thought we had been utterly Robbed. Tho thanks be to God, the whole that we lost did not amount to above One Hundred Pound.  
The 24th in the Morning the Superior of the Theatins, and the Lay Brother, carried me to the Catholicos, and the Prince to demand Justice, and would have had me carried to each a Present. I alleged in vain, that it would look strangely for us to complain of being Robbed and Plunderd of all, and yet to bring Presents. But Custom prevailed, and I presented to the Catholicos, a Knife, Spoon and Fork of Silver in one Case, with a Hat which he had sent to request of me. Which done, I showed him the Pass and Command of the Persian King, as also to the Prince: but I did not deliver to the Prince the Letter from the French Ambassador, in regard the Theatins did not think it proper. But neither the one nor the other gave me any satisfaction. The Prince told me, that in time of War (as now it happened to be) he was not Master of the Nobility. That at another time he would have done me Justice speedily, and to the full: However he would endeavour the Restitution of what had been taken from me. The Catholicos told me the same Story, and in stead of assisting me, began to preach me a Lecture of Consolation. However, they made choice of two Gentlemen to go in their Names and demand what had been taken from us.  
But the most considerable Thing that I got by this Days Work, was the Discovery which I made, that the Dadian or Prince had a share in the foregoing Days Robbery, and that he had a third part of the Goods for himself. Which Discovery served to make me understand the Nature of the Country where I was, and that the Dangers were the more inevitable that threatened us. After our departure, the two Gentlemen appointed to serve us, went along with us, and lay at our House, where it was necessary to present 'em with something at their Arrival. And they for their parts made a great show as if they had rid about all the next Day, and the Day following to serve us; but all their Riding produced nothing: for the 26th in the Evening they returned to tell us they could do us no good; nor could they look any farther, for that the Turks were entered Mingrelia, burnt and sacked all before, and therefore they were obliged to return speedily to their Masters.  
I was so accustomed to suffer, that these same dreadful Tidings hardly moved me. But the Theatins were at their Wit's end; foreseeing that this Incursion of the Turks would utterly ruin 'em: therefore both they and we prepared for flight. At the same Instant we heard two great Guns go off, which was a Signal from the Fortress of Rucks of the Enemy's approach. Upon which Signal all the People betake themselves to flight, carrying away with 'em into the Woods and Strong-Places whatever they are able.  
The 27th by break of Day we began our Flight with the rest: but I resolved not to meddle with any thing that I had buried, or that I had hid in the Roof of the House, which I held to be more secure than if I should carry 'em along with me. The Theatins had only one Wagon drawn by two Oxen, and two Horses to carry the whole Baggage belonging to the House and two Children: and as for the Horses, the Lay-Brother road upon one, and my Comrade on the other; who was then sick, which very much retarded our Journey. Two Theatin Friars and myself followed the Wagon afoot; and the Slaves and the rest of the Servants belonging to the House followed us. So that there remained but one Friar to look after it, and a Thousand Things more which we could not carry away, for want of Conveniency. I myself left all my Books, my Papers, and Mathematical Instruments behind me, believing that neither the Turks nor Mingrelians would trouble themselves with 'em. The Father, who stayed behind, fled into the Woods in the Daytime, when he heard any Rumour of the Enemies coming, and returned to the House at Night. Now I have already observed, that the Wars of the Mingrelians and their Neighbours seldom last long, being no more than Inroads for Spoil and Plunder, the heat of which being over, the Enemy retreats back again: and therefore the Inhabitants always leave one or two Persons in their Houses, to prevent the Neighbours from pillaging the Corn, Wine, and other Provisions which they cannot carry away. Which Persons are sometimes surprised by the Enemy, but very rarely; for that they are always upon the Watch; and for that the Woods are so near and so thick, that they can easily run for't, and hide themselves when any danger appears.  
'Twas one of the most lamentable Things in the World to behold these poor People in their flight: Women lugging their Children and their Bundles: Men stooping under the Burden of their Baggage: Here one driving his cattle; another haling a Cart after him full of Householdstuff. The Highways were strewed with People quite wearied off their Legs, and so faint, that they were ready to die. Of Aged and Decrepit People and Children not able to go, a great Number were to be seen crying out, and making lamentable Moans for Assistance. It was such a spectacle of Lamentation, Misery and Desolation, that would have melted the Hearts of any but of those Barbarians. Yet I must confess I was not much concerned at it, not out of hardheartedness, but because my Compassion was all spent, my own Miseries had so drained me, that I had none left for any Body else. Now the Place whither we made our Retreat was a Fortress in the Woods, like those which I have already described; of which the Lord was called Sabatar a Georgian, who turned Mahometan, and afterwards became a Christian. He was also looked upon to be less a Thief and less a Rascal then the rest: and we arrived at this Fortress after a tedious Journey of five I eagues in deep Mud and Dirt, out of which I could not think the Cart could ever have been drawn; which was the reason we were forced to load and unload twenty times by the way: nor would it be any News to tell ye, That I was twice very near being pillaged and losing my Life; in regard I ran that hazard every Day. When we came to the Fortress, he that owned it let us in, and received us kindly enough. For the Theatins had told him, That I was a Person that never received a Courtesy but I made a return for it. He lodged us in the place where the Oven stood, in a little scurvy Hutt, where we were no more sheltered from the Wether than those that lay i' the open Air; for it reigned in on every side. However, it was a great Favour that we had it, and were not crowded as were an infinite Number of poor Wretches one upon another. For the Fortress was full of People when we arrived: there being in it no less than Eight Hundred Persons, Women and Children for the most part.  
But here, before I continue the farther Recital of my Misfortunes, give me leave to say something of the Occasion of this Incursion of the Turks, and what I have learned concerning the late Mingrelian Wars, and of the People of Imiretta and Guriel, in which their Formidable Neighbours the Turk and Persian were engaged. Therein you will find some Passages perhaps not unworthy the Remembrance of History; and certainly 'tis a thing equally to be observed and wondered at, That such small and inconsiderable Kingdoms should continually produce such Tragic Revolutions. Nor shall I be accused to have injured the People of these Countries, while I tell ye how wicked they are, when you have read this part of my Story; since the bare Relation which I shall make in reprepresenting 'em such, will justify me perhaps in the Judgement of my Readers.  
The most Famous Prince that ever Mingrelia had, since it revolted from the King of Imiretta, was Levan Dadian, Uncle to him that Reigns at this present. He was Valiant, Generous, a Person of great Wit, indifferently just and more happy in his Undertake. He made War upon his Neighbours and vanquished 'em all: and no question but he would have made an excellent Prince, had he been born in a better Country. But the Custom in his Country of Marrying several Wives, and those near Relations, was that which transported him to such Excesses as rendered him unworthy of all Encomiums.  
He remained an Orphan almost as soon as he had outlived his Infant Years: at what time his Father dying, left him to the Tuition of his Brother, who was Uncle by the Father's side to the Young Pupil, and called by the Name of George; the Sovereign Prince of Libardian, a Country that extends itself a great way into Mount Caucasus. This George faithfully discharged his Trust in the Tuition of his Nephew. He bred him well, and prudently Governed Mingrelia during his Minority.  
Levan being Twenty Four Years of Age, Espoused the Daughter of the Prince of the Abca's, by whom he had two Sons; she being a Lovely Princess, and a Woman of a great Wit. 'Tis true, she was taxed of being none of the most Faithful Wives, which perhaps might be in revenge of the Foul-play which her Husband openly played her every Day. Now among the rest of the Women with whom he fell in Love, one was the Wife of George his Uncle, who had been his Tutor, and to whom he had been so highly obliged. This Lady went by the Name of Darejan, of a Considerable Family, which was called Chilakè. And as she was extremely beautiful, but wicked and ambitious beyond Imagination, she was not only content to violate her Conjugal Fidelity, and for two Years together to live in an Incestuous League with the Prince her Nephew, but over-persuaded him at the end of that season to take her away by Force, repudiate his own Wife, and Mary her. Levan was overruled by her: He took the Adulteress by Force from her Husband's House; He Married her, and eight days after sent home his first Wife ignominiously, without any Train, back to her Father, King of the Abca's, after he had caused her Nose, her Ears and her Hands to be cut off. And the pretence which he took to excuse so horrid a piece of Cruelty was, That she had committed Adultery with the Vizier, whose Name was Papona. And the better to make People believe the truth of it, he caused this Vizier to be stopped into the Mouth of a Cannon at the same time that he maimed his own Wife. However, all Men agreed, that there was nothing of Incontinence that had been committed between her and the Vizier; only that he sacrificed his Wife and his Prime Minister to the Hatred and Jealousy of the Chilakite.  
The Love of this wicked Woman caused him to Sacrifice these Important Victims: but her Ambition forced him to offer up two more precious Oblations. For Levan himself poisoned his two Sons which he had had by the Princess his Wife. The Chilakite persuading him to this incredible Inhumanity, to the end the Children which she should have by him might Reign more securely.  
Prince George had a great kindness for his Wife, as much an Adulteress, and as wicked as she was. So that her being taken from him by force threw him into a most furious despair. He performed the Ceremony of Mourning for her Forty Days, according to the Custom of the Country, as if she had been Dead; after which he betook himself to Arms, and fell into the Territories of the Prince his Nephew. But Levan was Valiant, and had good Soldiers about him, so that George was constrained to retire into his Mountains, where he died soon after for Grief and Vexation.  
The Prince of the Abca's also went about to revenge the Affront and Injury done him, in the Person of the Princess his Daughter, but with as ill success. He raised Forces, began a War against the Prince of Mingrelia, and though the consequences of the War did not at all fall out to his Advantage, yet would he never make Peace or Truce with him, nor would he put an end to the War, till he understood the Death of his Barbarous Son-in-Law.  
There was also a Third Enemy, more formidable but as unsuccessful that would not suffer Levan to be at rest. This was his own Brother called Joseph, who engaged himself so far in the just Resentments of his Uncle George and the Prince of the Abca's, that he resolved to revenge their Quarrel, by causing the Criminal to be Murdered. To that purpose he corrupted one of his Guards an Abca by Birth to Assassinate him; the Prince's Cupbearer being also Privy to the Conspiracy. The Plot was so laid that Joseph should go and Dine at the Palace: that the Abca Guard should stand behind him with a Lance in his Hand, and that when the Prince lifted to his Mouth one of those great Beakers of Wine which the Mingrelians Drink at the end of the Meal, the Cupbearer should make a sign to the Abca, who was then to strike him through the Body with his Lance. This Plot was within a little of being put in Execution, but failed when the stroke was ready to have been given, Divine Justice resolving that Levan's Crimes should be his own Murderers and Executioners, which spared him a long time before they accomplished it. For the Prince perceived the sign which the Cupbearer gave the Guard, and as it were inspired, threw himself down from the place where he stood, so that the Lance never touched him at all. However the Abca escaped, but the Cupbearer was seized, put to the Rack, and dismembered after he had confessed what he knew of the Plot. Prince Joseph had his Eyes pulled out, and died soon after, leaving a Son, who is now Prince of Mingrelia.  
Levan had by his Incestuous Conjunction two Sons, and one Daughter, who suffered every one for the Iniquity of their Father, being all Three Paralytic. No means were unsought for their Cure, but all in vain: their Distemper Non-plussed all the Physicians in the Country, the Theatins and an Eminent Greek Physician who was sent for from Constantinople. The Youngest Son and the Daughter died by that time they arrived at the Age of Twenty Years or thereabout: but Alexander the Eldest Son lived longer, was Married and had a Child; his Wife being the Daughter of the Prince of Guriel. Which one Son he had a Year after he was Married, and then died, while his Father was yet living.  
Levan died in the Year 1657. after whose Death the Shilakite was in such high Credit, as to set up in his place a Son, which she had by her first Husband, but which most People were assured was begot by Levan. But this Young Prince whose Name was Vomeki, did not Reign long. For the Viceroy of that part of Georgia which is under the Dominion of Persia, despoiled him of his Principality, and reinvested in it Levan's Lawful Heir, after he had invaded Mingrelia, and the Territories of Imiretta. Which Invasion being an Accident that happens to be genuinely apposite to this Recital, I shall only give a short account of the occasion.  
The Deceased King of Imiretta, who was called Alexander, and who died in the Year 1658. had Two Wives, the First was the Daughter of the Prince of Guriel called Tamar, whom he divorced for her Adulteries, after he had had a Son and a Daughter by her. The Son, who was called Bacrat Mirza Reigns at this present King of Imiretta. The Daughter is Princess of Mingrelia, the same that I have given ye such an account of, that would have both Robbed and Married me to her Friend. The Second Wife which Alexander Married was called Darejan, a Young Princess and Daughter of the Great and Famous Taymur Razkan, last Sovereign King of Georgia. He had no Children by her, and left her a Widow after he had been Married to her four Years. They talk Wonders of her Beauty and her alluring Graces. So soon as his Son-in-Law Bacrat came to the Throne, she would have had him to Marry her. Bacrat was not then above Fifteen Years of Age; so that the Charms of her Beauty could not make those deep Impressions upon his Heart, as being so young that the Evil Customs of his Country had not yet corrupted him. Which was the Reason that he abhorred the Proposal, and returned disdainful Answers to her Courtship. Darejan therefore finding she could not support herself upon the Throne, immediately advanced to his Bed a young Person of Twelve Years of Age, her Kinswoman, called Sistan Darejan, the Daughter of Daitona, the Brother of Taymur Razkan, whom Bacrat Married at Fifteen Years of Age, as has been already said. So that Darejan assured herself of the Sovereign Power, and of keeping the King and Queen continually under her Guardianship. But Bacrat, as young as he was, perceived his Mothers-in-law Design, and one Day gave her apparent Testimonies of his Disgust. Upon which Darejan, to satisfy Bacrat, assured him that she would forbear to take any Authority upon her. Who being a good-natured wellmeaning Prince, easily believed Darejan, and restored her to his former Confidence, not dreaming of the Treason that she was meditating against him. To that purpose she feigned herself sick, and sent for the King to come to her; who went accordingly with a great deal of Frankness and Willingness; at what time certain People that she had posted in her Chamber, seized and bound him. Presently she ordered him to be conveyed to the Fortress of Cotatis, the Principal City of the Country, the Governor of which place was her own Creature. Soon after she came thither herself; sent for all the Grandees whom she had gained to her Party, and of whom she was assured, and with them consulted for five Days together what to do with the King. Some advised her to put him to Death; others to pull out his Eyes: which latter advice she followed, and so the Prince was deprived of his sight. Which happened Eight Months after the Marriage of that poor Prince, which they said moreover he had not fully then consummated.  
Among the rest of the Lords that were of Darejan's Party, there was one with whom she was passionately in love, whose Name was Vactangle: Him she Married, and caused him to be Crowned King in the Fortress. Which highly incensed the rest of the Lords, who thought themselves all affronted by his Advancement. Thereupon they fell oft from siding with Darejan, joined themselves with the contrary Party, took Arms, and called to their Assistance the Princes of Guriel and Mingrelia, offering the Kingdom to which of the two should first come to their Aid. Vomeki Dadian was the first that appeared in the Field with all the Forces of his Country; and soon reduced under his Subjection all that part which held for Darejan, except the Fort of Cotatis. However, he laid Siege to that also, but for want of Artillery, he could do little good against the Besieged, only that he kept 'em from stirring forth out of their Walls; and it would have cost him a long time before he could have brought 'em to a surrender, had it not been for the Politic Contrivance of a Lord of the Country, whose Name was Ottia Chekaizè, who brought that to pass by his Wit, which they could not do with all their Force. He went to the Fortress full of a feigned Despair, occasioned by the Prince of Mingrelia; he made Darejan believe that he was reduced to that extremity, that he knew not where to find a more secure Sanctuary: that he came to throw himself at her Feet, to beg her Pardon, and desire her Protection against that Prince. Darejan fell into the Snare. She believed whatever Ottia said, and that his extraordinary Zeal for her Interests was true. She admitted him into her Council, soon after increased by the Bishop of Tifflis and the Catholicos of Georgia, whom the Viceroy of that Country had sent her, fearing lest they in whom she most confided should betray her. But this same Runagate deceived 'em both, as quicksighted as they were. He told Darejan in their hearing, That considering the Condition of her Affairs, there was no other way to expel the Prince of Mingrelia, to regain what he had won, and to Reign securely, but to have recourse to the Turk. That her best way was to send her Husband to Constantinople for Assistance, and the Confirmation of his Coronation: That the Kingdom of Imiretta was Tributary to the Port, and that the Grand Signior had both Right and Power sufficient to restore the Country to Peace, and fix him in the Throne. Darejan was Charmed by this Advice, and while he that gave it, offered to assist in the Management of it, and to Conduct Vactangle to Constantinople, she threw herself at his Feet, not having Words enough to express that Acknowledgement which she had in her Heart. Vactangle took only two Men along with him, to the end he might Travel with the more Security and Privacy. Thus being soon ready, the cunning Ottia Chikaizè his Guide, caused him to set forth out of the Fortress about Twilight, and carrying him through Byways to bring him the more insensibly to the Besiegers, brought him in less than an Hour into their Camp. The Prince of Mingrelia caused his Eyes forthwith to be pulled out, and sent that Night to Darejan to let her know that he had her Husband Prisoner, and that he had put out his Eyes. This News surprised her so, that her Courage and Resolution quite failed her, and in a short time after she surrendered the Fortress, which was plundered from Top to Bottom. Insomuch that it was certainly reported that the Prince of Mingrelia carried thence a very rich Booty, and among the rest Twelve Wagons of Silver, Plate and Movables. For, as it was said, the Kings of Imiretta had heaped together such a vast Quantity of Plate, that every thing within the Palace was of Massy Silver, even to the Steps and Footstools. Which is no difficult thing to believe in a plentiful Country, and where there is a good Trade, and adjoining to Countries which were formerly very Wealthy, and where it appears that Money was not then in use, there being very little that is stirring at present. The Prince of Mingrelia also carried away along with him the King and Queen of Imiretta, the wicked Darejan, and the unfortunate Vactangle her Husband; but to the Viceroy of Georgia he generously returned the two Prelates which he had sent to the Princess to be her Privy Counsellors.  
The Viceroy of Georgia is called Shanavas Can; being descended also from the last Sovereign Princess of that Country: but he turned Mahometan to make himself capable of enjoying the Viceroyship under the Persian. He has only two Lawful Wives, who are both Christians, of which the one is called Mary the Sister of Levan Prince of Mingrelia, who gave the first occasion to this Relation: This Lady when she understood how the detestable Shilakite had excluded the lawful Heir in favour of a Son which she had before she was Married to Levan, daily importuned the Prince her Husband to undertake her Nephew's Cause, and to settle him in the possession of his Principality, to which he was the true and lawful Heir. But the Viceroy would not act Hand over Head by force in this Affair. For Mingrelia being Tributary to the Turk, he durst not declare open Hostility against that Country, without the knowledge and consent of the King of Persia. But at length a favourable opportunity offered itself. For so soon as the Prince of Mingrelia was entered into the Kingdom of Imiretta, as has been already said, Darejan who was near Kinswoman to the Georgian Viceroy, and had been bred up in his House, and Vactangle her Husband, sent and offered the Kingdom to Archylas his Eldest Son, if he would come and drive out the Mingrelian. The Viceroy made this offer known to the King of Persia, and assured him withal that he would add that Kingdom and Mingrelia to his Empire, if he would but give him leave to Conquer 'em. To which when his Majesty had sent him his consent, he mustered all his Forces and marched toward Imiretta. But he was no sooner entered the Kingdom, when news was brought him that a great Georgian Lord, taking the advantage of his absence, was up in Arms, and preparing to ransack all the Country. Upon which he marched back again with all his Forces against the Rebel, defeated and put him to Death, and then returned toward Imiretta.  
The Grandees of the Kingdom that invited him in, had raised Four Thousand Men, which was a great Army for a Country so bounded as that, and this number too Augmented every Day, some flocking out of fear of His Power, others allured by the charming Fame of his Valour. So that he found little or no Resistance either in Imiretta or Mingrelia. Prince Vomeki retired amongst the Sovanes into the Fortresses of Mount Caucasus, inaccessible to the Cavalry. So that the Georgian Prince had nothing to do but to Ransack; and he carried away a very Rich Booty out of both Countries. They report that it was there that he plundered the greatest part of the Gold and Silver Plate, of which his House is full. He settled in Mingrelia his Nephew, Levan's Grandchild, to whom the Principality belonged of Right, and affianced him to one of his Nieces whom he promised to send him. Which done, he caused his Son Archylus to be Crowned King of Imiretta; but he knew not how to be rid of Vomeki. For he was unwilling to leave him a Fugitive in the Mountains where he was retired, fearing lest when he was gone, he should come down from the Mountains, and disturb the unsettled affairs of Princes hardly warm in their Thrones. But a Grandee of Imiretta whose Name was Kotzia, put him out of that pain. For he wrore to the Sovanes, that the Viceroy of Georgia desired to rid himself absolutely of Vomeki: that he would give 'em great Rewards and Immunities if they brought him his Head: but if they denied to gratify him in so small a Matter, he threatened their Country with Fire and Sword. The Sovanes therefore readily condescended, and having slain Vomeki, sent his Head to the Georgian Prince. Which done he retreated, and carried along with him the two Blind Princes Bacrat, and Vactangle; to the end no Friend of theirs in his absence might be emboldened to undertake any new disturbances in their Favour; and left the Princesses their Wives at Cotatis. Which Inhuman separations he made for the sake of his Son the King of Imiretta; who became so desperately in Love with Bacrat's Wife, that he resolved to take her from her Husband and Marry her.  
After the departure of the Viceroy of Georgia, several Grandees of Imiretta conspired against their new Sovereign. For some had been ill used; others could not brook the Power and high advancement of Kotzia, whom Archylus' Father had appointed to be his Sons Prime Minister, nor his Domineering Haughtiness and severity towards 'em. Thereupon they wrote to the Bassa of Akalzike, that they wondered to see him sit still with so much indifferency, while the Viceroy of Georgia ravaged a Kingdom and Principality Tributary to the Turks; nay, reduced 'em under his Subjection, and carried away their Lawful Prince's Prisoners, and set up in their Places his own Friends and Kindred. That therefore they besought him to let 'em know, whether it were the Port that abandoned 'em to the Capricious Humours of the Persians; or whether it were the Dread of their Forces, that tied his Hands at a time when the Honour and Interest of the Grand Signior lay at Stake. To which the Bassa returned for answer, That he had sent Intelligence to the Port of the Invasion made by the Georgian Viceroy, and expected Orders every Hour; which when he should receive, he would let 'em know what was necessary to be done. Soon after he wrote word that his Orders were come; and that as soon as the Forces which the Bassa's of Erzerom and Cars (both Provinces of Armenia) had Instructions to send him, should be joined with his, he would deliver 'em from the Georgian Yoke. That in the mean time they should get ready to join with him with all the Forces they could raise, and that they should cause Kotzia to be murdered, for fear his Forces, his Prudence and his Reputation should put a stop to the Enterprise, and that by his Death the new King of Imiretta might be without any Counsellor to assist him.  
The Chief Conspirators were the Grand Steward of the Household, and Bishop Janatelle; who also admitted into their Plot one of Kotzia's Gentlemen: promising him withal the Grand Master's Daughter in Marriage, and to prevail with the Turkish Bassa, that he should have all his Master Kotzia's Land, if he would but undertake to kill him, and perform it effectually: Which Conditions the perfidious Villain accepted, and one Night Assassinated his Master, at what time a certain Purge that he had taken wrought upon his Body.  
This bold Stroke discovered the Conspiracy, caused all the Grandees of Imiretta to stand to their Arms, hastened the Bassa of Akalzikè's March, and put the King into an extraordinary Trouble and Consternation. Presently he gave advice of what had happened to his Father the Viceroy of Georgia. Who sent him Instructions and Counsellors, and assured him, he would come in a little time with an Army to his Assistance. But the Bassa of Akalzikè would not stay for his coming; for he fell into Imiretta with that swiftness, that the young Prince had much ado to escape his Avant-Couriers, and to save himself. He went to his Father, where in a few days Intelligence was brought him, that the Bassa of Akalzikè had put a Garrison into the Fortress of Cotatis, the Capital City of Imiretta, and that he was Master of the whole Country. Upon which the Viceroy of Georgia turned back, not daring to act any thing against the Turks without the King of Persia's Orders.  
As for the Orders which the Bassa had received from the Grand Signior, the purport of 'em was, That since the People of Imiretta and Mingrelia made use of their Liberty only to destroy one another, he should take from 'em all the Strong Places he could. The Bassa had kept his Instructions very secret; and having by a Stratagem got admittance into the Castle of Cotatis, he made himself Master of it, and furnished it with a good Garrison. Afterwards he sent for all the Nobility and Gentry of the Country, and made 'em swear Fealty to the new King which he gave 'em, who was the Son of the Prince of Guriel, at that time a Berre, or Monk of the Order of St. Basil; but he quitted his Monastical Habit, and was Crowned King.  
While the Bassa was thus disposing of the Petty Kingdom of Imiretta, the Prince of Mingrelia came to wait upon him, with the offer of his Head, and Tender of his Subjection to the Grand Signior's Commands. That he was and would still continue a Tributary to the Court; and that the Prince of Georgia in establishing him, had done no more than restored him the Patrimony of his Ancestors, which appertained to him of Right. The Bassa was appeased by his Submission, and by the great Presents which he brought along with him. So that he confirmed him in his Principality, and then returned to Akalzike, carrying along with him the Wretched Darejan, and the Queen of Imiretta, whom the Unfortunate Archilus had not time to get into his possession.  
This happened in the Year 1659. at what time the Turkish Bassa had no sooner turned his Back, but the Grandees of Imiretta, out of their natural Treachery and Inconstancy, refused to obey their new King. Thereupon they sent Commissioners to the Viceroy of Georgia, with their Complaints against him; and conjured him, to send 'em back Bacrat, as Blind as he was. The Georgian Prince was afraid that this demand was no more than only an Artifice of their Treachery, and therefore to ascertain himself of the Truth, he made Answer, That if the Grandees of Imiretta were really, as they said they were, incensed against their new Master, and resolved to dethrone him, that they should pull out his Eyes, and that then when he was assured they had done it, he would send away Bacrat: Which Conditions were accepted and punctually performed both on one side and t' other. The Grandees of Imiretta pulled out their King's Eyes, and sent him back to the Prince of Guriel his Brother; and the Viceroy of Georgia sent 'em Bacrat, after he had affianced him to one of his Nieces, Sister to her, whom he had given to the Prince of Mingrelia.  
This latter was very Young, and Bacrat was Blind: so that their principal Officers Governed; and thence it came to pass that the Prime Ministers of Mingrelia and Imiretta had continual Quarrels one with another, wherein they engaged their Masters, and obliged 'em to make War one upon another. In which Contest the Mingrelian was Vanquished and taken Prisoner with his Wife, whom the Viceroy of Georgia had sent him not above two Months before, and a report was afterwards spread abroad, that he had not consummated the Marriage. She is very fair and very well shaped, and though I have seen many handsome Women in her Country, I never beheld a more charming Creature. She is most surely guilty of all the Passions that a Lover's Breast can feel. For such are the Glances of her passionately Tender and Languishing Eyes, that she never looks but to command Love, and inspire hope. In a word, the Air of her Countenance and all her discourses are irresistible Allurements. So that Bishop Janatelle, who is one of the greatest Lords in all Imiretta, was taken with her at first sight. Who being very Rich, plied her with Presents, and gained her so entirely, that now she sticks close to him, and that so publicly, as if they were Man and Wife. And indeed the cunning which this Priest made use of to retain this lovely Prisoner still in Imiretta, was more than usual, and a very pleasant Contrivance. For he made the King his Master, the poor Blind Bacrat, in Love with her, by means of the daily Encomiums of her Beauty which he continually pealed in his Ears, and when he had kindled his Flame, he laid before him a kind of necessity of Marrying her. Your Majesty, said he, has lost your Wife, as being carried away by the Bassa of Akalzike, so that GOD knows what is become of her. The Viceroy of Georgia 's Niece, to whom you are affianced, is an Infant, so that it will be a long time before you can be Married to her. And therefore your Majesty will do well to espouse the Princess of Mingrelia, nor can you any where Marry another, that has more Beauty, or more Wit. And thus the King being overruled, followed his Counsel, never considering that he acted more for the Interest of his Advizer then his own. And as for the Princess she was glad of the Bargain.  
'Tis well known that the Prince of Mingrelia loved her entirely, and that he would never consent to surrender her to the King of Imiretta. And therefore an Expedient was found out to take her away under the pretence of Justice, which was this. The King of Imiretta had her Sister with him; being at that time a Widow; and it was proposed to her to make her Princess of Mingrelia, in stead of her that was so already, provided she could but allure the Prince, and so order it, as that he should be surprised in her Bed. She being the Sister of a King, Young, Cunning, and Handsome, with little or no trouble easily debauched a Young, Simple and Captive Prince. So that being both taken in Bed together, the Prince was forced to Marry her immediately, and at the same time the King of Imiretta espoused the Princess of Mingrelia. These two Marriages thus accomplished, the Mingrelian had his Liberty, and was restored to his Country, after he had sworn upon all the Images, never to repudiate his new Spouse, nor to Marry any other, so long as she lived.  
But so soon as he was returned into his Country, desire of Revenge transporting him, he Challenged alike both the Turk and the Persian. He sent his Ambassadors to the Viceroy of Georgia, and the Bassa of Akalzikè, Complaining of the Invasion which the King of Imiretta had made into his Country, and of his taking from him his Wife. The Bassa was at that time highly provoked against the People of Imiretta, for their Treachery, Rebellion and Cruelty to the King which he had appointed for their Sovereign. The Prince of Guriel also, Brother to that Unfortunate Prince, loudly demanded Justice. And the Cruel Darejan inflamed his Revenge with all her might; and urged him to extend it to the utmost Rigour that such detestable Inhumanities' deserved. Now she was lovely, as I have already said, and her Beauty strangely reinforced her Arguments. Insomuch that the Bassa promised to restore her to the Throne of Imiretta, together with her Husband, if she could get him out of Georgia where he was a Prisoner, in the Custody of the Archbishop of Gori; from whence the wily Darejan found a way to have him stolen and brought to Akalzikè. So soon as he was arrived, the Bassa took 'em both along with him in his March to Imiretta; where he sacked and ruined after a most terrible manner all before him. Whereupon the King and Queen fled to a Fortress called Ratchia, seated in an inaccessible part of the Mountains. After that, the Bassa restored Darejan and her Husband to the Throne, and caused all the Grandees, and all the People to swear Fealty to him; and so taking Hostages, he returned with a great Number of Slaves; but little other Booty, in regard it had been no less than the third time in five Years that that poor Country had been pillaged, plundered and ransacked by the Persians, and their other Neighbours.  
As for the wicked Darejan, she was destined to be ruined by her excess of Confidence. One of her great Lords having lulled her into a besotted Credulity, had plunged her, as I have already related, into one of the most miserable Conditions that could befall a Woman of her Quality; and now another by the same means brought her to the most Tragic end in the World. This was the most perfidious Traitor and Murderer of the Prime Minister Cotzia, who was also called by the same Name. For the Murder he had committed had raised him to great Preferment. Now this Person never came near the Bassa to pay him his Homage, because he had been of the Faction contrary to Darejan; and was therefore afraid of being sacrificed. However, he wrote to the Princess, as soon as the Turks were retreated, and sent her word, that Bacrat, and they by whom the Prince still suffered himself to be Governed, had put upon him so many ingrateful Slights and Affronts, that he would be their vowed Enemy as long as he lived: That if she would engage to restore him to the Bassa's Favour, and to all his Lands that had been Confiscated, and to invest him in the Estate of the High Steward of Bacrat's Household, he would deliver into her Hands both Bacrat and his Wife. All which she promised to perform; and then the Traitor came and submitted himself to her. At what time the Princess was so overhasty, that nothing would serve her but she would presently bestow upon him all the Marks of Favour and Reconciliation, Friendship and Confidence, which are most usual in that Country between Men and Women. She adopted him therefore, and gave him the end of her Nipple to suck. Which is a Custom not only in Mingrelia, Georgia and Imiretta, but also in other the Neighbouring Countries, to adopt in that manner such Persons as they cannot unite to themselves by Alliance. The Traitor having this Pledge of Darejan's Faith, wrote to Bacrat to come with all his Party, and he would deliver both her and her Husband into their Hands, either alive or dead. Now the same Day that Bacrat was to appear, the perfidious Cotzia kept his Bed, pretended himself sick, and sent to Darejan to vouchsafe him the Honour of a Visit, for that he had secret Intelligence to impart of that Importance, that he would not communicate to any but herself. Thus wheedled, away she went, attended only by some of her Women: but as she was sitting by the traitor's Bed, certain Fellows hid in the Room, fell upon her, and seized her Person, her Women in vain endeavouring to protect her. Yet there was one who took the Princess in her Arms, and run her up into a Corner of the Room, where she stuck by her, till the Murderers stabbed 'em both. With that Cotzia rose, and went with his Gang, where Darejan's Husband lodged; a poor blind Man, uncapable of making any Resistance. Him therefore they seized, and Cotzia ordered him to be bound and kept till Bacrat came. Who was no sooner arrived, but he demanded the Prisoner, and hearing him approach, Traitor, said he, thou wert the Occasion of putting out my Eyes, and I will tear out thy Heart. And so saying, he ordered himself to be carried near the Prisoner, and then groping for his Breast, he gave him several Stabs with his Dagger. His Followers completed the Murder by ripping open his Breast, and gave the poor Captive's Heart into the Hands of the bloody sightless Prince, who for above an Hour held it in his Clutches, grasping and tearing it with an unheard-of Transport of Fury.  
These Barbarous Tragedies happened in the Year 1667. from which time till the Year 1672, there fell out a Hundred more in the same Countries, altogether as Infamous and Inhuman: and therefore I pass 'em over in silence, as being Stories rather frightful then pleasing to the Ear. I shall only add thus much, that the Traitor Cotzia was himself also Treacherously slain; and in a short time after the Assassins' themselves were also killed at the Battle of Chicaris, which is a great Village within sight of Scander, a Fortress of Imiretta, where the Forces of that Country, and the Prince of Mingrelia met. By which we may find there is a Visible Providence in the Modern Histories of these Impious People; upon whom Heaven still inflicted such severe and speedy Justice: while the Murderers are always Assassinated, and with those Circumstances which plainly demonstrate that God had a Hand in it, and made the one his Instruments to punish the other.  
In the Year 1672, the Bassa of Akalzike, perceiving there was no end of Warring between those two Petty Sovereigns of Mingrelia and Imeretta, neither by Accommodations nor Remonstrances, nor by Commands or Threats, resolved to exterminate 'em, and give their Country to others that better deserved it. He had then in his Possession the true and Lawful Heir of Mingrelia. For when Vomeki Dadian was advanced to the Throne of that Kingdom, the Wife of Alexander the Son of Levan, fearing lest the Ambitious Chilakite, the Mother of Vomeki should Murder Alexander's Son, she fled and carried the Infant with her. This Princess was Sister to the Prince of Guriel, who apprehensive also lest the Chilakites fury should bring a War upon him, if he should shelter the little Infant, advised her to carry him to the Bassa of Akalzike. Which she did; so that the young Prince was brought up in the City of Akalzike, under the Eye of the Bassa himself. Who never desired him to change his Religion; believing it sufficient to give him such an Education as should infuse into him a deep Tincture of the Customs and Manners of the Turks. Upon these considerations therefore the Bassa of Akalzike resolved to settle this young Prince in Mingrelia; as well in regard the Principality belonged to him as his Right, as for that he had some reason to hope that he would Govern it well, and root out those abominable Customs that had over run it: and this was the reason of the coming of the Turks into Mingrelia. The Prince of Guriel also joined with the Bassa, as being overjoyed at the advancement of his Nephew, to the Sovereignty: for he was in hopes of a Thousand Advantages from the success of this Enterprise. Presently the Bassa Thunder's into Imiretta, and makes himself Master of the Country; and of the Person of the King But the Queen his Spouse was not seized. For her Bishop Janatel, gave Fifteen Thousand Crowns to the Bassa that he might have Liberty to carry her where he pleased; and that he might have the favour to preserve his own Lands and Tenements, from spoil and Ransack.  
When the Bassa came to Cotatis, he sent to the Dadian, which is the Title given to the Prince of Mingrelia, to come and pay him Homage. But the Dadian, understanding the Alteration of Government which he intended to make in Mingrelia, refused to obey him, and shut himself up in his Fortress of Rucks. His Vizier Carzia fled into Lexicom, which is a Principality in the Mountains inhabited by the Sovanes, and from thence sent to the Abca's to succour Dadian. 'tis true, they marched into Mingrelia, but instead of assisting the Prince, they pillaged all the Country in their March, and then retreated back again. As for the Bassa, after he had stayed a Month in vain, expecting the Dadians coming to pay him Homage, and receive his Orders, he sent his Army into Mingrelia. And the noise of the march of this Army it was, that obliged me to betake myself to flight.  
The 27th before Day, the Superior of the Theatins left us, and returned home to his House to see if he could remove any thing of that Household Stuff and Provisions which remained behind. I would have been glad to have accompanied him upon the same design; but he was gone two Hours before Day. But when he came to his House, he found it full of the Bassa's, and the Prince of Guriel's avant-Couriers, who entertained him but very rudely with their Cudgels and Iron Maces. These Freebooters would have had him opened the Church, pretending he had hid his Goods in it. But the Superior had warily thrown the Key among the Bushes when he first perciev'd the Soldiers, so that notwithstanding all the Violence they could offer him, he denied he had it, and would never discover where it was. At length the Turks having some Consideration for his Character, took from him a part of his Habits, and carried away only some slight things of the greatest Value they found in the House, not so much as meddling either with my Books or my Papers.  
But the 29th at Night came a Gentleman of Mingrelia with a Party of Thirty Followers, and cut all to pieces. He uncovered almost all my Chamber, believing I had hidden many Things in it. He carried away the Remainder of the Copper Ware, my Chests, and large Movables; and in a word, whatever the Turks and I had left, as being of no great Value, and heavy for Carriage beside. This Tiger, as I said, came by Night, and therefore for want of a Candle he set Fire on my Papers and Books, and tore off the Covers, because they were Gilt, and marked with Coats of Arms. For I had caused my Books to be very curiously Bound at my departure from Paris. But they left me not so much as a Sheet of Paper.  
The 30th in the Morning I had notice of my being Plundered, to my unspeakable sorrow. And in the Evening came a Turkish Chiaux to the Fortress where I was, to let us know that he came from the Bassa. Sabatar (for so was the Gentleman called to whom it belonged, as I have already declared) went forth to receive the Message. Which imported, that the Bassa's Lieutenant who lay before the Fortress of Rucks admired, that he did not come and submit himself to him, and pay him his Homage, since that Mingrelia belonged to the Grand Signior; that the Bassa had ordered that they should be civilly used, who joined themselves with the Turks; but that they should be dealt with as Enemies, who refused to submit: that if he intended to save his Estate, his Life, his Castle, and all that was in it, he should make haste to receive the Bassa's Orders. To which Sabatar made Answer, that he acknowledged the Bassa for his Lord, and that in his Heart he was a Turk and not a Mingrelian; that he had resolved to attend the Bassa, so soon as he understood that it was proper for him to attend his Lordship; and now that he understood that his Lieutenant lay before Rucks, he would go the next Morning to receive his Orders.  
The 31st the Gentleman went with Thirty Men well Armed to wait upon the Bassa's Lieutenant, carrying along with him a Present of Four Slaves, a Silver Cup, together with a Quantity of Silk, Wax and Victuals for Refreshment. That Evening he arrived at the Camp, where he found several Lords of Mingrelia, who were come, as he was, to submit themselves, for fear of being Besieged, and of having their Castles and Lands plundered and demolished. The Lieutenant told him that the Orders which his Master had received from the Grand Signior his Master, were to destroy all the strong places in Mingrelia, however that he would preserve the Castles of such Lords as preserved themselves in their Loyalty and Obedience. That the Grand Signior had taken away the Principality from Levan, who was at Rucks, and had conferred it upon a Young Prince, who was bred up at Akalzikè, and that he must swear Allegiance to him, and give one of his Children in Hostage for his Fidelity; and make a Present to the Bassa. Now the Present which Sabatar agreed to make, was Ten Young Slaves of both Sexes, and Three Hundred Crowns either in Silver or in Silk.  
The First of October, Sabatar returned, and brought along with him a Protection from the Turk, for his Castle and for all his Lands. All that night he bestirred himself to get ready the Present which he was to carry. To which purpose he signified to all that were fled for Refuge to his Castle or Fortress, that the Turks had given him a Protection, for Twenty Five Slaves, and Eight Hundred Crowns, which he must Levy upon those that were retired under his security. So that from every Family that had Four Children he took one: which was the most lamentable spectacle in the World, to see little Children torn from the Arms of their Mothers, tied two and two together, and carried away to the Turks: For my own part I was taxed at Twenty Crowns.  
However, Sabatar did not carry any more to the Bassa's Lieutenant, than what they two had agreed between themselves: the rest he appropriated to himself. Nor could his Wives, his Children and all the Castle forbear loud Cries of sorrow when they saw his Young Son carried away among the rest. For those Children which are given in Hostage to the Turk, are no less his Slaves: He never parts with 'em; as being usually sent to Constantinople, to increase the Multitude of those handsome young Children that are bred up in the Seraglio. The Bassa's Lieutenant received the Present and the Hostage, and still detained Sabatar with him nevertheless. He also summoned the Dadian Three times to surrender, but the Prince refused. For his Fortress was well guarded by the Sovanes, which his Vizier had sent him, and who were more the Masters of it then himself: besides that the Vizier sent him word every Day that he should hold out, and that he would be ready in a short time to pour down upon the Enemy. At last the Turks after they had stayed about Four Days before Rucks, and got above Two Thousand Slaves and much Booty, raised their Siege: for they had no great Guns, which was the reason they did not attack the Castle. They also carried along with 'em all the Mingrelian Lords that came to surrender themselves, and had sworn Allegiance to the new Prince. The Catholicos was among the number of those that had taken the Oath. Whom the Bassa ordered to be made Vizier to the new Prince, and that they should send in his Name to the Prince of the Abca's, to demand the Princess his Daughter in Marriage.  
It was thought that the coming of the Turk into Mingrelia, would have resettled all things in order, and restored Peace and Tranquillity, by causing all Parties to lay down their Arms. But it did not so fall out: they only came and plundered the Country; but put it into more confusion than it was before. For they divided it into two Parties; of which the one was engaged by Oath and Hostages to the new Prince, the other stuck fast to their deposed Sovereign: Which Division made every one betake themselves to their Arms. Seeing therefore the Affairs of the Country in this miserable condition so far from any Accommodation, I took a resolution to get into Georgia by any manner of way, or whatever the hazard might be. For I ran those Riscoes every Day in Mingrelia, that I expected nothing at length but to be utterly ruined. Levan threatened Ruin and Destruction to the Castles, Goods and Lands of the Lords who had surrendered to the Turks: Sabatar was still in Custody: and his Sons that commanded in the Castle, were the greatest Cutthroats and accomplished Rogues in the World. I languished every Day with sorrow and want. It was a Man's whole business to buy a handful of Grain, and a Pound of Victuals; and I suffered in my Oven all the Injuries of Wether, as if I had been in the open Field: the despair of my Servants went to my Heart; in a word, I was at the brink of Death. Which was that which induced me to venture all hazards to get myself rid of Mingrelia, while I had strength and Ability to do it. To that purpose I sought every where for Guides; promised, entreated, laid down my Money, but nothing would do; there was no body that would be my Conductor. The Armies they said, lay so thick upon the Roads of Imiretta, the Country between Mingrelia and Georgia, through which I was of necessity to pass, that it was a mere folly to venture, where a man was assured he could not escape being made a Slave. And these were all the Answers they made me. I proposed the fetching a Compass either over Mount Caucasus or along the Sea Coast, but no body would undertake the Journey.  
'Tis an incredible thing to think how fearful the Mingrelians are of Death, or of being undone; there is no Reward can prevail with 'em to run the Risco of a known Danger, how inconsiderable soever it be. At length I was constrained to take the way by Sea, and through Turkey, that is to say, to fetch a Compass of Seventy Leagues. To that purpose I went to Anarghia, a Village and small Seaport, of which I have already spoken. There I found a Felouque of the Turks, which I hired for Gonia: so that when I had given Earnest, I returned to the Theatins House, and to Sabatar's Castle, to prepare for my Voyage.  
The Tenth of November early in the Morning I departed from the Castle, having agreed with my Comrade what ways I would take to recover him out of Mingrelia, if it pleased GOD to grant me a happy Voyage. I carried along with me Eight Thousand Pounds in Jewels, and Eight Hundred Pistols in Gold, with the few small Packs that were left me. The Jewels were hid in a Saddle contrived for that purpose, and in a Pillow: and I took a Servant along with me, the same whom I had redeemed out of Slavery. This was a concealed Rogue; a Traitor whose Villainy was not well discovered by me. I was advised not to take him along with me for fear of some Imposition, or some wicked Trick that his very Countenance told 'em he would play me; nor was I well resolved with myself to be troubled with him; but my Fortune would have it so, and I could not prevent it. But the Reasons that prevailed with me more than any other to take him, was, that he brooked his bad Condition like one that was mad or in despair; and I was afraid lest in one of his mad or drunk'n Fits (to which he was subject) he should discover us in Mingrelia. Friar Zampi, the Superior of the Theatins, bore me Company as he had done all along. And the Lay-Brother undertook to Conduct me to Anarghia. The Superior and I went afoot, because we could not meet with more than one Horse to be hired for Money, upon which I loaded my Goods, and let my Servant ride to look after 'em. The Lay-Brother was also a Horseback, and it reigned as hard as it could pour after two days; insomuch that the Friar had like to have been drowned about a League from the Castle in a deep Ditch that overflowed its Banks, into which his Horse fell, and out of which with much ado we recovered him half dead. I shall not relate the Hardships I endured both that and the following days: as being constrained to march afoot in a rainy season through the Woods, full of Water and Mud, where I went for the most part up to the Knees: only in a word, that 'twas impossible for any Person to endure more than we did. For my own part I was quite spent: All that I had left was a remainder of Courage and Resolution to do and suffer whatever befell me, to save those Goods that were entrusted to my Care. In the Evening we arrived at Anarghia wet to the very Skin; Anarghia being six Leagues from the Castle of Sabatar.  
The 12th I was to have Embarked, but was prevented by the News that was spread about of several Barks of the Mingrelians and Abca's that were Cruising upon the Coasts of Mingrelia. Which was very true; for they had taken several Barks of the Country, and one among the rest wherein I was concerned. Yet the unspeakable trouble which this delay gave me, did not proceed so much from its keeping me in continual Fears and Dangers, as that it seemed to threaten me that I should never get rid of 'em.  
The 19th Father Zampi had Intelligence that the Day before, they had forced open the Church-Doors, taken away all that was in the Church, had opened the Sepulchre, and carried all that one of the Theatins, who was left to look after the House, had hid in the Tomb, and that there was nothing left standing but the Wall. This News put me into a terrible fright, considering I had left above Seven Thousand Pistols buried in the Church. Upon which I dispatched away a Messenger to my Comrade, thinking to have found him at the Castle; but he was already gone to the Theatins Residence, to know what course we should take to repair so great a Misfortune, of which he had Notice as soon as myself. But he wrote me word, That Thanks be to GOD they had not so much as touched our Money, having found it in the same place where we had buried it. Which good News wonderfully revived my Spirits, looking upon so great a Favour of the Almighty as a sign of his Atonement; so that I went to encourage the Turks, whose Feluke I had hired to set Sail with all speed.  
The 27th I departed from Anarghia, my Feluke being a Vessel of good Burden, wherein there were near Twenty Persons, the one half Slaves, the rest Turks, which I the rather permitted the Master to take in, that we might be the better able to defend ourselves against the Rovers that infested the Coasts. After an Hours Sailing, we got into the Main Sea: For the Langur which we left is very rapid, and runs with a furious Stream; and besides, he must be a skilful Pilot that carries a laden Vessel down that River, by reason of the many Flats, where they stick upon the Sands. I stayed all Day-long near the Shoar at the request of the Master of the Shallop, who expected two Slaves to be brought him that Evening.  
While I tarried at Anarghia, I was invited to two Christen; whither I went to observe the manner of the Mingrelian Baptism; and found that Father Zampi had been very exact in his Relation. For the Ceremony was no otherwise then thus, performed in a Neighbour's House adjoining to the Lodging where I lay. He sent for the Priest about Ten a Clock in the Morning; who was no sooner come, but he went into the Buttery where they kept the Wine, and sat himself down upon a Bench without any other than his ordinary Habit, and then fell a reading in a Book that was half torn, about the bigness of a New Testament in Octavo. Not that the Child was brought to him when he began to read, for the Father and Godfather did not bring him till a quarter of an Hour after; and then appeared a little Boy of about five Years of Age, at what time the Godfather brought also a little Searring Candle, and three Grains of Incense. The Candle the Godfather likewise lighted, and fixed it to the Door of the Cellar, where though it was burnt out before the Child was Baptised, they did not light up another; and as for the three Grains of Incense, they were strewed upon a few Embers, and smoked away. All this while the Priest read on, very fast, and with a low Voice, and in such a careless manner as if he never minded what he did. The Father and Godfather went to and again all the time, and so did the Child, that did nothing but eat. At length after an Hours reading, there was a Bucket of warm Water got ready; into which after the Priest had poured about a Spoonful of Oil of Walnuts, he bid the Godfather undress the Child: which was done, and the Child put naked into the Bucket; where, as he stood upon his Feet, the Godfather washed his Body all over, and when he had well washed him, the Priest took out of a Leather Pouch that hung at his Girdle as much Myrone, or Oil of Unction, as came to the weight of a Pea, and gave it to the Godfather, who Anointed with it almost all the parts of the Child's Body; as the top of the Head, the Ears, Forehead, Nose, Cheeks, Chin, Shoulders, Elbows, Back, Belly, Knees and Feet: All which time the Priest read on still; nor did he give over till the Godfather had again dressed the Child. Which being done, the Father brought in Wine, Bread, and a piece of boiled Pork, and first gave the Child to eat, than presented the Priest, the Godfather, the Guests, and all the House: and then they all sat down to the Table; nor was there hardly one that was not drunk before he went.  
I have also seen Mass performed in the same place: which is done with the same Carelessness and Irreverence, and altogether as has been related in a Treatise of the Mingrelian Religion. And once it was my hap to see one very pleasantly interrupted. For as I was flying with one of the Theatins, we passed along before a Church where they were saying Mass. At what time the Priest that said it, understanding that we enquired the way of the People that stood at the Door, Stay a little, cried he from the Altar, I'll come and tell ye. Immediately after he came to the Door, muttering his Mass between his Teeth, and after he had asked us whence we came and whither we went, he showed us the way, and so returned to the Altar again.  
The 29th betimes i' the Morning we put to Sea, the weather being clear and fair: and then we could discover the high Lands of Trebisond, on the one side, and of the Abca's on the other, and that very easily because the Black Sea beginning to wind toward the Abca's Coasts, Anarghia stands far out in the circular circumference of those Coasts answering to Trebisond.  
The Black-Sea is 200 Leagues in length wanting Twelve or Fifteen, lying just East and West. The broadest part, North and South, from the Bosphorus with Boristhenes, is three degrees; which part is the Western end of the Sea; the Opposite part not being above half so broad. The Water of this Sea seemed to me less Clear, less Green, and less Salt, than the Water of the Ocean. Which proceeds as I am apt to believe from the great Rivers that empty themselves into it; and for that it is shut up in its self as it were in the bottom of a Sack, so that it ought to be more properly called a Lake then a Sea, like the Caspian Sea; With which it agrees in this, that is common to both, that in neither of the two Seas there are any Islands. And therefore 'tis in vain to seek for the reason of its Denomination from the colour of the Water. The Greeks gave it its Name from the Dangerous Navigation daily experienced by those that ventured into it; by reason of the Tempests there more frequent and boisterous then in other Seas: Axenos signifying inhospitable, and that will not suffer any Person to come near it. The Turks therefore for the same reason call it Cara Denguis, or the Furious Sea. Cara which in the Turkish Language properly signifies Black, denoting also furious, dangerous, terrible, and serving usually in that Idiom, for an Epithet given to thick Forests, rapid Rivers, and steep and rugged Mountains. Now the reason why the Storms are more Violent and Dangerous in that, then in other Seas, is first because the Waters are contracted within a narrow Channel and have no Outlet: the Bosphorus not being to be accounted an Outlet by reason it is so very straight. And therefore the Waters being Violently agitated by a Storm, and not knowing where to have Room, and being strongly repelled by the shore, they Mount and roll aloft, and beat against the Ship on every side with an Invincible swiftness and force. Secondly, because there are few or no Roads in that Sea which are sheltered from the Wind, but where there is more danger then in the open Sea.  
All the Black-Sea is under the Dominion of the Grand Signior; there is no Sailing there without his leave; so that there is no great fear of Pirates, which in my Opinion are a greater danger than the Sea itself.  
All that Day we sailed with a Contrary Wind, which was the reason we did not make above Six Leagues, however in the Evening we bore into a River called Kelmhel, deeper and almost as broad as the Langur, but not so rapid.  
The 30th Two Hours before Day we set sail by the light of the Moon, and by Noon we made the River Phasis, and bore up into it about a Mile to certain Houses, where the Master of the Feluke was desirous to unlade some of his Goods.  
The River Phasis takes its rise out of Mount Caucasus, called by the Turks Faches; though as I observed, the People of the Country call it Rione. I saw it first at Cotatis, where it runs in a narrow Channel very swiftly, yet sometimes so low, that it is easily fordable. But where it discharges itself into the Sea, which is about Fourscore and Ten Miles from Cotatis, there the Channel is about a Mile and Half Broad and Sixty Fathom deep: being swelled before that, by several lesser streams that pour themselves into it. The Water is very good to Drink, though somewhat Muddy, thick, and of a Leaden colour; of which Arrian asserts the cause to be the Earth that is intermixed with it. He farther adds, and other Authors also affirm the same, that all the Ships took in Water at Phasis, out of an Opinion that the River was sacred, or believing it to be the best Water in the World. There are several small Islands at the Mouth of the River, which appear very delightful, as being shaded with thick Woods. Upon the biggest of which to the West, are to be seen the Ruins of a Fortress which Sultan Murat caused to be built in the Year 1578. For he had made an Attempt to Conquer all the Northern and Eastern Coasts of the Black-Sea. But this Enterprise did not succeed according to his Design. For to that purpose he sent his Galleys up the River Phasis; but the King of Imiretta having laid considerable Embuscado's, where the River was narrowest, Murat's Galleys were defeated, one sunk, and the rest forced to fly. The Fortress of Phasis was taken by the Army of the King of Imiretta, reinforced by the Prince's of Mingrelia and Guriel. The Castle was presently demolished, wherein there were 25 Pieces of Cannon, which the King caused to be carried to his Castle of Cotatis, where they are now again in the Hands of the Turks by the late surrender of the Castle belonging to that place.  
I fetched a Compass about the Island of Phasis, to try whether I could discover any Remainders of the Temple of Rhea, which Arrian says was to be seen in his time: but I could not find the least Footstep of any such thing. Yet Historians affirm, that it was standing entire in the time of the Grecian Empire: and that it was Consecrated to the Worship of Christ in the Reign of the Emperor Zeno. I sought likewise for the great City called Sebasta, which Geographers have placed at the Mouth of Phasis; but not a Brick to be seen, no more then of the Ruins of Colchis. All that I observed conformable to what the Ancients have wrote concerning that part of the Black-Sea, is only this, That it abounds in Pheasants. Of which there are some Authors, and among the rest Martial, who say, That the Argonauts first brought those Birds into Greece, where they had never been seen before, and that they gave 'em the Name of Pheasants, or Phasiani, as being taken upon the Banks of Phasis. This River separates Mingrelia from the Principality of Guriel, and the petty Kingdom of Imiretta. Anarghia is distant from it 36 Miles. All the Coast is a low Sandy Soil, covered with Woods so thick, that a Man can hardly see six Paces among the Trees.  
In the Evening I caused the Master to put to Sea, with a fair Gale; and at Midnight we Sailed before a Haven called Copoletta, belonging to the Prince of Guriel.  
The 30th after Noon, we arrived at Goniè, distant from Phasis about 40 Miles; the Sea-Coast being all exceeding High-land, and Rocks, some covered with Wood, and others naked. It belongs to the Prince of Guriel, whose Territories extend to a River about half a Mile from Goniè.  
Goniè is a large Castle, foursquare, built of hard and rough Stones of an extraordinary bulk: seated upon the Seaside upon a Sandy Foundation. It has neither Trenches nor Fortifications; but only four Walls and two Gates, one that opens Eastward upon the Sea, and another to the North: Nor did I see any more than only two great Guns for its defence. Within there are about Thirty pitiful, low, small, inconvenient Houses, built only of Board's: And without, close by it, stands a Village consisting of as many more Habitations. Almost all the Inhabitants Mariners: which is the reason that the Country is called Lazi; Laz in the Turkish Language properly signifying a Seaman: and Figuratively, a Clownish, Boarish, Savage Fellow: These Lazi are all mahometans.  
There is a Customhouse at Goniè, which has the Reputation of being very Rude and Imperious; yet was not quite so cruel as they made me believe it was: and yet as it is severe enough to the People of the Country, so is it really a place that cuts the very Throats of the Europeans. They have no regard to the Quality of the Persons, nor the Passports of the Grand Signior, nor for any Recommendations from the Port. 'Tis in vain therefore to expect any Relief from thence; They who Command in those extreme parts of the Empire believing themselves at a distance remote enough from the reach of the Grand Signior.  
So soon as the Felouke came to be Moored to the Key, my Servant leaped ashore with a most extravagant Transport of Joy: he cast up his Eyes to Heaven, kissed the Earth; he bestowed a Thousand Curses upon Mingrelia; but to the Country of the Turks he wished all the Happiness imaginable. Presently after, leaving me, he went into the Castle, at a time that I had more need of him then ever. And indeed I had a great Jealousy that he was gone to discover as much as he thought he knew concerning me. For when the Officer of the Customhouse and the Deputy-Governor came to take Notice what was unladed out of the Felouke, and to demand the Customs, they presently gave me to understand, that they knew I was an European, told me the Misfortunes which had befallen me in Mingrelia, and the Design which I had to go to Akalzikè. Which surprised me extremely, perceiving so well that I was betrayed. Nevertheless I was not at all troubled at it; for GOD through his Mercy still inspired me with Resolution. Besides, I was sure of one thing, that my Servant did not know particularly who I was. I had entertained him into my service 'tis true, at Constantinople, and he had seen me frequently Visit the European Ambassadors and Ministers, and that I was honourably received, and that all the rest of my time I spent in Writing and Reading; so that all he could guests from thence, was only that I might be some Person that Travelled out of Curiosity. I had given him Instructions also to tell the Turks if they enquired, that I was a Merchant, and that being come into Mingrelia to buy Hawks, to carry into Europe, the People of the Country had Robbed me of all I had, and that I was going to demand Justice from the Bassa of Akalzikè. And I kept constant to this Story, not knowing any better way to conceal myself; besides that I would not by any alteration of my Instructions, seem to take any notice to my Servant, that I was Jealous of his Infidelity. The Officer of the Customhouse asked me several Questions; to which I gave him satisfactory Answers: however he sent to search my Packs, but met with nothing: my Saddle indeed weighed somewhat heavy, which caused it to be suspected; in regard that the Turkish Saddles are very light. Whereupon the Officers Poised it and felt every where; but not feeling any thing but Flocks and Hair, they suffered it to pass.  
As for my Eight Hundred Pistols, I carried the one half about me, the other was in a Portmantle locked with a Padlock with some other Trifles that were of no Value; but which I knew well enough, the Turks would be fingering, had they once but fixed their Eyes upon 'em. True it is, that when I parted from Mingrelia, I had resolved to have given that Cloak Bag to one of the Seamen, so soon as we should land at Copoletta, a Neighbouring Port of which I have already spoken. For they never meddle with the Seamen's Packs, and very rarely search the Feloukes themselves. But the Wind being fair, we never put in to that Port; which was the reason I did not do as I intended: for it would have been a piece of Imprudence to have done it publicly in the Felouk where there were so many Passengers.  
The Officers of the Customhouse therefore being informed of what I had, went into the Felouk and there finding the Cloak Bag, demanded whose it was, to which I presently answered, that 'twas mine, but that there was nothing in it that paid Custom. However, the Customer commanded me to open it: to which I replied, That I would willingly do it at his House, but not a shore before so many People. Thereupon the Officers carried me home, and the Deputy Governor went along with him: where the Deputy took one per Cent. and the Officers of the Customs Five i' the Hundred. So that they took from me Twenty Two Pistols in Gold, and what they thought fit besides of the Trifles that were in the Cloak Bag, and among the rest a small pair of Pistols, which were all the Arms I had: for which he paid me, 'tis true; but not above half the Value. Afterwards he invited me to lie at his House, to which I answered, That sure he did but laugh at me to offer me his House, after he had unjustly made me pay Customs for the Gold and Silver which I had, that never paid any Duty's. To which he replied, That I was misinformed, and that he had done me no unjustice, for that at Goniè there was nothing exempted from paying the Custom; and therefore as for offering me his House it was out of kindness and favour that he did it. I returned him Thanks, and told him, That since he was so forward as to offer me a kindness, there was one for which I should for ever be obliged to thank him; that he would so far assist me with a Convenience, that I might get safe to Akalzikè; for it being known over all Goniè that I had a Bag of Gold, I had reason to fear being Murdered in the Mountains, over which my Road lay, for the remainder of what I carried about me. That I was a Stranger, and without Weapons to defend myself, he himself having taken from me all the Arms I had left me; and therefore that he would be pleased to lend me some Assistance. To which he answered, That I needed not to be in such a Panic Fear, for that, Thanks be to GOD, I was now in the Country of the Faithful (the Epithet which the Turks assume to themselves) where I had no reason to be afraid either of being Robbed or Murdered. That he would Warrant me my Life and my Goods; that I might carry my Bag of Gold upon my Head, and Travel without any danger. But as to what remained, because the way to Akalzikè was very bad, the two first Days Journey being to be Travelled a Foot, through the narrow and Craggy Passages of the Mountains, where no Horse was able to pass, he would appoint me the next Morning, such as should carry my Baggage, and conduct me for the first Days Journey; where likewise the first Guides should be relieved by others, till I came to Akalzikè.  
Having so said, He offered me a Third time to come and spend the Night at his House, and was very importunate with me; and I found afterwards that he did it sincerely and for my Good. I wish to GOD I had perceived his kindness, but I foresaw not the Danger that my Ill Fortune was preparing for me. I was fearful that the Customers Design in inviting me to his House, was only that he might have an Opportunity to search my Packs the more exactly; besides, that I was desperately afraid, lest it should come into his Head to search myself, having a large Bag of Gold and Pearls in several parts of my clothes.  
It was almost Night when I took my leave of the Custom-House-Officer at his own House; and my Servant had carried all my Baggage to the place where the People were gone to lodge that came along with me in the Vessel; which was a pitiful Straw-loft, full of Holes in the Walls on every side, and no less nasty and stinking withal. There I received their Compliments of Condolement, if I may so call 'em; and to say truth, unless it were my Servant, who had his share of the Twenty Two Pistols, all the rest were sorry for my loss; and every one blamed me for not giving my Bag to somebody that might have secured it for me. So that I was forced to act the part of one that was troubled and grieved for what had happened, though in my Heart I was not a little glad I had scaped so, and all I desired was only to see the return of Daylight, that I might get rid of that Cutthroat place.  
But while I was eating a Morsel of Biscuit, in came a Janisary to tell my Servant, that the Deputy-Governor would speak with him: for the Commander of the Castle being absent, the Deputy supplied his place. Away went my Servant, and about an Hour after, the same Janisary came for me likewise. I found the Deputy-Governor sitting at the Table with my Servant, both very Drunk: and first of all he forced me to Eat and Drink whether I would or no: then he told me, That all the Christians that belonged to the Church who passed through Goniè, were obliged to give his Master Two Hundred Ducats, which makes about a Hundred Pound; that I was one of those ecclesiastics, and therefore must pay so much Money. To which I answered, That I was a Merchant, and that he was misinformed, and that seeing the Officer of the Customhouse had let me go, he had nothing to do to take Cognizance who I was. However, if there were any thing due to the Governor, that I would pay it the next Morning: and that the Night was no time to discourse the Business: and having so said, I was about to rise and be gone. But I was stopped by two Janissaries; at what time the Deputy-Governor caused me to sit down again, and forced me to Drink very hard; teizing me for two Hours together with a Thousand Impertinencies: and among other things telling me, That all the Goods of the Christians belonged of Right to the Turks, that the Maltese's had taken two of his Brothers, and that for a Person of my Circumstances Twenty Pistols was sufficient. I confess I found myself but in a scurvy Condition, having to do with People that were Fuddled, and my Servant in stead of assisting me, sitting at the Table with my Judge, a Thousand times more my Master, than I was his, as of right I ought to have been: yet though I perceived his Treachery, I durst not speak a word, for fear of worse that might befall me. I took him therefore aside, and advised him not to lose the Opportunity of making me more sensible than ever of that Fidelity wherewith he had served me: that only he could reconcile the Business, and that therefore I gave him Power to offer Twenty Ducats for an Accommodation. My design by that counterfeit Confidence, which could do me no harm, was to bridle the Villainy of the Traitor, and to prevent him from using Extremity. After that, I addressed myself to the Deputy-Governor with Entreaties, menacing Hints, and Remonstrances that no body for the future would come near Goniè, when they should understand that Passengers were used with so much Violence and Injustice. To which the Deputy-Governor answered laughing, That Goniè was none of his Livelihood, that he had but a Year to tarry there, that he cared not whether any body came thither or no after he was gone; then, let the Castle sink if it would; and that he was all for the present Opportunities, without any regard of the future; and at length it came to that height, that the Deputy-Governor finding he could not oblige me to satisfy his Demands, sent for my Baggage; which the Traitor of a Servant, my Man, was very officious to fetch. Presently the Governor commanded me to take out the Gold; but I refused to obey him, and told him withal, That I would not give him a Farthing, let him do his worst; for that I owed him nothing: that I could not withstand his Violence, so that he might take what he pleased, but that I knew the way to have Satisfaction. Thereupon the Robber sent for Chains and an Iron Collar, which did not a little daunt me, considering I had to do with Soldiers, whom the sight of Gold and the Wine which they had drank to excess, rendered unlimited in their Actions. At the same time also, one of the Soldiers came to me, and whispered me in the Ear, The more ye peel Garlic, the stronger it smells. As much as to say, The longer you delay to accommodate a wrangling Business, the more you intrigue it. My Servant likewise pronounced Sentence against me for a Hundred Ducats. To be short, I gave 'em the Sum, and four more to the Janissaries, who had performed the Office of Bailiffs. The Goods that I had about me, and at my Lodging, the place where I was, and a Hundred other good Considerations made me then give way: whereas in another Condition, I should never have submitted to their Threats, nor feared their Chains, but have wrested myself out of their Clutches Scotfree, or else with very little loss. For to show that it was more than they could answer, the Deputy Governor, as I was about to tell out the Money, constrained me to swear upon the Gospel, that I gave it him freely, and that I would not speak a word of it to any person. Whereupon arose a fresh dispute, and as hot as the former: for I was unwilling to swear, as being resolved to have made a loud complaint, and desirous withal to secure myself for the future by the obstinacy of my present Resistance. But this same Highwayman of a Governor absolutely refused to take the Hundred Ducats, but upon that Condition. And therefore there was no other way, but I must swear what he would have me in his presence, and desire him to accept the Money.  
The next Day, betimes i' the Morning the under Officers of the Customhouse came to my miserable Lodging, and watched me all along till I was ready to depart. They had order, it seems, to make a new Inquisition into my Saddle, and to search my Clothes. To that purpose they called my Man, and told him their Errand in the most Civil and Courteous Terms they could: and so they fell to searching the Saddle a second time, I myself trembling for Fear, all the while it was in their Hands. However they felt nothing that augmented their mistrust, only the weight amused 'em. Which when I perceived to be the only thing that graveled 'em, I told 'em, I had made it so heavy, that it might serve me for a Pack Saddle upon occasion; which was the reason it was so unwieldy: and that evasion it was that saved me, and satisfied their Curiosity. After that, I found they had a mind to be searching my clothes; for they took me aside one after another, and told me if I had any thing about me, which the Customer had not seen, that I should make 'em a present, and they for their parts would never discover me. Friends, answered I, never seek for a far-fetched excuse to search me, but if you have a mind, do it without any more ado. And with that I opened my breast, and showed 'em my Pockets: by which Bravado I escaped: for the Officers thought I would never have been so bold, had I been afraid of their groping. Thereupon they forbore to search me; but carried me to the Customer, to whom with feigned Tears in my Eyes, and Counterfeiting a profound trouble of mind, I acknowledged how that because I did not lodge at his House, I had been despoiled of part of my Gold. I gave ye good advice, answered he, for I was afraid what would happen; and then he importuned me to tell him how much they had taken, and who had done it, assuring me that I should have Justice certainly done me: to which I replied, that they had threatened to kill me if I told. Which was very true, besides that I had such an Impatient desire to be out of Goniè, that I had no mind to be commencing of Suits. Only I desired the Customer to be as good as his word. Which he was, and appointed me two Men to carry my Baggage, and a Turk to accompany me to Akalzikè. He also ordered the two Men to bring a note back under my hand to assure him that I was safely arrived at my first Journeys end; and gave the Turk a Passport, in the form of an order, to make use of upon the Road. Which I thus Translated from the Original.  Guards of the Highway, Provosts, Judges, Bailiffs, conduct from Journeys end to Journeys end, to the Happy Gate of Aslan-Pasha, John his Banker. Allow hint for his Money Horses and Men as many as he shall desire. His Person and his Goods are a Trust, which is given in Charge to the Inhabitants of all the places through which he shall pass; for which they are to be answerable upon their Lives. 
The Customer, when he gave the Note to the Turk that was to be my Guide, told me, that he had made me to pass for the Bassa's Banker, and that I should get a white Turban for myself and my Servant, that I might be the more respected. Which I did, and set forward about eight of the Clock in the Morning, transported with Joy to see myself at Liberty out of such a wicked and Dangerous Place in a Country of Freedom, where I had little or nothing to fear. I began then to breathe a little, and to recollect and recompose my Spirits, having been for five Months in continual Tribulations, Anxieties and Agitations of Mind. Taxations, Shipwreck, Slavery, Wedlock, loss of Goods, of Liberty and Life, where the frightful Ideas that daily hovered before my Eyes, besides a thousand other real Calamities that kept me all that time continually depressed under the weight of my Misfortunes. But that Day I recovered myself, and with a pleasure unexpressible, I felt my Heart to expatiate itself, and reassume its peaceable Motions. I ascended Mount Caucasus with such a nimbleness of Heels, that my Porters stood in Admiration: so nimble is the Man that has no burden upon his Heart. And I may truly say without any Hyperboles or Metaphors, that I was like one, from whose Shoulders they had removed a Mountain, so that me thought I could have flown i' the Air. We Travelled four Leagues among Rocks; after which I ferried over, in a Boat, the River already mentioned that parts the Country of Guriel from the Turks.  
The 3d I Travelled five Leagues a Foot, three Men carrying my Luggage: and frequently we passed by the Brinks of such dreadful Precipices, that scared me to look down. We did nothing but Ascend; so that in Five Leagues we made no more than two Miles of Level way.  
The 4th I tarried in a Village inhabited by Turks and Christians; where I arrived the Day before, in regard the Rain, Snow and Wind would not permit us to set forward any further.  
I Travelled the Fifth and Sixth, Eleven Leagues. 'Tis true, I had Horses, but I dare be bold to say, I did not ride above Three Leagues of all that way; for I was forced to alight every foot: the way being so rugged and steep, that the Horses could hardly keep their Feet.  
The Seventh and Eighth, I travelled 16 Leagues; up Hill and down Hill for the Four first I eagues; the next Eight were all a Smooth Road, but full of Turnings and Windings: and then we got to the Top of Mount Caucasus: after which we Travelled Four Leagues continually upon the Descent. Half way down the Hill were to be seen the Spires and Tops of the Ruins of several Castles and Churches; of which as the People said, there had been a considerable number, till destroyed by the Turks. The bottom of the Hill leads ye into a fair Valley Three Miles broad, Rich and Fertile, and full of Villages: being watered by the River Kur, that runs through the middle of it.  
'Tis known that Asia is divided by a Chain of Mountains that run along from one end to the other, of which the highest parts were called Taurus, Imaus and Caucasus. The first is that part which advances itself to the farthest part of Asia; and this Chain or Ridg is generally called Taurus. I say generally, because that every part derives a particular Name from the Nation, to which it adjoins. The last part, which is the nearest to Europe, lies between the Black-Sea, and the Caspian Sea, between Muscovy and Turkey. But these three Names are confusedly made use of by many Authors, among the rest, Pliny and Q. Curtius, who place Caucasus in India. However Strabo, who reports this in his Geography, affirms that Q. Curtius did it to magnify the wonders of Alexander's History, in regard that Caucasus being the highest part of all Mount Taurus, and that which the Fables of the Poets have rendered most Famous, the Renown of his Hero became the greater, whom he makes to force his way over it with his Victorious Sword. And indeed I should have thought it had been a fault in Geography, which Q. Curtius committed ignorantly, as when he brings Ganges from the South, and takes Jaxartes for the River Tanais. I say I should take it for an Error, if I did not find him in his Sixth Book, putting the Mountain Caucasus between Hyrcania and the River Phasis.  
But to return to the Description of Mount Caucasus, it is the highest Mountain, and most difficult to pass over that ever I beheld. For it is full of Rocks and dismal Precipices, through which there have been great endeavours used to make a hollow way. At the time when I passed it, it was all covered with Snow, in many places above Ten Foot deep: so that my Guides ofttimes were forced to make way with their shovels: for they had upon their Feet a sort of Sandals proper to walk upon the Snow, which I never saw but in that Country, the bottom of it being made in the shape, and about the length of a Racket without a handle, but not so broad, the Network is also not so tied, and the Wood is altogether circular. Which prevents their sinking into the Snow, for that it bears up the weight of the body, and keeps the Foot from sinking above a Finger's Depth. They will also run with these sort of Sandals very fast, hardly leaving any print of their Feet, or any sign which way they have gone, for that the Sandal has neither Toes nor Heels. The Top of Mount Caucasus is perpetually covered with Snow, and for eight Leagues in the Road we travelled in crossing it, altogether uninhabited. So that I was forced to spend the whole Night in the Snow. Only I caused the Fellows to cut me down some Firr-Trees upon which I lay, after I had ordered 'em to make a good Fire. When I came to the Top of the Mountain, the People that were my Guides, made long Prayers to their Images, for their favour to keep the Wind from Rising. For had the Wind been high, we had without doubt been all Buried in the Snow; for being loose and small as dust, the Wind easily carries it away, and fills the Air with it; but GOD be thanked there was no Wind. However, the Horses would sink so deep in many places, that I thought they would never get out: for my part I travelled for the most part afoot, and secure enough: nor do I believe I road above eight Leagues in crossing over this hideous Mountain, which is six and thirty Leagues. I thought for the two last days, that I had been in the Clouds, not being able to see twenty Paces before me: besides that the Firr-Trees that grow very thick all over the Mountain prevent any prospect at a distance: only as I went down Hill, the Clouds rolled under my Feet, as far as I could see, so that I could not but think myself i' the Air, though I felt at the same time that I trod upon the Ground.  
Mount Caucasus till ye come to the very top is extremely fertile in Honey, Wheat, and Gom, (of which I have spoken in the Description of Mingrelia) in Wine, in Fruits, in Pigs, and large cattle. The Vines grow there about the Trees, and run up so high, that many times they are not able to climb up to gather the Grapes. Besides, it was Vintage-time when I crossed the Mountain; and I found the Grape, the new and the old Wine, to be extremely good, and so cheap withal in some parts, that you might buy 300 weight for a Crown: for the Country People not having Vent for it, left the Grapes to hang & rot upon the Branches, as not worth the gathering.  
The Country People dwell in Wooden Huts: of which every Family has four or five; in the biggest of which they make a Fire, and sit round about it. The Women grind the Corn, as they have occasion for Bread; which they bake in round Stones a Foot or thereabouts in Diameter, and some two or three Fingers in depth. These Stones they make very hot, put in the Dough, and then cover it with hot Ashes, and live Coals over that: and in some places they bake it in the Embers only. To which purpose they sweep the Hearth very clean, lay the Dough upon it, and then cover it with Ashes and live Coals as before. Nevertheless the Crust is very white, and the Bread very good. They keep their Wine as they do in Mingrelia. I lodged every Night at some Countryman's House or other, of whom I hired either Horses or Porters. The Turk also, who was recommended to me, served me very dextrously, and as well as the place would afford. They gave us Hens, Eggs, Pulse, Wine, Bread, and overcloyed us with Fruit. For every Neighbouring House brought us a great Pitcher of Wine, a Pannier of Fruit, and a Basket of Bread for their share of what we wanted. For which we never asked them what was to pay, nor would my Guide permit me to give 'em any Gratuity.  
I fell on like a Wolf, not being able to satisfy my Hunger in less than two or three hours. For it is not to be imagined what an empty Stomach I had all the while that I was in Mingrelia for three months together, during all which time I could get no Bread, besides that I was all the while under the scourge of Hunger, and in continual dread of some Mischief or other. But now, thanks be to GOD, I lived in security and plenty, and from a detestable Country where I could not get Victuals for Money, I was got into another Region where they gave me Meat and Drink for nothing: Nor is it possible for any Man, that has not undergone those Extremities, to conceive the pleasure of so happy a Change.  
The Inhabitants of these Mountains are for the most part Christians after the Georgian Ceremonies. They are very fresh Complexioned, and I have seen very handsome Women among 'em. Besides, they are infinitely better dispositioned then the Mingrelians, and the other People of Mount Caucasus, that are not under the Dominion of the Turks.  
The ninth I travelled five Leagues through a Plain, of which I have already spoken; the Soil of which is very proper for Tillage: and upon the Hills that surround it great Numbers of cattle graze. In the Evening I arrived at Akalzikè.  
Akalzikè is a Fortress built upon Mount Caucasus, seated in a hollow place, among twenty Hillocks or thereabouts, from whence the Castle might be easily battered on every side, though fortified with double Walls, and flanqued with Towers, both built with Battlements after the Ancient Manner. Adjoining to this Fortress, which is defended with only a few great Guns, stand upon the Neighbouring Hillocks aforementioned a large Town, consisting of about 400 Houses all new, and which seem to have been but lately built: so that there is nothing of Antiquity to be seen, but two Armenian Churches. The Town is Peopled with Turks, Armenians, Georgians, Greeks and Jews; the Christians having their Churches, and the Jews a Synagogue. There is also in it an Inn newly built of Wood, as are all the rest of the Houses in that place. The River Kur runs along by it, which derives it Head from the Mountain Caucasus, and was called anciently Cyrus, and by some Corus. Strabo places the Head of it in Armenia, Ptolemy in Colchis; Pliny will have it spring from the Mountains of Tartary, which are beyond Colchis, which he calls Coraxicie, because of the River Corax that springs from thence, and discharges itself into the Black-Sea. Which Opinions seeming so various may nevertheless be true, and come all to one and the same thing. For that Armenia has formerly included Colchis; and because Colchis formerly was a great Kingdom, as I have already observed. The Bassa of Akalzikè lodges in the Fortress, and the Principal Officers and Soldier's quarter in the adjacent Villages.  
This Fortress was built by the Georgians, from whom the Turks took it toward the end of the last Age.  
The 13th about Two a Clock in the Morning I parted from Akalzikè, travailing directly Eastward. At the end of three Leagues the Plain of Akalzikè streightens, to the breadth of half a League, having the Mountains on both sides. In that part stands a Castle built by the Turks upon a Rock, on the right side of the River Kur. This Rock below is encompassed with a double Wall; and round about it lies a little Village like Akalzikè, which takes up all the Ground between the Fortress and the opposite Mountain; and is called Usker; having a Garrison and a Customhouse under the Command of a Sanziac. I was in great fear of being there stopped and examined, but Thanks be to GOD, they let me pass, without saying a word to me. For my Guide was born at Gory a City of Georgia. So that upon his Answer, to the Captain of the Guard, who asked him, What Countryman he was? That he was a Georgian of Gory, the Captain let him pass with all his Train without any farther Examination. The reason is, for that the Kaan of Georgia and the Bassa of Akalzikè hold a very good Correspondence together, which makes the Turks so kind to the Georgians. Two Leagues beyond Vsker we crossed a Mountain, which parts on this side Persia from Turkey. We travelled along the Brow of this Mountain after we had crossed it. There are several Villages seated on the top of it: the River Kur running below through the Vale, where in several parts are to be seen the Ruins of Castles, Fortresses and Churches; the Footsteps of the Grandeur of the Georgians, and of the Turkish and Persian Conquests. After we had travelled ten Leagues, till it was Night, we stopped at a little Village.  
The 14th we travelled not above four Leagues, the way being very rugged in those Mountains, where you meet with several narrow Paths and close Passages, where you cannot force your way; together with the Ruins of many Fortresses. We stopped in the Plain of Surham, at a great Town near the Fortress, which is called by the same Name. It is a very lovely Plain, full of Copses, Villages, Hillocks, Houses of Pleasure, and little Castles belonging to the Georgian Lords. The Country is all over well Tilled; and in a word, it is a very delightful Spot of Ground.  
The 15th I travelled ten Leagues, nine through the Plain, and the other at the passage of a Mountain somewhat high, which parts it from Gory. I saw nothing on every side but fair Villages, lovely Fields well Manured, and every where the Ground very fertile We left upon the right Hand before we ascended the Mountain, a great City lying almost all in Ruins, as not containing above Five Hundred Houses inhabited, whereas formerly, by report it contained above Twelve Thousand. However, there belongs to it a Bishop and a great Church, built before the Georgians were reduced under Subjection. Night overtook me upon the Descent of the Mountain, before I arrived at Gory. I went directly to the Residence of the Italian Capuchins, Missionaries of the Congregation de Propaganda Fide; to whom I had Letters of Recommendation. Not above three Years ago they had a Dwelling at Cotatis, and then they thought also to have spread themselves into Mingrelia, and to have settled there. But the Continual Wars in that Country, and the Robberies perpetually there committed, the King either not being able, or not caring to prevent 'em, constrained 'em to retire back into Georgia. So that the Opportunity of meeting with 'em was very acceptable to me; in regard they were able to give me what Advice and Assistance I stood in need of. For that reason I presently made myself known to 'em; and told 'em, That the King of Persia had sent me into France to do him particular Services; that I had his Orders, and a Command directed to all the Governors of the Empire to give me Respect, and to serve me upon all Occasions, and with all Conveniencies I should stand in need of. Afterwards I acquainted 'em, That having chosen to return into Persia by the Black-Sea, and so through Mingrelia, I had been surprised by the Wars in that Country, and had undergone a Thousand Hardships so that not finding any way securely to bring along with me those things which I had brought for the King, I had left 'em in the Custody of my Comrade, and was come into Georgia to desire Assistance; and therefore I most affectionately besought 'em to give me the best Advice they could, and to take that Compassion of my Hardships and Troubles, to which Charity and other Considerations obliged 'em.  
Upon which the Good Fathers were concerned for my Misfortunes, the hazards I had run, and for the Person I had left in Mingrelia. And they assured me to do for me what ever lay in their Power so soon as they should have permission from their General; for that they had no Power to act without first consulting him, and without his Approbation. That he was at Trifflis, the capital City of Georgia, two small days journey distant, and that my best way would be to go and wait upon him. And indeed they gave me so many reasons to constrain me to go; that I resolved it without any more to do, and to that purpose hired Horses forthwith. The Superior also ordered a Lay-Brother, whose Name was Angelo of Viterbo, to get himself ready to bear me Company.  
This Lay-Brother was a Person of Honesty and Integrity, and both an able Physician and Surgeon. His Dexterity and the good luck he had in Georgia and Imiretta, to cure several Diseases and Wounds which were thought to be incurable, had raised him to a high Value and Esteem over all the Country. He understood the Language very well of all those parts, as having travelled 'em from one end to the other; besides that he was a Person of Courage, Patience, Humility and sound Judgement. He was the most pleasant and facetious Company in the World, and after I had testified to him, that his Society would be of great advantage to me, and a great comfort to me in my return to Mingrelia, he told me, that I had no more to do then to request the Superiors leave, and he would willingly go along with me.  
The 16th we departed from Gory with this honest Father, and road Seven Leagues for the most part upon the Banks of the River Kurr. The road was very delightful, through fertile Plains, where there was a great number of Villages. Among the rest there is one City called Cali-Cala about Four Leagues from Gory; that lies almost in Ruins, through the midst of which we are obliged to pass.  
The 17th I travelled somewhat more than Six Leagues in a level Road, but somewhat Stony in some parts. By that time we got half way, we came right against the Metropolitan Church of Georgia. seated upon the Banks of Kur. One half of which lies in Ruins, the other seems to be entire, and a very fair structure. They tell us, that there is within it one part of the Crown of Thorns, a piece of the Tunick, and a piece of the Prophet Elia's Garment. I did not see the Relics myself, but the Capuchins assured me, they had seen 'em several times. Toward the Evening I arrived at Trifflis, for the Snow that fell very thick all the Day, hindered me from getting thither sooner: at what time the Lay-Brother who accompanied me, conducted me to the House where the Capuchins lay. I had not time to lose, so that as soon as I came, I acquainted the Superior with the reason of my coming; which my Letters of Recommendation gave him likewise to understand. And indeed my main business was to let 'em know the danger in which my goods were, that I had left in Mingrelia, and of what importance it was for me to run all hazards to get 'em safe from thence. I told the Superior that there were in my opinion two several ways to accomplish my design, both safe in some respects, but hazardous in others. The first was to make my Addresses to the Prince of Georgia, to show him the Orders of the King his Master, and to desire his Assistance to fetch from Mingrelia what I had got for his Majesty's Use. The Second was to go privately into the Country, without discovering myself, or telling any person what I went about. Nor would I discover to the Superior my Approbation of the Second way for fear of preventing his Judgement. He desired some time to consider before he gave me his advice, and requested me withal to acquaint the rest of the Friars with what I had imparted to him, for that they most part of them having been in Mingrelia and Imiretta, might give farther light as to the management of my Affairs, and promised me he would enjoin 'em Secrecy under forfeiture of the Holy Obedience. Thereupon I satisfied the Superior, and gave the same Relation to the rest of the Monks as I had done to him, conjuring 'em to give me their best advice, and all the Assistance they could in the Misfortune that was befallen me.  
The 18th in the afternoon the Superior carried me into his Chamber, together with the rest of the Monks, where he laid before me all the Reflections that he had made upon my business, and all the thoughts that had come into his Head concerning it: and the Monks also did the same thing. They almost all agreed to try the private way, without making myself known, which was, in a word, to go secretly into Mingrelia. They told me that if I imparted my Business to the Prince of Georgia, he would certainly give me all necessary Assistance, that he would send People along with me that would bring away all my goods, in regard he was very much feared and respected both in that Country and Imiretta. But this would be to make a great Noise, which perhaps might prove my Ruin, if they should wait for me to Murder me in my return and rob me of all I had; for that the Country through which I was to pass, was all a Country of Murderers and Robbers the most resolute in the World. Besides that the Georgians were very perfidious and wicked: and therefore I had great reason to look well to myself; in regard it was not many years since that a Patriarch of Moscovy, travelling through Georgia, had been stripped of all; in which Fact it was thought the Prince of Georgia had a Hand, to make himself Master of the Wealth which he carried along with him. Besides that, I was also to consider, that though the Prince of Georgia should absolutely obey the King's Commands, and supposing he should be real and sincere, yet he would expect large Presents; and that it would be impossible to satisfy him and his Retinue, who were wonderful hungry and sharp for Persons of their Condition.  
I was overjoyed to find that the Capuchins concurred so exactly with my Judgement, and thought the very same Thoughts which I did: so that it was at last concluded that I should depart privately with my Companion Friar Angelo. That I should pretend to be a Theatin, who had been sent by those of Colchis, who were by War reduced to utmost Misery, to beg relief from the Capuchins; who had ordered along with me one of their Society to find 'em out, and bring 'em away. Which being thus determined, I provided for my Journey; and to that purpose I took out all the Jewels, which I had hid in my Saddle, and my Pillow, and having put 'em into a little Trunk that I carried about me, I delivered 'em to the Custody of the Superior. And now we were at a great loss for Horses, for that no body would venture their Goods into Mingrelia; but at length by the power of Money we obtained two Guides and their Horses; giving security both for the Horses and the Furniture.  
The 20th I set forward with Friar Angelo and a Georgian, who was a Servant of the Capuchins, a Native of Cotatis, and who had a Thousand times travelled Colchis and the parts thereabout, and whom the Superior sent along with me, to serve me upon all Occasions where I should have need of a Trusty Person. And thus we were five Men, with four Horses. Upon two of which road Friar Angelo and myself; the other two carried our Provisions: and all along we gave it out that we were sent to the Theatins of Mingrelia. As for my Lackey, I had dismissed him, before I went to Tefflis. This Rascal had played me a Thousand Roguish Tricks, and had once endeavoured to have ruined me; and I have already related how he served me at Gonia. The Capuchins advised me to have him sent to Prison till my return, and then to prosecute him: But the deep sense I had of GOD's Favour towards me, inclined me to pardon him altogether. I feared to provoke the Wrath of Heaven, should I at a time that Heaven was so merciful to me, have presumed to seek the Extremities of Justice and Rigour. And therefore I paid the wicked Rascal for all the time that he had served me, and let him go, after I had fully discovered all the Rogueries and Mischievous Qualities that I knew of him, and had given him good Advice to mend his Manners. But my Kindness wrought nothing upon him: the Fellow was mad that I had dismissed him, and gave me those Testimonies of his Discontent, that were enough to forewarn me of some fatal Consequence of his Revenge. So that I could have found i' my Heart to have laid him in Irons: and had I said the least word, the Capuchins would have done it in the Twinkling of an Eye, as being in great Credit at Tefflis. But I forbore, prevented by that Fate which Governs all Things. I was wholly inclined to pity; for I expected and desired it too much myself, not to show it to another: and it was no more than what seemed acceptable to GOD. And we shall see hereafter how he showed himself pleased with what I had done; by delivering me from a Dangerous Snare which the Traitor had laid for me.  
I returned to Gory the 21st.  
The 22d we parted thence, and lay six Leagues from Gory, at a Village upon the Road to Akalzikè, which I had Rid in my first Travels in those parts.  
The 23d we departed by break of Day, and presently left the Road of Akalzikè upon the Lefthand. At Noon we arrived at a small Village called Aly; lying nine Leagues from Gory, and seated among the Mountains. Two Leagues beyond that, we passed a Straight, which is fenced with a great Gate of Carpenter's Work, and separates Georgia from the Kingdom of Imiretta; from whence we road one League farther, and stopped at a little Village.  
The 24th we travelled seven Leagues in the Mountains; which were full of Snow that fell in great Flakes: the Mountains themselves, which are a part of Mount Caucasus, being covered with very high Trees. There we thought we should have lost ourselves: for the Snow being very deep, covered all the Paths and Tracks, that we could not see our way: but at length we came to a Village called Colbaure, where we lay. This Village consists of about Two Hundred Houses, all in a direct line, and so far distant one from another, that it is above three Miles from the first to the last.  
The 25th we travelled not above nine Miles, the bad Wether, the Snow, Cold, and Obscurity of the Air in those high Mountains hindering us from going any farther: however, at last we lodged at a Village containing about thirty Houses.  
The 26th, the Air cleared up, it had done Snowing, nor was it so bitter Cold: so that we travelled Eighteen Miles among the Mountains covered with thick Woods. Yet the Road was indifferent, in regard the Ascents and Descents were not very steep. And we lay at a small Village by the side of a great River.  
The 27th we Ferried over the River, and travelled Three Leagues in a Country like that which we had passed the Days before. And descending the Mountain we came into a large and fair plain extending as far as we could see; and lodged at a Village called Sesano. This Valley is almost a League broad from one end to the other; and it is very fertile and very pleasant, as being watered with several Streams; extending itself as far as Mingrelia; and being the most pleasant part of all Imiretta. The Mountains with which it is surrounded are covered with Wood and Villages: for the greatest part of the Mountains are tilled; and full of Vineyards. In this Valley we found the Air to be as warm as if it had been Spring, and very little Snow.  
Sesano lay near to a Castle belonging to an Ancient Lady, who was Aunt to the King of Imiretta, who lay sick at the time that we arrived there. Who hearing that there was a Capuchin come to the Village, sent for him, to discourse with him. For in that Country, they look upon all the Missionaries to be Physicians. Nor was the Friar unwilling to visit her, hoping to procure some assistance from her in our design. But two Hours after he had left me, I was surprised to be overtaken by another Capuchin with a Horse and a Guide. The cause of whose following me so close was to give me Intelligence, that the Lackey which I had dismissed was come from Tefflis to Gory, where he had discovered all that he knew of my business, swearing to ruin me, and that he was gone, no body knew which way: Which surprised me very much. For I mistrusted some such thing. I desired the Capuchin therefore to tarry with me, gave him a Thousand Thanks, and highly applauded the great Zeal and Affection of the Society toward me, which they had testified by such an evident and Generous Demonstration: and indeed they could not have given me more apparent tok'ns of their kindness.  
The 20th we travelled Five Leagues in the Plain already mentioned; which is very full of Villages and Woods, and the soil so extremely fat, that our Horses had much a do to poach along. After we had travelled Six Miles, we left the Fortress of Scander upon the right Hand. The People of the Country call it Scanda, and affirm that Alexander the Great built it. For the Eastern People call that Victorious Prince by the Name of Scander. They tell ye farther that he built Seventeen Places more which he called by the same Name. And perhaps this might be one of the Seventeen, and the same which is mentioned by Q. Curtius in his Seventh Book. Which I am inclined to believe by its Situation, for it is seated at the foot of a Mountain. It is now of no force; consisting only of two square Towers, without any Wall, with some Lodgings round about; nor does its Antiquity seem to exceed about 300 Years.  
About a League from Scander we passed through Chicaris, a Village consisting of about Fifty Houses. It goes for a City in Imiretta, though it have neither Walls, nor any thing more remarkable than any other Villages: we put in, and lay at a place, a League from thence.  
The 29th and 30th we stayed there. For our Guides would go no farther. The news of the Wars of which all the Travellers upon the Road gave us Intelligence, melted their Hearts i' their Bellies. They cried out we should carry 'em to certain Death or Slavery, and indeed they gave us a great deal of trouble. Which I endured with as much Patience, and exhorted my two Capuchins to the same. I laid before 'em, that I had let 'em understand at my departure from Tefflis, that it was impossible to accomplish what I had undertaken without a great deal of Courage and Patience, to vanquish all the obstacles which we should infallibly meet with. That we were to manage our People gently and mildly, and to win 'em by fair means and large promises. That when we had once got 'em into Mingrelia and that they could not go back, the care of their own safety would make 'em do what we pleased. Thereupon we called the two Guides, and the Georgian which the Superior had recommended to me, and told 'em that there was no danger, that we had good Intelligence and Instructions, that we had Lives and Goods to preserve as well as they; and that we had given 'em security as well for their Lives as their Persons. To which one in behalf of the rest made answer, that we should give 'em a Writing, wherein we should engage to redeem 'em, if they were taken Slaves in that Journey, or else to give Sixscore Crowns to their Wives, if they should die. To which I willingly agreed, and made 'em large promises besides. Which put 'em into a good humour to go on.  
The 31st we set forward; though it were bad Wether, and very bad Way. Nevertheless we crossed three very broad and rapid Rivers, and at length arrived at Cotatis. Where we lay at the House of Bishop Janarell; who was not at home, however we were well entertained. For his Officers were acquainted with Friar Angelo, and knew that their Master had a great kindness for him.  
Cotatis is a Town built at the Foot of a Hill, by the side of the River Phasis, consisting of about 200 Houses. Those of the Grandees, and the King's Palace stand at a distance round about. The Town has neither Fortifications nor Walls, saving where it is enclosed by the River and the Mountain. On the other side of the River over against the Town, upon the top of a Hill higher than that under which the Town is built, stands the Fortress of Cotatis, of which I have spoken in my Relations of the last Revolutions in Imiretta. I did not go into it, but I saw it plainly from the opposite Hill. It has several Towers, a Dungeon, and a double Wall that appears very high and strong.  
When I came to Cotatis, I enquired what News. And the truest that I met with, and which every one assured us, was, That the new Prince of Mingrelia, and the Prince of Guriel were retired, finding that the Turks would keep the Field no longer; that the greatest part of the Gentry, who had given their Oaths, had forsaken 'em, and that the Vizier of Dadian was preparing to fall down from the Mountains with an Army. That as soon as the Vizier had intelligence of the Retreat of the two Princes and the Turks, he had sent 800 Men to Dadian, had writ to him to quit the Fortress, and to raise what Men he could, that he had proclaimed a free Pardon to all those that would come and join with him; lastly, that he was come to Cotatis, where the King of Imiretta had joined him, with the Nobility of his Country; and that they were marched together in a Body, with a resolution to fall into the Territories of the Prince of Guriel. Which was that, they all most earnestly desired, for that he had been the Occasion of the Incursion of the Turks, and of all the spoil that had been committed during the War. For this reason the Armies had crossed the Phasis Three Days before, so that the opportunity favoured me, in regard there was no fear of meeting with any Soldiers.  
The 1st of Jan. 1673. I stayed at Cotatis to perform the Duties of Devotion. But as we were at dinner, my two Capuchins and I, with my two Guides and my Armenian, at the same table, according to the custom of the Country, where Masters and Servants eat all together, I saw that Rascal of a Lackey, of whom I have already made mention, enter the Room, together with an Armenian of Akalzikè and a Priest of Cotatis, who came along to show 'em the House However I was not very much surprised to see him. For it was a thing which I daily had in my thoughts, considering the reason I had to be jealous of the Rogue; nevertheless I made no show of my fears: yet I could not but believe he was turned Turk, seeing a white Turban upon his Head. The Rogue entered the Room with a wild and furious Aspect, and sat him down among my Servants, without so much as saying, By your leave. Which affront provoked me to that degree, that I asked him, Wherefore he came in such a fury? He answered, That he came from Akalzikè, and that he had performed the Journey in two Days. 'Tis the worst way in the World, said I; besides that the Mountains are all covered with Snow, like those that we passed, when we came from Gonia. You'll find it true, replied the Fellow, for you must go along with me to Akalzikè: I have Orders to carry you thither. That may be, replied I, if thou hast a greater Power to force me, than I have to hinder thee. For I have nothing to do at Akalzikè, neither will I go thither. Boy, said I, thou art ill advised; forbear to give thyself the trouble to do me a Mischief; for GOD will never suffer thy Designs to prosper to my harm. I paid thee at Tefflis all thou couldst demand: if thou art not satisfied, say what 'tis thou requirest more.  
I thus discoursed him, to try whether I could reduce him to Reason. To which he answered, That Tefflis was a Place where there is no Justice to be had, but that at Akalzikè he should have Right done him. I replied, That without going so far, for so slight a Matter, he might find People enough at Cotatis able to decide the difference. All which I spoke in the mildest Terms imaginable: which nothing moved this Vagabond, who turning to his Companion, bid him go and fetch the Turks. The Fellow ran out presently, but this was only a Trick to scare me; for I found afterwards, there were no Turks that tarried till they were sent for. However, I was extremely terrified, and gave myself over for lost. All this while the Priest of Cotatis was ignorant of what past, for I spoke Turkish, which he did not understand; and therefore he asked Friar Angelo what was the Occasion of the Contest; who as soon as he knew, which was soon after, informed the Priest. I ordered Friar Angelo to tell him what I had offered the Scoundrel to release me of his Pretensions, that Persons of Quality might judge of it, and of the Malice of the Rogue that would force me to Akalzikè.  
The Priest and several Georgians running in upon the noise that we made, took my part as to the Offer I had made, and desired the miserable fellow to take it; but the more they pressed him, the more Insolent he grew, and the more audacious in his Threats. Which inflamed me to that degree, that I was almost besides myself. Traitor, said I, Then 'tis only thy own Wickedness puts thee upon this: I tell thee again, that by the help of God, no Man shall carry me to Akalzike, and so saying, I flew upon him with my Sword in my Hand; but my Arms were held, while the Perfidious Rogue, to whom I intended the mischief, betook himself to flight, trembling and in great Disorder. After which I did not think myself safe, but was willing to have made my escape. But Janarell's Steward stayed me, giving me full assurance, that I should receive no Injury in his Master's House, and that no Turks would come to meddle with me. Thereupon I advised with my two Capuchins what course to take, the Result of which was, that Friar Angelo the next Morning should continue his Journey for Mingrelia, and that Father Justin of Legorn, for that was the Name of the Capuchin who was sent after me, as I have said, and I, should tarry together. But the Principal Reason was, because we could neither buy nor hire Horses: and we knew we should meet with none in Mingrelia; which obliged us to tarry and send away the Horses empty, for my Companion to make use of.  
The 2d. Friar Angelo set forward with the Horses and the Men which we had hired at Tefflis. And I returned to Chicaris, Eight Leagues distant from Cotatis, together with Father Justin. We made choice of this place to stay and expect the success of Friar Angelo's Journey, because it was just opposite to Janarell's Countryhouse, where he was with the Queen; from whom we might have assistance if occasion required.  
The 5th the Bishop and the Princess sent for us to come to his House. Thither we therefore went, and dined with 'em that Day, as we did several other times, that we made our Visits. The Queen was a very beautiful Person, as I have said, but her Demeanour spoiled all, free even to Impudence. Her Actions and Discourse were all obscene, without any restraint upon herself. Lewdness appeared in every thing she said; which is no Vice, nor any Scandal in her Country, where Dissoluteness is an Evil so common. Her Bishop Janarell devoured her with his Eyes. Never was unchaste Love, more open and less reserved. There was no need of more than looking upon the two Lovers, to give an easy guess at their Familiarity together. The Queen of Imiretta is served like the Princess of Mingrelia; only her Table is not so well furnished with Plate, but her Train is not so mean by much.  
The 8th a Gentleman whom the King of Imiretta had sent to Tefflis, arrived at Janarell's House; and gave the Queen an account of his Negotiation. He was sent to borrow 800 Crowns, upon the Royal Crown which they offered to pawn: the Crown being set with Precious Stones, and might be worth Four Thousand Pistols. Yet no body would lend any Money upon it. But the Prince of Georgia understanding the need which the King and Queen of Imiretta had of the Money, sent 'em a Present; to the King, three Horses, a quantity of Arms, and a Thousand Crowns in Silver; to the Queen several Pieces of Tissue, Satins and Taffatas, and Five Hundred Crowns. And the reason why the Georgian Prince was so kind, was to keep their Majesty's steadfast in their Resolutions to adopt one of his Sons.  
The 12th I went to wait upon the King: who was brought back from the Army by reason he was fallen Sick. He did us a great deal of Honour, showed us Extraordinary Kindness, made us sit down by him, and discoursed us with much Familiarity. He complained to Father Justin, for that he and his Companions had quitted Cotatis. Which the Father excused by alleging the occasion of their Removal to have been the continual Wars, by which they had suffered very much. I am sorry for it, replied the King, but I cannot help it; for I am a poor Blind Man, and they make me do what they please themselves. I dare not discover myself to any one whatever, I mistrust all the World; and yet I surrender myself to all, not daring to offend any Body, for fear of being Assassinated by every Body. This poor Prince is young, and well shaped; and well shaped; and he always wears a Handkerchief over the upper part of his Face, to wipe up the Rheum that distils from the holes of his Eyes, and to hide such a hideous sight from those that come to visit him. He is of a mild Disposition, and a great Lover of Jests and Drollery. He told Father Justin, He should do well to Marry in his Country. To which Father Justin made answer, That he could not Marry, as being under the same Vow with the Bishops and Monks of Imiretta. How! said he, interrupting Father Justin, and bursting out into a great laughter, our Bishops and Monks have every one nine apiece, besides those of their Neighbours.  
The 16th by break of Day I was to my great satisfaction wak'nd by my Comrade that came along with me to Mingrelia, Who told me, That Friar Angelo, together with the Men and Horses which I had sent, were arrived the ninth at Sippias; where they were extraordinarily troubled and almost at their Wit's end, because they had heard no News of me since my departure and for that they could not either for Love or Money get any Horses to carry 'em into Georgia. That understanding my happy arrival at Tefflis, and that I stayed near Cotatis in expectation of him, he was overjoyed, and that he forthwith prepared himself for his Journey, having taken out of the Earth, the Woods, and from between the Tiles of the House the one half of what they had had there. That he had stayed till the 'leventh day, to the end he might rest his Horses; leaving one of the most faithful of our Servants to take care of the rest, which they durst not remove, for fear of endangering all at one venture. And after he had told me thus far, Ne'er trouble yourself, said he at length, at what I have told ye; GOD be thanked all's safe and well And then proceeding,  
Saturday the 14th, said he, we came safe and well to Cotatis about eight in the Evening: at what time Friar Angelo carried me to Janatelle's. By the way, I never heard, said he, till yesterday, how your Servant that you dismissed, came to threaten ye the first day of the Year as he did, for had I known it, I should ne'er have stopped at Cotatis. But then, neither Friar Angelo nor any of our People thinking more of it, desired me upon Sunday Morning, that they might stay till Noon, and refresh themselves a little. To which I consented, and bid'em get a good Dinner. But as I sat at Table, I saw the Rogue of a Lackey come into the Room with Twenty Armed Janissaries. Where's my Master? Cried the Young Ragamuffin, he would have Murdered me, but I'll do his Business for him now. And so saying, he looked about the Room for ye, and not finding ye there, he went into your Chamber, thinking you had hid up yourself. I followed him, and throwing myself at his Feet, What have I done to ye, that you should go about to ruin me? If my Comrade have misused ye, or not paid ye to your content, that's no fault of mine; make your demands, and you shall have it without more ado, only send away these Turks that you have brought along with ye. It shall be done, replied the Young Traitor, I'll go and dismiss the Turks, and come again presently.  
And so saying, he went back into the Hall, pointing to Friar Angelo, There, said he to the Janissaries, take that Man, and carry him to the Commander of the Fortress; and so at the same time the poor Friar was seized and carried away. The Janissaries looked up and down to see what Booty they could find; and presently they snatched up our Felts that served us for Cloaks: they did not so much as meet with any of my Arms, and which was a more signal mark of GOD's Providence, they missed the Bags which I brought along with me, where were above Fifty Thousand Crowns in Gold and Jewels. As soon as the Janissaries had left the House, I sent a Man after Friar Angelo, and conjured the Carriers to let us make our eseape with all speed. So that we Saddled and Loaded our Horses forthwith, and betook ourselves to flight with all the haste we could. Thus GOD assisted me, and by his Grace and Favour I am at length got hither, with all that I was entrusted with in Mingrelia. For what the Janissaries took was hardly worth two Pistols.  
I might here endeavour to express the Joy and Satisfaction which I received upon the rehearsal of these happy Tidings, but they are only to be imagined, nor is it that which the Reader desires to know. Father Justin went presently to the Queen and Janatelle, to make his complaints of what the Turks had done in his House, and to desire him to labour for the Liberty of Friar Angelo: and about Noon the Father returned and assured us, that they had sent two Gentlemen to that purpose, to the Commander of the Fortress. For my part I would have been gone presently, such was my dread of the Turks, though without any ground: but there was a necessity for us to let our Horse's rest. In the mean time, in the Afternoon my Comrade hired other Horses to return into Mingrelia, and fetch what was left behind; while I prepared to set forward for Tefflis, with that which he had already brought.  
The 17th my Comrade and I parted, taking each our several Roads: he for Mingrelia, with Five Men and Four Horses; I for Tefflis, with Father Justin, Three Men and Three Horses.  
The 22th at Night, I arrived at Gori; where I stayed two Days to change Gold, as well to assist Father Justin to make preparations for his return to Cotatis, whither he was to carry my Comrade Money, and to accompany him from thence to Tefflis, as to get Friar Angelo set at Liberty, if he should be detained a Prisoner.  
To which purpose, Father Justin departed the 25th in the Morning for Cotatis, and I at the same time set forward for Tefflis. Where I arrived thanks be to GOD the 26th in the Afternoon, with the Capuchin Friar which the Superior of Gori had lent me, as not being willing to leave me without Company.  
The 6th of February in the Evening, my Comrade arrived at Tefflis, with the Servants which I had left in Colchis, a Theatin Friar and Father Angelo. After I had embraced 'em all, Friar Angelo took me aside, to give me an account of the Series of the whole Adventure. You know, said he, after what manner your perfidious Lackey caused me to be apprehended by the Janissaries, who were sent by the Commander of the Fortress to seize me. For the Rascal had told the Commander how that you owed him Three Hundred Crowns; that you were an Ambassador; that you had been in Mingrelia to fetch away a vast Treasure, which you had left there; and that by the seizure of your Person, he would meet with a purchase that would enrich him for ever. This Traitor pressed the Janissaries, who carried me to the Fortress to bind me, and use me severely; but they had a greater respect and veneration for my habit: and beside there was among 'em an Italian Renegado who caused 'em to be very civil. I marched along as slowly as possibly I could, and kept the Rascals in discourse, to the end I might give your Comrade the more leisure to make his escape; for I made no question but he would take that course. When they brought me before the Commander, he asked the Varlet who had caused me to be apprehended, whether I was his Master, who answered, No; for that he could not find his Master; but that assuredly I knew where he was. I replied, I knew not where you were, only that when I left ye, you had a design to go for Tefflis. The Commander asked me afterwards, several Questions concerning your Quality; and told me that I must pay the Three Hundred Crowns, which it was said you owed the fellow. To which I answered, That you were no more than a poor Person in Holy Orders, who had undertaken to give me Intelligence of the Miserable Condition of those in Mingrelia. Which when I understood, I went to give 'em a Visit; that I was no farther acquainted with your concerns; and that as for Money I had none. And that the People in Cotatis, from the Prince to the meanest of his Subjects, well knew, that I was a Person that made a profession of Poverty.  
Upon this, the Commander ordered me to be searched, and they found the Girdle which you had sent me to wear, where there was no more than only Six Pound, for by a wonderful Providence of God, your Comrade had not given me any Jewels to quilt into it, according to your appointment. Thereupon the Commander finding no more than that inconsiderable Sum, said he to the Lackey, Where is all the Treasure, ye Rogue, with which thou hast filled my Head? bring'st thou me hither this poor Fellow to jeer me? Thou art a cheating Rascal, and I'll have thee Drubbed to Death. Sir, answered the Varlet, trembling for fear, The Wealth is in the Custody of my Master's Comrade, that lies at Janatelle's. Dog, as thou art, replied the Commander, Why didst not bring him hither? And so saying, He sent him back with the same Janissaries that had guarded me to the Fortress, and commanded 'em expressly to bring away your Comrade: and indeed I was afraid they would have met with him; but I was overjoyed, when the Janissaries returned and told the Commander, that the Person had made his escape. Which made him vent his Rage upon the La quey, who was in a strange Agony, between Fear and Madness: at what time he began to open his Eyes, and to perceive that GOD had confounded his Malice, by his missing your Comrade with all that he carried under his care. Thereupon I gave an account to the Commander of all the Villainies, and wicked Tricks which the Rascal had committed in your Service, and how liberal and kind you had been to him nevertheless, in paying him his Wages.  
That Evening the Commander invited me to sup with him at his own Table: for he understood I was a Physician, and presently fancied himself to be ill. So that I made him up some Medecins, as well for himself, as for some of the Soldiers that were in the Fortress. He ordered an Italian Renegado to be my Guards, at what time your Lackey would have had him laid me in Irons for fear I should make my escape. For the Rascal studied a Thousand Tricks to do me a Mischief. But the next Day the Queen and Janatelle sent two Gentlemen to the Commander to demand my Freedom, as being their Physician, and the King's also: and about Noon there came two Gentlemen more from a great Lord of the Country, whose Wife lay sick; and he had been informed, that I was a Prisoner in the Fortress for Debt. Thereupon he sent to the Commander of the Fortress, to release me, and he would pay my Debt: but alas, there was nothing more clear than that I owed nothing. However, I must give Twenty Five Crowns to the Commander; which being paid, I was set at Liberty, notwithstanding the Noise and Clamour of the Lackey, who pressed that I might not be released, and told the Commander, That there would be a Thousand Crowns given to purchase my Liberty, rather than let me lie. So soon as I was free, they carried me to the Lords House, to whom I was beholding for my Liberty; from whence I sent to Chicaris to know what News: by the return of which Message, I understood that you were gone to Tefflis, and your Comrade was returned to Mingrelia. Some few Days after Father Justin arrived at Chicaris, and understanding there where I was, he came to me; and then having repaid the Twenty Five Crowns which the Lord had disbursed for my Deliverance out of Prison, we returned to Chicaris. Where in two Days your Comrade arrived with all that was left behind of yours in Mingrelia: who told us what Road he had taken to miss Cotatis. To which purpose he had Ferried over the Phasis six Leagues from that City; at what time the Ferryman told him, That the Rogue who had laid so many Snares for us, had given two Crowns to give him Intelligence of your Comrade's Passage: and that the Villain was under the Guard of four Janissaries, who had order not to let him escape: for that the Commander was resolved to make him perform what he had promised him. And thus you see, said he, that hitherto all things have luckily succeeded, and that GOD has confounded that Villain in his Wickedness, whose Justice questionless will not permit him to escape the Clutches of the Turkish Commander, without receiving some Punishment.  
It was now late; nevertheless my Comrade and I could not go to Supper, till we had discoursed of the happy Issue of our Labour, and of all our Misfortunes, of which, what I have recounted, is but a part of the Truth; nor till we had breathed out to GOD our Ardent Thanksgivings for his Infinite Goodness, his Omnipotent, and his Miraculous Deliverance: For we expected no such thing, when we were in Tribulation. And indeed, who could have hoped to have saved all, when we were in such imminent danger of losing all? The next Day following we cast up the Accounts of our Losses in this Disastrous Journey, and found that it did not amount to more than above one per Cent. of all that we had saved, and fortunately brought to Tefflis, without any thing being either broken or spoiled.  
GEORGIA, I mean all the Country so called which is under the Persian Jurisdiction, borders at this day to the East upon Circassia and Moscovy; to the West upon Armenia the Less; to the South upon Armenia the Greater; to the North upon the Black-Sea, and that part of Colchis which is called Imiretta, which in my Opinion is all that Country which the Ancients named Iberia. Georgia extended formerly from Tauris and Erzerum to the River Tanais, and was called Albania, being bounded, as I have described it. It is a Country very full of Wood, and very Mountainous, that enclose a greater Number of pleasant Plains that run out in length, but are not proportionable in breadth: only the middle of Georgia is more even and level then the rest: And the River Kur, which most Geographers call Cyrus, runs through the midst of it. It takes its rise in the Mountain Caucasus, a Day and a half's Journey from Akalzikè, as has been said; and empties itself into the Caspian Sea.  
I have seen some old Persian Geographies, that place Georgia in the Greater Armenia. The Moderns make a particular Province of it, which they call Gorgistan, and divide into four parts; Imiretta, of which we have spoken; the Country of Guriel, wherein is comprehended all that is under the Government of Akalzikè; the Kingdom of Caket, which extends itself very far into Mount Caucasus, and is properly the Ancient Iberia; and Carthuel, which is the Eastern Georgia, and which the Ancient Geographers call the Asiatic Albania. The Kingdoms of Caket and Carthuel are under the Persian Dominion: and this is that which the Persians call Gurgistan: but the Georgians give it no other Name then that of Carthueli. Which is no new Name, as being to be found in the Writings of several Ancient Authors, although somewhat corrupted; especially St Epiphanias, who speaking of these People, calls 'em Cardians. It's reported that the Grecians were the first who gave 'em the Name of Georgians from the word Georgoi, which signifies Husbandmen. Though others will have this Name to derive itself from that of St. George, the Patron Saint of all the Christians of the Greek Church.  
There are very few Cities in all Georgia, as has been observed: though there has been many more formerly in the Kingdom of Caket. But now they lie all in Ruins unless one which is also called Kaket. And I heard say, while I stayed at Tefflis, that these Cities were very large and sumptuously Built, as may be well enough conjectured, as well by that which is not as yet altogether destroyed, as by the ruins themselves. Now these Northern Inhabitants of Mount Caucasus, those Alans, Suans, Huns and other Nations so greatly famed for their strength and Courage, and by the Report of many People, another Nation of the Amazons, were they that continually harassed and ransacked this little Kingdom of Kaket. The Amazons lay bordering upon it above, to the North. Wherein as well the Ancient as Modern Geographers agree. Ptolemy fixes their Country in the Asiatic Sarmatia, which is now called Tartary, to the West of Volga, between the River and the Hippic Mountains: and there it is that the Northern part of the Kingdom of Kaket exactly lies. Quintus Curtius says also to the same effect, that the Kingdom of Thalestris was near to the River Phasis. And Strabo is of the same opinion, speaking of the Expeditions of Pompey and Canidius. I confess, I never saw any Person in Georgia who had been in the Country of the Amazons; but I have heard many of 'em tell Stories of those People. And they showed me in the Prince's Palace, a large Female habit of a course Woollen Stuff, and peculiar for its Fashion and Shape, which they said was the Garment of an Amazon, that was slain near Caket in the last Wars. Shortly we may hear farther news of these Famous Warriors; for the Capuchins of Tefflis told me, they would send two Missionaries into their Country: the Congregation having ordered that they should be dispatched thither. I had once a long discourse with the Prince of Georgia's Son upon this Subject; at what time, among other things he told me, that Five Days Journey beyond Caket toward the North, there lived a Numerous People, of whom they had no knowledge at all; who were continually at War with the Tartars, which they call Calmac, and the same with those which we call Calmouqus: that the several People that inhabit Mount Caucasus are continually at Wars one with another; and that it signifies nothing to make any Peace or Truce with 'em, as being a sort of Savages, that have neither Religion, Government nor Laws. Therefore they that lie next to Caket make frequent Inroads into the Country: which obliges the Viceroy, who is the Eldest Son of the Prince of Georgia, to be always ready in Arms to repel those Barbarians.  
Upon the Information which I gave the Young Prince, of what the Greek and Roman Historians related concerning the Amazons, after I had discoursed for some time upon that occasion, his opinion was, that they were some particular People among the wand'ring Scythians, as the Turcomans, and Arabs, who submitted themselves to the Sovereignty of Women, like the Achinese: that those Queens made use of Persons of their own Sex to serve 'em, and to follow 'em wherever they went. And as for their riding a Horseback like Men, it is easily apprehended and as easy to be credited, and that they also were Armed. For in the Eastern Countries, all Women bestride their Horses like Men: and some of 'em mount their Horses and ride 'em as well, besides that the Princesses also wear Daggers at their sides. But as for the Mutilation of their Breasts, and other particulars reported of the Amazons, we reject 'em, and rank 'em among the Fables, with which the leasing Greeks had the Impudence to fill their Histories, according to the Sarcasm of the Latin Poet.  
The Province of Carthuel contains no more than Four Cities, Gory, Suram, Aly and Tefflis. Gory is a small City, seated in a Plain between two Mountains upon the Bank of the River Cur, at the Foot of a Hillock, upon which there is a Fortress Built which is Garrisoned by Native Persians. It was Built in the last Gurgistan Wars, about Forty Years since by Rustan Can, General of the Persian Army: and an Austin Monk, who was then at Gory drew the draught of it. However the Fortress is a place that is not able to make any great defence; its principal strength consisting in its Situation, having a Hundred Men within it: Nor is the City that lies under it but very small, the Houses and Market Places being all Built of Earth. The Inhabitants however, are all very Rich and Wealthy. And it is very well stored with all things necessary for Human support at a cheap rate.  
Suram is indeed no more than a Town not above half as big as the City of Gory; but the Fortress adjoining is large and well Built, having within it a Hundred Men in Garrison. Near to Suram is the Country called Semashè. Which in the Georgian Language signifies Three Castles. The People of this Country boast, That Noah dwelled in this Country after he came out of the Ark, and that his three Sons built 'em every one a Castle. I say nothing here of Aly, because I have spoken of it in another place.  
The Temper of the Air is very kindly in Georgia; being very dry, cold in the Winter, and hot in the Summer. Their fair Wether does not begin till May, but it lasts till the end of November. The Soil must be well watered, or else it proves very barren; but that care taken, it produces all sorts of Grain, Herbs and Fruits in abundance. Georgia is therefore as fertile a Country as any can be imagined, where a Man may live both deliciously and very cheap. Their Bread is as good as any in the World: their Fruit is delicious and of all sorts. Neither is there any part of Europe that produces fairer Pears and Apples, or better tasted, nor does any part of Asia bring forth more delicious Pomegranates. cattle are very plentiful and very good, as well the larger sort as the lesser. Their Fowl of all sorts is incomparable, especially their Wildfowl: Their Boars-Flesh is as plentiful and as good as any in Colchis. The Common People live upon nothing else but young Porkers; of which there are abundance in all parts of the Country: and indeed there is no better Food in the World, than this Meat: beside that the People of the Country assure us, that it never offends the Stomach, let 'em eat never so much. Which I believe to be true; for though I eat of it almost every Meal, yet it never did me harm. The Caspian Sea, which is next to Georgia, and the Kurr, that runs quite through it, supplies it with all sorts of salt and fresh Fish; so that we may truly say That there is no Country where a Man may have an Opportunity to far better than in this.  
And with the same boldness we may assert, That there is no Country where they drink more or better Wine. The Vines grow about the Trees as in Colchis: and they daily transport great Quantities of Wine into Media, Armenia, and to Ispahan for the King's Table. As much as a Horse can carry, which is 300 weight, costs no more than Twelve Shillings: I speak of their best Wine; for the common sort is cheaper by half: and all other Provisions are at a proportionable rate. The Country of Georgia also produces a great Quantity of Silk; though not so much by half as most Travellers report: But the People of the Country know not how to wove it, and therefore they carry it into Turkey, to Erzerum, and the parts adjoining, where they drive a great Trade.  
The Complexion of the Georgians is the most beautiful in all the East; and I can safely say, That I never saw an ill-favoured Countenance in all that Country, either of the one or other Sex: but I have seen those that have had Angels Faces; Nature having bestowed upon the Women of that Country Graces and Features, which are not other where to be seen: So that 'tis impossible to behold 'em without falling in Love. More Charming Countenances, nor more Lovely Statures and Proportions cannot be Penciled forth by all the Art of Man, than those of the Georgian Women. They are Tall, clear Limbed, Plump and Full, but not over Fat, and extremely Slender in the Waste: Let 'em have never so few clothes on, you shall not see their Hips. That which spoils all is this, that they all Paint, as well the Lovely as less Beautiful. For they make use of Paint in stead of other Ornaments: Nevertheless when they Dress themselves, they Deck themselves in Sumptuous Habits and Jewels as our Women do.  
The Georgians also are Naturally very Witty. Nor would there be more Learned Men, or more Ingenious Masters in the World, were they but improved by the Knowledge of Arts and Sciences: but their Education is so mean and paltry, that having nothing but bad Examples before their Eyes, those Parts of theirs are altogether drowned in Vice and Ignorance. Which is the reason that they are generally Cheats and Knaves, perfidious, treacherous, ingrateful and proud. Impudent beyond Imagination to deny their own Words, and their very Deeds; to set afoot and maintain Falsehood; to demand more than is their Due; to counterfeit Deeds and forge Lies. They are irreconcilable in their Enmities, and never forgive. True it is, they are not easily provoked; nor do they readily admit those Hatreds which they preserve inviolably when once conceived. And besides these Vices of the Mind, no Men are more addicted to their sensual Pleasures and Bestial Voluptuousness; that is to say, to Drunkenness and Luxury. In which filthy Divertisements, they plunge themselves with so much the more freedom, because they are so common, and not looked upon as scandalous in Georgia. The Churchmen will be as drunk as others, and keep Female Slaves in their Houses, to make use of in stead of Concubines: at which no body is offended, as being no more than what is generally practised, and as it were authorised by Custom. In so much that the Superior of the Capuchins assured me, That he had heard the Catholicos, or Patriarch of Georgia say, That he who was not absolutely drunk at great Festivals, such as Easter and Christmas, could not be a good Christian, and deserved to be Excommunicated. Besides this, the Georgians are likewise very great Usurers: They never lend any Money without a Pawn, and the lowest Interest which they take is Two in the Hundred for a Month.  
Neither are the Women less Vicious and Wicked than the Men. They have an Extraordinary Addiction to the Male Sex; and certainly contribute more than they, to that Torrent of Uncleanness which overflows all the Country. On the other side, the Georgians are Civil and Courteous, and more than that, they are Grave and Moderate. Their Manners and Customs are a Mixture of the several Customs of the Nations that lie round about 'em. Which proceeds, as I believe from their Commerce and Dealings with Variety of People, and the Liberty allowed in Georgia, to observe their own Religion and Customs, and to defend 'em in their discourse. You shall meet here in this Country with Armenians, Greeks, Jews, Turks, Persians, Indians, Tartars, Muscovites and Europeans; and the Armenians are so numerous, that they exceed the Georgians. They are also more Wealthy, and for the most part supply all the small Offices and mean Employments. But the Georgians are stouter, more Haughty, more Vain, and more Pompous. Which difference between their Inclinations, their Manners and their Belief, has caused a very great Enmity between 'em. They mutually hate one another, and never Mary into one another's Families. Particularly the Georgians contemn the Armenians with a more than ordinary Scorn; and look upon 'em much about the same Rate as we do the Jews in Europe. The Georgian Habit resembles very much the Polonian Garb, their Bonnets being like to theirs. Their Vests are open before all down the Breast, and fastened with Buttons and Loops. Their Hose and Shoes are like those of the Persians. And for the women's habit it is altogether Persian.  
The Houses of the Grandees, and all their Public Edifices, are Built according to the Persian Models: nor is Building at all expensive, as having Wood, Stone, Lime and Plaster in great Abundance; they also imitate the Persians in sitting at their Tables, in their Beds, and manner of Diet.  
The Nobility exercise a more than Tyrannical Power over their Subjects; far worse than in Colchis. They will make their Peasants labour whole. Months together, and as much as they please without allowing 'em either Food or Wages. They challenge a Right over the Estates Liberty and Lives of their Vassals: they take their Children and sell 'em, or else make Slaves of 'em themselves. But they very seldom sell any of the Rabble above Twenty Years of Age, especially Women.  
The Belief of the Georgians is like that of the Mingrelians; as having been converted to the Faith both at the same time, in the Fourth Age, and by the same means of an Iberian Woman, who was converted herself to Christianity at Constantinople. But since that, both the one and the other have lost all sense of Christianity; so that as I have said of the Mingrelians; they have nothing remaining of Christianity but the Name. So is it as true that the Georgians neither observe or know the least precept of the Law of Jesus Christ. Nevertheless the Georgians more strictly observe their Fasts, and make longer Prayers. While I was at Tefflis, the Missionaries sent to Rome a Relation of the State of their Mission, which they showed me; wherein I found one very pleasant passage, which I shall set down among the rest as not being either unseasonable or impertinent. There was a Woman at Gory, who having led a very ill Life, at length fell dangerously ill, insomuch that she thought she should die. Whereupon she sent for a Priest, and made her Confession, discovered to him all her Lewd Pranks, and made him great Protestations, that if she recovered, she would never admit of any other Man but her Husband. To whom, the Priest, Madam, said he, I know ye too well, to believe ye: it will be impossible for ye to leave off the Company of your Gallants. My request therefore is, that you will entertain no more than Two or Three, which I will allow ye to do upon that Condition, which I shall impose upon ye. But the Woman disdaining the Proposal of her Confessor, put him out of her House and sending for a Capuchin, told him the whole Story, and afterwards made her Confession to him. The same Relation adds, that the Priests enjoin their Penitents that confefs the taking of another Body's Goods, to bring the Goods to Them, and not to restore 'em to the Right Owners; so that Restitution is never made.  
There are several Bishops in Georgia, an Archbishop and a Patriarch, whom they call Catholicos. Whose preferments when Vacant are supplied by the Prince though a Mahometan, who generally prefers his kindred and Relations: so that the Present Patriarch is his Brother. As for the Churches in Georgia, they are something more cleanly kept then those in Mingrelia. And in the Cities you shall see some that are very decent, though they are altogether as nasty in the Country. The Georgians, as all the other Christians that surround 'em to the North and West, have a strange humour to build all their Churches upon high Mountains, in remote and almost inaccessible Places. Where they view 'em, and bow to 'em at the distance of three or four Leagues: but seldom or never go into 'em; and we may boldly assert, that the most part of 'em are hardly opened once in Ten Years. They erect 'em, and then leave 'em to the Injuries of the Wether and for the Birds and Fowls of the Air to build their Nests in. I could never find out the Reason of this Extravagance, the Answers of all Persons of whom I enquired, being altogether as extravagant: 'Tis the Custom. The Georgians however are fully persuaded, that whatever Sins they have committed, they shall obtain Pardon by building a little Church. Though for my part I am apt to believe they build 'em in such remote and inaccessible Places, to avoid the Charges of Adorning and Repairing of 'em.  
And now I come to the Relations and Histories of the Conquest of Georgia by the Persians, which are so numerous, that I should have been silent in this particular, if those Authors had agreed among themselves, or if I had found they had been rightly informed. Briefly therefore, here is that which I have met with in the Stories of Persia themselves.  
Ishmael the Great, (whom our Historians have Surnamed the Sophy) after he had subdued the Countries that lie to the West of the Caspian Sea, of Media and part of Armenia, and that he had expelled the Turks out of all these Places, made War also upon the Georgians, though they had sent him numerous Succours at the beginning of his Reign. The event of which War was successful to him, as having reduced 'em to pay him Tribute, and give him Hostages. Now Georgia, as well as the Kingdoms of Kaket and Carthuel, had several Petty Kings, called Eristares Feudataries, and always at Wars one with another. Which was the Reason, or at least the Means that most contributed to the Ruin of the Georgians. They paid their Tribute during all the Reign of Ishmael, and his Successor Tahmas, who was a Prince of great Courage, and fortunate in War. During his Reign Lnarzab ruled in that part of Georgia which is called Carthuel, and is as I have said the Eastern Georgia, and borders upon Persia Eastward. This King lest two Sons behind him, between whom he divided his Kingdom; Simon the Eldest, and David the Younger. But being both ill satisfied with their Division, they made War one upon another, and in those Wars both desired Tahmas to assist 'em. The Younger Brother was beforehand with Simon. To whom Tahmas returned for answer, That he would put him in possession of all his Father's Dominions, if he would turn Mahometan. David accepted the Condition, embraced the Mahometan Religion, and went and surrendered himself to the Persian Army, which was already entered his Dominions, to the Number of Thirty Thousand Horse; upon which he was presently sent to Tahmas, who lay then at Casbin. So soon as he had got the Georgian Prince in his Clutches, he wrote to Simon to the same effect as he had written to his Brother, that is to say, That he should quit his Religion, and come to him, if he intended to enjoy the Kingdom of his Ancestors.  
Simon, finding the Persian Army pressing too severely upon him, surrendered his Person, but would not abjure his Religion. But Tahmas, being now Master of both the Princes, and of the Country of Georgia, sent the Eldest Brother Prisoner to the Castle of Genghè near the Caspian Sea; and made the other Governor of Georgia, changing his Name from David to Daoud-Can, which denoted him to be of the Mahometan Profession. Which done, he took an Oath of Fidelity from all the chief Georgian Lords, and carried away their Children and David's also as Hostages into Persia.  
After the Death of Tahmas, the Georgians shook off the Persian Yoke, as did also the most part of the Provinces of Persia, and they were at Liberty during the Reign of Ishmael the Second, which did not last above two Years; and during the first four Years of Mahomet Kodabendè, that is, The Servant of GOD: who sent an Army into Georgia to reduce 'em to Obedience. Daoud Can fled upon the Approach of the Army. At what time his Brother Simon, a Prisoner as I have already declared, near the Caspian Sea, laying hold of the Opportunity to re-enter into his Dominions, became a Mahometan, and was made Can of Tefflis, under the Name of Simon-Can.  
During the Reign of Mahomet Kodabendè, died Alexander King of Kaket, leaving Three Sons and Two Daughters. Of which David was the Eldest; a Prince whose Courage and Misfortunes have rendered him renowned over all the World, under the Name of Taimuras Can, which the Persians gave him. At the time of his Father's Death he remained in Hostage at the Court of Persia, whither he was carried by King Tahmas as has been said. He was bred up with Abas the Great, being almost of the same Age, with great Magnificence and exact Care, where he had inbibed the Customs and Manners of the Persians, certainly much better than those of the Georgians. So soon as his Father was Dead, his Mother, a Beautiful and Prudent Princess, by the Georgians called Ketavana, but Mariana in the Histories of Persia, wrote a Letter to Kodabendè to this effect, Sir, My Husband is Dead, I beseech ye to send me my Son Taimuras to Reign in his stead; and withal I send you his Brother for Hostage in his Room. Thereupon Taimuras was sent back, after he had taken the Oath of a Tributary and a Vassal.  
At the beginning of the Reign of Abas the Great, Simon, King of Carthuel already mentioned ended this Life; leaving the Kingdom to Luarzab his Son, than a Child, under the Tuition of his Prime Minister, a Person of great parts, but of a mean Extraction, called by the Georgians Mehrou, and by the Persians, Morad, who was also Governor of Tefflis, and Governed the Kingdom almost with an absolute Authority. This Mehrou had a handsome Daughter, with whom Luarzab was passionately in Love, and by whom he was as passionately beloved. Nor could the Father, by any means that he could use, prevent the two Lovers from seeing one another. But one Day having surprised the Prince and her locked up in a Room together, Sir, said he, I beseech ye, do not Dishonour neither my Daughter, nor my House. If your Majesty pleases to Marry her, she is at your service: but if not, forbear Privacy with her. Upon which Luarzab swore he would have no other Wife; which Oath when the Prince had sworn, he suffered her to Live with him as with her Husband. However the Marriage was not celebrated, through the opposition of the Queen and the Ladies of the Country, who protested they would never submit themselves as Subjects to a Person of her mean Birth. Luarzab, no less glad of this opposition, told Mehrou, that he could not Marry his Daughter. Now the Georgians are very Prone to Revenge; as I have already observed. Thereupon the King was advised to be before hand with Mehrou, and to put him to Death to prevent his Revenge. To which the King consented; and to that purpose had contrived it so as to make Mehrou Drunk, and to kill him at the first Banquet the King should make. Of which contrivance Mehrou was advertized, at the very Moment it should have been put in Execution. For he was already half Tipsy, when one of the King's Pages, who was one of his Creatures, as he presented him the Cup, and seemed to Bow to him out of respect, whispered to him: Sir, You will be Murdered. At which he made no semblance of being daunted; but rising up, as soon as he had given back the Glass, and pretending to go out to make Water (which is no Indecorum in that Country, where the Feasts last for half a Day together) he ran directly to his Stable, takes a Bonnet and a Coat from one of his Grooms that he first met; Bridles one of the best Horses in the Stable, Mounts him and away he Rides. And he so ordered his Flight, that not being discovered it proved successful to his Wish. Presently he got to Ispahan, where he threw himself at the Feet of Abas the Great, who was newly returned a Victor, from Shirvan and Shamaki, Countries Bordering upon Georgia and the Caspian Sea. He declared to the King how he had served Luarzab, and the Deceased King his Father, and what a recompense he had prepared him for his Service; by seeking to deprive him of his Life, after he had deflowered his Daughter under the pretence of Marriage. And concluding, he told the King, that he was the true Monarch of Georgia, and therefore he demanded of his Majesty Justice, and the Restitution of his Estate.  
But Mehrou had contrived a securer way than this, to revenge himself upon Luarzab, which was to kindle in the Heart of Abas an Affection for Luarzab's Sister; one of the most lovely Persons in all Georgia; whose Beauty has been celebrated by all the Persian Poets. Insomuch that in Persia they sing to this Day the Songs that rendered her Beauty renowned above all the Charming Beauties of her time, containing a pleasant Romance of the Amours between Her and Abas. Her Name of Baptism was Darejan. But the Persian Fictions give her the Name of Pebry. Mehrou therefore took all opportunities to talk of her to Abas with all the Artificial Language he could invent, to inflame his desires. Thereupon Abas sent to demand her of Luarzab first by one Ambassador, and then by another. The first was sent back with fair promises; the second received for Answer, that the Princess had affianced herself to Taimuras' King of Kaket, who was then a Widower. But Abas the more inflamed by these refusals, sent a third Ambassador to Luarzab, charging him to demand his Sister with all manner of fair promises and foul Threats: and he wrote at the same time to Taimuras, not to Marry Luarzab's Sister, but to come and meet him. Luarzab on the other side incensed at these repeated and Haughty Importunities, instead of returning an answer to the Ambassador, affronted and abused him; to the end no more Ambassadors might be sent to trouble him any more upon that Errand. Abas however was not then in a condition to execute his intended designs upon Georgia, as being at War with the Turks. He dissembled therefore his Indignation, and ordered a Carmelite Missionary, whom he sent into Europe to animate the Christian Princes to a War against the Turk, to take Georgia in his way, and to admonish Taimuras by no means to join with the Turks, nor to give 'em any manner of assistance against the Persians. To which Taimuras either out of too much Fear or too much Credulity readily condescended: but he soon repented his forbearance: for in the Year 1613 Abas set forward from Ispahan with a design to make War upon Georgia. However as he was a Prince, who among his other Extraordinary Endowments was extremely cunning and reserved, he managed that War like an Amorous Intrigue. He gave out that Luarzab's Sister loved him and desired the Match: that she had sent him Letters by a confident of her own; moreover that she had been promised him, and therefore that Luarzab was both Perfidious and Unjust. In the mean time he made his preparations for something else then to fight a Rival: for all Men plainly perceived that he was resolved to reduce Georgia under his Subjection. He had a great number of Georgians in his Army. He gave Pensions to several great Georgian Lords; and Mehrou corrupted the Loyalty of several others every day, who engaged to take his part: He had two of Taimuras' Sons in Hostage, and a Brother and Sister of Luarzabs. In a word he wrought with some of the Princes of the Blood Royal of Georgia to turn Mahometans, for the possession of great Employments and Governments. For he thought he should easily compass his designs against the Georgians, by sowing Divisions among 'em; an easy thing to do, especially among People that are given to revenge. He wrote to Taimuras that Luarzab was ungrateful, a Rebel, a Madman, not fit to Reign, and that he was resolved to deprive him of his Crown. To Luarzab he wrote the same thing concerning Taimuras; and at the same time ordered Lolla Beg, General of his Army, who lay toward Media, to enter Georgia with Thirty Thousand Horse, and to put all to Fire and Sword.  
Upon this, Luarzab and Taimuras were counselled to unite. They met, and communicated to each other Abas' Letters: wherein finding the ruin of both resolved upon, they swore one to another either to Perish, or rescue each other from the danger; and the more to confirm and strengthen their Union, Luarzab gave his Sister, the Incomparable Darejan to Taimuras. Abas was like to run Mad when they brought him the News; he was ready to have Cut the Throats of Taimuras' Two Sons with his own Hands, and of the other Georgian Hostages: nothing would serve him but he swore the Death of all together. But at length he kept himself within bounds, and minded only to hasten his march rather to punish the Kings that had offended him.  
Taimuras, sensible of the approach of the Persian Army, would have prepared for his defence. But he discovered that a part of the Grandees of his Kingdom were inclined to Surrender. Thereupon he sent his Mother to Abas. She was a Princess that had betak'n herself to a Religious Life, so soon as her Misfortune had made her a Widow. Not that they make any Vows, or quit their usual Habitations, but only put on the Religious Habit, who in those Countries make profession of a Religious Life, as I have already observed in my Relation of the Mingrelian Religion, which is the same with that of the Georgians. Mariana or Ketavana therefore (for she was called by both these Names) wore the Habit of a Religious Person, to the end she might have an excuse to Live more retired, and uninterrupted in her Devotions. She set forward with a Numerous Train and Magnificent Presents; and made so much haste that she found Abas still at Ispahan. Where being arrived she threw herself at the King's Feet, and besought Pardon for her Son, which she did with all the Submission that she thought might avail to appease the King's wrath.  
This Princess was at that time well advanced in Years, yet was she still a Lovely Lady, so that Abas became enamoured of her, or at least feigned to be so, the first day he saw her: thereupon he courted her to turn Mahometan, that he might be in a Condition to Marry her. But the Princess more Wedded to her Chastity and Religion, and perhaps not enduring the strict Confinement of the Persian Queens, refused the Kings Offers with a Virtue and Constancy unmoveable, which was to be admired in a Georgian. Abas incensed at her Denial, or at least laying hold of it for a pretence, (for it was thought he never intended to Marry Ketavana, but out of design to revenge himself upon Taimuras) sent the Princess Prisoner to a certain House at a remote distance, and caused her two Children which Taimuras sent in Hostage, to be made Eunuches, and to turn Mahumetans; and then set forward for Georgia. Ketavana remained in Prison several Years, and was afterwards remanded to Shiras, where she suffered a most cruel Martyrdom, in the Year 1624. a good while after Abas had Conquered Georgia. For than it was that he wrote to Iman-Kooli-Kan, Governor of that City, to force Ketavana to turn Mahometan, whatever it cost him; and to make use of Torments, if Promises, Threats, and Blows would not prevail. Iman-Kooli-Kan showed his Orders to the Princess, in hopes that that would take effect: but it signified nothing. Nor were all their Torments more prevalent upon a Soul so truly Heroic and Devour. She underwent the Pain of Drubbing, suffered the Torments of Shackles and Fire, and died at length upon the Burning Coals; after she had endured for the sake of JESUS CHRIST, a Martyrdom of Eight Years, so much the more cruel because it was changed and renewed every day. Her Body was thrown upon the Common Lay-Stall of the City. From whence the Austin Friars took it away by Night, embalmed it, put it in a Coffin, and sent it privately to Taimuras by one of their own Society.  
But to return to the Georgian War, Abas being entered into the Country of Georgia with his Army, guided by Mehrou, and reinforced with a great Number of Georgians every day; Hopes and Promises inveigling some, and fear or desire of Revenge attracting others, Luarzab resolved however to fight it out, hoping so to shut up the Persians in the Woods, that he might easily there defeat 'em. And indeed Abas at one time gave himself over for lost, and thought he had been betrayed. For being advanced with his Army Five and Twenty Leagues into the Country, Luarzab divided his Forces into two parts, and shut up the Passages by felling an infinite Number of Wood, so that the Persian Army could neither advance nor retreat. Abas was in a strange Consternation, so that Mehrou fearing the loss of his Head, as a Traitor, Upon my Life, Sir, said he, I will bring ye out of these straits in three Days. And he was as good as his word. For he opened a Cross-way through the Wood by means of his Infantry, and leaving the Camp which was blocked up by the Georgians, took only the Cavalry along with him. Nevertheless Abas would lead 'em himself, and having passed the Wood, fell into the Kingdom of Kaket, committing great Cruelty and Spoil; insomuch that he commanded all the Trees that breed the Silkworms to be destroyed; on purpose to ruin past recovery a Country that chiefly subsists by making of Silk. When these Mournful Tidings were brought to Luarzab, he gave himself over for lost, and fled into Mingrelia. On the other side, Abas who knew his Conquests were not secure, so long as the Georgian Kings were at Liberty, wrote to Luarzab in these Terms: What Reason urges you to fly? 'tis Taimuras that I seek, that Ingrateful and Perfidious Rebel. Come and surrender yourself to me, and I will confirm you in the Possession of the Georgian Kingdom; but if you fail to yield yourself, I will entirely ruin it, and lay it desert.  
Thereupon Luarzab in tender pity of his People, surrendered himself to Abas. The King received him in most friendly manner, and with a Thousand Caresses, replaced him upon the Throne with all the Pomp and Solemnity imaginable; which was done the better to deceive the Georgians, and to make himself Master of the Country without striking a Stroke. He also made him several costly Presents, and among the rest, he gave him a Heron-Tuft of Precious Stones, which he commanded him always to wear, especially when he came into his Presence. This is an Ensign of Royalty said he and it is my pleasure you should always wear it upon your Head, that People may know ye to be King. Now the same Day that Abas was to set forward for Tefflis, said he to Luarzab, I shall make a halt six Leagues from this place, and send away the rest of the Army; will not you bear me Company thither? This was a Snare with fair words to draw the poor Georgian King from his Capital City: and he was as easily deluded to go along with him, in regard he mistrusted not the least fowl play. In the mean while Abas commanded one of his Guards, a noted Pickpocket, and one of the most dextrous i' the World at his Profession, to steal Luarzab's Heron-Tuft from him. Which was done; and then Luarzab coming into the King's Presence, Luarzab, said the King, what's become of your Heron-Tuft? Did not I recommend it to ye to wear always as an Ensign of Royalty? Sir, said Luarzab, I am robbed of it, which has almost put me besides my Wits; I have caused it to be hunted for every where that I could imagine, but can hear no Tidings of it. How! said the King in a great Fury, the King of Georgia robbed in my Camp! Bid 'em bid the Provost-Marshal, the Captain of the Watch, and the Precedent of the Council of Justice, come to me. And this was the second Artifice made use of to seize the Unfortunate Luarzab without striking a Stroke. Presently therefore he was laid hold on; but Abas durst not put him to death for fear of a Revolt in Georgia. He sent him therefore into Masanderan, or Hyrcania, hoping that the bad Air of the Country would kill him: but seeing that would not do, he removed him to Shiras; and at length took the following occasion to put him to death.  
The Grand Duke of Moscovy had been a long time solicited by the Georgian Princes to intercede in his behalf to Abas. Who was therefore at the Charge of a Costly Embassy merely for that purpose. Thereupon Abas, who was a Person of a quick Wit, and never idle, gave order to the Governor of Shamaki, a City upon the Caspian Sea, where the Ambassadors of Moscovy first enter into Persia, to try what he could do to discover whether the Ambassador came only upon Luarzab's account or no: and whether the Moscovite did take his part to that degree that there was any likelihood of a Rupture. To which the Governor sent word, That the Ambassador came only to serve Luarzab; that he was a very great Lord, and that his Instructions were very positive for a punctual Answer. Upon which Abas, who was resolved not to release the Georgian Prince, nor yet could refuse him his Liberty at the request of the Duke of Muscovy, wrote to the Governor of Shiras to rid Luarzab out of the World, so that his Death might seem only to have happened by accident. Which was accomplished to his desire, and the News was brought to Abas, two Days before the Arrival of the Moscovite Ambassador. Abas made the Courier tell his Tale in public, at what time he seemed to be strangely troubled and surprised: Good GOD, said he, this is Unfortunate News indeed; How came he by his Death? Sir, answered the Courier, he went a Fishing, and as he was casting his Net, fell into the Pond, and there stifled himself. I'll make an Example of his Guards, replied the King, for taking no more care of him.  
Soon after the Russian Ambassador had his Audience; at what time, after the Banquet was over, and that they had drank pretty hard, the King sending for him near to his own Person Well, said he, Mr. Ambassador, and what is't the King of the Russes my Brother desires of me? Thereupon the Ambassador began to unfold his Commission, and declare the Purport of his Embassy; but when he had once let slip Luarzab's Name, I believe, replied the King, you have heard of the Misfortune that has befallen that Young Prince: I am extremely grieved for him: I wish to GOD he had not been dead; for I should have done with all my Heart whatever your Master could desire in his behalf.  
Thereupon the Brother of Luarzab was made Governor of Georgia in his Room, being turned Mahometan before that: and called by a Persian Title joined to his Georgian, Bacrat-Mirzah, or the Royal Prince. Abas also left an Army in Georgia to oppose Taimuras. Who at first continued the War with such Succours as he obtained from the Turks and Christian Princes joining upon the Caspian Sea, into whose Territories he was retired for Sanctuary: But seeing those Petty Assistances did him no good, he went to the Turk and implored Aid of the Turk. Which he obtained: and a great Army of Turks was sent into Georgia, who defeated the Persian Forces, and reestablished Taimuras in the Kingdom of Caket. But he enjoyed it not long; for so soon as the Turks were retreated, Abas returned into Georgia, and changed the whole Face of Affairs. He built Fortresses which he filled with Natural Persians; He carried away above Four and Twenty Thousand Families, of which he placed the greatest part in Masander, or Hyrcania, Media, Armenia, and the Province of Persia, removing into their Rooms both Persians and Armenians. He also intermixed Mildness with his Severities, to try how far that would avail to keep the People in order. He likewise made an Agreement with the Georgians, which he confirmed by Oath for himself and his Successors, That their Country should be free from Taxes, that there should be no Alteration of their Religion. That he would not pull down their Churches, neither would he erect any Mosques: That their Viceroy should be always a Georgian, of the Race of their Kings, but a Mahometan: Of whose Sons he that would change his Religion, should be Governor and great Provost of Ispahan, till he succeeded his Father.  
Abas died in the Year 1628. And so soon as Taimuras had Intelligence of his Death, he re-entered Georgia, and caused the Georgians to Rebel, who slew their Viceroy and all the Persians that opposed 'em; he made himself Master of all the strong Forts except Tefflis; but could not keep 'em. For Sefy, succeeding his Grandfather Abas, sent in the Year 1631. a powerful Army against him, under the Command of Rustan Can, a Georgian, the Son of Simon Can, that same Viceroy whom the Georgians had slain. He was Grand Provost of Ispahan, at Abas' decease, and called Cosrou Mirza. King Sefy, therefore, who knew him to be a Person of great Valour, and deemed him highly provoked, made him General of his Army and Viceroy of Georgia in his Father's Room He defeated the Georgians in several Encounters, won back all Carthuel, and part of the Kingdom of Caket, and pursued Taimuras who was forced to betake himself into two strong places in Mount Caucasus. In which inaccessible Fastnesses, this Prince no less Valiant than Unfortunate, held out for some Years; though rather like a Fugitive that fought for his Life; than a Prince that defended his Crown. But receiving no assistance neither from the Turks nor Christians; he went to solicit the Moscovite, but failing there likewise; he retired into Imiretta, of which his Sister was Queen, with a Resolution there to end his Life, not finding any hopes of recovering the Inheritance of his Ancestors. There Shanavas-Can took him Prisoner, when he Conquered that Petty Kingdom of Imiretta, and setleed his Son therein. For Taimuras had always such a passion to Die in his own Country, that he would not make his escape into Turkey, which he might easily have done: and besides he considered that being Old, the Turks would not have that respect for him, as he might expect from the Persians. Shanavas-Can carried him to Tefflis, and wrote Word to the King that the Famous Taimuras-Can was in his Hands. The King sent for him to his Court. Where being very aged, his Travels and Troubles of mind, threw him into a desperate sickness. The King lodged him in one of his Palaces with a great deal of magnificence, and ordered his Physicians to look to him with great care. Notwithstanding all which he died in the Year 1659. His Body was carried into Georgia, and Buried with all the Pomp and State which is usual in that Country.  
Rustan-Can having reconquered Georgia, built the Fortress of Gery as is reported. He restored Peace and good order to the Country, and Governed with an exemplary mildness and Justice. He Married the Sister of Levan Dadian Prince of Mingrelia, though she were a Christian and Married already. Her Husband being Prince of Guriel; whom Levan had deprived both of his Principality and his Eyes, for being in a Conspiracy against him, and taking his Wife away from him, Married her to Rustan-Can neither the ecclesiastics of Mingrelia nor Georgia opposing that Monstrous Conjunction, if I may presume to call it so. The Name of this Princess was Mary, of whom we have already spoken in our Recital of the last Revolutions of Imiretta. She is now the Wife of Shanavas-Can, Governor of Georgia.  
Rustan-Can Died in the Year 1640. and his Body was carried to Come, where it was interred. At what time Shanavas-Can, Taimuras' Kinsman, was Governor and Grand Provost of Ispahan. Him Rustan-Can, having no Children, adopted, and sent him to the Court, beseeching the King to look upon him as his Son, and to ratify the Adoption. His Majesty approved his Choice, caused the Young Prince to be Circumcised, and bestowed upon him the Government of the City; and this is he who is at Present Viceroy of Georgia; being Fourscore Years of Age, yet very Strong and Lusty.  
So soon as Rustan-Can was Dead, the Princess Mary his Wife, had private Intelligence, that upon the advantageous reports of her Beauty, that had been made to the King of Persia, he had commanded her to be sent to Court. Thereupon she was advised to fly into Mingrelia, or to hide herself. But she took a quite contrary course; for being well assured that there was no place within the Empire of Persia, where the King would not discover her, she went and locked herself up for Three Days together in the Fortress of Tefflis, which was indeed to deliver herself up to the Mercy of him that sought her. All which time she showed herself every Day to the Commander's Wives; and then sending for him to her Apartment, she told him that upon the credit of his Wives, that had seen her, he might write to the King, that she was no such Amiable Beauty to be so ardently desired, that she was far gone in Years, and besides that she was a little misshapen; and therefore that she conjured his Majesty to let her end her Days in her own Country. At the same time she sent the King a Magnificent Present of Gold and Silver, and Four Young Damsels of an Extraordinary Beauty. And so soon as she had sent her present, she retired from the World, not suffering herself to be seen by any Body, she betook herself wholly to her Devotions, giving great Alms to the Poor, to the end they might Pray to GOD for her Soul's Health. But at the end of Three Months there came an order from the King, for Shanavas-Can to Marry her. Who was over joyed at the receipt of the Order, for Mary was Rich, so that he Married her, though he had then another Wife of his own; and he has a very great Value for her by reason of her great Estate. Her first Husband the Prince of Guriel is still alive, residing in Georgia, but very Old, and very Decrepit. Nevertheless the Princess was so kind to send him one of her Damsels, to comfort him for his loss of her; and she allows him wherewithal to maintain himself, but at a very sorry rate: However she seems still to have some kind of Affection for him; insomuch that being upon the Frontiers of Imiretta, some Years since she sent for him, and kept him with her eight Days. At which when Shanavas-Can seemed to be Jealous, the Princess fell a laughing at him; and asked Whether he were not ashamed to be Jealous of a poor, old, blind, miserable Creature, and altogether as impotent as himself.  
The greatest part of the Georgian Lords are outwardly Mahometans; some professing that Religion to obtain Preferment at Court, and Pensions of State. Others, that they may have the Honour to Marry their Daughters to the King, and sometimes merely to get 'em in to wait upon the King's Wives. For which the usual Recompense is a Pension, or an Employment. As a forerunner to which the Mahometan Religion is always first of all embraced. The Pension is according to the Quality of the Persons; but most commonly not above Two Thousand Crowns Upon which account there fell out a very lamentable Accident while I stayed at Tefflis.  
A Georgian Lord had given the King to understand, that he had a Niece of an extraordinary Beauty. His Majesty commanded her to be brought to his Palace: And who should be so wicked and base as to carry the Order and serve it, but the Lord himself! Thereupon he came to his Sister, who was a Widow, and told her, That the King of Persia had a desire to Marry her Daughter, and that therefore she must persuade her to give her consent. Thereupon the Mother having made known to the Young Virgin, the force that was upon her, she was almost at her Wit's end. For she had rather have had a Young Lord that was her Neighbour, by a Person whom she was extremely beloved. Thereupon they took a Resolution to make him a Sharer in their Misfortune, and to that purpose sent him the News by one of their Domestic Servants. Away comes the Lord Post, and arriving at Midnight, found the Mother and the Daughter with mutual Tears and a condolling Grief bewailing their hard Fortune. Presently the Lord threw himself at their Feet, and told 'em, That for his part he feared nothing so much as the loss of his Mistress, and that all the Anger of the King of Persia was nothing to him in respect of such a fatal Calamity. That there was but one way for him to disengage himself out of this Noose, which was to be Married immediately, and the next Day to tell her Perfidious Uncle, That the Lady by him demanded was no Virgin. This was agreed upon; and the Mother being retired, the Marriage was Consummated in a Trice. But the Uncle discovering the Plot, gave notice of it to the King. At which the King was so enraged, that he gave Order to send for the Mother, the Daughter, and the Husband; who thereupon hid themselves, and skulked up and down for some Months. But at length finding themselves too hotly pursued, beyond all likelihood of escaping, they fled to Akalzikè, the Bassa of which place has taken 'em into his Protection.  
The fear which they have in Georgia of Accidents of the like Nature, obliges those that have handsome Daughters to Marry 'em as soon as they can, and sometimes in their Infancy. The poor People Mary theirs betimes, and sometimes in the very Cradle. To the end the Lords whose Vassals they are, should not take 'em away by force, either to sell 'em, or make 'em their Concubines. For certain it is, they have a very great respect for Married Persons; and though they are but Children, they are not easily induced to tear 'em out of their Houses.  
The Kingdom of Caket is at present in Subjection to the King of Persia; Shanavas-Can having completed the Conquest of it; and now Archilus his Son is Viceroy, who turned Mahometan to obtain the Employment. We have already made mention of him, and of the Love which he had for Sistan-Darejan the King of Imiretta's Wife, when we gave an Account of the Revolutions of that Petty Kingdom. Sistan-Darejan remained a Prisoner at Akalzikè, where the Bassa's showed her an extraordinary Civility. Archilus had also a longing Affection for her, from the time that he had lost sight of her. Thereupon his Father so wrought by his Presents and Contrivances with the Bassa, that he released her in the Year 1660. She was carried in Triumph to Tefflis, where Archilus Married her immediately, and by that Match entitled himself to the Kingdom of Caket, of which he was actual Viceroy already. For the Princess his Wife was Daughter to Taimuras-Can, and Sister of Heraclius, the only Son whom that Unfortunate Prince left behind him capable of Succession, in regard all the rest had had their Eyes put out. But he and his Mother were fled into Moscovy; where they say, the Great Duke allows 'em a Train suitable to their Quality. And here give me leave to tell ye one Passage concerning this Archilus Viceroy of Caket, very much worthy to entertain your Curiosity.  
He was affianced in his Youth, to a Daughter of one of the most Noble Families in Georgia. And the Lady fully expected to be his Wife, in regard that Breach of Contract is a thing never heard of in that Country. But when she heard that he had Married Sistan-Darejan, she sent to him to demand satisfaction, for the Murder he had committed upon her Honour. For so in Georgia they call the affront done to a Contract, when a Man leaves the party affianced to Marry another. At first she resolved to Sue him at Law for the Injustice he had done her; but that way not seeming feasable, by reason of the great Authority and Sway which Archilus had in the Country, she put herself at the Head of Four Hundred Men, and offered fairly to fight her Faithless Lover. But Archilus refused her, sending her word he did not use to fight with Young Maids: withal he bid her not make such a noise, lest he disclosed the Favours which Sizi a Young Lord at Court had boasted to have received from her. The Young Lady enraged to hear herself reproached as well as scorned, turned all her fury against Sizi. She challenged him, and because he would not meet her; she laid herself in Ambush for him, put him to flight, pursued him and killed him above Twenty Men. She had also a Brother; and he also undertook to quarrel Sizi. The Prince and the the whole Court did all they could to reconcile 'em: but seeing they did but labour in Vain, the two Adversaries were permitted to determine the difference by their Swords. Now it is the custom in Georgia, that when the Law cannot decide or reconcile a Quarrel among Gentlemen, they are permitted to try it out in a place Railed in for the purpose. And before the two Combatants enter the Lists, they Confess themselves, receive the Communion, and prepare for Death. This is called, Appealing to the Tribunal of GOD, for the Georgians maintain that this way of referring directly to GOD the Punishment of a Crime, is both Honest and Lawful; where human Justice is not able to distinguish whether the party accused be Guilty, or whether the accuser charge him falsely. At length Sizi and his Adversary being arrived at the place appointed, they were parted by a Company of Soldiers, just as they had drawn their Swords. And the Young Lady Dying soon after with shame and Grief; the Prince by his Authority obliged her Brother to be Friends with Archilus and Sizi.  
And now before I relate what befell me at Tefflis, it behoves me to make a Description of the Place; though the Plate before the Leaf, might suffice to give a distinct Idea of it.  
TEFLIS  
TEFLIS  


A. The Fortress.  
B. THe Bpps church called Zion.  
C. The Bastias Monastery.  
D. The Holy Cross.  
E. The Church & Place of the Catholicos.  
F. The White Work or the Queen's Church.  
G. The New York.  
H. Mognay Church.  
I. Bethen Church.  
K. The Church of the Rupture.  
L. THe Mosque.  
M. The Capuchins.  
N. The Prince's Palace.  
O. The Great Bazar.  
P. The public Magazines.  
Q. The Viceroy of Caket's Palace.  
R. The Prince's Gardens.  
S. The Prince's Piatza.  
T. The Place for Military Exercises.    
The Principal Monasteries that belong to the Armenians, are Pacha-Vane, that is, the Monastery of Pacha: in which Monastery, the Armenian Bishop of Tefflis resides. They so call it by the Report of the Armenians, for that a Fugitive Bassa of Turkey turning Christian, caused it to be erected in this City. Sourph-Nishon, that is, to speak properly, the Red Sign; and thence generally taken for the Holy Cross. Bethem, or Bethlehem, Norachen, or the New Work and Mognay. Now Mognay is the Name of a Village of the Armenians near Irivan, where they have for a long time kept a certain Skull, which they assure ye to be St. George's: hence because that part of the Skull is removed to this Church, therefore they gave it the Name of the Place from whence they took the Relic.  
There is not any Mosque at Tefflis, though the City belongs to a Mahometan Empire: and is Governed together with the whole Province by a Mahometan Prince. The Persians have endeavoured all they could to rebuild one there, but never could accomplish their design; for the People still Mutinyed, and by force of Arms beat down the Work, and abused the Workmen. And indeed the Georgian Princes were glad of these Seditions of the People, though they would not countenance 'em openly: For in regard they had not renounced the Christian Religion but only with their Lips, and to obtain Preferment, they could not heartily consent to the Establishment of Mahometism. Now the Georgians are Mutinous, Inconstant and Valiant, as has been said: They also retain a smack and sense of Liberty. Then they lie near the Turks. And this is that which hinders the Persian from making use of Extremities, and preserves to the City of Tefflis and all Georgia a happy Liberty to retain almost all the Exterior Marks of their Religion. Upon all the Steeples of their Churches at the Top stands a Cross; and they are furnished with several Bells which they ring. Every day they sell Pork openly, and in public with the same freedom as other Victuals, and Wine at the Corners of the Streets. All which though the Persians are mad to see, yet they know not how to help it.  
Some few Years since they built a small Mosque in the Fortress, close to the Wall that separates it from the Grand Piazza of Tefflis. They built it in the Castle to accustom the People to the sight of Mosques, and of the Priests, that call the Mahometans to Prayer from the Top of the Building. Nor could the Georgians hinder the Building of this Mosque, because they durst not enter Armed into the Fortress, where there was always a good Guard: But so soon as the Priest was mounted to the Top to make Confession of his Faith, the People gathered together into the Piazza, and plied the Top of the Mosque with such Volleys of Stones, that the Priest was constrained to come down again in more haste than he went up: after which Mutiny, the Persians would never suffer any of their Priests to appear at the Top of the Mosque any more.  
The public Buildings at Tefflis are very graceful: Their Bazars, or Market-places are very large, built of Stone, and in very good repair. The Inns, or Caravansera's for the Receipt and Entertainment of Strangers, are no less beautiful. There are few Baths indeed in the City, by reason that every Body goes to the Hot-Baths that are in the Castle. The Water of which Baths springs from a Sulphur-Mine, and is very hot. So that the People which make use of 'em for Diseases and Distempers are no less numerous than those that go for Cleanliness and Curiosity. The Magazines also are well built, and kept in Order, being seated in an open place near the Grand Piazza.  
The Prince's Palace is without contradiction one of the most beautiful Ornaments in Tefflis; being adorned with spacious Halls and Rooms of State that look out upon the River, and the Gardens which are very large. It also contains several Aviaries, full of Birds of several sorts, a spacious Dog-kennel, and the most lovely place to keep Hawks in that Eyes ever beheld. Before the Palace lies a spacious Court sufficient to hold a Thousand Horse; which is surrounded with Shops, and joins to a long Bazar right against the Palace-Gate. So that it is a lovely Prospect which the Piazza and the Front of the Palace makes from the Top of the Bazar. Moreover, the Viceroy of Caket has a Palace at the end of the City; which deserves to be well viewed and considered.  
The Outparts of Tefflis are adorned with several Houses of Pleasure, and several beautiful Gardens. The biggest of which is the Prince's; where indeed there are but few Fruit-Trees; but it is full of those that serve for the Ornament of Gardens, and for Shade and Coolness.  
There is also a Habitation of Missionary Capuchins at Tefflis, where the Superior of the Missions which that Order has, and hopes to have in Georgia, resides; it being about Thirteen Years ago since they were sent from Rome. The Title of Physicians which they give themselves, and which every Body there gives 'em, is the reason that they are well received wherever they desire to settle. For Physic, and especially Chemistry, which is very much esteemed, is little known in the Eastern Counties. They settled first at Tefflis, and afterwards at Gory. Shanavas-Can gave 'em a House in each of those Cities with free Liberty to exercise their Religion. They brought him Letters from the Pope, and the Congregation de Propaganda Fide, and in their own Names made Noble Presents to himself, the Princess, the Catholicos, and the principal Grandees of the Court, which they continue to do at the end of every two Years. Whoever among 'em understands Physic best, never stirs from the Person of the Prince to preserve his Protection, which is their only Safeguard from the Persecutions of the Georgian and Armenian Clergy. They have endeavoured to expel these Missionaries from time to time, as they saw their Endeavours to draw People to their Religion; but in regard there are neither Physicians nor Surgeons in Georgia, they make themselves necessary by the practice of Physic and Surgery, which some of 'em understand very well, and practise with very good success. They have permission from the Pope to take Money for their Cures, and they make good advantage of it, Physic being their chiefest Subsistence: They are generally paid in Wine, Meal, cattle, and young Slaves; and some there are that give 'em Horses: of all which they sell whatever they have no need of, or whatever they have to spare. Were it not for this support of Physic, they could never subsist upon the Annual Pension which the Congregation allows 'em of 18 Roman Crowns for every Missionary, which make but Five Pounds Ten Shillings. Besides the Dispensation already mentioned, these Missionaries have several others both in Spirituals and Temporals; as, to say Mass, without any Body to assist at it, to say it in several sorts of places, and in all sorts of Habits, to give Absolution of all manner of Sins, to disguise themselves, to keep Horses and Servants, to have Slaves, to buy and sell, to pay and take Interest. In a word, they have Dispensations so ample, and of that extent, that they pretend a power to do, and do in effect, whatever is permitted to the most privileged ecclesiastics. Nevertheless these Missionaries, with all their Artifices, and notwithstanding all this Liberty, make very little progress among the Georgians. For besides that the people are very ignorant, and take little care to instruct themselves, it is so riveted into their Heads, that Fasting as they observe it, is the Essential part of Christian Religion: That they do not believe the Capuchins to be Christians, because they are informed that in Europe they do not fast as they do. This incredible Obstinacy obliges the Capuchins to fast as they do, and to abstain from Creatures which the Georgians abhor, as the Hare, the Tortoise, and others. They fast Wednesdays and Frydays, regulating themselves according to the Ancient Calendar, that they may be said to be outwardly no more than Georgian Christians. Many People at first repaired to their Church at Tefflis, drawn thither by the Novelty of their Service, and a little Music of four or five Voices, accompanied with a Lute, and a Spinet. But at present there go no more then only five or six poor People, who get something by the Missionaries. They have also set up a School, but they have not above seven or eight Scholars, the Children of poor Parents, who go thither more for Victuals then Learning, as the Fathers confessed themselves. They told me often that they did not keep up their Missions for any profit they got by 'em, but only for the Honour of the Roman Church; which, said they, would not be the Catholic Church; had it not Ministers in all parts of the inhabited World In a word, these Missionaries have no more in all Georgia then the two Houses already mentioned. The Wars of Imiretta and Guriel, and the Calamities of those Countries, have forced 'em to quit several Settlements which they had made in those parts. And their design was, when I parted from Tefflis, to visit Kaket in June, and several other places upon Mount Caucasus. Their Mission consisted of twelve Persons, nine Priests, and three Lay-Brothers.  
The City of Tefflis is very well peopled; and there are as many Strangers resort thither as to any place in the World. For it drives a great Trade, and the Court is very Numerous and Magnificent, beseeming the Capital of a Province, being never without several Grandees of Note.  
As to the Name of the City, I could never learn the Etymology of the word. They say, the Persians gave it that Name. Certain it is however, that the Georgians do not call it Tefflis, but Cala, that is to say, the City or the Fortress; which is indeed a Name that they give to all Spacious Habitations encompassed with Walls. Which makes me think, that because they have no other Walled City in all the Country, they would give it no other Name but Cala. Some Geographers call it Tebele-Cala, or the Hot City, by reason of the Baths of Hot Waters within it, or else because the Air is not so cold nor so boisterous as in the other parts of Georgia. Neither could I learn the Time when the City was founded, nor the most remarkable Revolutions that have befallen it. For my part I do not believe its Antiquity surpasses Eight Hundred Years. It has been twice under the Power of the Turks. Once in the Reign of Ishmael the Second King of Persia; and the second time, in the Reign of his Successor, Solyman becoming Master of it, at the same time almost that he took Tauris. The Persian Tables place it in 83 Degrees of Longitude, and 43 Deg. 5. min. of Latitude. It is also called Dar el Melec, or the Royal City, as being the Metropolis of the Kingdom.  
The 10th the Superior of the Capuchins gave the Viceroy Notice of my Arrival. I desired him so to do, considering with myself, that having Servants and Luggage, and being lodged at the Capuchins House, my Arrival could not be concealed from a Prince who had Intelligence even of the most trivial Things that passed in Tefflis, much more of my Adventures in Mingrelia, of which many People had spread a report. Besides, I was glad to see him, and show him the King of Persia's Passports, directed to all the Governors of Provinces, wherein I was effectually recommended. For I made no Question but the Prince upon the sight of those Orders would make me Welcome, and grant me a Convoy, if I should have occasion, for the rest of my Journey. Shanavas-Can understanding who I was, and that the deceased King had employed me into Europe upon his own Service and Affairs, ordered the Superior to tell me in his Name, That I was Welcome, that he was glad of my Arrival, and that I would do him a Kindness to come and see him as soon as I could; which I was neither in a Condition, neither was I resolved to do so soon: being resolved to stay till I was ready to depart, because I would not be obliged to go every Day to Court. Therefore I desired Father Raphael, who was his Physician, to tell him, That I was overjoyed at the Honour which he had done me, and that I would not fail to pay my Duty to him, so soon as I had put myself into a handsome Equipage; but that I was so out of order, that I could not stir abroad these Ten Days. I know not whether Father Raphael made a true Report to the Prince, or whether the Prince believed him; for so it happened, that about Twelve a Clock in the Forenoon, he sent a Gentleman to tell me, That since I was come to Town in a Week of Mirth and Jollity, while he Feasted every Day at Court, he desired that I would come and see him. I was surprised and troubled at the Message; and therefore I desired the Superior and Father Raphael to let the Prince know, That I could not yet stir abroad, and that he would be pleased to condescend that I might stay till the Sunday following before I received the Honour which he was pleased to do me. Which Message the Capuchins promised to deliver, but failed. They went to the Court 'tis true, but returned the next moment, to tell me, That the Prince was impatient to hear what News from Europe. But the truth of it was, that they had an extraordinary desire to produce me. They were desirous to show the King of Persia's Agent, whom they asserted to be one of their own Nation, to the end themselves might be the more respected; and they desired my Comrade and myself to put on our most Sumptuous Habit, and to enlarge for their sakes the Present which we intended for the Prince. In which particular I was willing to gratify 'em, and in whatever else I might conveniently do, as being glad of an Opportunity to acknowledge the signal Kindnesses they had done me.  
It was almost Noon when we went to the Palace, accompanied by the Superior and Father Raphael, who attended to be assistant to us. The Prince was in a Room of State, a Hundred and Ten Foot long, and above Forty broad, built upon the side of the River, and all open on that side. The Ceiling, which was all of Mosaic Work, was placed upon a great Number of Pillars, Painted and Gilt between 35 and 40 Foot high. The whole Room was spread with very fair Carpets. The Prince and principal Nobility were sitting near three little Chimneys, which with several Braziers warmed the Room to that degree, that the Cold was not felt. Shanavas-Can, when people approached near him, caused himself to be Reverenced the first time, like the King of Persia Himself. They fell upon their Knees Two or Three Paces distant from his Person, and bow their Heads to the Ground, Three Times one after another. Which manner of Saluting the Eastern Princes, the Europeans have always scrupled to observe. And indeed it being impossible that a Man should prostrate himself in a more humble posture, such a Prostration should only be used before GOD himself. So that sometimes they excuse themselves from using this manner of Salutation, by saying they are of another World, and understand not the Compliments of the Country. For my part I made my Obeisance with three Bows, without Kneeling. Afterward two Gentlemen led me to take my place: but I would not sit above the Capuchins, though the Gentlemen pressed me so to do, and the Steward of the Household who stood upon his Feet in the middle of the Room. For I was willing to do 'em that Honour, that they might have Honour done 'em by others. Which the Superior was so glad to see, that he would needs have me take place of his Companion.  
While I was paying my Obeisance, a Gentleman who had received from me at the Hall Door the King of Persia's Letters Patents which I held in my Hand, and the Present which I had brought for the Prince, and laid 'em in order in a large Silver Voider, set down the Voider at the Prince's Feet. Presently he took the Patent, opened it, and rising up from his Seat put it to his Lips, and laid it upon his Forehead, than gave it to his Chief Minister to tell him the Contents. Afterwards he viewed the Present with a great deal of Curiosity and Satisfaction; which consisted of several pieces; that is to say,  
A large Watch, with a Lunary Motion, in a Silver Case, Engraved and Gilt.  
A Looking-Glass of Crystal of the Rock, in a Silver Frame.  
A Gold Enamelled Box to put Opium Pills in. For the most part of the Persians take those Pills several times a day.  
A Surgeon's Case, furnished with all sorts of Instruments; being a very Delicate and Curious Piece of Workmanship.  
Knives with Handles, Neat and Delicately wrought.  
The first Minister after he had received the Patent, with a low Voice gave the Prince an Account of the Contents. And I understood afterwards that the Prince should say, they had never read a Patent more Effectual nor more Honourable, and that they had very seriously considered it. All the Grandees admired the Golden Character, and the Moresco-Flourishes in the Margin which were very large. The Prince caused it to be Copied; and I thought it not amiss to give ye the Translation of it as follows.  

¹ HE WHO IS, HE IS GOD to whom belongs praise and glory. 
 ² God, is elevated above all things. 
 [Regality is the gift of] God 
 ³ [Prophetic] 
 ⁴ In the name of God, element and merciful 
 [O Mahamed, O Ali] 
 [judgement belongs to] God 
 [Assistance comes from] God. 
  
God is my sufficiency Who ever he be that loves not Ali though 'twere myself I love not him.  
Who ever he be that do not at his door bow his head to the Earth though he were an Angel let earth be upon his head.  
The Slave of the King of the Country Abas the Second. 1059 
Abas the Second Victorious: 
 King Lord of the World. 
 Thrice valiant Prince. 
 descended from Shaik. 
 Sephi from Moussa: 
 from Hassein.   
Ali Hasein Husein Ali Mahamad jafer Mousa Ali Mahamad Hali Hasein Mahamad Absolutely Commands 
 The ⁵ Lords of Lords who have the Presence of a Lion, the Aspect of ⁶ Deston, The Princes who have the Stature of Tahem-ten-ten, who seem to be in the Time of Ardevon, The Regent's who carry the Majesty of Feribours▪ The Conquerors of Kingdoms, Sup-Intendants that ⁸ unloose all manner of knots, and who are under the ⁹ Ascendant of Mercury The Farmers of the Ports of the Empire of ¹⁰ Caagon, the Collectors of Tolls, the Provosts of Highways, & Passages of the Goverment are to understand, that at this present tim ᵉ we have ordered by an Express Command the Agâs Chardin & Raisin, French Merchants, the ¹¹ Flower of Merchants to discharge themselves of an Employmt. which. they have undertaken, & to execute such Orders as have been given to 'em There is therefore an absolute necessity that inwhat ever part of these Kingdoms of Spacious extent they▪ shall befound, & that through what ever part of our Vast Empire they shall pass, whither going or coming, neither by way of ¹² request or demand any duties or Tolls be exacted from 'em, of what nature soever, or what, ever Authority such p'sons may have to demand 'em, that they give no Obstacle to their designs, nor disturb 'em with any manner of Molestation, but that they pay 'em every where all manner of Hon▪ & Respect, & give 'em such assistance as they shall desire at all times that they shall require it. And so soon as this patent shall be adorned, enlightend, ennobled, & ¹³ enlivened, with the Seal with resembles the Sun in ¹⁴ dignity & Virtue, with makes manifest the ¹⁵ Decree of the Lord of the World. & with being above All things in Length & Breadth serves for a Law to the Universe, & that the Subscription Adorable, Holy [Sublime] most high & with out compare shall be affix▪ d thereto, That they give entire Credit to it, & render all Obedience to what it contains, as Being A Decree from on High Elevated above all Things, & that it serve to Perpetuity to the Persons to whom it is given. ¹⁶ Given in the Month of Shaval the Honourable, in the year 1077 of the Holy flight.  
Peace & Happiness remain ¹⁷ Eternally with the follower's of the Holy flight.  
At ¹⁸ Asheraf the Noble in the Province of Theber-Estaan, where God always maintain Prosperity & Abundance. ¹⁹ Mehdy Son of Aabib Alla of the race of Hasein.   
The Patent is writ upon a Sheet of Paper two Foot and a half long; it is also beautified with Letters of Gold, Blue, Red and Black. And therefore I have marked in great Letters, what is written in Letters of Gold, and what is written in the Original in Coloured Letters, I have enclosed between two little Hooks.  
1. It is in the Original, How Alla sub han How. Which is an Arabian Sentence taken out of the Alcoran. How in this Language is the Essential Name of GOD, and not Alla, which signifies Most High. This How is the Jehova of the Hebrews, and signifies He, or He there. It signifies also is, or He that is; by which is to be understood a Being of Himself, and Uncreated. This Name is to be met with in the Alcoran in a number of places; and it seems that the Impostor who Composed that Book alludes to that Passage in the Third of Exodus, He who is, has sent me. The Mahometans place this word How over all their Decrees, Statutes, Petitions, and almost over all their Write. And sometimes they add, Alla ta a Alla, that is to say, He who is, is GOD Most High.  
2. These words ought to refer to the bottom of the Patent after these, Being a Decree from above, Elevated on High above all things, as much as to say, That GOD is still above. The Persians have this Custom in any Act or Decree, never to put the Name of GOD at the bottom of the Leaf; but they place it at the top upon the side, and leave a Blank in that part to which it ought to refer. And this same Circumspection they observe with great Superstition, believing that they who fail therein, fail of their Respect to GOD. They have the same Respect for the King and the rest of his Ministers, in their Juridical Writings, their Petitions, and their Public Acts: for they never insert 'em into the Body of the Writing, but always at the top of the Page upon the Right-Hand.  
3. This word Prophetic set at the top, for the reason already observed, is relative to that at the bottom of the Patent: The Holy Flight, to signify that the Computation of Time, which begins from the Flight of Mahomet from Mecca to Medina, is an Epoch of Sacred Institution, and that it took its Original and its Beginning from the time that the Person whom they call by way of Excellency, The Prophet, began his Mission.  
4. They that understand little of the Religion and Customs of the Mahometans, cannot be ignorant of this Invocation, in regard they pronounce it at the beginning of all their Actions, and all their Prayers. The most famous Professors of the Oriental Languages, say, That it ought to be thus Translated, In the Name of GOD Soveraignly-Merciful. And indeed, the Arabian word Rahmen, which signifies Merciful, is an Incommunicable Attribute of GOD, and which they never make use of but in speaking of the Divine Clemency. All the Mahometans believe that this Invocation conceals great Mysteries, and encloses an infinite number of Virtues. For they have it always in their Mouths, rising, sitting, taking a Book or an Instrument in their Hands, or a Pen. In a word, they believe they shall not prosper in any thing which they undertake, if they do not begin with this Invocation. They assure themselves that Adam and Eve spoke it before they went about any Business. It is set at the beginning of every Chapter in the Alcoran. And it is evident that it is in Imitation of the usual Sayings of the Jews and Christians, the one always beginning thus, Our Aid be in the Name of GOD, who Created Heaven and Earth: and the other with these words, In the Name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost.  
I shall speak in another place of the Seal which is fixed to this Patent, and of what is graved within. The Figure under it is called Nishan, that is, the Signal, and also the Flourish beneath the Subscription. It is here drawn with a Ruler, but in the Original it is made of the Tails of Letters. The Secretary who is used to write this Subscription draws those Tails so straight and so equal, that you would take 'em for Lines drawn by Rule and Compass. The whole Subscription is in Coloured Letters, except the word which signifies Lord of the World, and those which I have Translated Absolutely Commands, which are in Letters of Gold. The words Zels Ziouzoumis, are ancient Turkish still in use in the Lesser Tartary. They signify properly My Words, or I speak. And Tamburlaine being the first that made use of those words in his Patents, the Kings of Persia have still retained the Custom. The twelve Names which are in the middle of the Flourish beneath the Subscription, are the Names of the twelve Pontiffs, real and lawful Successors of Mahomet, according to the Persian Belief.  
5. The Governors in Persia are distinguished into Great and Petty. Media and Georgia for Example are great Governments; Caramania and Gedrosia petty Governments: Therefore they call Beglerbeg, which signifies Lord of Lords, the Governor of a Great Government; and the Viceroy of a Petty Government they call a Can.  
6. Deston, Tahem-ten-ten, and Feribours, are the Names of the ancient Persian Heroes, or if you please of the Old Giants, which derived their Being from the ancient Fables. These are the Alcides and the Theseus' of the Persians; and as the Grecian Alcides had several Names, so likewise has the Persian: but the most common Name which they have always in their Mouths is that of Rustem.  
7. Ardevon is the Name of an Ancient Giant or Hero, who as the Persians say, conquered all Asia, and settled the Seat of his Empire in Persia. Their Histories have not preserved the Memory of any of his Achievements: but their Romances feign an infinite Number which are altogether fabulous.  
8. In the Original it is, Who unloose all sorts of Knots.  
9 There is no People in the World more sottishly devoted to Judicial Astrology than the Persians. Of which being to speak in another place, I shall say no more here, but that the Persians rank all Penmen, Books and Writings under Mercury, whom they call Attared, and hold all People born under that Planet to be endued with a refined, penetrating, clear-sighted, and fubtil Wit.  
10. Caagon is the Name of an Ancient King of China: Nor is there any one over the whole East whose Memory is more Venerable. It seems, by what they report, that he was more particularly Illustrious in his Country for his Government in Peace and Administration of Justice, then for his Feats of Arms. Therefore the Eastern Monarches assume his Name to themselves, as the Roman Emperors called themselves Caesar's. Moreover, it has the same signification in Persia, as August in English; so that when the Persians would express any thing that is Great and Royal, they say, Caagoniè. Thus I have explained the truth of this little Figure; and I believe we shall be as little troubled to understand the whole Language of this Patent, though Metaphor and Hyperbole are therein most furiously injured.  
11. The Term which I have Translated Flower of Merchants, signifies Exquisite, Choice, Elected, or most Excellent. The Persians use it commonly as an Epithet for all sorts and Conditions of Men; Great Lords, Foreign Ministers, Merchants; and bring it down even to Tradesmen.  
12. It is in the Persian, Nor by Importunate Flatteries, nor by Hanghty Demands.  
13. The word which I have Translated To Encourage, signifies properly To Water.  
14. These words In Dignity and Virtue, are not in the Patent, only I have put 'em in the place of those that are, which signifies the Seal of great Quality resembling the Sun.  
15. These words are to be referred to the words Absolutely Commands, which are under the Flourish beneath the Subscription. They are called here The Decree of the Lord of the World. Tamburlaine was the first that made use of these lofty Expressions. Now the Grand Signior and the Indian Monarch make use of 'em as well as the King of Persia; while every one maintains that it belongs to him only, and assumes it as his most Glorious Title. In the Persian Language it is, Saheb-Cerani. It may be also interpreted Master of the Age, but the other Translation is more clear and intelligible, and discovers more plainly the sottish pride that is contained in it.  
16. We shall speak more particularly in another place of the Marks by which the Persians distinguish Times and Seasons. Here therefore I shall say no more then for the understanding of the Date, that the Month Shavel is the tenth, and that the Arabians have given Epithets to all the Months; as for Example, to the First, the Epithet of Sacred; to the Seventh, that of Praiseworthy; to the Ninth, that of Blessed; and to this here mentioned the Style of Honourable. The word Hegyra, which is Translated Flight, proceeds from a Verb, which signifies to fly, as also to retire. So that the Hegyra of the Mahometans is the same thing with the Exodus of the Hebrews. And without doubt Omar had that same Exodus in his Mind, when he settled the Mahometan Epact, from the time of Mahomet's departure from Mecca, which was the place in Arabia where Idols and Idolatry were most in Esteem.  
17. In the Original it is Hamhager, that is, Flying together  
18. As the Arabians, as we have said, gave Epithets to the Months, the Persians also have given Epithets to the Principal Cities of their Empire Ispahan and Casbin are called The Seat of Monarchy. Canhadar, A Secure Retreat. Asherif was called The Ennobled, because Abas the Great built a Spacious and Sumptuous Palace, and usually kept his Court there when he was in the Province of Mazenderan. Which Province is called Tabar Estaan in all the Public Acts, in the Exchequer, and Chancery; but in common Discourse they call it Mazanderoon. Tabar Estaan signifies a place of Wedges, to denote that the Country is full of Wood; for that where there is great plenty of Wood, great store of Wedges are required to cleave it.  
19 The Impression of the Seal, which is at the bottom of the Date in the Translation, is not only upon the back of the Patent, but at the bottom likewise. This is the Seal of the Prime Minister, who is called Mahomet Mehdy. The Persians never put their Qualities in their Seals, nor any Title by which they may be known. There is only their own Name; their Father's Name, which serves in stead of a Surname, according to the fashion of the Hebrews; and the Name of their Family when it has the Honour to be descended from Mahomet by his Daughter Fatima. For the Mahometans acknowledge no other Nobility then to be the Original Branches of that Progeny.  
I had also joined to the King of Persia's Patent a Note of Recommendation from the High Steward of his Household; which I was desirous the Viceroy should see, as being assured that it would work more effectually than the Patent itself. Which proved to be true; insomuch that I understood afterwards, that it was to that Note, to which I was beholding for all the good Offices and Honours which I received at Tefflis: which was as follows.  
THe Commissioners of Governments, the Farmer's Royal, Officers of Cities, Receivers of Toll, and Provosts of the Highway, will have the (1) Honour to know, That M. Chardin and M. Raisin, French Merchants, the Flower of Merchants, having brought to the most High and Sublime Court Rarities and Curiosities set with Precious Stones, worthy the (2) Wardrobe of the (3) Slaves of the (4) Distributer of Temporal Goods, they are Commanded to fetch others; and have express Order to cause to be made in their Country several Pieces of Workmanship for the Service of his Slaves; to that purpose they are Honoured with a Patent under the (5) Sacred Seal; and that is the Reason they are forced to Travel. wherever they come therefore, it is absolutely requisite that they have Respect shown 'em, and that all Reasonable Assistance that shall be necessary, be afforded 'em. Care also must be taken that they be not molested or put to Trouble, nor must any Persons whatever signify in any manner whatsoever, that they expect or desire any Duties from 'em. For if it comes to the Ears of the Slaves of the Lord of Human Kind, that they have claimed any thing of 'em, bad will be the Fruit of such an Information. Written in the Month of Shaval the Ennobled; 1076. of the Holy Flight; To which be Honour and Glory.  
In the Margin there was, 
 The Intention of this is to give all those whom it may concern to understand, That the Bearers hereof are to be Treated and Respected according to the Tenor of the Patent, to which all the World pays Homage. The words of the Seal signify Maxud the Son of Caleb, the Delight of the Creatures.  
1. It is in the Persian, They are Honoured by that which they give 'em to understand. For so the Grandees of Persia write to the Inferior Officers: especially when those Officers have their dependence upon 'em. This they do to maintain the difference which their Authority and Employment, puts between 'em: and that there may not be any confusion by their manner of Communication one with another.  
2 The Word which I have Translated Wardrobe is Sercar, Which signifies properly Chief of the Workmanship, and also a Magazine. For the King and the Grandees of Persia keep in their Houses Manufactures of all sorts of Trades and Arts. They call those places Carconè, or Work-Houses. They are like the Gallery of the Grand Duke of Florence, or the Galleries in the Lovure in France. They maintain therein a great number of excellent Masters, who have there a Pension and their Diet as long as they Live: and they find 'em Materials for their Work. And they make 'em Presents, or advance their pay upon every Curious Piece which they finish.  
3. 'Tis out of Pride and Vainglory that they express themselves in these Terms. Worthy the Wardrobe of the Slaves of the King. As much as to say, that the King's Wardrobe is so full of rare and precious Jewels, that no body can bring any thing that is fit to be put therein. And therefore Persian Eloquence makes very much use of this Circumlocution of Language upon all occasions. So speaking of an Ambassador that has paid his Obeisance to the King, they say, That he has kissed the Feet of the Slaves of the King. In like manner, when they would say, that the King has performed any great Action, they say, The Slaves of the Prince have performed such a great Action. Forms of Speech that sufficiently discover the Vanity of the Eastern People. I take 'em to be drawn from the Alcoran, which the Mahometans affirm to be the source of true Eloquence. There you shall meet with many such like Expressions. As for Example, speaking of the Works of GOD, they call 'em, The Works of the Angels. The Angels Created the Heavens and the Earth. Which, say the Mahometans, more clearly expresses the Power of GOD. For if the Angels have so much Power as to Create World's, how great must be his Power whose only Servants and Ministers they are? In short, all the Orientals are perfect Slaves; their Sovereign's having a right to command their Lives, and Fortunes, their Wives and Children. But they are so far from being terrified with their condition, that they Glory in it. The Grandees themselves count it an Honour to be called Slaves: and Sha-Couli, or Coolom-Sha, which signifies the King's Slaves, is as Honourable a Title in Persia, as that of Marquis in France.  
4. Valineamet, which I have Translated Distributer of Temporal Goods, is a compound Word. Vali signifies a Sovereign, and absolute Lieutenant, who has the same Power in the place where he is settled as he that Rules the Empire. The Persians also frequently call their King Vali-Iron, to let ye understand that he is in Persia, which they call Iron, the true Successor, Vicar, and Lieutenant of Ali, to whom GOD gave the Dominion of the World, after the Death of Mahomet. Neamet is derived from Inara, which signifies a Present, Favour, Temporal Grace, or Bountiful conferring of a Benefit. So that by the Word Valineamet, which is the most usual Title which the Persians give their King, speaking to his Majesty, they mean, That he is GOD'S Lieutenant in the World, to distribute in his behalf all the Benefits and Blessings of Fortune to Men, and as it were the Conduit-Pipe, through which Heaven Conveys its Blessings to the Earth.  
5. It is in the Persian Moubarec-Nishan. It has been said that the Subscription, wherein are Written the Twelve Names of the Successors of Mahomet, is called Nishan, though Moubarec signifies Blessed.  
I said nothing to the Viceroy when I paid my Obeisance, nor did he speak a word to me, or make the least sign. Within a Moment after Dinner was served in, he sent me upon a Plate of Gold the half of a large Loaf that was before him, and ordered his Carver that brought it me, to tell me, that I was welcome. A little after that, he sent to ask me how the War went forward between the Turks and the Polanders. During the Second course he caused us to be served with his own Wine in the Cup that he Drank out of himself. The Wine stood in a great Flagon of Gold Enamell'd; and the Cup was set in the lower part with Rubies and Turquoises. The Gentleman that filled us out the Wine, bid us in the Prince's Name, Be Merry, and Eat Heartily. When the Third Course was upon the Table, the Prince did us yet farther Honour, and sent us part of the Roastmeat which was set before his own Person; that is to say, a Pheasant, two Partridges, and a Quarter of a Hind; and ordered our Attendant to tell us, That the Wine would make the Wild-Powl go down the better; though he had commanded that we should not be pressed to Drink. All which Honours I received with low bows, but without making any Answer. And the Capuchins did the same. For it is the Custom among the Persians never to return any other kind of Answer to those kind of Favours.  
I shall say nothing of the Order and Magnificence of the Feast, but only this, That there was hard Drinking, that there was a most prodigious Quantity of Meat, and that they brought it up some Fish, and some Flesh, in respect to the Patriarch and the Bishop who were there, and profess Abstinence from Flesh all their Life-time. We rose from the Table after we had sat three Hours; at what time others of the Guests were already withdrawn: though as yet they had not taken away the Roast-Meat. Retiring, we made a low Reverence to the Prince, who then sent me word once more, That I was Welcome; and caused us to be conducted Home to our Lodging.  
The 14th, the Prince sent me two large Flagons of Wine, two Pheasants, and two Brace of Partridges. The Gentleman that brought the Present told me, That the Prince had given him Order to inquire, Whether I wanted any thing and whether the Capuchins took care to let me not want Company; and to tell me moreover, That if I liked the Wine, I might send every day to his Buttery. In answer to which, I desired the Gentleman to assure the Prince, That my Landlords did not let me want any thing and that we would all together drink his Health in the Wine which he had sent. Nor indeed could better Wine be tasted: So that we were very Merry with a Polish Surgeon, and two Syrians, that served the Prince, whom we sent for to Sup with us.  
The 16th, the Prince sent to invite me to his Niece's Wedding, who was Married in his Palace. I went about Five a Clock with the Superior and Father Raphael; but the Ceremony of the Marriage was almost over, before we came. It was performed in the Great Room of State, where we had Dined the Sunday before. I had a great desire to have seen her, but because the Room was full of Ladies, there was no Admittance for any but the Prince and his near Relations, the Catholicos and the Bishops.  
This same Custom of forbidding Women the Company of Men, has been only in Georgia, since the Country became subject to the Persians; nor is this Prohibition but only in the Cities. For in the Country, and in such places where there are no Mahometans, they go without Vails, and make no scruple both to come into Company, and discourse with Men at their pleasure. But in regard the Customs of the Mahometans prevail more and more in Georgia with their Religion, we find the Women to be more and more restrained of their Liberty: and that lovely Sex are forced out of Conformity to good Manners to keep apart by themselves. The Nuptial Feast was kept upon a Terrace of the Palace, surrounded with Beds of State, or Estrades raised about two Foot, and six Foot in depth. The Terrace was covered with a large Pavilion fixed upon five Pillars, two and twenty Foot high, and about five Inches in Diameter. The Lining was of Cloth of Gold and Silver, Velvet and painted Cloth so neatly and artificially intermixed, that by the Light of the Tapers it looked like a Wainscot of Flowers and Moresco Work. In the midst of this sort of Room of State, if I may so call it, stood a large Fountain spouting out Water. However, we did not feel the Coldness of the Wether: For the Crowd of People, and the large moving Hearths that were in the Room, almost stewed us before we got out. The Floor was covered with fair Carpets, and about Forty Branches gave Light to the whole Room. Of which the Four that hung next the Prince were of Gold, the rest of Silver; which Branches usually weigh Forty Pounds apiece, the Foot being a matter of Fifteen Inches in Diameter. The Branch about a Foot and a half high, carries a Bowl full of pure Tallow, which feeds two lighted Matches. And these sort of Lamps give a very great Light.  
The Figure, or rather Picture inserted, gives ye a distinct Idea of the Order of this Festival. The Guests were ranked upon Beds of State, or Estrades. The Prince had his Place upon an Estrade somewhat higher raised than the rest, covered with a Canopy in the likeness of a Duomo. His Sons and his Brothers were upon his Right Hand; the Bishops upon his Left: The Bridegroom's Place was betwixt both. As for myself and the Capuchins, the Prince ordered us to sit immediately next below the Bishops. For you must understand there were at this Feast above a Hundred Persons. The Music stood at the lower end. And now in a short time after we were all placed, the Bridegroom entered lead by the Catholicos.  
The Nuptial Feast at Tifflis  
Who having taken his place, the Prince's Relations, went every one to Compliment and Present him. Which was also done by the greatest part of the Guests, insomuch that it looked like a kind of Procession, which was the reason it lasted above half an Hour. The Presents consisted in Money, some Gold, some Silver, as also in little Silver Cups. I confess I was desirous to know how much the Presents amounted to; but as far as I could find, 'twas no such great Sum, as not exceeding above Two Hundred Crowns.  
However, let it be what it will, in the height of this Ceremony, Supper was served up in this manner. In the first place Table clothes were spread before all the Guests, and in three parts of the Court before the Tent. Which Table clothes were as large as the Estrades. After which done, the Bread was served in. Of which there were three sorts, the one as thin as Paper, the next about a Finger thick, and the third sweetened with Sugar. The Meat was brought in covered in large Silver Dishes, but far larger than are made in Europe. The Plate and the Cover usually weighing about Four Hundred and Five Hundred Ounces. They that brought up the Dishes first into the Room, set 'em down in order upon a Table Cloth at the Entrance; from whence other Officers carried 'em before the Squire-Carvers, who cut off several hollow Plates full, and ordered 'em to be sent to the Guests: the Princes being first served, and afterwards the rest according to their Degrees: and the custom is to Carve one Dish to all the Company; then of another, and so of all the rest. The whole Feast consisted of three Courses every one containing Sixty of those large slat Dishes a piece. The First was of all sorts of Pilo, or Rice boiled with Meat, of which they make several sorts of distinct Colours and Tastes. The Yellow is boiled with Sugar, Cinnamon and Saffron. The Red, with Juice of Pomegranates, but the White is most natural and the best. This Pilo is a very good sort of Diet, pleasing to the Taste and very wholesome  
The Second Course was of Meats Baked, Stewed, and Fricassyed; and other Ragoo's of the same Nature. The Third of Roasted. Not but that in all the three Courses there was an Intermixture of Fish, Eggs, and Salads for the sake of the ecclesiastics. For our parts they served us both the Flesh and Fish. In a Word, every thing was set upon the Table, and taken away with that order and silence that was to be admired. Every one did his Duty without speaking a word. So that you shall hear three Frenchmen at one Table make more noise than a Hundred and Fifty Persons, that were in the Room at that Feast.  
But that which was most to be wondered at after all this excellent order, was the Court Cupboard which contained about a Hundred and Twenty Vessels, that appertained to Drinking; Bowls, Cups, Horns, Sixty Flagons and Twelve Jugs. The Jugs were for the most part Silver. The Bowls and Cups were some of Polished Gold, others Gold Enamell'd, some set with precious Stones, others only Silver; the Horns were Embellished after the same manner as the Richer sort of Cups; and of several proportions. The ordinary ones were about Eight Inches High, Broad at the Top about Two, very black and Polished. Some were of Rhinoceros' Snouts, others of Dears Horns, whereas the Common sort were made of the Horns of Oxen and Sheep. However the Custom of making use of 'em for Drinking Cups, and Embellishing 'em has been all along observed among the Eastern People. I cannot tell how long the Feast lasted: for I did not stay it out. Only this I know, that though it was Midnight before we went away, the Roast-meat was not then taken off the Table. Nor did they begin to Drink at first, till the Third Course came, that they began to be Warm, and then they Drank their Healths after this manner. They sent to Eight Persons, who were the Prince's nearest Relations, four upon the Right, and four upon the Left, Eight Bowls of the same Bigness and Equally full of Wine. At what time they rose and stood up till they had Drank; they that were upon the Right Hand Drinking first: they on the left hand Pledged 'em; and then the same Eight Bowls were filled again, and carried to the next in the same order till the Health was gone Round. Which done, they began again Eight Bigger Bowls. For the Custom of the Country is to Drink the Grandees Health last in the biggest Cups. Which is done on purpose to Fuddle their Guests the more Effectually; by that means engaging 'em out of Respect and Esteem for the Persons to Drink the more Liberally till they are quite Drunk. In this manner they Drank all the two last Hours that I stayed at the Feast, and as afterwards I understood, from that time till next Morning. The first Bowls held no more than an Ordinary Glass: and for the last which I saw Drank off, they held about a Pint and a half. Nevertheless they were only those that were accounted Moderate Draughts. The Capuchins and myself were exempted from Drinking, and in truth, had I Drank as much as my Neighbours, I had died upon the Spot: but the Prince had so much kindness for us as to give order not to carry us any Healths; nevertheless we had both Wine and Water, and a Gold Tumbler standing before us all the while. But they never filled us, but when we called for it. When the Healths were begun, the Music began to Play: being a confused mixture of Vocal and Instrumental, which so pleased the Company, that they seemed Ravished with it. But for my part I could hear nothing that was Musical, but rather only what was harsh and full of discord. The Prince also being in a pleasant Humour, as upon whom the Liquor began to work, sent to the Superior to bid him send for his Spinette. Who with his Comrade were no less mad at the Extravagant Fancy of the Prince, though the Chief cause of their disgust was my being there, fearing I should make some Relation of the Passage to their Disadvantage, and aggravate their fawning Compliance upon such an occasion; that a Superior of a Mission, should condescend to prostitute himself like a Fiddler before a Mahometan Prince, in and Assembly of Infidels and Heretics, Clergy and Laity, that in the Condition they were in, might well be termed an Assembly of Drunkards. However when the Spinette came they set it upon the Table in the midst of the Room, and the Superior was ordered to Play; at what time the Prince having ordered him to Sing and Play together, he first Sung the Magnificat, the Te Denni, and Tantum Ergo, and after that several Court-Aires in Italian and Spanish, for the Church Music was then too Grave for the Prince Besides the Spinette was out of Tune, and the Superior played out a Tune a purpose, and being very Old beside, and broken with Age and Labour, you may well Judge what fort of Divertisement his Consort could be. However it was Pastime for the Prince for Two Hours together. During which time, the Steward of the Household came to me, and asked me whither the use of Instruments were permitted in our Religion? To which when I answered It was; he replied that the Mahometan Religion forbid it expressly; and though it were generally used in Persia, yet yet that custom did not make it Lawful. He told me moreover that Instruments were particularly forbid in the exercise of Religion, in regard that GOD required only the Praises of Human Voice. During which dispute, a Georgian Bishop fell into discourse with Father Raphael upon the same Subject. I cannot tell all that was then said, in regard I did not well understand the Language, nor would the Father be my Interpreter. Only he told me thus much, that he was offended to see the Superior Divertise the Company at a Festival with the same Hymns, which he pretended were appointed for the Service of GOD in the Church. Father Raphael also added, That he took it very ill, that the Viceroy had used his Authority so far, to oblige the Superior to play upon the Lute, and sing at every turn to please his Humour; only that their Security depended so much upon his Favour, that they durst not deny him any thing. About Midnight therefore, as I told ye, we left 'em; after we had taken leave of the Prince with all due Reverence. Nevertheless before he would let me go, he asked me how his Kinsman the King of Spain did, and drank his Health in a Bowl set with Precious Stones: and would needs have both the Capuchins and myself pledge the Health in the same Cup. Though I know not whether he did it out of Vainglory, or to honour the Superior, whom he knew to be a Subject of his most Catholic Majesty.  
The 17th, reflecting upon the Title of King of Spain, which the Prince had assumed to himself, and finding that it was not incoherent with what several Authors allege, that the Spaniard Originally came out of Iberia, I asked the Capuchins, How the Prince claimed Affinity with the King of Spain? They answered, That Clement the VIII. having written to Taymuras, and in his Letters called him Kinsman to Philip the Second, and the Iberians and Spaniards Brothers, his Successors ever since retained that Imaginary Kindred. And upon that occasion they told me several Stories of the Pride and Vainglory of the Georgians, and of the Viceroy in particular, and showed me the Copy of a Letter which he wrote about two Years since to the King of Poland. Of which I have inserted the Translation in this Journal, as being an Authentic Piece, and proper to show that the pride of the Georgians is not a little Extravagant, and because the Crowd of Vainglorious Titles with which it is stuffed, discovers plainly, that the Fastern Nations beyond all compare surpass all others in the World in Vanity.  

PRaise, Glory and Adoration are to be given to GOD most Omnipotent, who has Created and Preserves all Things; who was neither Produced nor Engendered; Exempt from all Evils; Ineffable, Merciful to all, as well the Dead as the Living; who Commands, with absolute Power both Great and Mean, and Governs 'em with Clemency. The most High, the most Puissant Prince, the King of the Georgians, Lictimenians, Litians, Mesiulctians, Shevians, Sheviultians, Suans, Ossi, Bualtians, Circassians Tuscians', Psianetians, Tidisiceans, Jalibusians, the People both on this side, and beyond the High Mountains, and of all the places there inhabited; Lord of the three Grand Tribes (the Georgian term is Eristava, Eris signifiing People, and Tava Chieftain, or Prince) and of the Holy Seat of Schette, Capital City of all the Provinces which God through his favour has given us in Heritage: King of Iberia and Mucrania, Sabatian, Trialet, Taschire, Sometta, Chianchia, and Schianvanda, and of several other Kingdoms which he possesses with settled and absolute Authority, and over which he has full Power; who is descended from Jesse, David, Solomon, and who by the Grace and Power of GOD is loaden with Prosperity; the Vanquisher of Vanquishers, the Invincible King of Kings, the most High Lord, Shanavas-Can. To you John Casimir, who are laden with Honour, and can replenish Men with it; who are Famous in Peace, and well edified in Virtue; who by the Mercy and Power of GOD are August, Happy, Born under a favourable Constellation, most great in Magnificence, who are always a doer of Good. Who for your rare merit are most worthy of a Throne and a Crown, most Potent Sovereign, Victor over Victors, Victorious over Enemies, Celebrated Exterminator of Rebels, Prince born a Christian and bred up in the Christian Religion; Renowned for feats of Arms; Hereditary King of Poland, Gothia, Vandalia, Lithuania, Russia, Prussia, Livonia, Mazovia, Samotia, Chiovia, Ciarnacovia and several other Kingdoms and Provinces; most Serene Lord whose renown is expanded over all, and Reaches to the Sun. To you, I say, Great King of Poland, without Compare, profound in Wisdom and all manner of Knowledge, and Most Illustrious through all those just Eulogies which are given you, for having understood all the most noble Languages. We salute ye withal our Affection, and with as much ardour as the Obligation of our Hearty good will desires it, we wish you perfect Content, long Peace, and multiplied Prosperities. We render infinite Thanks to God for having learned the Estate of your Health, by Letters brought us from the most Illustrious and most Excellent Lord John Lesezunshi, Count of Lersno, Great Chancellor in your Kingdom, and Lieutenant General in upper Poland. We humbly beseech his Divine Goodness that we may understand from time to time the continuance of your Health in its perfection, that you taste without Molestation the Fruits of a Happy Peace, and that you enjoy a perfect Felicity. Your good Servant Burgibug-Danbec, Officer of your Kingdom, a Gentleman no less Illustrious for his Fidelity then Nobility, is come hither in Quality of an Envoy from your Royal Majesty to renew the Peace, and Ratify the Friendship and good Correspondence between the happy King Sultan Soliman, whose Grandeur is advanced to the Heavens, and Established over all the Earth, a Prince most High, Supreme, Incomparable, Infinite in Power, accustomed to make himself by force adored by his most formidable Enemies, who enriches the Universe no less than the Sea, and who is worthy more Praises than it is possible for Men to give him. Monarch of Persia, Media, Parthia, Hyrcania, the Persian Golph, and the Islands therein contained, Caramania, Aracosia, Margiana and other Innumerable Principalities and Lordships. Your Agent has passed through our Territories, without having suffered the least Inconvenience, or received the least Molestation. He has now taken his leave to depart by the Assistance of God toward your Royal Majesty. I beseech you through the hearty good will and Friendship which we mutually bear one to the other, that this good Subject and my Domestic may be as welcome to yourself, as he had been to your Predecessor.  
At the Royal Palace of Tefflis, March 26. 1671. of the Birth of Jesus Messia.   
The Twentieth, I desired the Perfect or Superior of the Theatins, and Father Raphael to return Thanks to the Prince for the Favours and Honours he had done me, and to pray him that I might have an Officer to conduct me to Irivan the chief City of Armenia the Greater. To which the Prince satisfied with the Compliment, and no less ready to grant me my request, Commanded the Capuchins to tell me, That he had a great Kindness for the Europeans, and would have wished I could have stayed longer at Tefflis, to the end he might have made it more clear to me what he professed; but that he would not presume, neither had he any desire to stop me, because I was going upon the King's business, and therefore that I was at Liberty to go when I pleased; that there was all manner of security within his Territories, and that therefore I needed no Convoy; nevertheless that he would send one of his Officers along with me if I desired it.  
The Fathers told me afterwards that he had held 'em in a long discourse concerning his earnest desire that the Europeans would come and settle in Georgia, to which purpose they had orders to tell me, that if they would come thither for Trade, he would Grant 'em all the Privileges and Advantages they could desire. That his Territories extended to the Black-Sea, and that bearing a great sway in Persia, and being highly esteemed in Turkey, such Europeans as designed to the Indies, could not choose a better Road then through his Territories; and that he was assured that when they had once travelled it, they would always make choice of it for the future.  
I desired the Fathers to return my most humble Thanks to the Prince, for the Kindness which he had for our Nation; and to let him know, That I would not fail to give to the French East-India Company Notice of his good Intentions, which if he would be pleased to signify in a Letter, I would certainly take care to have it sent. Lastly, That he would do me a great Honour to grant me one of his Domestic Servants, to Conduct me to the next Government, of which I should not fail to give an Account to the King and his Ministers, when I should be arrived at Ispahan.  
The 24th, the Tibilelle (for so is the Bishop of Tefflis called, as I have said already) came to see me. He told me, That the Prince had commanded him to acquaint me, That having considered upon what I had sent to him about Writing to the French Company for settling a Trade, and a Passage through Georgia, He was about to have done it, to inform 'em of the Advantage they might make of a Trade into that Country: but in regard he was no more than a Vassal to the King of Persia, he was afraid his Majesty would look upon it as a Crime to have Written without his Order to Strangers about Business. However, I might assure 'em this, That if they would send Factors into his Country, they should find many sorts of Merchandizes that were proper for Europe very cheap; besides that they should be received with all the Civility imaginable. In answer to which I desired the Tibilelle to assure the Prince that I would faithfully discharge my Trust. The Prelate stayed with me about a quarter of an Hour in my Chamber; and at his departure I presented him a very fair Rosary of Coral: according to the Custom of Repaying the Visits of a Person of Quality. Nor were the Capuchins less glad of the Visit I had received, then of the manner of my Acknowledgement, in regard the Bishop of Tefflis had never been at their House before.  
The 25th, the Prince sent me a Present of Wine, and ordered the Messenger to tell me, That he had appointed a Persian of his own Family for my Guide; that he had commanded a Letter of Orders to be dispatched that I might set forward as soon as I pleased.  
The 26th, Father Raphael made me spend two Hours with an old Woman that practised Physic by the help of an infinite Number of Receipts: Of which he caused me to write down some that he had heard People make the greatest Brags of, in my Table-Book.  
For the Dropsy, ☞ half a Dram of the Juice of the Roots of Garden-Chiches, and repeat the Remedy every other Day.  
To stop a Flux of Urine, Eat for three days together the inner Skins of the Gysern of a Capon roasted, five every day.  
Against the Biting of a Scorpion, Take a Live-Hen, pull the Feathers off the Rump, and lay it upon the Wound. For then the Hen sucks the Poison into her Body, and dies. When the Convulsion begins to seize the Hen, take another, and apply her in the same manner, and so another till all the Poison be sucked out.  
For the Yellow Jaundice, Make a Bed of Boiled Rice, and lay the Patient well covered upon it; or else put him into a Bath of Milk, and it works the same effect.  
For External Pains of the Joints, Take either the Decoction or the Perfume of three Drams of Hellebore.  
For Inward Pains of what sort soever, Take Potions of Mummy.  
For all sorts of Falls, Bruises and Hurts, Take Mummy in Drink, wrap up the Patient in a Cow's Hide, and let him Blood. The Wound must be healed with the Powder of the Herb Mullein.  
For Defluxions and Rheums to the Head and Throat, Take Perfume of Yellow Amber.  
For the Dysentery, Give the Infusion of the Leaves and Berries of Myrtle; or else the Blood of a Roasted Hare infused in Wine.  
For the Haemorrhoids, Powder the Leaves of Plantain, and strew upon the part affected.  
For Pains in the Reins, take the Decoction of the Leaves and Seed of Marsh-Mallows.  
For Ulcers in the Reins, use Milk.  
Against a Pleuresy, take two little thin Cakes of ordinary Meal, and boil 'em in Water with Roch-Allum and Madder, and apply 'em as hot as may be endured upon the side, the one behind and the other before: this Remedy must be daily repeated till the Cure be perfected.  
Against a Cough, make use of the Root of the Herb called Hounds-Tongue or Dogs-Tongue.  
The most usual Cure for Agues in this Country, is to make Plasters of the Fat of a Sheep's Rump, Cinnamon, Cloves and Cardamomes, and all the time of the cold fit to lay these Plasters upon the Forehead, Stomach and Feet. When the hot fit is over, take off those Plasters and lay on others, made of the Leaves of Cichory, Plantain, and the Herb called Solanum or Nightshade, afterwards they take a Sucking-Pig, cut it in two and clap it to the Feet. All which time the Patient is fed with Bread and Cream of Almonds, eating nothing that is boiled.  
Father Raphael assured me that he had seen 'em in that Country cure Agues, by carrying the Patient in the height of his Cold fit and plunging him over Head and Ears in the Water. It is a thing hard to be believed; and in Truth, to me it appeared a thing altogether Extravagant, in regard it seemed to be so Dangerous. However it is observed that the difference of Climates and Temperaments of Countries produces far different effects in Remedies, so that the Remedy, if I may so say, that Kills in one Country, does but only stir a Man in another.  
In the Evening the Prince's Chancellor's Secretary, brought me the Officer who was to conduct me to Erivan; and in my presence gave him the Letter of Orders for his so doing. Of which the Translation follows.  

GOD.  
UNder severe Penalties the Noble Lord (1) Emin-Aga, is Commanded exactly to cause to be Executed the Tenor of the Patent, which the Deceased King, who was here below the Master of (2) Fortune, and is now in (3) Heaven, gave to Mr. Chardin, and Mr. Raisin, (4) French Europeans, by Virtue of which the (5) Judges of Places, Provosts of Highways, Receivers of Tolls, and all sorts of Officers of the Empire are obliged to Honour 'em, and to take care that no Duty be exacted from 'em.  
The said Emin-Aga shall make it his Business to conduct 'em safe to the Blessed City of Erivan, without receiving any Damage or Molestation by the way: that nothing may hinder 'em from arriving well satisfied at the Palace, of the (6) Support of Human kind. And all Persons to whom this Letter shall be shown, shall take care not to Contradict or Transgress it in any manner.  
Given in the Month of Zialcadè the Sacred, in the Year of the Hegyra 4083.   
1. Emin has the same Signification as Mirabel, and is all one. They signify Lord, Noble, Valiant, Chief of a Family, or Tribe. We find Deut. 2. v. 10. That the Word Emim is very Ancient in some of these Significations. Though properly in Hebrew, Aim signifies Terrible, and thence Haemim, Giants or Men of great Valour.  
2. To render it Word for Word, it signifies Master of the Conjunction. For the Persians doting as they do upon Judicial Astrology, believe that Victory and all good Fortune proceed from the Conjunction of two Stars, and therefore it is that they say, a Man is Master of the Conjunctions, when nothing but Prosperity and Happiness attends him.  
3. It is in the Persian, Whose Nest is in Heaven: For the Followers of Ali hold the Kings of Persia for Saints, in the Quality of Mahomet's Successors and Lieutenants of GOD. And it is an Article of their Faith, That their Kings go to Heaven, by a Destiny as uncontrollable and as Natural as the Birds fly to their Nests.  
4. The word which I Translated Europeans, is Frangui; for the Orientals call by that Name all that are born in the Christian Dominions of Europe, except those of Moscovy. Frangui is most certainly derived from François; the Turks having assuredly given that Name to all the Europeans, because the French were the first among 'em with whom they had Commerce and Alliance.  
5. Homal, which I have Translated Judges, is as much as Petty Regent's, or Inferior Officers. Under which Names are comprehended the Daroga, or Judge of Criminal Causes, the Mustauf, or Controller of the Exchequer. The Sheic-el-Islam, or Lieutenant Civil. The Vasier, or Receiver-General, and the Kelonter, or Provost of the Merchants.  
6. One of the most Ordinary Titles which the Persians give their King, is Alempenha, or the Support and Basis of the World.  
7. This is the Eleventh Month of the Year.  
I gave the Chancellor's Secretary a Guinea, as his Fee for Dispatches of this Nature. Though there be no certain Rule for such Fees; but only every one gives according to the Advantage which he receives by his Dispatch, and according to his Quality and Condition. Presently my Guide gave me to understand, That he wanted a Horse, which was as much as to say that he wanted four Guinea's to buy one. Which I immediately knew to be a Trick to get Advance-Money out of me, fearing lest when I came to Erivan, that I should be so dishonest as to recompense him only with a Trifle, or perhaps give him nothing at all. For the Persians are not very prone to make Acknowledgements, and for the Georgians they are ingrateful above measure. The greatest Kindnesses make no Impression upon their Minds: for they forget 'em, and repay with shrewd Turns those to whom they owe their Advancement with as little Check of Conscience, as if they were altogether Strangers. For which reason it is, that they desire payment beforehand, standing very little upon the Nicety of a little Impudence, but demanding a Reward for the smallest Service which they do.  
The 28th I set forth from Tefflis about Eleven a Clock in the Forenoon; the Polish Surgeon, and some Georgians with whom I had made an Acquaintance, accompanying me some part of my way. My Guide road before to prevent the Toll-gatherers or Receivers of certain small Duties which are taken upon all Horses that go loaden out of the City, from demanding any thing of my Servants. Which sort of Guides are called Mehemander, (a word which signifies He who has care of a Guest:) and are granted to all Envoys, Ambassadors and Strangers of Quality. Their Duty is to provide Lodging, Victuals, and Carriage-Horses for the Persons whom they Conduct; and in a word, to discharge 'em from all the care of a Traveller. They are like Stewards or Purveyors for those Persons to whom they are appointed for Guides. For they make use of their Service in every thing, send 'em upon Errands, and to carry Messages to those Persons, to whom a Man would not be troubled to go himself. These Guides are well paid for their Service; so that it is a Kindness to be recommended to such an Employment. The Villages where they pass make 'em Presents, to be the more sparing in what Money they raise, to defray the Expenses of Travellers which they have in charge, and to prevent their being too wasteful and lavish. They take into their protection such Merchants as are desirous to Travel along with 'em; and besides that, they secure 'em from Robbing, and exempt 'em from paying several Tolls and Duties. Which is worth 'em something more. But their greatest Gain is the Present which must be made 'em when they are sent back.  
I was very glad to see myself got safe out of Tefflis. For I was afraid I should there be put to some kind of trouble for two Reasons. The first was, For that the Prince having sent to me two or three times to tell me that he had a great desire to see what I carried to the King, I constantly refused to show him, alleging for my excuse, that I had Orders from his Majesty not to expose 'em to any but himself. Moreover, I observed that this Prince is not altogether so much a Subject to the King of Persia, nor so submissive to his Orders, as the other Viceroys and Governors of his Empire, besides that the Georgians are very perfidious and covetous of other men's Goods. I was therefore fearful lest, if I should show the high-prized Jewels which I had, their Beauty and their Value might tempt him to take 'em from me, or that other people might Murder me for the Lucre of such a Booty. And this was one Consideration that prevented me from showing 'em.  
The Second Cause of my Distrust was this, That the Capuchins, to do me the more Honour, out of a design to bring a greater Reputation to themselves, had set me out for a Person that was very Rich and Powerful, so that there ran a Report over all the City, that I had immense Sums. Which made the Customer look about me; so that he demanded great Duties from me. But those Duties were not the thing that disturbed me, for by the King's Patent I was fully discharged. But I was afraid lest the Prince would make use of that pretence to view my Goods whether I would or no. And this was that which increased my Fears, and made me insist upon having an Officer to conduct me. For my reason told me, that such a Provision would render the Viceroy more responsible for any Accident that should befall me, and that my Guide would secure both my Person and my Goods. And indeed the greatest part of my Fears were dissipated when I saw myself quite free of Tefflis; for than I began to conceive good hopes of all the rest of my Journey. That Day I travelled two Leagues through a Passage of the little Mountain that lies to the South of the City; and lay at a Great Village called Sogan-Lou, or the Place of Onions, built upon the River Cur.  
The 1st of March, I travelled Eight Leagues in a fair Plain, where the Road was indifferently straight, leading to the North-East. Within three Hours I came to a Village consisting of about a Hundred and Fifty Houses, called Cupri-Kent, or the Village of the Bridge. Because there is a very fair Bridge that stands not far from it, built upon a River called Tabadi. This Bridge is placed between two Mountains, separated only by the River, and supported by Four Arches, unequal both in their Height and Breadth. They are built after an Irregular form, in regard of two great Heaps of a Rock that stand in the River, upon which they have laid so many Arches. Those at the two ends are hollowed on both sides, and serve to lodge Passengers; wherein they have made to that purpose little Chambers and Porticoes with every one a Chimney. The Arch in the middle of the River is hollowed quite through from one part to the other, with two Chambers at the Ends, and two large Balconies covered, where they take the cool Air in the Summer with great delight, and to which there is a Descent of two pair of Stairs hewn out of the Rock. Adjoining to this fair Bridge there stands an Inn now ready to go to decay. However the Structure is Magnificent, having several Chambers with every one a Balcony that looks out upon the Water. Neither is there a fairer Bridge, nor a more beautiful Inn in all Georgia.  
The Second, we Travelled Nine Leagues among Mountains very rugged and difficult to cross. So that we were twelve Hours ere we got to our Journeys end, though we Travelled at a good rate. About Sunset we arrived at a great Village called Melik-Kent, or the Royal Village, built upon a point of one of those High Mountains.  
The Third, we Travelled eight Leagues i' the Mountains where we were much perplexed, and where we did nothing but ascend and descend. At length we lay at a Village as big as Melik-Kent.  
The Fourth, we Travelled only three Leagues: and before Noon we came to a Town that consisted of about Three Hundred Houses, called Dily-jan. It is seated upon a River called Acalstapha, at the Foot of a High and Dreadful Mountain, which together with the rest that we passed the preceding days, was a part of Mount Taurus. There was every where great plenty of Water, and here and there some Plains that were but small, but very fertile. The Goodness of the Soil thereabout is not to be imagined; nor the Number of Villages that are to be seen on every side. There are several that stand so high-raised upon the points of the Rocks, that you can hardly have a sight of 'em. The most part are inhabited by Georgian and Armenian Christians, but not intermixed. Those People having such an inveterate Antipathy one against the other, that they cannot live together, nor in the same Villages. In all these Mountains are neither Inns nor public Houses: however, Travellers are lodged in the Countrymens' Houses very conveniently, where there is plenty both of Meat and Drink. For my part I wanted nothing, for my Guide road still before when we were got about half way; so that when I came to the Village, I still found a large Chamber, empty Stables, a good Fire, and Supper ready. The first days Journey I would have paid my Landlord, but my Guide would not permit me, telling me, 'Twas not the Custom, and that I should rather give Him what I intended the Man of the House. Which was the reason, that the next Days, I only caused something to be given in private to the People where I Lodged. And indeed 'tis very good Travelling with these Guides: for they cause ye to be diligently attended. All Night long my Chamber was guarded by the People of the Village who kept Watch, as well in Obedience to the Commands which were laid upon 'em, as for my Security, though there was no danger to be feared.  
The most part of the Houses of these Villages are in truth no more than Caverns: For they are hollow places made in the Earth. The rest are built of great Beams of Timber up to the Roof, which is made like a Terrace, and covered with Turf. Only they leave a hole open in the middle, to let in the Light, and let out the Smoke: which hole they stop up as they please themselves. Which sort of Caverns have this Convenience, that they are very warm in the Winter, and cool in the Summer: nor is it an easy thing for Thiefs to break into 'em.  
The Borough of Dily-jan, and all the Country round about for six Leagues distance to the North and South, and very far to the East and West, belongs to Kamshi-Can; and is called the Country of Casac. It holds of Persia, and depends upon that Kingdom after the same manner as Georgia, that is to say, it is always Governed by its own Natural Princes from Father to Son. Abas the Great subdued it, at the same time that he Conquered Georgia. The Inhabitants of Casac are Mountaineers, stout and fierce: Originally descended from those Cosaques that inhabit the Mountains to the North-East of the Caspian Sea.  
The Fifth, we Travelled five Leagues over that dreadful Mountain, already spoken of. There are two Leagues from the Town of Dily-jan, which stands at the very Foot of the Hill to the Top, another of even Ground to the Top of all, and two Leagues of Descent again. A tedious Days Journey, which I thought would have killed me. For I was troubled with a terrible Dysentery, which forced me to alight altogether; and then two Men held me up as I went, and a third lead my Horse. The Mountain is most dreadfully laden with Snow, there being nothing else to be seen at the Top, neither Tree nor Plant. The Road also lay through a narrow Path of Snow, hard'nd by the Feet of Horses and Travellers: so that if they did but slip their Feet out of the Path, they sunk up to the Belly in the loser Snow. Nor is there any passing over this Mountain when the Snow-falls or when the Wind blows, for then the print of the Feet is lost and it is impossible to find the way. Which is the loss of many People and Beasts every Year. Nor does this Snow ever melt, the Mountain being continually covered with it.  
It separates Georgia from Armenia: and I was no sooner over it, but I found a Country quite of another Form and Fashion. For whereas on the other side there was nothing to be seen but very high Mountains, and some few small Plains between 'em, and a Woody Country very well Peopled, here on this side we saw spacious Plains, with little Hillocks covered alike with Snow, bare of all sort of Wood, but what was planted about the Villages. We lodged at Kara Pheshish, a great Borough seated at the Foot of the Mountain which we crossed over, and upon the Banks of the River Zengui. Which River waters one part of Armenia the Greater.  
In making the Geographical Description of the Country as I passed along, I never mind any Author whether Ancient or Modern, finding 'em all so opposite one to another, and altogether dark and confused. Which was the same thing that Strabo said of the Authors that preceded him; and whoever will take the pains to compare those that have followed him, either with the Ancients or among themselves, will be of the same Opinion. As for example in Caldea or Assyria, which at present they extend almost to the Mediterranean Sea, though Herodotus, Pliny, Strabo, Ptolemy, and the other most Celebrated Ancient Geographers enclose it between the Desert of Arabia and Mesopotamia.  
I have also observed one thing in the Government of Persia, which has made me since believe, that although Authors have set different Bounds and Limits to the Countries, yet that they might have all written very true and justly, and as Things stood in their Times, when the Governments were enlarged, or confined within narrower Bounds, as the Supreme Governor pleases, or as necessity requires; for then the Province that gives the Name to the Government, has not the same Limits, nor observes the same Situation as before. And therefore I will mark out the Extent and Situation of the Country where I passed, as I found 'em; and if I must follow the Ancient Authors, it shall be only those of the Persian Geography.  
Some there are among 'em who divide Armenia into Three parts. The first which they call properly by that Name, the second which they call Turcomannia, and the third to which they give the Name of Georgia. But the greater Number divide it only into two parts, the Upper and the Lower. The Lower which is sometimes called the Lesser, sometimes the Western, but generally the Lesser, is under the Dominion of the Turks. The Upper, which they sometimes call the Eastern, sometimes the Great, but usually the Greater, is a Province of Persia To the small or Lesser Armenia they assign for Bounds, the Great Armenia to the East, Syria to the South, the Black-Sea to the West, Cappadocia to the North, and they place the Great Armenia between Mesopotamia, Georgia, Media and Armenia the Less. Which Situation agrees in part with that of the Ancient Geographers, who enclose Armenia the Less, between Cappadocia and Euphrates, and Armenia the Greater, between Euphrates and Tigris. But it no way corresponds with that of some Authors, as is to be seen, who put Syria, the Shores of the Mediterranean Sea, and the Banks of the Caspian in Armenia, of which they make Edessa to be the Capital City. Neither do Authors differ less about the Denomination of this Country; while some derive the Name of Armenia from Armenius a Rhodian, or Thessalian. Others with far more Reason from Aram, which might have some Relation to the Hebrew word Ram which signifies High or Elevated, either because the Country lies High, and for that several of the Eastern Mountains make a part of it, or else because it fell as his share to Aram the Grandchild of Noah; who therefore called it by his own Name. And therefore Hayton who was King of the Country derives this Name of Armenia from Aram-Noah. But how uncertain soever this Etymology may be, I had rather give credit to it, then to another Story which he reports of Armenia, that is to say, that it was the Province where Salmanassar planted the Greatest part of the Jews which he took Prisoners in the Conquest of Palestine The Holy Scripture, where ere it has occasion to mention it calls Armenia, Ararat. Certainly it is one of the most lovely and most Fertile Countries of Asia. It is watered by Seven large Rivers, which is the reason in my opinion that obliges the most part of the Interpreters of the Old Testament to place the Terrestrial Paradise in this Province. However it were, Armenia is renowned for several other Famous Accidents and Events. There is not any other Country wherein were fought so many Bloody Battles nor with greater Numbers on both sides. It has had particular Kings of its own at several times; though they could not preserve their Dominion, while as Histories assure us, all the most Eminent Captains that ever invaded Asia, subdued it under their Subjection in their several turns. It was the Theatre of the last Wars between the Turks and Persians; while the Turks fought to have had it all entire; though at length they were content to share it with the Persians, yet not so but that they have had the greatest part.  
The 6th, I continued my Journey, half dead as I was with Cold and a Dysentery. But the hopes I was in to meet at Erivan with all necessary Accommodations for my Cure, made me hasten thither, notwithstanding all the Pains that I felt. So that we Travelled Four Leagues and arrived at Bichni a considerable Village seated at the Foot of a Mountain upon the River Zengui. We lodged at a fair Armenian Monastery built between the Village and the Mountain. This Monastery is an Ancient Foundation between Eight and Nine Hundred Years standing. The Cloister is built after the Fashion of the Country, encompassed with High and Thick Walls of Free Stone. Near to the Monastery are to be seen the Ruins of Towers, Castles, and Ramparts in so great a Number, that it renders very probable what the People of the Country report, that Bichni has been one of the strong Places of Armenia. I lodged in the Convent, where the Monks received me with great Civility, and put me into the fairest Apartment they had, only I could by no means prevail with 'em to let me have a Fowl to make a little Broth, because it was their time of Lent. So that my Guide was forced to use his Authority, even to the holding up his Cane to procure me a few Eggs. Toward the Evening I had a desire to Drink some Coffee, which my Guide brought me boiled with a little Sugar; and of that I Drank Four small Glasses as hot as I could; which done, I laid me down well covered before a good Fire. To which feeble Remedy it pleased GOD to give so great a Blessing, that I slept without Interruption all that Night, and the next Morning found myself wholly cured of this Distemper.  
IRIVAN  


A. The FOrtres.  
B. The small Fort called Guetshi-cala.  
C. Deuf Sultan's Mosque  
D. The Great Piatza.  
E. An Old Tower.  
F. The Bpps Church called Two Fronts.  
G. The Church called Catovike.  
H. The New Inn.  
I. The River Zengui.  
K. The River called Forty Fountains.  
L. The Mountain where Noah's Ark rested.    
IRIVAN  
'Tis a hard matter to describe the true Road from Tefflis to this City, in regard of the many Turnings and Windings, and the frequent Occasions to ascend and descend the greatest part of the way. Only I observed that we still kept on to the South-West. From Tefflis to Erivan it is reckoned to be about Eight and Forty Leagues.  
Erivan is a great City, but ill-favoured and dirty; and of which the Vineyards and Gardens make the greatest part, there being no Ornamental Buildings within it. It is seated in a Plain encompassed with Mountains on every side. Two Rivers run by it, Zengui to the North-West, and Queurk-boulak to the South-West. Which Queurk-boulak signifies Forty Fountains; the River being said to rise from so many Springs; nor does it run a long course. But we shall say no more of the City, nor of its Figure, the Draught being sufficient to give an Idea of it.  
The Fortress itself may pass for a small City. It is of an Oval Form, being about Four Thousand Paces in Compass, and containing Eight Hundred Houses, inhabited only by Natural Persians. 'Tis true, the Armenians have Shops therein, where they Work and Trade all the Day long; but in the Evening they shut up their Shops, and return Home to their Houses. This Fortress is surrounded with three Walls of Earth, or Bricks made of Clay with Battlements, flanked with Towers, and strengthened with very narrow Ramparts, according to the Ancient Manner, and therefore without any Regularity, after the Eastern Fashion. And indeed it had been a hard matter to have made a Regular Fortification in a place that would not admit of it, in regard the Fortress extends itself to the North-East upon the side of a dreadful Precipice, broad and steep, above a Hundred Fathom to the bottom, where the River runs. And therefore this side being impregnable and inaccessible, has no other Fortifications than Terraces furnished with Artillery. However, a Garrison of no less than Two Thousand Men is always kept in pay for the Guard of this Fortress; which has as many Gates as Walls, all plated with Iron, and strengthened with Portcullises and Courts of Guard fortified. The Governor of the Provinces Palace being within the Castle, stands upon the Brink of the Precipice already mentioned; and is very fair, very spacious, and very delightful in Summer.  
Near to the Fortress, about a Thousand Paces distant upon the North-side, stands a Hillock which Commands it, the upper part being fortified with a double Wall, and planted with great Guns, and capable to lodge Two Hundred Men. This little Fort is called Queutshy-cala.  
The City stands about Canonshot distance from the Fortress; but the space between is filled up with Houses and Market-Places; but such pitiful thin Structures, that they may be all removed away in one day.  
There are several Churches in this City; of which the principal are the Episcopal See, called Ircou-ye-rize, or Two Faces and Catovike. Which two Churches have stood ever since the Reign of the two last Kings of Armenia. The others were Erected since; and are small, sunk deep in the Earth, and not unlike so many Catacombs, or Burying-places.  
Near the Episcopal See stands an old Tower built of Freestone, of which you see the Draught in the Sculpture. I never could learn when it was Erected, nor by whom, nor for what use. Yet there are Inscriptions on the outside, of which the Character resembles the Armenian, but the Armenians could not read it. The Workmanship of this Tower is all of Antique-Work, and singular for its Architecture, as may appear by the Figure. The inside is all empty and naked: but on the outside and round about it several Ruins so disposed, as if formerly there had been some Cloister there, and that this Tower had stood in the midst of it.  
An ancient Tower at Irivan.  
There are many Baths in the City and in the Fortress, and many Inns: of which the fairest stands about Five Hundred Paces from the Castle, built by the Governor of Armenia some few Years ago. The Portal is Eighty Paces in depth, and forms a fair Gallery, full of Shops, where are sold all manner of Stuffs. The Body of the Structure is square, containing three great Lodgings, and Sixty small ones, with fair Stables, and very large Warehouses. Before it lies a Marketplace surrounded with Shops, where are to be sold all sorts of Provision for the Belly; and upon one side a fair Mosque and two Coffeehouses.  
The Elevation of Erivan is in 40 Deg. 15 Min. The Longitude in 78 Deg. 20 Min. The Air is good, but a little thick and cold: and the Winter lasts long; so that sometimes it will Snow in April. Which constrains the Countrypeople to bury their Vines in the Winter, and never to dig 'em up again till the Spring. The Country is delightful and very fertile. The Earth produces her Fruits in great Plenty, especially Wine, which is very good and cheap. The Armenians also have a Tradition, That Noah planted a Vineyard near to Erivan, and some there are who pretend to know the Place, and show it about a small League from the City. The Soil produces all sorts of Provision, which is therefore sold at a very low rate. The two Rivers that run by the side of it, and the Lake of which we shall take an occasion to speak, furnish the City with Excellent Fish, and among the rest with Trout and Carp that are wonderfully good, and famous all over the East; of which I have seen some that have been three Foot long: And then for Fowl, no place in the World where Partridges are more plentiful.  
The Lake of Erivan lies three small days Journeys off to the North-West; by the Persians called Deria-Shirin, or the Sweet-Lake; by the Armenians, Kiagar-couni-sou, which signifies the same thing: and the reason why it is so called is from the extraordinary sweetness of the Water. It is Five and Twenty Leagues in Circuit, and very deep; affording nine sorts of Fish which are there taken; the fairest Trout and Carp which are eaten at Erivan, being caught in this Lake. There is a small Island in the middle of it; where stands a Monastery built about 600 Years ago, of which the Prior is an Archbishop, who takes upon him the Title of Patriarch, refusing to acknowledge the Grand Patriarch. Our Maps take no Cognizance of this Lake; a wonderful thing to me, that among all our Travellers into Persia, not one should make any mention of it. By which defect it may be judged that those Authors were little curious after the Rarities of the Countries through which they passed. The River Zengui takes its source from this Lake, and crossing one part of Armenia, meets with the River Araxes near the Caspian Sea, into which at length they both discharge themselves.  
ECSMIAZIN commonly called the THREE CHURCH  
ECSMIAZIN commonly called the THREE CHURCH  
A Platform of the Church of Echsmiazin.  
A Prospect of the Church of Echsmiazin.  
Two Leagues from Erivan stands that famous Monastery of the Three Churches; the Sanctuary of the Armenian Christians, if I may presume so to call it, and the place to which they pay their greatest Devotion. I have caused a Draught to be made of it at large, and have added a Geometrical Ground-Plot, and a small Sketch of the outside of the Principal Church, to give a more distinct Description of the Monastery, and more easy for Apprehension. The Armenians call it Ecsmiazin, or the Descent of the only begotten Son, or the Only begotten Son is descended. Which Name, say they, was given to this Place, because Jesus Christ showed himself visibly in this place to St Gregory, who was the first Patriarch of it. The Mahometans call it Vtsh-Clissie, or the Three Churches; for that besides the Church belonging to the Convent, there are two others adjoining to it. The first and the principal, called Ecsmiazin, is a very substantial and dark Structure, all built of large Freestone. The Pilasters, which are Seventy two Foot high, are mishapen Piles of Stone; as are also the Duomo, and the Roofs. On the inner side are to be seen no Ornaments either of Sculpture or Painting. The Chapels stand upon the East-side; besides three at the lower end of the Church. Of which the middlemost is very spacious, with an Altar of Stone after the manner of the Eastern Christians very well adorned. But there is not any Altar in those upon the Sides, only one serves for a Vestry, and the other for a Treasury. In the Vestry the Monks that belong to the Place show ye several Pieces of Church-Furniture, very beautiful and rich, as Crosses, Gold Chalices, Lamps and Candlesticks of Silver of an extraordinary bigness. The chiefest part of which Wealth was the Munificence of Papal Liberality; and Testimonies of Rome's Credulity, as well as of Armenian Dissimulation. There are also to be seen in the Treasury, several Shrines of Silver and vermilion Gilt. The principal Relics belonging to the Place, by the report of the Monks that have 'em in keeping, are the upper part of the Body of St. Repsima, an Arm and a Thigh of St. Caiana; an Arm of St. Gregory, Surnamed the Illuminator, because he Converted Armenia; a Rib of St. James Bishop of Jerusalem; a Finger of St. Peter, and two Fingers of St. John the Baptist. Whose Body, as the Monks of this Monastery affirm, lies in a Church belonging to a Convent of their Order near to Erzerum: That Leontius, Bishop of Caesarea, gave it to their first Patriarch, and that after it had lain Three Hundred and Fifty Years at Echsmiazin, it was Translated to the place where they say it now lies. But the Monks of Echsmiazin, who are the great Doctors of the Armenians, are so ignorant by their own Confession in my hearing, that they never heard of those Histories which relate how that the Body of St. John the Baptist was burnt to Ashes by the Command of Julian the Apostate. I omit to say any thing of those other Relics which they pretend to have in their Treasury, as being the Relics of Saints very little known to this part of the World. I shall only therefore add this farther, That the Monks belonging to the Convent affirm for a great Truth, That once they had the two Nails that fastened the Sacred Hands of JESUS CHRIST to the Cross, which are still preserved, the one at Diarbekre, the other in Georgia; and that Abas the Great took out of their Treasury the true Lance, and the Seamless Garment, to enrich the Treasury of the Kings of Persia at Ispahan.  
In the middle of the Church stands a large square Freestone, being three Foot in Diameter, and five Foot thick. The Armenians assure us, as an Article of their Faith, That this was the place where St Gregory their Apostle saw JESUS CHRIST one Sunday in the Evening, while he was at his Prayers, and where he spoke to him. They farther ascertain us, That JESUS CHRIST drew round about this Saint with a Beam of Light the Design of the Church of Echsmiazin, and ordered him to build it according to the Model which he had there drawn. They add, That at the same time the Earth opened in that part where the Stone lies, and that CHRIST cast down to Hell through that Hole, all the Devils that were in the Temples of Armenia, and uttered false Oracles, and that Saint Gregory caused the Hole to be covered with Marble. They add, That Abas the Great carried away the Marble, and put it into the Royal Treasury of Persia, and caused this Stone to be set up in the Room of it. Concerning which I made a diligent Inquiry at Ispahan, nay I asked the Superintendents of the Treasury themselves; but I could not find that They understood any thing of it. Armenian Tradition tells ye also of another particular in reference to the Centre of this Church, which I shall set down, though as fabulous as the rest, That this was the true place, where Noah built that Altar, and offered that Sacrifice, which is mentioned in the Eighth Chapter of Genesis.  
The Great Steeple has been newly rebuilt, containing Six Bells, the biggest of which weighs 1200 Weight. One of the smaller Bells fell down about Forty Years since, and was never hung up again, for want of Money, as the Armenians say: and indeed it is certain that they are very Poor. The first Monastery of this Church was built by Nierses the Twenty Ninth Patriarch of Armenia. This the Tartars ruined; and if we may believe the Chronology of the Place, it has been Five times levelled with the Ground. It is at present built of Brick; the Patriarches Apartment lying to the East. There are besides in the Convent Lodgings for all strangers that come to Visit it, and for 80 Monks beside; but usually there are not above Twelve or Fifteen. And here it is that the Patriarches of Armenia are obliged to reside. But to say Truth, the Avarice, Envy and Ambition with which they are possessed in this Age, finds 'em so much business, that they spend all their time in Rambling over Persia and Turkey. This Patriarch has Twenty Bishoprics under him.  
The two other Churches that stand near Echsmiazin, are called one St. Caiana, and the other St. Repsima, from the Names of two Roman Virgins, who, as they say, fled into Armenia, in the time of the Ninth Persecution, and suffered Martyrdom in the same place where the Churches stand. St. Caiana stands upon the Right Hand, 700 Paces distant from the Monastery. St. Repsima upon the Left, about 2000 Paces off. These two Churches are half-ruined, there having been no Service performed in either for a long time.  
Within the Territory of Erivan which extends above Twenty Leagues every way, there are Three and Twenty Convents for Men, and Five for Women: but all pitifully Poor and badly kept; the most part not having above Five or Six Persons a piece, whose Penury continually employs 'em in getting a Livelihood, so that they never perform Holy Duties but upon holidays. One of the most considerable is Cour-Virah, which in the Armenian Language signifies Literally the Church upon the Wells: and therefore this Name is given to this Convent, as being built over a Well, into which, as the Armenian History relates, St. Gregory was thrown, and yet preserved alive, being fed in the same manner as Daniel was fed in the Lions Den. This Monastery stands upon the confines of the Territory of Erivan to the South of Echsmiazin: where the People of the Country report, that the Ruins of Artaxarte are also to be seen. Which City they call Ardashat, from Artaxerxes, whom the Easterns call Ardeshir. Among the Ruins of which, as they say, are also to be seen the Ruins of the Palace of Tyridates, built about 1300 Years ago. They say moreover, that there is the Front of a Palace which is not above half Ruined, where there still remain four Rows of Columns of Black Marble, every one of Nine Columns, that these Columns encompass a great Heap of wrought Pieces of Marble, and that the Columns are of that bigness, that Three Men can hardly enfold 'em in their Arms. They call the whole place, where this heap of Ruins lies, Tact-Terdat, or the Throne of Tyridates. I shall forbear to speak of the other Monasteries, or of the particular Stories which the Armenians recount concerning 'em, or of the Relics that are there preserved; among which they number up the Veronique, or the Napkin which a Woman of that Name brought to wipe the Sweat from Christ's Face: the Bodies of St. Thomas, and St. Simon, which is all mere Idle and ridiculous Fable: for in truth the Armenian Tradition has nothing of common Sense. Nor shall I speak any thing of the Armenian Belief or Worship; for it is well known what they are, as having been for several Ages wrapped up in the Opinions of the Monophysites, who in the East are called Jacobites, of which at this day they understand nothing at all, being altogether drowned in Ignorance.  
Twelve Leagues from Erivan to the East, is to be seen the Famous Mountain, where almost all Men agree that the Ark of Noah rested; though no Body can bring any Solid Proof to make out what they affirm. When the Air is Serene, this Mountain is not to be seen at more than the distance of two Leagues, as High and as Great as it is; and therefore I am apt to believe I have seen far higher; and if I am not deceived, that part of Caucasus which I crossed over, as I Travelled from the Black-Sea to Akalzikè, is higher than this Mountain. The Turks call it Agridag, the High or Massy Mountain; but the Armenians and Persians call it both by the same Name Masis. Which word the Armenians derive from Master or Mesech the Son of Aram, who, as they say, gave to their Nation both its Original and Denomination. The Persians derive it from Azis, a Word which in their Language signifies Dear, or Dearly-Beloved; and they will have this Mountain to be so called, by reason of the choice that GOD made of it to bear the happy Ark that enclosed all Mankind. These are forced Etymologies as much as any can be, and such as we may well compare to the mere Tinkling of Bells. This Mountain is called by two other Names in the Persian Books: that is to say, Cou-nough, or the Mountain of Noah, and Sahat-toppous, or the Happy Hillock. But the Holy Scripture gives it no particular Name, only it says, That the Ark rested upon the Mountain of Ararat, which is Armenia. These are those Mountains so famous in the Greek and Latin Authors, which they assert to be part of Mount Taurus, and call by the Names of Gordian, Cordean, Corduenian, Cardian, Curdi, and Carduchi, every Author altering the word according to the Pronunciation of his own Language.  
The Armenians have a Tradition, That the Ark is still upon the Point, or highest Top of this Mount Macis. They add moreover, That never any Body could ascend to the Place where it rested; and this they firmly believe upon the Faith of a Miracle, which they say, happened to a certain Monk of Echsmiazin, whose Name was James, afterwards Bishop of Nisibis. They report, That this Monk, possessed with the common Opinion that this was the Mountain where the Ark rested after the Deluge, resolved to ascend to the Top, or die in the Attempt; that he got up half way, but could never go any farther; for that after he had clambered all the Day long, he was in his Sleep miraculously carried back to the place from whence he set forward in the Morning. This continued a long time; but that at length GOD giving Ear to the Monk's Prayers, was willing to satisfy his Desires in some measure: to which purpose he sent an Angel to him with a piece of the Ark, with Orders to bid him not toil himself any more in vain, for that he had debarred from Mortals access to the Top of that Mountain. And this is the Tale which they tell; upon which I shall observe two things. First, That it has no Coherence with the Relations of Ancient Authors, as Josephus, Berosus, or Nicholas of Damascus, who assure us that the Remainders of the Ark were to be seen, and that the People took the Pitch with which it was besmeared as an Antidote against several Distempers. The second, That whereas it is taken for a Miracle, That no Body can get up to the Top, I should rather take it for a greater Miracle, that any Man should climb up so high. For the Mountain is altogether uninhabited, and from the Halfway to the Top of all, perpetually covered with Snow that never melts, so that all the Seasons of the Year it appears like a Prodigious Heap of nothing but Snow. What I have reported concerning this Mountain, will doubtless cause no small wonder in those who have read the Travels of Father Philip, a Barefoot Carmelite, that he should undertake to say that the Terrestrial Paradise lies there in some Plain which GOD preserves from Heat and Cold; for those are the words of his Translator. The thought itself seems to me to be very pleasant; and I should have thought he had spoke it jocularly, did he not relate with an extraordinary seriousness several things in the same Book which are altogether as improbable.  
At the Foot of the Mountains, in a Village inhabited by Christians, stands a Monastery, called Arakil-Vanc, or the Monastery of the Apostles; to which place the Armenians pay a very solemn Devotion. For they report that the Bodies of St. Andrew and St. Matthew were found there, and that the Scull of the Evangelist is still preserved in the Church belonging to the Monastery.  
When I came to Erivan, I alighted at the House of an Armenian of my Acquaintance, whose Name was Azarias. He was a Person extremely persecuted by those of his own Nation, because he had been at Rome to turn Roman Catholic, and Disciple to the College for the Propagation of the Faith, and for endeavouring to settle the Capuchins at Erivan. I found him indisposed and in Bed. However he rose to give Notice of my Arrival; fearing to come into trouble if he deferred it till the next Morning. To which purpose he went to Court, but could not see the Governor who was retired into the Apartment of the Princess his Wife: Nevertheless an Eunuch did his Message.  
The Eighth, the Governor sent a Person to give me a Visit, and to tell me I was Welcome. Whereupon Mr. Azarias undertook to go in my behalf and return him my humble Thanks, and withal to let him know who I was. Upon which the Governor showed an earnest desire to see me as soon as I could, and some part of the Jewels I had brought along with me. Afterwards he asked how many Servants I had, and ordered Mr. Azarias to inform him whether I had rather Lodge in the Fortress, or in the Inn which he had built, and to bring him word speedily. For my part I made choice of the Inn, as well for the Security of the Place, as for that a Man shall never there want Company, because of the great resort of Merchants thither, besides that Travellers alighted there every day. Thereupon the Governor ordered me one of the best Apartments.  
The Ninth, I went thither betimes in the Morning, and spent all that day in settling myself in my Lodging. About Noon one of the Governor's Officers brought me an Order from the Steward to send for from the Office Bread, Wine, Meat, Trout, Fruit, Rice, Butter, Wood, and other Necessary Provisions as much as would suffice six Persons. The Quantity of every thing is regulated, never augmented nor abated: but the Proportion allowed for one Person is so large, that two may well be satisfied with it.  
The 10th, the Governor sent so earnestly for me to come to him, and bring him part of my Jewels, that I could no longer defer it. I found him in a very large Cabinet or Study, very Decent and very Light. There was also with him the Head Surveyor of all the Mints of Persia, who at that time was come to Erivan, and four other Lords. He received me with an Extraordinary Civility, three times told me, I was welcome, and set before me Sweet Meats, and Aqua Vitae of Moscovy. Presently I presented him with the King's Patent, and that of the Grand Master, already mentioned. Of both which he made great account, and spent an Hour in Inquiries after European News, as well concerning the late Wars, and the present Estate of Christendom, as about Arts and Sciences, and what new Discoveries had been made therein. Another Hour he spent in considering and viewing the Precious Stones and Jewels which I showed him. He gave me to understand, that among the Persian Poets, Emeralds of the old Rock were called Emeralds of Egypt, of which they believed there had been a Mine in Egypt which was now lost: and at length, after he had laid by what he liked himself, and what he thought would please the Princess his Wife, he stayed me to dine with him. Dinner being ended, he honoured me the other half Hour with his Company and then dismissed me, commanding an Officer in my hearing to go to the Caravanserai and charge the Innkeeper to be careful as well for my security, as to give me all Content. And he was moreover so kind as to tell the Officer farther, that he made him my Memander, who is as it were a Gentleman-Waiter, and such as are appointed to attend upon all Persons of Quality to take care of their Persons: and the same Evening he sent me besides a Present of Moscovy Aqua Vitae.  
This Governor bears the Title of Becler-Beg, or Lord of Lords. For so they call the Deputy Lieutenants of large Governments; to distinguish 'em from those meaner Governors whom they call Can's. He has also the Title of Serdar or General of the Army. So that he is one of the Principal Lords of Persia, and one of the most Judicious and most refined Politicians in the Kingdom. He is called by the Name of Sephi-Couli-Can; or the Duke, the Slave of Sephi. He enjoyed one of the most Noble Governments of the Empire in the Reign of the Deceased King, but through some Intrigue among the Women, he fell into disgrace, three Years before the Death of that Prince. The Wife which he has Married is of the Blood Royal by the Mother's side. And this Princess it was, who at the beginning of the present Kings Reign, restored her Husband to his Majesty's Favour, from whom in a little time he obtained the Government of Erivan, the most considerable in the Kingdom, and which yields him the fairest Revenue, no less than Two and Thirty Thousand Tomans a Year, which are above a Hundred and Twelve Thousand Pounds Sterling. The Fines, Presents, and indirect ways to enrich himself, are worth him Fifty Thousand Pounds more. And doubtless this Lord is the most wealthy and most Fortunate of all the Kingdom. The King loves him, the Court has a Veneration for him, and his two Sons are the King's only Favourites: the People under his Government Love and respect him, because of his Popularity, his doing Justice, and for that he is not so oppressive and given to extortion as others. So that he deserves the good Fortune he enjoys; for besides these good Qualities, he is Learned, and a great Lover of Arts and Sciences.  
The 11th, this Lord sent to invite me to the Nuptials of his Steward's Brother where he was. I found him pleasant and in a very good Humour. For he had received at the opening of the Gate, an order from the King by a Coolom-Sha, who came from Ispahan in Thirteen Days. This Order related to an affair of great Importance. For several Sultan's who are Lords of Countries and Governors of strong Holds, having refused to obey his Orders, and having made great complaints against him to the King and his Ministers; He on the other side had justified his own Rights and Prerogatives; upon which his Majesty had given Sentence in his behalf, and had sent him an order to Command Obedience. Which Order the Coolom-Sha was to see Executed, and to cause Satisfaction to be given to the Governor.  
Coolom-Sha signifies the King's Slave. Not but that they who bear this Title are as free, as other the Kings Natural Subjects; but they take it as a Mark of their perfect Devotion to their Sovereign, as being that to which they were bred up altogether in their Infancy. For the Employment of these King's Slaves in the Court of Persia, is almost the same with that of Gentlemen-Ushers; who are Children of good Quality, employed very young in Duty, as well for the Profit which they get by it, as to give 'em a fair Opportunity to make their way to Preferment at Court. There are some Persons who send their Sons to these Employments at the Age of Five Years. To whom the King assigns Exhibitions according to the Quality of their Family, or the Service which it does the King; for that serves in stead of other Recompense to the Parents. The usual Exhibition is Twenty Tomans a Year, and their Diet; which Twenty Tomans make about Seventy Pounds Sterling: And the Diet taken in Money amounts to about Forty Pounds. But these Exhibitions are frequently enlarged proportionably either to the Service which they do the King, or to the Kindness which the King has for their Persons. For which reason they are very diligent at Court, and are employed in the Execution of all Orders of Importance. They are sent with the King's Presents to the Governors; and out of their Number are taken several to supply the Vacancies of Officers.  
Orders that require Expedition are carried Post. Which Couriers are called Tshapars; a word that comes from a Turkish word that signifies Galloping, whence that other word Tsapgon, which signifies a Courier. These Tshapars make great haste, though they do not always meet with Horses when they have occasion for 'em: For there are no settled Stages in all the East. In Persia the Kings and Governors Couriers take Horses wherever they find 'em; nay, they have Authority to dismount Travellers upon the Highway: besides, the Magistrates of the Places through which they pass, are obliged to furnish 'em. However, this is a very mischievous Custom; for such as have neither the Strength nor the Courage to resist, are constrained to give Money to these Couriers, or to alight and suffer their Horses to be rid away with, and then to run after 'em if they intent to have 'em again. Nevertheless they dare not meddle with Persons of Quality, nor the King's Officers, nor Strangers that are going to the Court, for fear of being called to Question. Usually therefore they take up Horses in the Villages through which they pass; which they must not make use of however above one Days Journey; for which reason they generally send a Runner along with 'em to bring the Horses back.  
These Couriers are easily known by their Habit: For they wear a Cloak tied behind 'em; and a little Cloak-bag, which runs through the Pommel, and is fastened to the Saddlebow. They carry a Poniard, a Sword, and a Quiver by their Sides, and a Cudgel in their Hands. Their Bows hang about their Shoulders; besides all which they have a Scarf that comes twice about their Necks, which is brought down crosswise upon their Backs and Breasts, and tied to their Girdle. When they are descried at a distance, they who are afraid of being dismounted, flee out of the way and hide themselves, or compound for Money, or else offer 'em their Horses. These Couriers ride generally two and two, and if they be Persons of Quality, 'tis the more difficult to get rid of 'em: for they will take no Composition; and upon the least Resistance, they either up with their Battoons, or out with their Swords, well knowing they shall be upheld in what they do; which is a Violence that other Couriers dare not offer.  
One of the Principal Extraordinary Expenses which the Grandees are constrained to be at, is when the King sends 'em his Orders or Presents by a Coolom-Sha, or by any other Person of Quality; for he must clothe him upon his Arrival, and at his Departure he must make him a Present answerable to his Employment, and the Reputation that he bears; besides that he must be well Feasted and Entertained all the time of his stay. This Coolom-Sha that I speak of, cost the Governor of Erivan, as I was informed, Four Hundred Tomans, which amount to Fourteen Hundred Pounds besides Lodging and Diet. Many times the King himself Taxes the Present which is to be given to the Person whom he sends, but then the Person is obliged to pay it presently down as a Debt, and to bestow in Gifts and Largesses many times double the Present: in short, they treat their Messengers according to their Birth, their Merit, and their Credit at Court. This they diligently observe, so that when they understand that a Messenger or his Relations have free Access to the King, than they are more free in their Entertainment, to the end he may make an Advantageous Report of his Usage, and the Civility shown him. I remember to this purpose, in the Year 1669 when the King conferred upon the Son of the Prime Minister, the Command of Colonel of the Musketeers, his Majesty sent the Dispatches and Habit by his Goldsmiths, to reward 'em for some Jewels which they had made to his liking; and that he Taxed the Present which the Colonel was to give 'em at Three Hundred Tomans. Thereupon four of the chief Goldsmiths carried the Dispatches and the Habit, who instead of Three Hundred, received 400 Tomans, which make Fourteen Hundred Pounds, and a Present besides in Stuffs.  
I stayed three Hours at the Wedding, and took my leave after Dinner. The Feast was kept in a low Dining-Room, raised about two Foot, opening into a Court which was Railed about like a Tiltyard, where several Wrestlers and Gladiators divertised the Company, while the Governor spent his time in looking on, and discoursing sometimes with the King's Messengers, sometimes with the Company, and sometimes talking with myself about the news of Europe. There were but nine Persons at the Feast, among whom the Bridegroom and his Godfather were sumptuously habited, their Turbans being garnished with Heron-Tuffs, set with precious Stones. The Master of the Household, his other Brothers and his Sons standing upon their Feet at the lower end of the Room, with several of the Governors' Officers. Every one of the Guests were served at their first coming, with a Voider of Sweat-Meats Dry and Wet, upon small Porcelaine Plates; the Voiders themselves being of Wood Painted and Gilt; so that nothing could be seen more Neat.  
Matrimony in Persia is very expensive, frequently to the Ruin of those that engage in it: So that only Persons of Estates will venture upon it: as for the meaner sort, they are contented with a Concubine or a Slave.  
The Mahometans that follow the Tenants of Ali, take their Wives after three manners, either by way of Purchase, by way of Hire, or by Marriage. All which three ways they hold to be Lawful. Their Religion allows and teaches 'em this Liberty; and the Civil Law acknowledges the Children Born in any of these three sorts of Wedlock, to be equally Legitimate. So that if a Man have a Son by his Slave, before his Married Wife brings him one, the Son of the Slave is acknowledged for the Eldest, and enjoys all the Privileges of Eldership to the Exclusion of the Son of the Lawful Wife, be she a Princess and of the Blood Royal. And therefore in Persia Quality and Nobility descends only from the Father.  
The Wives, who are Slaves, are called Canizè: of whom the Law allows a Man to have as many as he can maintain. Nor does the Government either Ecclesiastical or Civil take any Cognizance how they are used. They that have put 'em to all manner of Drudgery, as they please themselves, being not only Masters of their Chastity, but of their Lives. Nor is it a dishonour in the East for a Slave to serve her Master as a Wife; but rather a great Honour and the best Fortune she can arrive at: for when tkey are advanced to their Master's Bed, they have an Apartment separate from the Rest of the Slaves. They are well Clad, allowed Servants, and a Pension; and if they bring Children, their Allowances are enlarged. For than they are no more looked upon as Slaves, but as the Mothers of the Lawful Heir of the Family.  
The hired Wives are called Moutaa, from Amovad, which signifies a Concubine and also a Servant: of which they may take as many as they please, and as long as they please for the price they agree upon. At Ispahan, which is the Metropolis of Persia, those that are handsome and Young may be hired for Five and Thirty Pound a Year, besides clothes, Diet and Lodging. Which sort of Marriage is a contract purely Civil. At the end of the Term, if both parties are agreed they may renew the Bargain; and they are at Liberty to break off before the end of the Term, and to put away the hired Wife, but then they must give the whole Sum contained in the Contract. Yet cannot the Woman so dismissed let out herself again, nor give herself to another till Forty Days after her Dismission. Which interval is called the Days of Purification. They who understand the Ceremonial Law of Moses, may easily perceive that the Mahometans borrowed this custom from the Jews, though new modelled and altered after their own humour. And indeed the Law both of the one and the other agrees in the point of Marriage, and the Behaviour of Men toward Women.  
The Espoused Wives are called Nekaa: of which the Mahometan Religion allows a Man to Marry Four. Nevertheless they never Mary above one, to avoid the Expense; and because of the disorders that Multiplicity of Lawful Wives creates in a House. For every one will Command, and their mutual Jealousy keeps the House in perpetual Confusion. Therefore People of Quality Mary generally into Families equal in Degree, if they cannot content themselves with one Woman, which is a Misfortune that never fails to befall 'em, they make use of their Slaves. By that means the Peace of the Family is never disquieted; for the Married Wife is always Lady and Mistress. As to other things, whether contented or no, her Relations never take any notice. As for hired Wives, seldom any Body takes 'em, but People of mean Condition, or Strangers, which they do that they may be rid of 'em when they please. The lowest sort of all never make use of that Custom, as not being able to pay 'em their Wages. Neither do Persons of Quality; in regard they scorn the Leave of another, or that another should make use of a Woman who has belonged to them. But if by chance a Person of Quality falls in love with a Woman either public, or not fit to be his Wife, he hires her for Ninety-Nine Years; and by that means he is sure to enjoy her as long as he lives, without Marriage. And they take this course, especially if They are Married to Women of Quality or Nobly descended, because their Relations would take Themselves to be highly affronted should They bring into their Houses Women of mean Birth to be their Companions.  
In Persia they usually-Marry by Proxy: because the Women are never seen by the Men. Which Ceremony is performed after this manner. The Kindred of both Parties meet at the House of the Party intended to be the Husband or Bridegroom. Thither they send for a Churchman to make the Contract. Or if the Parties are Persons of high Quality, than the Cedre, who is the chief Pontiff, or the Sheikelislam, who is the chief Civil Judge, and is invited for that purpose. If they are Persons of mean Degree, they endeavour to get the Kazy, who is the Lieutenant Civil: and if they be very poor People, they send for a Molla, or Priest of the Law. Presently the Party Affianced in the Company of several Women repairs to a Chamber not far from the place where the People are met, where the Door stands half open, but the Tapestry is let down that there is no Body to be seen. Then the Proxies of both Parties rise, and the Proxy for the Party Affianced setting himself against the Door of the Chamber, and stretching out his Hand, cries out aloud,  
I N. Authorised Proxy for you N. Marry ye to N. here present. You shall be his perpetual Wife with such a prefixed Dowry according as you have agreed.  
Then the other Proxy thus answers:  
ay N. Authorised Proxy for N. take thee N. in his Name for my perpetual Wife, who hast been given him for such by N. his Proxy here present, upon Condition of the Dowry prefixed and agreed on by both Parties.  
After this the Minister, or whoever he be that is present to make the Contract, rises, and laying his Head to the Tapestry which divides the Room, cries out to the Affianced,  
Do you Ratify the Promise which N. your Proxy has made in your behalf? Who answers, Yes.  
Then he puts the same Question to the other Proxy, makes the Contract, fixes the Seal, and causes the rest that are met to Seal it likewise; and gives the Contract to the Proxy of the Affianced Virgin. Which Contract is kept by the Woman for the Security of her Dowry.  
There is no difference between this, and the Ceremony of Marriages for time, when they hire Wives, only that the Proxies make their Promises on other Terms. As thus:  
ay N. by Virtue of an Authentic Procuration received from N. give her to N. to the end he may have the use of her for such a Term, and at such a Price. Or thus:  
ay N. by Virtue of an Authentic Procuration from N. take in his Name N. to Wife. I take her upon the Conditions agreed upon, I take her upon my Soul.  
The poor People make less stir, without any Proxy: For the Woman enters Veiled with her Parents, who are also in the Room where the Men are, and then says the Party himself,  
I N. Proxy for myself, take you N. for my perpetual Wife, at such a certain Dowry; I take ye for such upon my Soul.  
Now the Women are the Match makers; and as soon as the Articles are agreed upon, the Husband settles the Dowry upon the clearest part of his Estate, and then sends the Wedding-ring and the Presents to his Bride: Which consist in clothes, Jewels, and Ready Money. For which the Bride returns him several Knick-Knacks, as Embroidered Handkerchiefs, Toylets, Needlework Nightcaps, and such kind of Trifles, usually all made with her own Hands.  
The Wedding is kept at the Man's House, and lasts Ten Days: upon the Tenth Day, by broad Daylight, they send him home that which is called the Bride's Bundle, which consists in Furniture, Jewels, Movables, Slaves and Eunuches, according to the Quality of the Bride, and all this upon Camels or other Beasts of Carriage, the Music playing before 'em. The Slaves and Eunuches ride either upon the Packs or else on Horseback: and sometimes it happens that they borrow Householdstuff and a Train, and send empty Chests; and all to make a show and dazzle the World. At Night the Bride is conducted home; and if she be a Person of Quality she is carried in a Cagiavat, being a kind of Cradle of which a Camel will carry two. If she be a Person of mean Condition, she is set upon a Horse, or else goes a Foot: and then the Music marches first; then the Servants with every one a Wax-Taper in their Hands; followed by the Women with lighted Candles in their Hands after the same manner. The Bride herself is veiled from Head to Foot; with another Veil over that, plaited like a Cassock; made of Silk and Silver, or Cloth of Gold, or plain Silk, which reaches down to her waste. So that a very Lynx could never be able to discover her shape or Stature. If she be afoot, two Women lead her by each Arm; if on Horseback, an Eunuch leads the Horse by the Bridle. About an Hour after she has been at her Husband's House, the Nuptial Feast being over, the Matrons carry her into the Bridal Chamber, unclothe her to a little Waistcoat, and a thin pair of Drawers next to it, and put her to Bed. Soon after the Bridegroom is conducted to the same place either by Eunuches or Old Women, the Lights being all taken away when he enters the Room.  
Thus the Man never sees his Wife till after he has Consummated the Marriage; and many times he never does that, till several Days after his Wife has been at home, the nice Lady flying his Embraces and hiding herself among the Women, or else unwilling to let her Husband meddle with her. Which Coyness frequently happens among Persons of Quality, who look upon it as a piece of Immodesty to bestow their last Favours so soon. The Virgins of the Blood Royal more particularly put their Husbands to this trouble, so that it requires whole Months to reclaim 'em, and to persuade 'em that their Husbands are worthy their Embraces.  
To this purpose they tell a Story of a Daughter of Abas the Great, who was Married to one of his Great Generals, that she was a long time before she would condescend so much as to look upon her Husband. Thereupon the Lord complained to the King, That his Majesty had given him a Tygress instead of a Wife; that he durst not come near her; for that she had Twice run at him with a Dagger in her Hand. At which Abas could not forbear Laughing, and asked him how many white Slaves he had in his Seraglio? The General answered, about Five and Forty. Then said the King, Lie with 'em all one after another, I am sure that will be a means to reclaim your Wife. The General took the King's advice. The Princess enraged at this his manner of proceeding, asked him, if that were his Conjugal Faith that he had plighted to her, and seeing he continued his Course, notwithstanding all her fury, made her complaints to the King, telling him, That she came to demand Justice of him against her Husband, who Ravished all his Maids and Slaves. To whom the King with an incensed Countenance answered, That he had done it by his Order: and at the same time sent her away, with an express Command to invite her Husband to come and lie with her. Which the Princess did accordingly, and was well satisfied.  
To the same purpose they relate another very pleasant Story of one of the Concubines of Sephi, the last King of that Name. She was a lovely Person, and for that reason infinitely beloved of the Prince, which had made her extremely Proud, and to take upon her many times to talk over boldly to the King. One Day therefore Sephi, who was naturally Cruel, was so incensed against her that he would have put her to Death; but his Anger not believing Death to be a sufficient Punishment, he took from her all her Women, and her Eunuches, caused all her clothes to be Burnt, and her Jewels to be Pounded in a Mortar, and the bits of Stones to be flung into a Pond before her Face; and to add to her Ignominy, caused her to be Married to a Paltry Negro, that was one of his Cooks: and so the Unfortunate Lady was sent home to the Cook's House with only one Chambermaid left her. But when her frightful Husband thought to have approached her, the Chambermaid as Lovely and Majestic as her Mistress, drawing a naked Dagger out of her Pocket, and throwing herself before her Mistress, Dog of a Negro, said she, Do but touch her so much as with thy Finger, and I will make a Thousand Holes i' thy Heart. Upon which the poor Cook flew for his Life; and the Story being told to the King, he was so pleased with the action, that he recollected himself, assuaged his Passion, Married her to a Colonel, and sent her clothes and Furniture suitable to her Condition.  
There happens in the Marriages of the meaner sort of People, something that seems to be quite the Contrary. For if the Man have obliged himself to make his Wife a Dowry, that exceeds his Estate, to obtain the consent of his Wife's Parents; he shuts his House door when they bring her home, and cries that he will not give so great a Price for her. Then the Parents of both Parties dispute the Matter between themselves; and the Friends of the Bride are obliged to abate something, for fear the Bridegroom should refuse her; for it would be the greatest Dishonour in the World, as well for them, as for the Maid, to be carried back again.  
Now one would think this way of Marrying, without ever seeing the Parties face, should produce very unfortunate Matches; but it does not. Nay we may say in General, that the Matches are more happy in a Country, where the Men and Women never see one another, then where the Women are so frequently seen and courted. And the Reason is plain: For they that see not another Man's wife, lose less suddenly the Affection which they have, or aught to have, for their own. And yet we cannot say the Persians marry without altogether knowing whom neither. For the Mother or Kindred or other Persons, upon whom they rely for the choice of a Wife, make such a frequent and lively Description of the Virgin, that they may sufficiently judge by their Report, whether the Original will please, or whether she be a fit Match or no. Besides when they are Girls, though the Greatest Lords Daughters, they are not so close locked up, till they come to be above Seven or Eight Years of Age. Till which time they appear up and down the House, to the end they may be publicly seen and taken notice of; so that sometimes it happens, that a Man may have seen the Maid, proposed him for a Wife, especially when she was little.  
The Mahometan Religion holds Divorce to be Lawful, however it be done, or whatever the Occasion may be. 'Tis sufficient that one of the Parties dislikes the other, and that they resolve to unmarry themselves; for then, though otherwise the most prudent and civil People in the World, they presently divorce. Which Act of Separation is passed, either before a Judge or before a Churchman. This Act is called Talaac, or a Bill of Divorce; which being granted, the Parties are at Liberty to marry again where they please themselves. Upon the dissolution of the Marriage, the Man is obliged to return the Woman her Dowry; if it be he that sues out the Divorce; but if it be the Woman that seeks the Separation, than she loses her Portion. The Mahometans also hold for lawful, the Renewing of Marriages dissolved, and that they may dissolve and renew and dissolve Three times; but if it happen that after a Divorce the third time, the Man and the Woman desire to come together a fourth time, they cannot do it; but upon this strange Condition, that before the Woman marry another Husband, she shall dwell with him forty days, and then be divorced from him.  
The Persians, to speak in general, rarely make use of this excessive Licence to unmarry one another. The Citizens and Tradesmen sometimes make their Advantages of it: But Persons of Quality will rather choose to die, then repudiate their Wives, and you may as soon take away their Lives, as force 'em to consent to a Divorce. The poorer sort never use it, for they are too silly and clott-pated to unmarry one another; besides that it would cost 'em too dear, in regard they must return the Portion they had, upon the Repudiation. Which however occasions a more crying piece of Injustice to be committed among the viler sort. For they, when they would be rid of their Wives without returning their Portions, misuse the woman in that terrible and inhuman manner, that she is forced to sue for a Divorce, and sacrifice all to her Liberty. Besides, the Courts of Judicature, rarely know the Differences that happen between Man and Wife, the mischievous Tricks that they play one another, and the Reasons that move 'em to separate. The Place where the Women are shut up is sacred; especially among Persons of Condition: And it is a Crime for any Person whatever, to be enquiring what passes within those Walls. The Husband has there an absolute Authority, without being obliged to give any account of his Actions. And 'tis said, that there are most bloody doings in those places sometimes, and that Poison dispatches a World of People, which are thought to die a natural Death.  
The 12. I dismissed the Officer of the Can of Georgia, who conducted me to Irrivan. I made him a present of about Six Guines; and gave him a Letter for Father Raphael of Parma, wherein I let him know how diligently the Officers had served me, and desired him to give the Prince an Account of it, and to return him my humble Thanks. For it is the custom to give such Letters of Commendation to those sort of Officers. Without which should they return to their Masters, it would be a fault, for which they would not fail to be punished.  
The 13. I stayed at the Palace some part of the day, and dined with the Governor. The 14 and 15. I dined there likewise. He was extremely civil to me, to the end I should let him have what he had a mind to at a cheap Rate. For 'tis not to be imagined, how these Persian Lords will debase themselves, when they are dealing for their own Interest with People over whom they have no Authority. They are not ashamed to beg for what they have a desire to. They flatter, they praise, they promise, there is nothing so mean, which they will not make use of to attain their Ends; and when they have once attained 'em, they have done with those People. Which Inequality of Temper, they that have business in Persia shall have every day occasion to make Trial of.  
The 16. I went to visit the Patriarch of Armenia, whose name was James, an Ancient Man, all over hairy, and venerable for his Presence and Aspect, but of a fickle and inconstant Disposition, and whose Behaviour justified the Accusations which his Nation laid upon him, which were, that he wanted Judgement, but was very Ambitious. He lodged at the Episcopal Mansion; and was confined within the Walls of the City. A misfortune that for some Pranks which he had played he had drawn upon himself. And as for that he than lay under, the occasion was this, of which he made me a long Rehearsal himself.  
The Armenian Clergy is very much addicted to Simony, as well as that of the Eastern Sects. But that which they sell most dear is the holy Oil, which they call Myrone. The most part of the Eastern Christians believe it to be a Balsam, and a Remedy that physically Cures all the Distempers of the Soul. Nay there are whole Societies of Christians who believe, that the Grace of Regeneration, and Remission of Sins, is imparted by the use of this Oil: Saying, that in Baptism for Example, 'tis the Oil and not the Water, which is the Matter prescribed. And the Clergy keep the People in this pernicious Error, because of the Advantages which they get by it, selling at a dear rate the Unction of this Oil. Which the Patriarch has the only right to Consecrate, and he sells it to the Bishops and Priests. Now about twelve Years since the Persian Patriarch began to project, how he might prevent the Armenian ecclesiastics over all the East from furnishing themselves with this Holy Oil, from any other Person but himself. Those of Turkey bought it of the Armenian Patriarch residing at Jerusalem, and who is the Chief over all the Armenian Christians within the Empire. James pretended, that it was not lawful for the Armenians of Turkey, to go for Holy Oil to Jerusalem, but at a time when the War between the Turk and the Persian, hindered 'em from coming to his See; and he was of opinion for a sum of Money, well expended at the Ottoman Court, he might obtain an Order from the Port, by virtue of which the Ecclesiastical Armenians of that Empire should be obliged to fetch their Holy Oil from Persia, as formerly. But first he must have the consent of the Persian King to undertake an Affair of that Importance, which James easily obtained, and afterwards went to the Port; where after he had spent a great deal of Money and Time, at length he obtained his Heart's desire.  
All this while the Armenian Patriarch of Jerusalem, a more Politic Prelate, and one better skilled in the Affairs of Turkey, never stirred from his Seat, while the other was negotiating at the Grand Signior's Court. He let him expend and exhaust himself, and only watched for James' Return into Persia. But than it was no hard matter for him, to demonstrate to the Divan the Grand Signiors Interest in that Affair, and the Damage which his Highness did himself, in obliging the Armenians under his Subjection to fetch their Holy Oil from Persia, because of the great Revenue which it produced. Whereupon the Divan cancelled the Order which they had given the Persian Patriarch; and left the whole Business as it was before.  
However James to his own and the misfortune of his Nation, went on obstinately against his own Interest, he got a Re-hearing, believing that his large Presents and his Importunity would at length gain him his Cause. I cannot tell certainly, how much the Money was that he spent in this idle Concern; but they say it amounted to no less than threescore thousand Guines.  
All that I know is this, that he owes forty thousand pound which he took up at Constantinople, and spent upon this same incomparable Project. He borrowed first of the Armenians, as long as his Credit would last, and when they would lend him no more, than he borrowed of the Turks. At length he became an absolute Bankrupt, and at the same time he was forced to quit his design and retire out of Turkey, where there is nothing to be done by men that have no money in their Pockets. The Patriarch however thought he could oblige the Armeniaus of Persia, that go and come to Constantinople, to pay what he owed the Turks. Which as he importuned 'em to do, so he obtained in part. For they paid several considerable Sums, in hopes to free their Patriarch out of his Troubles; whom they thought not to be so deeply engaged as they found him to be. But finding still that after they had paid one Debt, larger Sums discovered themselves, and called for Satisfaction, they refused to disburse any more Money, notwithstanding all the fair and foul Means he could use. James therefore soothed up his Turkish Creditors, and told 'em that if they would send along with him two trusties to receive their Money in Armenia, he would pay 'em there: and so they let him go upon his Word. But when he came home, he found both the Persians and the Armenians equally offended with him for his extravagant Expenses, and the Folly of his Design; So that not a man would part with any Money, nor would they suffer him to touch the Patriarchal Treasure: Insomuch that the two Turkish trusties for the Customer of Constantinople, that came to receive the payment of Six Thousand Guineas, which he owed their Master, were forced to return, finding the Patriarch to be utterly insolvent.  
The Customer perceiving his Debt to be so desperate, obtained an Order from the Grand Signior to the Governor of Erzerum, to give his People, that returned into Persia, all the Assistance he could, to enable 'em to recover the Debt. To that end the Governor gave 'em Letters of Recommendation for the Can of Erivan. But those Letters proved of little or no effect; and because the Length of Journeys is very tedious in Asia, and for that the distance of one Place to another happens to be a great delay of Business, the Turkish trusties stayed a year at Erivan without doing any good. At length they received new Letters of Recommendation from the Grand Vizir, the Kaimacan of Constantinople and the Bassa of Erzerum for the Governor of Erivan, which were so full and so importunate, that the Governor was forced to bestir himself. He sent for the Patriarch, and told him he must pay the six thousand Guinneys. The Patriarch, who was really insolvent, demonstrated his Inability to the Governor as clearly as could be done i' th' world, and besought him very earnestly to obtain leave of him from the Court, that he might raise the Sum upon the Churches of Media and Georgia; and to oblige the Governor to intercede for it, gave him several considerable Presents. So that the Governor at length consenting, he not only petitioned for Leave, buthad it granted; and when it came, James sent about his Deputies to put it in Execution. But both the Clergy and Seculars of those Provinces, who are really very Poor, and continually vexed with Impositions, Levies of Money, Taxes and Imposts, refused to pay the Patriarch. Besides, when the Governors of Media and Georgia were informed of what the Patriarch had done, they forbid the Christians under their subjection to part with a Farthing; saying withal, that the if Governor of Armenia were so liberal to the Patriarch, he might make his Levies upon the Churches that belong to his own Government. Thereupon there was a necessity for him, to write back to the Court. But the Governor of Armenia, fearing lest the Patriarch should absent himself, or that he would not go to the Court, ordered him to keep at Erivan, and not to stir thence without leave. And this was that Prelate's Condition, when I went to visit him. At what time he seemed to be very impatient in Expectation of the Resolutions of the Court.  
The 21. Forty seven Minutes after Sun-rise and the first day of the Month Zilbage, which is the Twelfth Month of the Year among the mahometans, the Great Guns of the Fortress were thrice Discharged, and the Garrison gave three Volleys to give Notice that it was New-Years Day. And this they always do at the very Moment that the Sun enters in Aries, whether it be Day or Night. The Astrologers, who make their Observations very exactly with their Astrolobes, give the Signal, and then it is that all the Guns go off, as I have already said. This Festival lasts three days; and is the most Solemn one that is celebrated in Persia: We shall tell ye in another place, after what manner it is Solemnised.  
The 21. in the Afternoon I went to the Governor to wish him a happy New-Year; and presented him at the same time with a Hafted Dagger, and a Sheath of Ivory inlaid with Gold. Which the Governor very much admired, and was very well pleased. For it is the Custom in Persia, now become a Law, never to come into the Presence of a Great Person empty-handed during this Festival. The Governor on the other side made me sit down by him, and gave me a Collation of dried and green Fruits, and Excellent Wines of Georgic and Shiras. The General of the Mint, and the King's Envoy, of whom we have already spoken, were both with him at the same time. So that I stayed two hours discoursing of Sundry things.  
The 25. he sent for me, and after several Discourses at Rovers, he told me, He was very much troubled for me, that I was come in Persia at such an unlucky Season, when there was so little Trade for Jewels, for that the King had little or no esteem for 'em, and therefore bought very few. That I was not now to look upon my Condition, as if King Abas were alive, for those days were gone; and that I should find it a hard matter at Court to put off the worth of Three Thousand Pound. Then going on, he told me farther, That he did not speak this to discourage me, but that I might betimes consider what I had to do, and lose no opportunity of selling what I had brought: That he had a design to lay out to the value of Two Thousand Five Hundred Pounds, if I would let him have good Bargains. Presently I found what the Governor aimed at by his Discourse, and that his Advice though very good and true, proceeded rather from Interest, then that he was really concerned for my Benefit. However I returned him Thanks, and told him, I heard of the Great Change of Humour at Court, but yet for all that I did not question but to sell, expecting from his Majesty's Justice that he would consider, that I had not made such a tedious Voyage, nor brought so many Jewels, but by the Orders of the Deceased King his Father. Nevertheless, that I was resolved to sell as much as I could without Loss, and that I was so much beholding to him for his Favours and his particular Care of me, that I would sell Cheaper to him then to another Person.  
Thereupon the Governor promised me, that I should have the favour of his Sons, and be assisted by all the Credit which they had at Court; to which purpose he would give me most Effectual and Earnest Recommendations, and at length ordered me to bring all that he had set apart. He told me he would make his first Purchases of little Jewels and of small value, to the end he might see, whether I would be as good as my word. Which Method of his did no way please me, and therefore I propounded to him to take all at a Lump, and never to make two Bargains, assuring him that he would find it his cheapest way. After that I desired him to begin with the Great Pieces; but he refused to accept either of my Proposals; he knew how to manage me so dextrously, that he persuaded me that his Intentions were real, and that he would try by those things wherein he had most Judgement, whether I sold him dear or no. So then we agreed upon a Price for Forty Watches of several Fashions: All which I sold him at a low rate, to purchase his good Opinion, and to the end I might sell him more of my Commodities. Presently he sent me to his Cashier to receive my Money; which while we were telling, in he came with a great Crystal Looking glass set in Gold, which he had set aside from among those other that I had shown him, and telling me, the hour was now lucky, asked me the Price of the Glass; and I let him have it for Five Hundred Crowns, which he paid me with the rest of my Money. For the Persians are strangely infatuated with Judicial Astrology, and attribute to the Influences of the Stars all their good and bad Success. And when two Stars which they call Benign, are in Conjunction, that they call the lucky hour.  
The 27. The Governor did me the Honour to give me a visit. Tho I had rather he had let his visit alone; for it cost me a Gold-Box of Eight Guineas. Which I presented to him to gratify the Custom of the Country; which is, to repay the visits of great Personages with a Present. The Governor stayed a quarter of an hour in my Chamber; after which he went and made a stop where the People that belonged to the Customer of Constantinople lay, which was very near to my Apartment. Then he went and visited a Turkish Merchant, and an Armenian Merchant, that lodged in the same Inn, who made him every one a Present, but of things of little value. The People that belonged to the Customer of Constantinople gave him two Ducats, the Turkish Merchant a little bag of Coffee, worth an Angel, and the Armenian presented him with two els of Damask. For the Governor comes forth out of the Castle into the City constantly twice a Week, that is, Frydays and Saturdays; Friday he goes publicly to the Mosqueé to say his Prayers; Saturday he visits every Quarter of the City, and gives such Orders as he finds to be requisite. So that there can be nothing better contrived then his Method of Government. If he stop before any House they never make him any Present, unless they please themselves. But if he go into the House, Custom obliges 'em to present him. And there is an Officer, called the Receiver of Presents, who keeps an account of all that is presented him, let it be of never so mean a value.  
The 29. and 30. I dined with the Governor, and sold him as many ordinary Jewels as came to about Five Hundred Pounds. We drove our Bargains every price by itself, and when we were come to a Price he paid me in ready Money. And most assuredly he got by that way of dealing; for by that means I sold him at a much cheaper rate. The same day a little after I was returned to my Lodging, the Princess his Wife sent for me, to make her a price of some certain Jewels which she had made choice of. But just as I was ready to take Horse, the General of the Mint, and the King's Slave came to give me a visit, so that I could not go to the Castle that day: neither would I go the three next days, as being the three last of the Passion Week; but the Fourth of April I went. So soon as I came, the Princess' Steward, who was an old Eunuch, told me, That the Princess was extremely angry that I had stayed so long, and that if one of the Country should have served her so, she would have made him feel two hundred Drubs upon the Soles of his Feet. At which I laughed, and asked the Eunuch, if his Lady were wont to pronounce Sentences. Sir, said he, she is one of the Haughtiest Ladies in the World; and for the least fault exacts a most severe punishment. If it be a man that has offended her, she sends her Eunuches to seize him, who bind him hand and foot, and put him in a Sack, carry him into the Seraglio into her presence, and punish him according to her Commands, without letting him out of the Sack, or suffering him to know where he is. But I never yet knew that the Persian Ladies ever inflicted such sort of punishments. And therefore I desired the Eunuch, to let the Princess know the Reason that had kept me at home, and that I was always ready to obey her Commands. I tarried above four hours at the entrance into the Seraglio, while the Eunuch went and came back. At length a Bargain was made between us for so many Jewels as amounted to Four Hundred Pounds, for which I received my Money the next Morning.  
The 3. I went to the Governor, and desired him to give me leave to depart; for that I was in haste to be at Court. He promised to dispatch me after Dinner: and I waited on him again at his time appointed. At what time, he asked me with a smiling Countenance what was the value of the Gold Box I had given him, when he came to visit me. I knew not what his design was, and therefore in my answer I valued it at Ten Pounds. Pray then Sir, said he, oblige me to take it again and give me the value of it in Keys, in Springs and Strings for Watches. I was not a little surprised at his Proposal, which did not seem to be very civil for a Person of his Quality. However I answered him, that I was ready to do what he pleased & added that I had several Watchmakers Tools, that I had brought for the King's Artificers, which I would send him, if it were his Pleasure. He took me at my word, assuring me that I should do him a very great kindness. For this same Grandee is a great Lover of Mechanics, and knows how to mend a Watch that does not go true. Afterwards he caused all that remained in his hands of mine to be delivered me back: and I thought certainly that he would have made an entire Bargain; but to my great Astonishment he restored me all. Then I perceived I had been his Cully, and that he had only drilled me on in hopes of selling him a great Purchase, to let him have what he chiefly desired at a cheaper tate. However I concealed my disgust, and my dissatisfaction to be so served; and returned him a thousand Thanks, with a Countenance as gay, as if I had had my hearts desire. Afterwards I besought him to give me his Letters of Recommendation to his Son: which he promised me to do, and invited me to go along with him into the Country, whither he went the next morning. But I excused myself, returning him Thanks in the best Language I could. I also requested him to give me the Agreement with Mr. Azarias', who was to accompany me to Tauris. I will so, answered his Lordship, and I will enjoin him to be your Mehemandar, or Guide, meaning that honest Armenian already mentioned. This done, I again returned him my humble Thanks for all his Favours; and after I had told him that I would not fail to extol his Kindnesses at Court, I took my leave. I thought it not proper to put him in mind of several other Promises that he had made me; as being assured they would produce little, for that according to the Custom of the Country he had made 'em, not with an intention to be as good as his word, but only to make me the more ready to do what he desired.  
The 5. the Governor went to the Camp, which he had caused to be set up about a League from the City, in a spacious and lovely Meadow, all covered with flowers during the fair Season. The two Rivers that encompass Erivan, and run along with a winding Course and gentle Stream, make several little Islands in that Place. So that the Governor's Quarter, that of the Princess his Wife, and those of the most considerable Persons that accompanied him, were all separated; while every one had their particular Island; which were joined together by certain little Bridges, that were laid on or taken away, as occasion required. The Governor's Tents were very Magnificent; and indeed there were in a little Ground all the Conveniencies of a Palace even to the very Baths and Stoves. His Family consisted of about Five Hundred Men, without reckoning the Women and Eunuches. And it is the Custom of the Grandees of this Kingdom to solace themselves in this manner in the Country in the Spring Time. There they divertize themselves in Hunting, Fishing, Walking and employ themselves in several other Exercises, both a Foot and on Horseback: There they suck in the fresh Air, and enjoy that Coolness which they so much delight in. This is the Refreshment and Recreation of their Lives; so that if they have no business in the City which requires their Presence there, they continue thus taking their pleasure all the Summer long, in the most delicious parts of the Neighbouring Mountains. This they call Yelac: or a Country Excursion.  
The 6. The Prince's Treasurer gave me a Dinner, and the King's Lieutenant of the Fortress was at it. He is a Native of Dag-Estaan. Which is a Mountainous Country to the North-East of the Caspian Sea, and bordering upon Muscovie. So that I took great delight to hear him repeat several particulars of the Customs and Manners of his Country. The King of Persia is acknowledged there as Sovereign Lord; but he is not absolute Master of it: nor are the People that inhabit it always subject to his Commands. And the Court winks at their Disobediences; it being a difficult thing to reduce 'em, by reason of the Roughness and Height of the Mountains. They are a Savage sort of People, and the most barbarous of all the East: and I take 'em to be some Remainders of the Parthians. The same Evening that Gentleman sent me a Present of Fruit, Wine, and Mutton.  
The 7. The Treasurer sent me much such another Present, as the Governor had sent me the day before: and I repaid 'em in small Returns for the Favours I had received from Both. They had been very civil to me at Erivan, not so much as offering to take those fees, which men are obliged to pay in Persia to the Officers of Governors, for all the Money received out of their Treasuries; for that their Master had forbid 'em to demand any thing of me. And therefore they did me those Kindnesses to oblige me to be the more free of my own accord; well knowing I was not so ignorant of the Customs of the Country, but that I knew that it was not any motion of Generosity, that made 'em so courteous to Strangers.  
In the Afternoon I went to the Camp, to take leave of the Governor; who showed me a thousand Civilities; and at my departure gave me two Letters of Recommendation to his two Eldest Sons, who are the King's only Favourites. They were both much to the same Effect. And this is the Translation of that which was written to the Eldest.  

GOD,  
I beseech the Sovereign Author of all good Things to preserve in Life and Health the High and Potent Lord Nesr-ali-bec, my most Honoured and most Happy Son, the Favourite and Confident of his Royal Majesty.  
We make most perfect vows to Heaven for your Happy Grandeur. The motive that induced us to write ye this Letter, is upon the Account of our being so much concerned as we are on the behalf of Mr. Chardin, who arrived some time since at this City, and is now going in all haste to the Palace, which is the (a) Refuge of the Universe. You must of necessity fully and exactly (b) inform yourself of his designs, and what Petitions he has to make to the most High Court; and when you rightly understand 'em, see that you use your best Endeavour that they may be favourably answered. We shall be very desirous to know, what Effect and Success our Recommendation shall have, and after what Manner this Hlustrious Friend shall be received and entertained. We also desire you to send us the good Tidings of his Health. We pray to God, that he may have the favour and the happiness to be well received of our Great King. To whom I wish that (c) all the World may pay Homage, and that he may prosper in all his Undertake. The Eternal God grant ye long life.   
(a) The Persian word which I have translated, the Refuge of the World, is Alempenha. Alem signifies the whole entire World, or Universal Nature. Penha, a Retreat, a Haven, a Place of Security, and to which a Man may have recourse.  
(b) In the Original it is, that they inform themselves. For the Eastern People addressing themselves to Persons of Quality; to denote the Person, make use of the Third Person Plural, and when they mean themselves speak in the Third Person Singular. Which is also the Proper Idiom of the Holy Language.  
(c) In the Persian it is, That all Souls may serve his Name, his Name. Repetition is a Figure very frequent in the Oriental Languages, and questionless borrowed from the Sacred Language. Of which there are a Thousand Examples in the Original Bibles, as in the 68 Psalm. v. 13. They are fled, they are fled. That is, They are absolutely fled. And Psalm. 8. 7. u5. The man, the man, That is, the Perfect Man.  
Afterwards I went and took leave of the Principal Lords of the Court, and among the Rest of the General of the Mint. This Lord, who was called Mahamed Shefi, persuaded me to go to Ispahan by the way of Ardevil, assuring me that I should not fail to sell in that City. Thereupon I promised him so to do, and took along with me a Letter of Recommendation to the Governor of that City; who was his near Kinsman: Which I thus Translated into French.  

GOD,  
Thrice High and Potent Lord, Glorious Majesty, worthy to be called Celestial, Elect of the Governors, Deputy Lieutenants and Happy Men; Fountain of Grace, Honour and Civility; Exemplar of Purity, Model of Generosity and Manificence; Heart Sincere, Real and Faithful. Protector of his Intimate Friends and Kindred, My most Excellent Lord and Master, I beseech the most High God to preserve your Health and prolong your Life.  
Having paid you my due Respects and Homage, These are to let you understand, Great Sir, whose Wit is Clear and Glistering like the Sun, That Mr. Chardin the Flower of European Merchants, intending to go through Casbin to the Magnificent Palace, which is the Refuge of the Universe, I who am your Real Friend, persuaded him out of a desire to serve you, to go through the Sacred Ardevil. He carries with him certain Commodities of an Extraordinary value, which he will show in the presence of your thrice a Noble Person. I am certain you will buy, if you meet with any thing that is worth your having: and I am assured your Highness will command your People to take care of this Noble Stranger. I am preparing to go for Tifflis, with God's Assistance, toward the end of the next Month Zilhage. If I can serve your Excellency in that Country, you will do me a great Honour to let me know it. I beseech ye to believe that a richer Present cannot be made me, then to bring me Tidings of your good Health. God, through his favour, preserve your Illustrious Person till the Day of Judgement.  
I am the true Friend of the Thrice High, and Thrice Illustrious Lords, Geonbec, Hiaiabec, and Mahamed-bec: I am apt to believe for my own Repose the Continuation of their Health.   
The Seal contained a Verse, or Sentence, of which this was the Meaning. I have wholly left my Destiny to God, I Mahamed Shefi his Creature.  
Upon the outside of the Letter, at one Corner was written in a small Character. God preserve the happy Condition of my Friend.  
While I stayed at the Camp, there arrived a Courier from the King, who brought his Majesty's Answer touching the Patriarch's Business. And I understood at the Governors, that the Contents were, That the Chief Ministers were of Opinion, that the Treasure at Ecsmiazin should be sold with all the Ornaments, and all the Wealth belonging to the Church and Convent: and that the Money that was made of it should go to the payment of the Patriarch's Debts. And that this Resolution had been taken, except Opposition had been made by the Armenians, by representing that all that Money would nothing near satisfy the Patriarch's Concerns; and that if they took away from Ecsmiazin its Treasure and its Ornaments, they would ruin a place that drew a world of Company into Persia, and which yearly paid a very great Rent, occasioned by the Devotion and Concourse of the Eastern Christians: That upon that the King had decreed, That the Money should be levied in Armenia upon all the Christian Villages to satisfy the Customer of Constantinople, whom there was a necessity to see paid. The Patriarch was overjoyed at the News, and made a Present to him that brought it; but it displeased all the honest People in the City, who were vexed to the Souls, to see the Prelate so insensible of the Violence they were going to offer to thousands of Poor Christians, to pay for the Expenses of his irregular Ambition.  
The 8. an hour before day, I parted from Erivan, and travelled four Leagues over the little Hills, and through Valleys, the Country which I crossed being full of Villages. In one of which that was a very fair and large one I lodged, called by the name of Daivin.  
The 9 we travelled five Leagues through a Country that was very level and fertile. That which they call the Mountain of Noah, lying upon the Right Hand. We directed our Course South-West, and lay at a Village called Kainer.  
The 10. we continued the same Road, and travelled eight Leagues. Upon the left hand, after we got half the way, we left a great Town called Sederec. Which is as it were the Capital of the Province of Armenia, called Charour. The Sultan of which Province resides in that Town. That Night we had but a very bad Lodging in an old ruin'd Inn, near to a Village called Nouratchin.  
The 11. We travelled four Leagues upon the same Road, and through a very fair Country; but not so level, nor smooth, as being stony, and full of little Hills. We also ferried over a River called Harpasony, that waters all the Neighbouring Lands. It separates the Government of that part of Armenia, of which Erivan is the Capital, from that other part of which Nacchivan is the Metropolis.  
The 12. we arrived at Nacchivan, after we had travelled five Leagues over Plains very level and Fertile.  
Nacchivan is a great City, or rather a vast heap of Ruins, which are repaired and repeopled by degrees. The heart of the City is at present rebuilt and inhahited; having very large Bazars, which are a sort of long Galleries, or Streets that are covered, full of Shops on both sides; where they sell all Sorts of Merchandizes and Provisions. There are in it five Inns or Caravanserays, Baths, Market Places, large Public Houses, where they sell Tobacco and Coffee; and two Thousand Houses or thereabouts. The Persian Histories assure us, that formerly it contained above Forty Thousand. They also tell us, that before the Arabians conquered this Country, there were in it five Cities which had been built by Behron-Tchoubin King of Persia. Without the City are to be seen the Ruins of a great Castle, and several Forts which Abas caused to be destroyed, toward the end of the last Age, not finding himself strong enough to keep 'em: All which he caused to be ruined, after he had taken Nacchiavan from the Turks; and after he had ruined and dispeopled the City. Which he did to prevent the Turks from Fortifying themselves in that Place, and furnishing themselves with Provisions. Most certainly the City is an Object of Pity, considering in what a Condition it now lies.  
The Histories of Persia would have us believe, that it was one of the Greatest and Fairest Cities of all Armenia, as has been already said. But that History, now kept in the Monastery of the Three Churches, and which is chiefly spoken of, doclares, that this City was the ancient Ardashhad, called Artaxate, or Artaxasate by the Greek Historians. Other Armenian Authors make Nacchivan to be much more Ancient, and assert that Noah began to build it, and made it his Abode after the Deluge. And they make the Etymology of the Name to agree with the Antiquity of the Original: Affirming, that in the old Armenian Language Nacchivan signifies the first Habitation. Ptolemy makes mention of a City in these Parts, which he calls Naxuane, which might have been the same with Nacchivan. I believe that Artaxate, or Artaxasate, was seated very near it. For Tacitus observes, that Araxes ran very near that City; and we find it not to be above seven Leagues from Nacchivan. The height of the Pole over its Horizon is marked upon the Persian Astrolobes, to be 38. deg. 40. min. and the Longitude 81. deg. 34. min. It is governed by a Can, and is the Capital of one part of Armenia.  
Five Leagues from Nacchivan, to the North, lies a great village, called Abrener; which signifies the Fertile Field. The inhabitants of that Village, and of seven others near it, are all Roman Catholics. Their Bishops and Curates, are Dominicans; and they perform their Church and Service, in the Armenian language.  
He was an Italian Dominican of Bologna, that brought all this Country under Subjection to the Pope, about 350. years ago. And about twenty villages more that lay round acknowledged the same Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction. But at length they returned to their obedience under the Armenian Patriarch, and to their first Religion: and as for those that persist in the Romish Ceremonies, their Number daily decreases, by reason of the Persecution of the Patriarch, and the Governors of Nacchivan. Those poor people, having drawn upon their own heads, the Indignation and violent Usage of those Governors, for having endeavoured to withdraw themselves from their Jurisdiction & Dependence. To which purpose there arrived in Persia in the year 1664. an Italian Dominican, in the Quality of an Ambassador, from the Pope. From whom, and from several other Potentates of Europe, he brought Letters to the King. He made great Presents to his Majesty, and obtained effectually, That those Roman Catholic Villages, should every year send their Tribute to the Royal Treasure, and whatever they were obliged to pay yearly, according to the Rates set down in Writing in the Registers of the Superintendant and Receiver-General of Media. Which being done, that Orders should be sent to the Superintendent and Governor of Nacchivan, and all other, the King's Officers, to acknowledge the Roman Catholics to be absolutely independent from their Jurisdiction, and that they should not presume to make any Levies within their Territories. Which Regulation, that did very little good to those villages, was the occasion of many Mischiefs that afterwards befell 'em; and will one day be the cause of their Ruin. For the Governors of Nacchivan provoked at these proceedings, and the complaints that were made of 'em to Abas, have laid a thousand heavy Impositions, upon those poor People, since the death of that good King; and have made 'em pay three or four times the money which they sent to the Treasure Royal. For which the oppressed people can have no remedy; whether through the Remissness of the Government, or for that their own Party is low and out of Credit. The Treasurer of Media has done worse, for he has sent to Court false extracts of the Registers of that Province, by which it appears that those villages were to pay fourteen hundred pounds yearly, which is just as much again as what they pretend to have always paid. Every time they carry their Imposition of Seven Hundred Pounds into the Treasury, the Officers give 'em a Receipt, wherein they put that it is upon Account of what they ought to pay, by which they keep a Door open for Arbitrary Impositions, and Branglings to ruin 'em when they please themselves.  
The Governor of Nacchivan was not in Town when I arrived there. But this Son that was Deputy, had soon notice of my arrival. So that he invited me to Dinner, and desired me to show him some Watches and some Jewels. But I was no way satisfied with his manner of dealing with me. For after he had been civil to me, and had given me a dinner, he left me with his officers who forced me in a manner, to let him have that for forty pounds, for which I refused fifty at Erivan. And without question they had used me more uncivilly, but for the King's Patent and Pass port which I had about me. And indeed those Thorow-fairs are a sort of Places for the skinning of strangers, who are reputed to be rich. They must always there pay Passage-money.  
The 13. We departed from Nacchivan, and travelled seven Leagues: At the end of the first League passing a River over a very broad Bridge, to which the People of the Country give no other name than that of the River of Nacchivan. The Country which we passed is dry and Stony, where was nothing to be seen but little Hills of Stones. We lay upon the Banks of the River Araxes, which the Orientals call Aras and Ares. We pass it at Esqui-julfa, or Julfa the old, a ruin'd City, which some Authors believe to be that City which the Ancients called Ariammene. They called it Old to distinguish it from Julfa, that is built over against Ispahan. Nor is it without reason so called, as being totally ruined and demolished. There is nothing farther to be known of it, except the Grandeur, which it once enjoyed. It was seated upon the descent of a Mountain, by the side of a River, that ran close by it. The Avenues to it, which are naturally very difficult of Access, were defended by several Forts. It contained four thousand Houses, as the Armenians report; but if we judge by its Ruins, it never could contain half the number. At present there are nothing but Holes and Caverns, made in the Mountains, fitter for Beasts then Men. I do not believe there is in the world a more barren or hideous Place, then that of Old Julfa, where there is neither Tree nor Grass to be seen. True it is, that in the Neighbourhood there are some Places more happy and fertile; yet on the other side it is as true, that never was any City seated in a Situation more dry and stony. But the Figure of it somewhat recompensed the Situation, resembling a long Amphitheatre. At present there are not above thirty Families in it, which are all Armenians.  
Abas the Great was the Prince that ruin'd Julfa, and all that Art had contributed to its Fortification. Which he did for the same reason that he ruin'd Nacchivan and other Places, of Armenia, to hinder the Turkish Armies from Provisions. For he being a prudent and Politic Captain, finding his Forces inferior to those of his Enemies; and studious how to prevent their return every year into Persia, their winning and preserving their Conquests, resolved to make a Desert of all the Country between Erzerum & Tauris, upon the line of Erivan and Nacchivan; which was the road which the Turks usually observed, and where they fortified themselves, because they found provisions sufficient for the support of their Armies. To that purpose therefore he transplanted all the Inhabitants and cattle, ruined all the Houses and Buildings; fird all the Country, burnt up all the Turf and the Trees, poisoned the very Springs, as the History relates; and they who have read the Story well know, that it had an effect answerable to his wishes.  
But to return to our lists; Araxes is that famous River that separates Armenia from Media. It takes its Rise from the Mountain, where they affirm that Noah's Ark rested, and perhaps it may derive its name from that Mountain. From thence it empties its self into the Caspian Sea. This River is very Large and very Rapid. In its Course it is augmented by several lesser streams that have no name, as also by several Torrents. Bridges have been built over it several times above Julfa; but though they made 'em never so strong and massy, as appears by the Arches which are yet entire, they were not able to withstand the force of the River; It becomes so furious when swelled by the Thaws of the Snow that falls down melted from the neighbouring Mountains, that no dams or other Fortifications can withstand it. And in truth the very Noise of the Waters, and the Rapidness of its Course, astonish both the Ears and Eyes of all that come near it. We ferried over it in a large Boat; made to carry twenty Horse and thirty Persons at a time. But I would not suffer any to go along with me at the same time, but my own People and my own Baggage. It had four men to manage it. They rowed up about three hundred paces along the shore a this side, then let the Bark drive us back with the stream; and so by the help of a long and strong Rudder guided the Boat to the other side. The current carried it with an unspeakable Impetuosity, so that we ran five hundred Paces in an instant. And thus it is that the Ferrymen cross the River Araxes. They allow themselves two hours to go and come; by reason of the time they must spend in pulling up against the stream. But in the Winter when the Waters are low, you may pass it upon the Camel's Backs: the Ford being half a mile from Julfa, in a part where the Channel being very broad, the current is much more gentle.  
We have said that Araxes separates Armenia from Media. This Country that formerly ruled all Asia, with Imperial Dominion, at present makes but one part of a Province of Persia which the Persians call Azerbeyan, or Asupaican. However it is one of the largest in the Persian Empire. It borders to the East upon the Caspian Sea, and Hyrcania; to the South upon the Province of the Parthians. To the West upon the River Araxes, and the upper Armenia; to the North upon Dagestan, which is that Mountainous Country, that confines upon the Cosaque Muscovites, and makes a part of Mount Taurus. It encloses all the Eastern Media, called by the ancient Authors Azarca, and the Western or lesser Media, which they likewise call Atropatia, or Atropatene. Assyria is a part of the upper Armenia. The Persians affirm, that this Place was called Azerbeyan, that is, the Country of Fire; by reason of the famous Temple of Fire which was there erected, where was kept their Fire, which the Fire-worshippers, held to be a God; and because the chief Pontiff of that Religion resided there. The Guebres, who are all that are left of the Fire-worshippers, show this place about two days journey distant from Shamaki. They assure us for a certain truth, that the sacred Fire is still there; that it resembles a Mineral and subterraneal Fire; and that they who repair thither out of Devotion see it in the form of a Flame. Nay they add one particular more, which is a sort of pleasant story, that if you make a hole in the ground, and set a pot over it, that same fire will cause it to seethe, and boyles all that is in the Pot.  
To return to the Name of Azerbeyan, the Etymology is true: for Az is the Article of the Genitive. Er or Ur, in old Persian, as in most part of the Ancient Oriental Idioms, signifies Fire, and Beyan signifies a Place or Country. I am not ignorant that some people read and pronounce it Asur-paican, and affirm that this geat Province wasso called, because it contains Assyria; which in the opinion of all Authors, derived its Name from Assur; which is the same thing in my Opinion; for I am apt to think that the Name of Assur, comes from Az, Ur, that is of Fire. Moses speaking of Nimrod, that Idolatrous Prince, who introduced the Worship of Fire, and invaded Chaldea, the share and Patrimony of Sem, tells us, that the Sons of that Patriarch retired thither, and that Ashur was one. Now 'tis very probable, that this Ashur was so called from his retiring thither, or from the worship of Fire; or from Chaldea, which was then called the Country of Fire; as appears C. 11. of Genesis, and in all the ancient Authors; who unanimously agree that Chaldea was called the Country of Ur, or the Country of Fire. And Ptolemy makes mention of a City in that Country which is called Urcoa, that is to say the place of Fire: ga, with a long or a double a, being a Persian word, that signifies a Place, or Part of a Country. But the Ancient Names have been so corrupted by the negligence or ignorance of Transcribers, or by the differences of Language and Pronunciation of Authors and Translators, that when we come to compare the Ancients with the modern Name, we must not reject every thing that has not an entire Resemblance. Now what we have already said shows us the Errors of those who have written, that Azerbeyan is the Northern Part of Syria, and that the word of Azerbeyan is derived from Ardoebigara, which was the Capital City of the Country. The Persians divide it into three parts Azerbeyan, Shirvan, and Shamalei. Strabo divides it only into two parts, the greater and the lesser: but as for Ptolemy and other modern Geogrophers, they make no division of it at all.  
The 14. we travelled five leagues, through a Country full of little Hills, following the same course as the days before, that it is to the North-West, leaving that spacious Plain upon the left hand, which has been the Stage of so many Bloody Battles, fought in the last ages; and in the beginning of this between the Persians and Turks. The people of the Country show you a great heap of Stones, & affirm it to be the Place where that Battle began, between Selim the Son of Soliman the Great, and Ismahel the Great. Our days Journey ended at Alacou. The Persians assert that this place was so called Alacou, by that famous Tartar Prince who conquered a great Part of Asia, and there founded a City, ruined during the Wars between the Turks and Persians.  
The 15. our Journey was not so long as the day before, but the way through which we travelled was more smooth and easy. We lodged at Marant; which is a good fair Town, consisting of about two thousand five hundred houses, and which has so many Gardens, that they take up as much ground as the Houses. It is seated at the bottom of a little Hill, at the end of a Plain, which is a league broad and five long: and which is one of the most lovely and fairest that may be seen; a little River called Zelou-lou running through the middle of it: from which the people of the Country cut several Trenches to water their Grounds and their Gardens. Marant is better peopled than Nacchivan, and a much fairer Town. There grows about it great plenty of Fruits, and the best in all Media. But that which is most peculiar to these Parts is this, that they gather Cocheneel in the Places adjoining; though not in any great quantity, nor for any longer time then only eight days in the Summer, when the Sun is in Leo. Before that time the People of the Country assure us, that it does not come to Maturity; and after that time the Worm from whence they draw the Cocheneel, makes a hole in the lease upon which it grows, and is lost. The Persians call Cocheneel Quermis from Querm, which signifies a Worm, because it is extracted out of Worms.  
Marant is seated 37. deg. 50. min. of Lat. and 81. deg. 15. min. of Longit. according to the observation of the Persians. Some take it for the City which Ptolemy calls Mandagarana. I made no Platform of it no more than I did of Nacchivan; because neither their Fame nor their Beauty seemed to me to be worth any such Pains. The Armenians have a Tradition, that Noah lies buried there; and that the Name of the City is derived from an Armenian word which signifies to bury. You may descry from Marant, when the Air is clear, the Place where the Ark rested, which saved the Patriarch from the Deluge: You may also see the same Mountain from Tauris, in a serene Sky, as the People of the Country assure us.  
The 16. we traveled four Leagues, turning always among the Mountains, that come very close one to another in several parts, but never join. By ten of the Clock in the morning we arrived at Sophian: a little Village seated in a Plain, full of Rivulets and Gardens; the Soil of which is fertile to a wonder. Some Authors believe it to be the Ancient Sophia of Media. Others hold, that it was called Sophian from the Sophi's, who settled there, when Ishmael the First left Ardevil, and removed his Court to Tauris.  
That Evening, Mr. Azarias, the honest Armenian, already mentioned, went before with my Passports and Letters of Recommendation from the Governors of Georgia and Armenia. I ordered him to find out the Tollgatherer of Tauris, and to desire him in my Name, to give order that I might pass with my Retinue: and the next day I found he had discharged his Trust, and that care had been taken to leave such orders at the Gates as I desired.  
That day being the Seventeenth, we arrived at Tauris, after we had travelled six Leagues upon the same Road, as the preceding days, through fair and fertile Plains, where all the Lands were tilled, and where we had a Prospect of a great number of Villages. It is fifty three Persian Leagues, every one of which makes five thousand Paces, between Irivan and Tauris, which may be easily rid on Horseback in Six days, but the Caravans take double the Time. The Camels seldom travel above four Leagues aday, and carry six or seven Hundred weight: the Horses and Mules seldom carry above two Hundred and Twenty weight with a Man, and travel five or six Leagues a day.  
There are in Tauris two hundred and fifty Mosques: of which the Principal are marked in the Copper Plate. I shall not say any thing of any one in particular; because they are no otherwise built then the fair Mosques in the Capital City of the Kingdom, of which you will find in the following Volume both Descriptions and Platforms. The Mosque of Ali-sha, is almost totally ruined. Only they have repaired the lower part where the People go to Prayers, and the Tower which is very high, and is the first that discovers its self to the Eye, coming from Erivan. This Mosque was built about 400 years ago, by Coja Ali-sha, Grand Visir to Sultan Kazan, King of Persia, who kept his Court at Tauris; and was there buried. His sepulchre is still to be seen in a great ruin'd Tower, which they call by his name Monar can Kazan. The Mosque which they call the Master Apprentice, which lies half in Ruins at present, was built three hundred and twenty years ago by Emir-sheic-Hassen. That which is marked with the Letter (O) in the Plate, is the fairest in all Tauris; all the inside, and some part of the outside, being guilt with Gold. It was built in the year 878 of the Hegyra, by a Persian King called Geoncha, or King of the World. That with two Towers is a very small one, but both the Towers are of a Peculiar sort of Workmanship; and show the curiosity of the Artist. For they are built one over the other; and the uppermost is much higher and larger in the Diameter then that below, which serves for a Basis to the other. There are also three Hospitals in the City, very neat and well in repair; however there is no body lodged within 'em, only they give Victuals to those that come twice a day. These Hospitals at Tauris are called Ach-tucon, that is, Places where they spend a great deal of Victuals. At the end of the City to the West, upon a little mountain stands a Hermitage, a very neat piece of Workmanship, which they call Ayn Hali, or the Eyes of Haly. This Califf, whom their Prophet made his Son-in-Law, was as the Persians report, the most lovely man that was ever seen; so that when they would signify any thing that is extremely handsome they say 'tis Haly's Eyes. This Hermitage serves the Taurisians for a place of Devotion, and the way to it for a walk of Pleasure.  
Without the City of Tauris to the East, appears a great Castle almost gone to decay, which they call Cala-Rashidé. It was built above 400 years ago by Cojé Reshid, Grand Visier to King Kazan. The Story reports, that their King had five Grand Visirs, because he did not believe that one could suffice to dispatch all the affairs of so great a Kingdom. Abas the Great seeing that Castle ruined, and judging it advantageously seated as well to defend the City, as to command it, caused it to be repaired about fifty years since, but his Successors not being of his opinion, let it go to Ruin.  
There are also to be seen the Ruins of the Principal Edifices and Fortifications, which the Turks built there, during the several times that they were Masters of it. So that there are very few Rocks or Points, of Mountains joining to the City where nothing but the Ruins of Forts and Heaps of Rubbish are to be seen. Of which I carefully surveyed a great Part; but I could not discover any thing of Antiquity. There is nothing to be digged up but Bricks and Flint Stones. The only Edifice that remains most entire among the Turkish Buildings is a large Mosque, the inside of which is inlaid or rather pargetted with transparent Marble; and all the Outside variegated in Mosaic work. But the Persians account the Place defiled, because it was built by the Turks, whose Faith they abominate. Among the heaps of Rubbish, of which I have spoken, without the City to the South, appear the Ruins of the Palace of the late Kings of Persia. And to the East, those of the Castle where they say Cosroes lodged; and where he laid up the Holy Cros for Security, and all those other sacred Spoils which he brought away from Jerusalem.  
The Piazza of Tauris, is the most spacious Piazza that ever I saw in any City of the World, and far surpasses that of Ispahan. The Turks have several times drawn up within it Thirty Thousand Men in Battle. Toward the Evening this Piazza is filled with all the meaner sort of People, that repair thither for Sport and Pastime. Where some are for Gaming, some for Tricks of Activity, some for seeing Jack-Puddings and Mountebanks act their Drolleries, some for Wrestling, others for Bull and Ram-fighting, others for repeating Verses, some reciting Stories in Prose; and some to see Wolves dance. The People of Tauris take great delight to see that sort of Sport; insomuch that they bring those Dancing Wolves a hundred Leagues an end, after they are well taught: And such as are best instructed are sold for five hundred Crowns a piece: & many times also great Quarrels arise about these Wolves, which are not easily appeased. Nor is this Piazza empty in the day time; as being a Market for all sorts of Provisions, and things of small Price. There is also another Piazza at Tauris, which appears in the Plate before the demolished Castle, called the Castle of Jafer-Pacha. This was a Place for the Rendezvous, and exercise of the Soldiers belonging to the Garrison; now it serves for the Shambles; where they kill and dress all sorts of large Meat, which is sold in all parts of the City.  
I have with great diligence endeavoured to understand the number of the Inhabitants in Tauris, but could never have a just account; but I think I may truly reckon it to amount to 550 Thousand Persons, yet several Persons in the City would make me believe there could not be less than Eleven hundred Thousand.  
The number of Strangers also which are there at all times is very great: for that they resort thither from all parts of Asia. Nor do I know of any sort of Merchandise, of which there is not there a Magazine to be found. The City is full of Artists in Cotton, in Silk, and in Gold. The fairest Turbans in Persia are there made. And I have heard several of the Principal Merchants of the City affirm, that there are above six thousand bail of Silk wrought out in Manufacture every year. The Trade of the City extends all over Persia and Turkey; into Muscovy, Tartary, to the Indies, and over the Black-Sea.  
The Air of Tauris is cold and dry; very good and healthy: nor can any man complain that it contributes to any bad disposition of Humours. The Cold continues there a long time, in regard the City is exposed to the North, for the Snow lies nine months in the year upon the tops of the Mountains that surround it. The Wind blows almost every day, Morning and Evening. It also reins very often, unless it be in the Summer: nor is the Sky but seldom without Clouds any season of the Year. It is seated in 38. deg. of Latitude, and 82 of Longit. It abounds with all things necessary for human Support; so that a Man may far there deliciously and very cheap. The Caspian Sea, which is not above forty Leagues distant, affords 'em Fish. And some they also take in the River of Agi before mentioned; but that is only when the water is low. The usual price of Bread is three pound for a penny, and of a pound of Flesh Three half pence. In the Summer there is great plenty of Venison and water Fowl. But they kill very little Venison or other wild Beasts. There are also Eagles in the Mountains; one which I have seen sold by the Country people for a groat.  
Persons of Quality let fly the Sparrow-Hawk at the Eagle, which is a Flight full of Curiosity and much to be admired. For the Sparrow-Hawk soaring above the Eagle, stoops of a sudden with that swiftness, strikes her Pounces into his sides, and with her wings continually beating upon his head sends him in a short time to the ground: Yet sometimes it happens that both the Eagle and the Sparrow-Hawk come both to the Earth together. In the same manner the Sparrow-Hawks will many times stop the flight of hunted Stags, and render the Chase much more easy to the Pursuers. But if this were so observable, that which I am going to say is no less remarkable: which is, That they assured me, that in the parts adjoining to Tauris, there grow no less than threescore sorts of Grapes.  
Not far from the City in the neighbouring Parts, are to be seen great Quarries of white Marble, of which there is a sort that is transparent. The People of the Country affirm it to be the water of a Mineral Fountain, congealed and hardneed by degrees: and indeed, there are not far from it two considerable Mines, the one of Gold, and the other of Salt. But there has been no working in the Gold Mine for this long time, because they always found, that the Profit never defrayed the Expenses of the Labour. There are also several mineral Waters: Of which the most frequented are those of Baringe, half a League from Tauris; and those of Seid-Kent, another Village, which is six Leagues from the City. These Waters are sulphureous, but there are others that are cold; others boiling hot.  
I do not know whether there be any City in the World, concerning the Original and first Name of which, there is a greater Dispute among Modern Authors. We shall produce the Opinion of the most celebrated: only it will not be amiss in the first place to take notice that the Persians call the City Tebris, and that when we call it Tauris, as the People of Europe generally do, it is only in compliance with the common Custom; and to the end, I may be the better understood. Teixera, Olearius, and some other Authors maintain, that Tauris is that City which Ptolemy, in the fifth Table of Asia, calls Gabris, the G. being put in the stead of T. an Alteration frequent in the Greek Language, as they assert. Leonclavius, Jovius, and Aython, will have it to be that City which the same Ancient Geographer calls Terva, instead of Teura, by a transposition of the Letters of the word. But Terva being placed in Armenia, and it being certain that Tauris is seated in Media, those two Names can never be appropriated to the same City. So that without doubt, the Resemblance of the word deceived those Authors. Tebris is a Persian word; and was given to the City in the year 165. of the Hegyra, as we shall declare more at large. And therefore, in regard it was several years ago since Ptolemy wrote, we must believe that Terva and Gabris are both very different from Tauris. Niger asserts it to be Tigranoama; other Authors take it to be Tigranocerta. Some there are of Opinion that it is the Susa of Media, so famous in Scripture: though others believe it to be the City, which in the Book of Esdras is called Acmatha, or Amatha. Some place it in Assyria, as Ptolemy and his Interpreter. Others in Armenia, as Niger Cedrenus, Aython, and Jovius. Marcus Paulus Venetus places it in the Country of the Parthians. Calchondylas removes it a little farther, that is to say, into the Province, of which Persepolis was formerly the Metropolis. In short, there is a strange Confusion in the Variety of Opinions upon this Subject. But the most rational in my Opinion, is that of Molets, who has translated and commented upon Ptolemy; of Ananias, Ortelius, Golnits, Teixera, de la Vall, Atlas, and almost all the modern Geographers, that Tauris is the Ancient and Celebrated Ecbatana, so frequently mentioned in Holy Writ, and in the Ancient Sories of Asia. Minadoi, an Italian Author, if I am not deceived, has set forth a Treatise to prove it. However, give me leave to add this, that there are no Remainders to be seen at Tauris, either of the Magnificent Palace of Ecbatana, where the Monarches of Asia kept their Courts in Summer, nor of that of Daniel; which was afterwards the Mausoleum for the Kings of Media, of which Josephus speaks in his tenth Book; and which he assures us stood entire in his time. If then these stately and magnificent Palaces were standing not above sixteen Ages ago, in the Place where Tauris now stands, the very Ruins themselves are now not to found. For among all those that are to be seen within the Circuit of that City, there are none but what are of Earth, Brick, or Flint, which were not Materials anciently made use of in Media for the building of sumptuous Palaces.  
The Persian Historians unanimously agree the Time when the Foundations of Tauris were laid to be in the year 165. of the Hegyra: but they do not concur in other particulars. Some ascribe the Foundation of it to the Wife of Haron-Reshid, Califf of Bagdad, called Zebd-el-Caton, which signifies the Flower of Ladies. They report, that she being desperately sick, a Median Physician cured her in a short time. For which the Princess not knowing what Reward to give him, bid him make choice of his Recompense; where upon the Physician desired that she would build a City in his Country to the Honour of his Memory. Which after she had performed with great Care and Diligence, he called the City Tebris; as a Memorial that it owed its Original to Physic. For that Teb signifies Physic, and Ris is the Participle of Ricten, to power forth, scatter abroad, or give a Largess. This is what some relate; to which there are others that tell a Story not much unlike. For they say, that Halacoucan, General to Haron Reshid, having been two years sick of a Tertian Ague, of which he never expected to be cured, was strangely delivered from his Distemper by an Herb, which he found in the same place where Tauris now stands. And that to perpetuate the Memory of such a fortunate Cure, he built this City, and called it Tebrift; the Ague is gone. For Teb signifies also an Ague, and rift comes from the Verb Reften, to go away. But that afterwards, either by Corruption, or because it runs smother upon the Tongue, it was called Tebris instead of Tebrift.  
Mirzathaer, one of the most Learned Persons of Quality that are in Persia, the Son of Mirza Ibrahim, Treasurer of the Province, gave me another Reason of the Etymology: that is to say, that at the Time when this City was built, the Air was extremely wholesome and preservative against Agues: Which extraordinary Quality drew a world of People to it; and that therefore it was called Tebris, as if man should say, the Expeller of Agues. The same Lord also further assured me, that there are in the King's Treasury at Ispahan, certain Medals with the Inscription of that Zebd-el-Caton, which were found at Marant, a city near to Tauris, with a great number of others both of Gold and Silver, being the Coins of the Ancient Kings of Media. And that he had observed others, with Greek Figures and Inscriptions, wherein he remembered the word Dakianous. And then he asked me if I knew who that Dakianous was! To which I answered, that I did not understand the name, but that it might be very probably the Name of Darius.  
In the 69. year after the Foundation of Tauris, the City was almost ruined by an Earthquake. But Montevekel, Califf of Bagdad, of the Race of the Abas' who then Reigned, not only repaired but enlarged it. A hundred fourscore and ten years after that, the 14 of the Month Sefer, another Earthquake, more violent than the former, utterly ruined it in one night. The Persian Geography relates, how that at the same time there resided in the City, a Learned ginger of Shiras, called Aboutaher, or Just Father, who foretold that the said Earthquake should happen upon the Sun's entrance into Scorpio, in the year 235. of the Hegyra; which answers to the year 849. of the Christian Epoch; and should overthrow the whole City: To which, when he found the People would give no Credit, he went and was importunate with the Governor, to force the People out of the City. The Governor, who was also the Califs Lieutenant, over all the Province, being always a great Admirer of judicial Astrology, gave way to his Importunity, and did all the could to send away the People into the Country: But finding that they still looked upon the Prediction of the Earthquake to be a mere Chimaera, and suspected some mischievous Design in the Governor, he could not persuade above one half of the People to stir; which fell out to their Destruction. For the Earthquake happened exactly at the Hour mentioned in the Prediction, to the overwhelming of forty thousand Persons. The next year Emir Diveveron the Son of Mahamed-Rondain-Aredi, Viceroy of Persia, received Orders from the Calif, to rebuild it larger and fairer than it was before, and to know of that famous ginger Aboutaker, under what Ascendant he should begin to work: Who bid 'em begin when the Sun was in Scorpio, and assured 'em the new City should never be troubled more with any Earthquakes: but that it was threatened with great Inundations of Water. To which the History adds, that the Event has in all respects verified the Truth of the Prediction. After this new Restoration, Tauris came to be wonderfully enlarged, famous and flourishing. They assure us, that in the Reign of Sultan Cazan, which is about 400 years ago, it extended in breadth, North and South, from the little Mountain of Ain Ali, to the opposite Mountain, called Tchurandog, and in length from the River Agi to the Village Baninge, which is two Leagues beyond the City. The same History also observes, for a Proof of the multitude of the Inhabitants wherewith that City was peopled, that the Pestilence happening among 'em, there died 40 thousand in one quarter, before they were missed.  
In the year 896. of the Hegira, and 1490. of Christ, the Princes of the Race of Sheith-Sephi having invaded Persia, removed the Seat of the Empire from Ardevil, which was their own Country, to this City. In the year 1514. Selim took it upon Composition, two years after the King of Persia, who thought himself not safe there, retired from thence, and seated himself at Casbin. Selim stayed not long at Tauris, but he carried away with him a wealthy Booty, and three thousand Families of Artificers, the most part Armenians, whom he settled in Constantinople. Soon after his Departure, the Inhabitants of Tauris rebelled, and falling unexpectedly upon the Turks, made a most famous havoc of the Enemy, and became Masters of the City. But Ibraim Bassa, General to Soliman the Magnificent, severely revenged this Rebellion in the Year 955. of the Hegyra, and Year of our Lord 1548. For he took the City by Assault, and gave the Plunder of it to his Army; who committed therein all manner of Inhumanity, even to an Excess unheard of before. In a word, all that could be called Cruelty, Fire and Sword was there put in Execution. The Palace of King Tahmas, and all the most considerable Structures were destroyed, and levelled with the Earth. Yet notwithstanding all these Calamities, the City lifted up her head again at the beginning of Amurath's Reign, and with the Assistance of some few Persian Troops, put to the Sword all the Turkish Garrison, consisting of Ten thousand men. Amurath dismayed at the Courage of the Taurisians, sent a powerful Army under the leading of Osman, his Grand Visir, utterly to destroy, and wholly to subdue the Inhabitants. This Army entered the City and pillaged it, in the Year 994. by the Mahometan Account, and the Year of our Lord 1585. at what time the Visir caused all the Fortifications which the Turks had raised before to be repaired. But eighteen years after this Expedition, in the Year 1603. Abas the Great retook Tauris from the Turks with a small Force, but with that Policy, Diligence and Bravery, which is hardly to be credited. He divided the stoutest of his Soldiers into several small Bodies, who surprised the Corpse du Guard, and cut their Throats in such a moment of time, that they had no notice of it in the Town. These Troops were followed by a Body of five hundred Men, disguised like Merchants, who entered the City with a plausible Story, that they had left the Caravan a days journey behind. Which the Turks readily believed, because it is the Custom of the Caravans, that upon their Approach near to Great Cities, the Merchants go before; besides that, the Turks never dreamt but that they had been examined by the Corpse du Guard. Abas followed close, and seeing his men were entered, flew into the City at the head of six thousand Men; while two of his Generals did the same on two other sides of the Town. So that the Turks, finding themselves surprised, surrendered only upon condition of sparing their Lives. And the History farther observes, that in this Expedition it was, that that same Potent Prince first ordered one Brigade of his Army to carry Muskets, and finding the good Effect of 'em, ordered a mixture of fire-Arms among all his Forces. Whereas before the Persians never made use of Guns in any of their Wars.  
Now that we may not omit any thing in the History of Tauris, that is worthy Observation, it behoves us also to let ye know, what the Armenian Authors have wrote concerning it. They report that this City is one of the most Ancient in all Asia, and that it was formerly called Sha-Hasten, or the Royal Place, for that the Persian Monarches there kept their Court: and that afterwards a King of Armenia, who was called Cosroes, changed the Name of it from Sha-Hasten into Tauris, which in the Armenian Language signifies a Place of Revenge, for that he there defeated the King of Persia; who had murdered his Brother. The Government of the Province of Tauris, is the Chiefest in all the Empire, and annexed to the Dignity of the Captain General-ship. It brings him in thirty thousand Tomans Yearly, which amount to much above a Million sterling, besides Casualties, which are very considerable in the Asiatic Governments. The Governor bears the Title of Beclerbec. He maintains three thousand Horse; and has under him the Governors or Khan's of Cars, Oroumi, Maraga, Ardevil, and Twenty Sultan's, who altogether maintain eleven Thousand Horse more.  
I lodged at the Capuchins Inn, who were arrived before me. They were no more than two, whom I desired to keep my Arrival private, for about fifteen days. Which I did to put myself into an Equipage, and my Things in the same Order, as they were before my misfortunes in Mingrelia; as also to methodise those things which I had brought for the King, to the end I might show 'em to the best advantage at Court. But my arrival could not be concealed. For Mirzathaer, Son of the Treasurer, and Receiver-General of the Province, and admitted by way of Survivor-ship, understood that there were Strangers at the Capuchins Inn. And therefore he sent the 22d to tell the Superior, that he wondered at his neglect in not coming to give him notice of the Arrival and Quality of the Europeans, which he entertained in his House. To whom the Father excused himself, and farther told the Messenger, that for my part, I had not failed to wait upon him; had I not been ill disposed; but in a few days I would attend and pay him my Respects.  
The 23. the same Lord, whom I had the honour to know in my first Travels, made me a Visit, together with the Son of the Can of Guenjé, and showed me great Civilities. He sat two hours in my Chamber, while I gave him an account of the affairs of Europe, particularly concerning Arts and Sciences. After which he was so kind as to tell me the good fortune that had befallen his Family, and his Brother's Employments. He was the eldest of three young Lords, all in good Credit, and advanced to Places both of Honour and Profit. His Father is Treasurer, as I said before, and Receiver-General of all the King's Demeans, over all the Province of Azerbeyan. This is that Mirza Ibrahim of whom so many Accidents are related in the Story of Soleiman's Coronation. He was not then at Tauris, in regard his Employments kept him at Shirvan, a City near the Caspian Sea: whose place this Mirzathaer supplied in his absence. He is very well read in the Arabic, Persian and Turkish Languages: and besides a Capuchin taught him for several years the Philosophy of the Schools, and all our Sciences. He is a very Learned Personage, a Man of ripe Wit, and extremely civil. After two hours' discourse he pressed me to show him some Jewels and Watches. To which I had no desire, as not being then in a Condition for the Reasons already mentioned. But he importuned me so earnestly, and with an assability so becoming, that I could not refuse him. So that I showed him several Jewels which I had of a low value, of which he carried away several along with him.  
In the Evening Tahmas-Bec, who supplies the place of Governor of Azerbeyan in the stead of Mansour Can his Father, who is always at Court, sent his Goldsmith to me, to tell me, I should oblige him, by coming to him the next Morning, and bringing along with me some Jewels and Rarities of small value: To which I answered that I would not fail him, and accordingly I went the same day, and to Mirzathaer also.  
The 25. we heard while we stayed with those Lords, the Confirmation, and full Relation of a Robbery reported a month before, and committed the December preceding upon the Great Caravan that goes from Ispahan to the Indies by land. This Caravan sets out once a Year in August, and goes through Candabar which is in Bactriana. The Robbery was very considerable, as well for the Number of Persons, for the vast wealth that was in the Caravan, as also for the Consequences that ensued. It was committed three days journey from the Frontiers of India, by the Agvan, a sort of People much like the Tartars, but tributary to the Persian. They had intelligence which way the Caravan marched, and surprised it in a very advantageous place for such a design. They were in all five hundred Men, all well Mounted and well Resolved. The Caravan had a Convoy of about two hundred, and consisted of about two thousand Persons, for the most part Indians. The Convoy made no Resistance, but betook themselves to Flight: and the most part of the Caravan, following the Example of those that should have defended 'em, shifted every one for themselves. So that there were but eleven killed, so small was the Resistance made. Nor was it a thing to be wondered at. For the Caravan's, and particularly those of the Indians, are composed of Armenians and Indians, people that for the most part will be Scared with a stick. And they that had any Courage were left alone and abandoned by those that should have assisted 'em; So that every Man strove to save one, and happy he that could shift for himself. The Robbery was valued at several hundred thousands of Pounds: but the true and just account could never be known, the Merchants upon such occasions usually disguising the Truth, some because they are afraid of losing their Credit, others for fear it should be discovered, that they conceal a part of what they send to save Customs and Toll. The Inventory which was given into the King, signed by above sixty Persons concerned, amounted to no less than three hundred thousand Tomen, or a million four hundred thousand Pound sterling; yet we were assured it was but the half of the Loss. The Governor of Candabar was accused to have been accessary to the Robbery. The King therefore sent for to have him apprehended and brought to Ispahan upon a Camel chained about the Neck, with one Servant which he had the Liberty to make choice of. It was affirmed that they who commited the Robbery themselves, were a sort of People so ignorant, that they understood not what belonged either to Gold or Precious Stones. They divided the Coined Money one among another, Gold and Silver intermixed together by weight, without any distinction of Metal, and jumbled the true Pearls with the false ones, without making any Difference. I must confess I could hardly believe this, nor had I reported it, if it had not been universally and constantly avowed by all the People I discoursed with upon this occasion.  
The first of May the Deputy-Governor sent to the Superior of the Capuchins, to know if he had no news of the Arrival of the Patriarch of Armenia, and where he had concealed himself. 'Tis true we all knew well enough, but we had no mind to tell, knowing wherefore they sought for him; which was for no other reason then to apprehend him; and carry him Prisoner to Erivan. He had made his escape six days before, vexed to the very Soul to find, that while the Governor pretended to take so much care to pay his debts, he minded nothing more than how to squeeze a good Sum of Money for himself. For the Governor according to the forementioned Order from the Court, had sent to several Persons about Irivan, to Levy the money for payment of the Patriarch's debts upon the Armenian Villages. But the Officers entrusted to raise the Money had so far outstretched their Commission, in the outrages and violences which they committed, as to demand and levy double the sum which was imposed. All which the Patriarch well knew: but connived at it, for the advantage he was to receive thereby. And he would fain have been handling the first Money that was brought to Erivan; but the Governor was so far from suffering him to meddle, that he would not pay above half to the Customer of Constantinople's trusties. So that of three thousand five hundred pounds which were raised for his Satisfaction, he would not part with above two thousand for the payment of the debts. The Patriarch complained of this Injustice, but could have no Remedy. All the Governor said to him was this, that if the Customer of Constantinople were paid in time 'twas as much as he could require, and that it did not belong to him to take Cognizance what was levied for that purpose. But perhaps he could not choose but be disturbed with the Cries and Curses of his own Nation: for they were bitterly enraged against him, and his Proceedings. And therefore he resolved to appease 'em & withdraw himself from the oppression of the Governor of Armenia, which made him make his escape, with a design to make his Complaints to the Court. The Governor on the other side, having notice of his flight, sent away to the neighbouring Governors to stop him; and he happened to be at Tauris, when the Express arrived there. But the Armenian Inhabitants of the City preserved him, not so much by concealing him in any private absconding Place, as by their Presents to the Grandees, and for that the Injustice that was done him in his private affairs, was so publicly notorious, that it was no more than what was reasonable for them, to let him have his Liberty to go to Ispahan for Redress.  
The 6. Rustan-Bec Muster-Master General of the Army sent to give me notice of his being come to Town. For he understood at the Governor's house where he lodged, that I was arrived at Tauris. So that I went to visit him the same day, and to renew the friendship which I had contracted with him in my first Travels. He is a Personage the most eminent for his Wit and Valour of any other in the whole Kingdom. He is Brother to the Governor of Candabar, who was accused for being Accessary to the Robbing of the Indian Caravan. His Father was Governor of Armenia; and Abas had a great affection for this Rustan-Bec, for the sake of his Learning, his Courage, and his Graceful Aspect. Nor was it above a year before, that the King had given him a Commission to go into the Province of Azerbeyan, to take a review of the Forces and Ammunitions there; and now his Commission was out, by which as I understood, he had gotten above ten thousand pounds. His Company and Discourse extremely pleased me; for he showed me several Maps of the Province which he had newly made of which he promised me copies; and reaching down a Plain-Sphere, which had been lately printed in Europe, he showed me several Faults in it: I also supped with him, nor would he let me go till midnight.  
The 7. he did me the Honour to give me a Visit, and to spend all the Afternoon in my Chamber.  
The 8, and the three days following, I made it my business to fetch away such parcels of Goods from Tahmas-Bec, and Mirzathaer, which they refused to buy, after I had bargained with 'em for what they made choice of; though all that I sold to both came but to a thousand Crowns, and that without Profit. So that I had much ado to agree with 'em; however I was paid when we all concluded. The one pretended in abatement of my price, his Father's being a Favourite at Court; the other the great Credit which his Brothers and his Uncle Mirza-Sadec, being Lord High Chancellor, had with the King; and forced me to take Letters of Recommendation, which they freely offered to compensate the Profit which I should have got by my goods. For a man would hardly believe the Caresses, the Flattery, the engaging and familiar Behaviour, which the Persians Grandees will condescend to, for their own Interests, how slight soever. And they behave themselves with such an Appearance of Sincerity, that a Traveller must very well understand the Genius of the Country and the Court, to avoid being cullyed by their kindnesses.  
The 13. I went to take my leave of Rustan-bec, whose occasions called him to Ardevil two days after. He did me the favour to permit me a long discourse upon the best way to manage my affairs at Ispahan; and how to come off with most advantage and success. To which purpose he gave me very good advice, and Letters of Recommendation to his Kindred and for Cosrou-Can, Colonel of the Musketeers who was one of the most powerful and considerable Lords at Court. Of which the Translation follows word for word.  

GOD.  
We send to the most illustrious Lord of the Earth, and we give his most noble and generous heart to understand, that Mr. Chardin a French Merchant the Flower of the Christians, who had been sent into Europe by the deceased King, who has now his (a) Habitation in Heaven, to fetch from thence several costly Pieces of Jeweller's work, is now returned, and lately arrived at this Royal City of Tauris. The Friendship and Confidence which we had formerly contracted together induced him to impart his business to me: and he requested of me, since the great King who sent him into Europe, was flown away to the Kingdom of Spirits, and become a Citizen of Paradise, that I who am his Intimate Friend, would (b) recommend him to a Person considerable for the Prudence of his Conduct, and the Grandeur of his Dignity, and who perfectly knew how to do kind offices; to the end he might make use of him as a Conveyance to bring him into the presence of the noble, most high, and most Holy King. He has been also particularly informed by me, who am your Intimate Friend, of the Great and Royal Qualities which you possess, and being charmed by the Recitals which I made of 'em, he discovered to me his extreme desire to have the (c) Honour to be recommended to the Favour of the (d) Slaves of your Highness. I therefore who am his Real Friend, recommend him to your Glorious Cares, and whatever shall concern his Affairs and Interests. He relies very much upon your Royal Favour, and assures himself, that your Highness understanding his Business by this Letter from myself your Servant, will use your endeavour that the Costly Jewels that he has brought shall come to the Blessed hands of the most noble King. A Favour so generous will fill this Illustrious Christian with large hopes, and all other Merchants of his Nation, whom Trade and Commerce draws to this Kingdom.   
(a) The word which I have translated Habitation, signifies properly an Eagles Airy. And the Persians speaking of their deceased Kings usually make use of the words Krel-coldachion, that is to say, whose nest is in Heaven.  
(b) It is in the Persian, that I would send to the Service. Which is a Phrase in the Persian Language to send a Man to the service of a great Personage, signifying to recommend him so earnestly, that the other should take that care of his Business as if he were his Domestic servant.  
(c) The Persians instead of saying to have the Honour, use the word to be ennobled.  
(d) We have already spoken of this Rhetorical Figure, whereby the Persians mean the Lord himself, when they say, the Slaves of the Lord.  
The 18. I took my leave of the Deputy Governor and Mirzathaer; being at that time both together; and both the one and the other offered me the savour of a Guide; for which I returned 'em my humble thanks, and told 'em withal, that if they thought it requisite for my security, that I desired they would be so kind as to let me have a Guide. They answered that the King's Passports which I had were a sufficient Convoy, in regard that upon showing 'em I might command as many men as I pleased when or where ever I should have occasion: that I was in a Country where there was no danger; and that the offer which they made me was only to show, how ready they were to assist me in my Journey: So that being also informed by several Persons of Quality at the same time, that I had no need of any company, I only requested Mirzathaer to grant me a Passport to the Officers of the Toll from Himself, that I might not be always troubled to pull out the King's. Which he caused to be forth with dispatched in the most civil terms that could be, as may appear by the following translation.  

GOD.  
This Day being the second day of the Month Sefer the victorious, in the year 1084 Monsieur Chardin Merchant, the Flower of Merchants and of Europeans sets forward for the Court. He carries along with him a wonderful quantity of Costly Jewels and other Rareties worthy the Lord of the World, which he had Order to buy in his own Country and to bring to the feet of the Throne, which is the true Seat of (a) God's Vicar. We therefore give notice to all Inferior Officers, Regent's, Kings, Lieutenants, Judges both Civil and Criminal, Provosts of Cities and High ways, Receivers of Duties and Tools, to the end they may know, that this Person, is a Person of High Quality, and that in pursuance of an Order which he has in his Hand, that they are to furnish him where ever he goes with all things requisite, and give him all reasonable succour and assistance which he shall demand, and take care that he arrive not only without any misfortune or disgust, but also with all satisfaction and Honour at the Palace of the most High. They are likewise to take care they give him no occasion to perceive in any manner whatever, that they have any pretence to exact any Duties or Tolls from him; and they shall be certain to give an account, and be answerable as well for his Person, and for what he carries, as for the least disgusts, and provocations they shall offer him.   
The Seal was fixed to the Margin, the Inscription of which was a Passage out of the Alcoran, signifying, My confession of Faith is in the name of God, who is my Refuge, and of Mahumed the Apostle of God.  
(a) The word which I have translated Vicar, is Calife, and properly signifies a Successor. Nor had the first successors of Mahomet any other Title; and now because the People that followed his Laws always believed, that God had established him Universal King and Prophet, had created him his Vicar and Lieutenant, and had given him a Right to govern all the World both in Spirituals and Temporals, his Successors have constantly retained these pompous Titles; and made people believe that they belong to 'em by right of Succession. Now in regard the Race of the Kings of Persia, that have reigned for these 250. years, pretend to derive their descent from Ali, Mahomet's successor and Son in Law, they attribute to themselves all his vain both Qualities and Prerogatives: which is the reason the Persians give to their Kings, that Epithet of God's Vicar.  
The 20 Mirzathaer sent me one of his Domestics to know of me, whether I intended to set forward the next day with my own Servants; and withal to advise me to stay for more Company; that there was danger in going alone, especially being a stranger and having such a great Charge about me; because now the Season was come, that the Curds, Sara-neshin and Turcomans', and other Shepherds that live in the Fields in Tents, and who are most part great Thiefs, quit the Plains by reason of the great Heat of the Sun; and with their Herds and their Houses retire to the Mountains for Shade and Pasture. True it is, that I resolved to have set forward the next day, but reflecting upon this good Advice, I thought it not worth my while to run so great a hazard for the gaining of eight or ten days time. I had also a kind of Surmise the Lord was unwilling to run himself into any praemunire, and thereby seemed to intimate that since he had cautioned me, he would not be answerable for any misfortune that should befall me. And besides some other fears possessed my mind, which ma dame put off my Journey.  
The 26. he sent me word, that the Brother of the Provost of Merchants would set out in two days; that he was a very honest Gentleman, and that if I pleased to have his Company, he would cordially recommend me to his Acquaintance. I returned him a thousand Thanks for his Care and Affection, and told him withal; that he could not do me a greater Kindness then to put me into such safe hands. And in the Evening I understood, that he had been to the full as good as his word. And I was the more glad of his diligent care, because it rid me of the trouble of those Reflections I had made upon what he sent me but two days before.  
The 28. I set forward from Tauris with the Provost of Merchant's Brother. He was one of the King's Slaves, of whom we have spoken already: attended by ten Servants with fourteen Horses. We travelled through a lovely and even Country between Mountains, directing our Course Southward. We lodged at Vaspinge, a great Borough, consisting of Six hundred Houses; watered with a great number of pleasant Rivulet's, that with their winding Streams enfertilized the neighbouring parts on every side. It is surrounded with Gardens, and groves of Poplers and Tylets, which they plant to serve 'em for building their Houses.  
The 29. we travelled five leagues; crossing over a little Hill at first; but afterwards over Plains that were wonderful pleasant, fertile and covered with Villages; that where we lodged being called Agi-agach. These Plains are the best Pasture-Grounds in Media, if I may not presume to say in the world. The Choicest Horses in the whole Province are there put to Grass, to the number of about three thousand. For it is the custom in Persia to put their Horses to grass for thirty five or forty days together, from April to June. Which both purges, and refreshes, fattens, and strengthens 'em: And they feed 'em thus with Grass, as well in the Stable as in the Field; but all the rest of the Summer they mingle Straw cut very small with the Grass. When I beheld those lovely Pasturages I asked the young Lord, with whom I travelled, whether there were any better in Media or whither any other Plains so large and so delightful. Who answered me, that he had seen as rich plains as those towards Derbent (which is Media Atropatiena) but none so large and spacious. So that we may with good grounds believe; that those Plains are the Hypopothon of which the Ancient Authors write, and of which they say that the Kings of Media kept there in a Breed of fifty thousand Horses; and here it is that we must search for the Plains of Nysa, so famous for the Nysain Horses. And Stephen the Geographer asserts that Nysa was in Media. By the way I told the Gentleman my fellow Traveller, what Histories related concerning these Horses and particularly what Favorinus reports, that all the Nysain Horses were Isabel coloured; who answered that it was more than he ever read or heard of. I made the same Enquiry all along as I travelled of several persons, both of Learning and Quality, but never could learn that there was any part in Media, nor in all Persia, where all the Horses were foaled of an Isabel colour.  
The 30. we travelled a Road that was even enough, but winding among Hills. After two hours' travel we passed by the Ruins of a great City, which they said had flourished there in former times; but being almost ruined was utterly destroyed by Abas. Upon the left hand of the Road are to be seen large Circles of Hewn Stone; which the Persians affirm to be a great sign, that the Caous making war in Media, held a Counsel in that place: it being the Custom of those People, that every Officer that came to the Council brought with him a Stone to serve him instead of a Chair. And these Caous were a sort of Giants. Herodotus also reports something like to this, of a Persian Army that went against the Scythians; for he tells you that the Army being in Thrace, Darius showed 'em a place, and commanded that every one should lay a Stone therein as he passed along. But that which is most to be admired, after observation of these Stones, is this, that they are so big that eight Men can hardly move one, and yet there is no place from whence they can be imagined to have been fetched, but from the next Mountains, that are six Leagues off. We met upon the Road, with three large and fair Inns, and lodged at a Village called Caratchiman, seated at the Foot of a little Hill: it was not so big as Vaspinge, but altogether as pleasant.  
The 31. we travelled four Leagues over Hills and Dales, all fertile and delightful to admiration. In the midway we passed through a Village full of Poplar Groves and Gardens, and well watered. It was called Turcman, because that in the Fields that environ it, there are a great number of Shepherds with their Flocks that are called by that Name. We stopped at Pervaré, another Village, as handsome and as large as Turcman, seated also in a bottom at the foot of a Hill, all along by the Banks of a little River.  
The 1. of June We travelled two Leagues in a level Country, as even as that we had crossed the day before; and four Leagues among the Mountains where the way was rugged and very uneasy. A little River but very rapid passes through the Midst of it; and by reason of its winding course obliged us to pass it several times, to shorten our way. We alighted at Miana. This is a Town seated in the middle of a fair and large Plain encompassed with Mountains, which upon that Road separates Media from the Country of the Parthians. Which is the reason that the Village carries that Name, for that Miane properly signifies, the parting of several Countries. To this Town there belongs a kind of Customhouse, where the Officers are said to be very tyrannical in their exactions upon the meaner sort of People that travel that way. But they understood who the Gentleman was who travelled with me, and who I was; So that they durst not so much as show themselves; for there is that good order taken in Persia, and almost all over the East; that the Receivers of all Sorts of Tolls and Duties, have no permission or Authority to demand any thing of any eminent Person, of any Officer of the Kings, how inconsiderable soever his office may be, nor of any Stranger of Quality. For should they be so bold, as to examine what they carried, the offence would be punished with Bastinadoes.  
The 2. we spent so much time in fording the River of Miana, and found the Mountain beyond it, that we were to cross, to be so rugged, that we could not travel above three Leagues. We were two hours before we could find the Ford, and get our Sumpters over, which at length we got over safe without any Damage, thanks be to God; and five hours crossing the Mountain which was very high, and very steep, being the Bounds between Media and Parthia. These two spacious Provinces are parted by a Ridge of Mountains, which are a Branch of Mount Taurus, that extends itself from Europe to China, crossing, as has been said, Circassia, Mingrelia, Georgia, the Country of the Parthians, Bactriana, the Province of Candabar, and the Indies. At the top of the Mountain upon the point of a Rock, we spied a large ruin'd Castle, which the Persians call the Virgin's Castle, alleging that Artaxerxes caused it to be built to imprison therein a Princess of the Blood. But Abas the Great caused it to be utterly demolished, as serving only for a Retreat to a number of Robbers that made themselves as it were sovereign Lords of the Mountain. On both sides of the Mountain are large Causeys, which that great Prince caused to be made, for the ease of Travellers in the Winter. Towards the end of our journey we passed a large River, called Kesil-beusè over a fair Bridge, and lay at Semelé. Which is an Inn or Caravanseray built near the Bridge to lodge Travellers that can reach no farther.  
The River Kesil-beuzé is much larger and more rapid than that of Miana, and serves to bound Media from the Country of the Parthians. And now no sooner have you passed this River, but you may easily perceive the change of the Air. For whereas the Temperature of Media is somewhat moist and cloudy, which is the reason of high Winds and much Rain, and that the Soil is fruitful of itself, whatever ancient Authors have wrote to the contrary, the Parthian Air is dry to the extremest degree; insomuch that for six Months together you shall neither see any Rain or any Clouds: but the Soil is sandy, and Nature produces nothing without good Husbandry and Pains.  
The Country of the Parthians, which was so long the Seat of the Empire of Asia, is the largest and principal Province of the Persian Monarchy. It is all the proper demeans of the King, nor has it any Governor, as the most part of the rest of the Provinces. The Persians bound it to the East, by the Province of Corasson, or Coromitrena; to the South, by that of Fars; which is properly Persia; to the West, by Azerbeyan or Media; to the North, by Guilan, and Maganderaan, which compose the Province of Hyrcania. This Province extends itself at least two hundred Leagues in length, and an hundred and fifty Leagues in breadth. The Air is very dry, and and the most healthy for the most part of any in the world. It is more mountainous than level. The Mountains are also very bare, and to speak in general terms, produce nothing but Thistles and Briers: but the Plains are very fertile and pleasant, where there is any Water: otherwise the Soil is very barren. This large Province contains above forty Cities, which is very much in Persia, as not being an Empire peopled proportionably to its Extent.  
The Orientals call the Country of Parthia Arac-agem; that is to say, Persian Arack. They call it likewise Balad-el-Gebel, or the Country of the Mountains, for the reason's already recited. My Opinion is, that the Scythians, from whom, as ancient Authors hold, the Parthians derived their Original, were the lesser Tartars, that inhabit to the North of Persia, now called Yuzbecs, and formerly Bactrians; and that that same Arsaces, who founded the Empire of the Parthians, was a Native of the same Country with Tamerlan, Halacou and those other Tartar Princes, that made such great and famous Conquests in the Ages last passed.  
The 3d. we travelled four Leagues keeping on to the South, as when we first set out of Tauris: the Road was very good, only we had Mountains very near us upon the right and left hand. We lay at Sirsham; which is a large Inn, adjoining to three or four small Villages, but seated in a sandy and dry Soil; and there the Officers that gather the Duties upon Goods transported out of the Kingdom keep their Post.  
The 4th. we travelled seven Leagues, through bushy Plains and Sands; and we were forced to make several windings and turnings, by reason of several Molehills and little Sand-Hills in our way. Nevertheless both on one the side and tother, at a distance we could see a Champion Country, very delightful and fertile, and Villages here and there which yielded a very delightful Prospect; the River Zenjan watering those Villages. We lay at a large Caravanseray called Nichè, built between five spacious Villages.  
The 5th. we travelled six Leagues through a Road more pleasant and less crooked, and observing the same Course as the day before; and lodged at Zerigan, a little City, that contains not above two thousand Houses. It is seated in a very narrow Plain between two Mountains that enclose it, not above half a League one from the other. The Soil of Zerigan is fertile and pleasant, and the Air wholesome and cool in the Summer. The City without is surrounded with Gardens, that yield both Pleasure and Profit, but within the Town there is nothing remarkable but the great Ruins.  
SULTANIE  
The 6th. Our road lay through a Country, the most lovely delightful that every Eye beheld, through a fair Plain where the road was level and very strait. Several pleasant Streams glide through it, that render the Soil very fertile. The whole Plain is so strowed with Villages, that they are hardly to be numbered, with so many Groves and Gardens, that for me the most pleasant Landscapes, and charming Prospects in the World. We alighted after a journey of five Leagues at a Caravanserai called Queurk-boulag, over against and within a good Canons shot of Sultanie.  
This City is seated at the foot of a Mountain, as you may see by the Draught which I have made of it. It seems a far off very neat and well built, and inflames a Man with a Curiosity to see it: but when you approach near it, it ceases to be the same thing, and appears less beautiful than when ye are within it. Yet there are some public Buildings very remarkable, as well for the Structure as the Architecture, together with about three thousand Habitations. The people of the Country affirm, that this City took up formerly half a League of Ground more to the West than it does, and that the ruin'd Churches, Mosques and Towers, which are to be seen at that distance on that side, stood in the heart of the City. Which probably may be true, seeing that Histories assure us that it was once the Metropolis and biggest City of the Kingdom: nor are there many Cities in the world, where there are vaster Ruins to be seen. Provision also is there very plentiful and very cheap. The Air is likewise very wholesome, but subject to change. For in all the Seasons it changes almost every hour. The Evenings, Nights and Mornings being cold, but all the day long very hot; from one Extreme to another. Sultany lies in 36. deg. 18. min. of Latitude. and 48. deg. 5. min. of Longitude, and is governed by a Sultan.  
Some Histories of Persia relate, that this City is one of the most ancient in all the Country of the Parthians; but that it is not known who was the Founder. Others on the other side affirm, that the foundations of it were laid when the Sun was in Leo, by the order, and in the Reign of Ergon-Can, the Son of Abkei-Can, and Grandchild of Halacoucan; and that because it could not be finished in his days, his Son Jangou-Sultan completed the work and called it Sultania, or the Royal City. For Sultan properly signifies a King: from whence comes Seltenet, the usual Persian word for a Kingdom or Monarchy. And the Monarches of Asia, who reigned since the seventh Age, assumed to themselves the Titles of Souldan's, from whence came the Title of Sultan given to the last King's of Egypt; and that of the Emperors of Turkey, who call themselves Sultan's. Nevertheless I have heard some learned Men say, that this City was never called Sultanié or Royal, till the time that the last Kings of Persia, who also assumed the title of Sultan's, came to keep their Courts in this Place. On the other side, if this City were built out of the Ruins of Tigranocerta, as several Modern European Authors maintain, it may be said that the name which now it bears, was formed out of that Ancient Name. For Certa in old Prsian, signifies a City, so that Tigranoterta signifies no more than the City of Tigranes, who was King of Armenia, as is well known to every ordinary Reader. However I cannot tell, how it is possible for us to take Sultanié for Tigranocerta; since Tacitus tells us that Tigranocerta was but thirty seven Miles from Nisibis, a City which every one knows to be seated in Mesopotamia, upon the River Tigris, 25 Leagues from Nineve. And therefore I must say, as I said before, the Geography of the Ancients is the most confused thing in the world; the Writers were misinformed, and it is impossible to bring 'em to agree together. I should not assert this so confidently, did I not see, that other Modern Relators commit also very great Errors in what they publish, either upon the observations or report of others: so that there is not not any one from whom I might not produce examples sufficient to confirm this Truth.  
This City has been several times laid in heaps: First, Cotza Reshid King of Persia whom other Historians call Giausan; for that it had rebelled, and taken up Arms against him. After that, by Tamerlan: and after him by several other both Turkish and Tartarian Princes. The Predecessors of Ishmael Sophi kept their Court there for some time; and it is said that some Ages before, the last Kings of Armenia resided there; at which time it contained above four hundred Churches. And it is very true, that there are a great number in it which are ruined, but not one that is entire, nor do there inhabit in it any Christians.  
The 7th we travelled six Leagues in a Country more lovely than that already described, where we came to a Village at the end of every thousand paces: and we could see at a distance an infinite number of others, surrounded with Groves of Willows and Poplers: and environed which delightful Meadows. We lay at Hibié, a very fair and fair and large Village; and seated near to a Town that is walled and well peopled, which is called San-cala: which word being abbreviated signifies the Castle of Hasan.  
The 8th. Our Horses were so tired that we could get no farther than Ebher, which is no more than two leagues from Hibié; though we travelled all the way over most of those delightful and pleasant Plains already mentioned, directing our Course still to the South. Now that which makes those places so delightful is the great Number of Rivulets, with which they are watered, and the good Husbandry of the Inhabitants. For as I have already said, the soil of the Parthians is dry and barren of itself; nevertheless wherever it can be watered, it produces whatever the Manurer pleases to have it, fair and good in its Kind.  
Ebher is but a small City, counting only the buildings; for it contains not above two thousand five hundred Houses; but to those Houses belong so many Gardens, and those so large, that it is good riding for a Horseman to cross it in half an hour. A small River, that bears the name of the City, runs through the middle of it, from one end to the other. It is said to be the same City which the Ancients called Barontha. The situation of it is jolly and delightful, the Air very wholesome, and the Soil produces plenty of Fruit and other Provisions. The buildings are tolerably handsome; and the Inns, the Taverns and other public Structures very well, considering the Place. It contains three spacious Mosques; and in the middle of the City are to be seen the Ruins of a Castle built of Earth. It lies distant from the Equator 36 deg. 45. min. and from the fortunate Islands, 48. deg. 30. min. Which Longitude, and all others that I observe, are taken from the new Persian Tables. It is governed by a Darogué, or Mayor; and the Mirtshecar-bashi, or Chief Huntsman, has his Assignations of Money charged upon the Revenue of this City. Which assignation is called Tahvil. Of the signification of which word we shall speak more at large in another Place.  
The Persian Geographers assert that Ebher was built by Kei-Cosrou the Son of Sia-bouch, that Darab-Keihoni, or Darius, began to build the Castle, that Skender-roumy, that is Alexander the Great, finished it, and that the City has been ruined and sacked as often as the rest which are near it. However she has so well recovered herself, that, at present, there is but little appearance of those former havocks. The same Geographers observe, that it is one of the most Ancient Cities of that Province; and perhaps it may be either Vologoo-certa, or Messabetha, or Artacana, of which there is so frequent mention made in the Ancient Stories of Persia.  
At Ebher they begin to speak Persian, both in the Cities and Country: whereas all the way before the Vulgar Language is Turkish, not altogether as they speak it in Turkey, but with some little difference. From Ebher to the Indies they speak Persian, more or less neat, as the people are more or less at a distance from Shiras, where the purity of the Persian Language is spoken: So that at Ebher, and in the parts thereabouts, 'tis but a rude and clownish sort of Dialect which the people make use of.  
The 9th we travelled nine Leagues over Plains delightful even unto Admiration: and indeed more lovely Vales are no where to be seen. After we had rode three Leagues, we passed through a large Town, almost as big as Ebher, called Parsac; and a little farther we left Casbin upon the left hand, five Leagues distant from us: of which I made the following description in the year 1674. during a residence of four Months that I stayed at Court.  
Casbin is a great City seated in a delightful Plain, three Leagues from Mount Alouvent: which is one of the highest and most famous Mountains in all Persia, and a Branch of Mount Taurus, that crosses the Northern Parts of Parthia, as has been already said, and separates it from Hyrcania. The length of this City is from North to South. In former times it was surrounded with Walls, of which the Ruins are still to be seen, but at present it lies open on every side. It is 6 miles in circumference, containing twelve thousand Houses, and a hundred thousand Inhabitants; among which there are forty families of Christians, and a hundred of Jews, all very poor. One of the fairest places that is to be seen in this City, is the Hippodrome, which they call Maydan-sha, or the Royal Piazza, 700 paces in length, and 250 in breadth, and made after the Model of Ispahan. To the Royal Palace belong seven Gates, of which the chief is called Ali-capi, or the Highgate; on which there is an Inscription in Letters of Gold, to this effect. May this Gate always be open to good Fortune: by that confession which we make, that there is no God but God. The Gardens belonging to the Palace are very beautiful, kept in good order, and planted Checquer-wise. King Tahmas, built this Palace, at first a small thing, according to a draught given him by a Turkish Architect. Abas the Great quite altered and enlarged it. There are but few Mosques at Casbin; The chiefest of which by them called Metshid-guima, or the Mosque of the Congregation, was founded by Haron-Reshid, Califf of Bagdat, in the year of the Hegyra 170. The Royal Mosque called Metshid-sha is one of the largest and fairest in all Persia, being seated at the end of a spacious Street, planted with fair Trees, which begins from one of the Gates of the Palace Royal. This Mosque was almost all built at the expenses of Tahmas, and in his Life time: his Father Ishmael having laid the Foundations, but dying before they came to be even with the street. There are also several handsome buildings among the Caravanserai's or Public Inns. That which they call the Royal Inn, contains 250 Channels, has a large Fountain planted with Trees, in the middle of the Court, and two Gates, which the lead in the Court from two streets full of shops where the most costly sort of Merchandises are sold. But chiefest Grace, and Ornament of Casbin consists neither in Inns, nor Baths, nor in Bazars, nor in Markets, Tobacco, Coffee, or strong-water Houses, where the Persians debauch themselves; but in the great number of Palaces of the Persian Grandees, which they keep in their possession from Father to Son, by reason of the long residence of the Court at Casbin from time to time. But there are not so many Gardens in Casbin, as in most part of the other City of that Province, because the soil is Sandy and dry for want of water, there being only a little River which is no more than an Arm of the River Charoud, not sufficient to to supply the Grounds about it. So that they are forced to bring their water from the Mountain in Subterraneal Channels, which they call Kerises, that empty themselves into Vaults thirty foot deep; which though it be cool, is nevertheless heavy and insipid. Which want of water is also the reason that the Air of Casbin is heavy, thick and not very healthful, especially in Summer; by reason that the City not having a running stream, has neither any sinks to carry away the filth of the Town. Yet notwithstanding this same scarcity of water, the City abounds in Meat and all manner of Provisions, for that the Plains that lie round about it are so well watered, that they feed a world of cattle, and produce a prodigious plenty of Corn and Fruits. Among the rest the fairest Grape in Persia, which they call Shahoni, or the Royal Grape, being of a Gold Colour, transparent and as big as a small Olive. These Grapes are dried and transported all over the Kingdom. They also make the strongest Wine in the World, and the most luscious, but very thick, as all strong and sweet wines usually are. This incomparable Grape grows only upon the young Branches, which they never water. So that for five months together they grow in the Heat of Summer, and under a scorching Sun, without receiving a drop of water either from the sky or otherwise. When the Vintage is over, they let in their cattle to browse in the Vineyards; afterwards they cut off all the great Wood, and leave only the young stocks about three foot high, which need no propping up with Poles, as in other places, and therefore they never make use of any such supporters. There is also great Plenty of Pistachio's in those parts, where the Air is very hot in the Summer all the day long, by reason of the high Mountain that lies to the North. But on the other side the Nights are so cold, that if a Man expose himself never so little to the air, after he is undressed, he is sure to fall sick. Casbin lies in 85. deg. and 5. min. of Long. and in 36. deg. and 35. min. of Latitude.  
The most part of our European Chorographers who have discoursed of the Cities of Persia, affirm Casbin to be the ancient Arsacia, and that before it was called Europa till the Parthians gave it that name from Arsaces, the first of their Emperors; that is it the same with that City, which the Greeks called Ragea, and the holy Scripture Rages of Media. Some are of opinion, that it was that same Casbira of which Strabo makes mention, but the Persian Histories will not allow it to be so ancient. The History entitled Elbeijon, or the Explication, relates, That this was founded by Shapour the Son of Ardeshir-babecon, and that he gave it the name of Shaepour, as much as to say, the City of the Kings Son. For Shae, signifies a King; and Pour in the ancient Persian, a Son. Whence the name of Shapour, which the ancient Greeks call Sapores. The History entitled Teduine, affirms, that the City which was called Shaepour was not Casbin, and that it was not built on the same place where Casbin now stands; but at least three Leagues above, toward the West, at the Concourse of two Rivers, the one named Haroud, already mentioned, which springs from the Mountain Alouvent, and the other called Ebher-roud, or the River of Ebher.  
I have heard several Persons of Quality affirm, that there are in that place vast heaps of Ruins to be seen; and all Authors agree that the two Towns, called Sartshé, not far from thence, were built in the Reign of Ardeshir-babecon. Another Persian History, composed by an Author called by the name of Ambdalla, relates that Casbin had its first Rise from a Castle which the King last mentioned caused to be built, to stop the Inroads of the Deilemites, that came down from Mount Alouvent, and ravaged all the Territory. That this Castle was seated in the middle of the City, where is now the Royal Piazza of Casbin, and that it was ruined by the Arabians in the time of Osman, one of Mahomet's first successors. And indeed almost all their Histories make mention of this Castle, and say, that after it was demolished it was rebuilt again much larger than before, and a great Town raised round about it. Mousael-hadibilla, the Son of Mahomet-mehdy, Califf of Bagdat, caused it to be surrounded with walls in the 170. year of the Hegyra, and about a thousand paces from it built a little City, which he called by his own name Medina-Moussi, which name one large Ward or Quarter of Casbin carries to this day. Moubarec-suzbee one of the Califs freed Servants, who had the Government of the Province, and to whom the work was recommended, built another City, at an equal distance, and called it Moubarekié, for the preservation of his name, which the Persians some time after called Moubarec-abad. Moubarec signifying blessed, abada habitation.  
Haron-Reshid Brother and Successor to Mousa-elhadi, joined these three little Cities into one, by filling up the void space with a great number of buildings; and then ordered the whole to be encompassed with Walls and Fortifications. Which work was begun in the 190 year of the Hegyra. Haron also had a design to have made it a Bulwark against the Incursions of the Hyrcanians and Deilamites, and a Magazine for the war which he was intending against Iberia, and withal a place of Trade: but dying not long after, the work remained imperfect. In the year 245, in the Reign of Muktadis-billa-Mousi, Nufa's son, who had shaken off the Yoke of that Pontiff, and usurped the Royal Authority in Persia, finished the Walls and Fortifications, and gave to the City, the name of Casbin, or Casvin, for the word is sometimes pronounced with a b, and sometimes with a v, from a word that signifies Punishment or pain, because he imprisoned in that Gastle all his Grandees which he designed to punish. There is also another reason given for the Denomination, that is to say, because this City was once a place of Exilement. Tho Acemberg, an Armenian Author, is of a different opinion; for he believes that the City of Casbin was so called by King Casbin, after his own name.  
In the year 364. a part of the Wall being fallen down, Saheb Califf Ishmael, chief minister of state to Alié-fecre-deulet, King of Persia, caused the Ruins to be repaired, and being almost utterly destroyed in the Civil Wars, Emir sherif-abovali Jafer, took care of its Restauration, and in the year, 411. caused the work to be followed so close, that within two Years, there was no sign of any Ruins. The History of Casbin makes mention of two other fatal disasters that befell it, occasioned by Earthquakes. The first in the year 460. that overturned all the walls and a third part of the Buildings: And the second which did not so much mischief as the first, in the year 562. at what time Mahomet, the Son of Abdalla-elmegare, who reigned in the Country of the Parthians, removed his Court near Casbin, to view the Ruins, and take care of the Reparations. And because that the walls which were then only of Earth did not seem sufficiently beautiful nor strong enough for so great a City, he caused that which the Earthquake had left standing, to be pulled down, and raised up other Walls of red Brick. The Walls were a hundred thousand and three hundred paces in compass, and at the end of every five hundred paces fortified with Towers. The Tartars and Turks utterly ruined these Towers and Walls at several Times, and those that were rebuilt in their Room, after the destructions of every new invasion. The Ruins of which are still to be seen, as I have said already.  
After all Casbin was restored and rebuilt as you see, it has enjoyed forabove these three hundred years both peace and plenty, by the Advantage of its situation, which renders it so convenient for the Trade of Iberia, Hyrcania, and Media, with the Southern Provinces of the Kingdom. In the 955. year of the Hegyra, King Tahmas, despairing to defend Tauris against Solyman, retired to Casbin, and made that City the Metropolis of his Kingdom: finding it convenient for all Seasons in the Year. There he spent the Winter; in the Summer he retired three or four Leagues into the Country, and lived in Tents, at the foot of Mount Alouvent, in a place abounding with cool Springs and pleasant Shades. His Successors lived after the same Rate, till Abas the Great, who the first year of his Reign removed his Court to Ispahan. And there are several Reasons alleged for this Change. Some attributed it to the Air of Casbin, which the King did not find so healthful: Others affirm that he was frighted by the Astrologers, who told him, that the Stars threatened him with several Misfortunes if he stayed at Casbin. But others assert, it was only the better to accomplish the design of building a new City, as being over persuaded, that it was the surer way to Eternize his Memory then all his great Actions. But the most probable Reason was one which I heard from a great Lord, who was highly esteemed by that Potent Prince, That when he had laid the design of those Conquests which he made with so much Renown, as well to the East as to the South, he forsook Casbin and removed to Ispahan, that he might be nearer the Country which he intended to Conquer.  
However it were, the City is much decayed, since the Removal of the Royal Residence, and that it has lost all those Perquisites that set forth the Pomp and Grandeur os a sumptuous Court. The Successors of Abas have resided there for one or two years together, and the deceased King was upon his way thither when he died. For the City had earnestly importuned him by Presents and Requests, and were so overjoyed to understand his Majesty was coming, that they presented the Messenger that brought the news with a Present of three hundred Tomans, which amounts to about one thousand Guines.  
Now the chief advantage which accrues to the City from the Court's residing there, is the consumption of a vast quantity of Provision which the Country produces, and which they cannot export, in regard the Countries round about have no need of supplies.  
Now besides all that has been said, that renders Casbin a famous City, we must not forget rhat it has been a place celebrated for the Birth of several great men: among the rest Locman, highly esteemed for the Fables which he so well composed in imitation of Aesop, that some learned Men uphold it to be the same Book.  
The City is governed by a Darogué, or Mayor, who is chosen every Year, and in that Year makes his office worth him six hundred Tomans; or two thousand pounds. In their Judicial Acts and Records, they give to this City the additional name of Daral-Seltenet, or the Seat of Royalty; because the Kings of Persia who reigned in the 15. and 16. Ages there kept their Court as has been said.  
We ended our days Journey at Kiaré, a large Village consisting of five hundred Houses; in the midst of which upon a rising Ground stands a Castle of Earth half ruined. The Remainder of several strong Places in this Country demolished in the 13. Age: Before which time Invasions were so frequent, and so sudden, and the Civil Wars so tedious and so furiously carried on, that they were forced to fortify themselves every where, and defend themselves from all sorts of Persons: for such like Castles are to be seen in all the Villages, and great Towns, that are under the Jurisdiction of Casbin.  
The 10. we travelled four Leagues in a plain and pleasant Country, as in the preceding days; still directing Course to the South. And our manner of travelling all the way, particularly from Miané, which is upon the Confines in the Evening an hour or two before Sun set, road a Journey, of five or six Leagues by Midnight, or thereabours. Longer Journeys of eight or nine Leagues held us almost all night long which is the general way of travelling over all the East in Summertime, to avoied the heat of the Sun, which would melt both Man and Beast in the day time. In the night we travelled a greater pace and more at ease: the Servants walk a foot with less trouble; and the Masters themselves are glad to walk sometimes, when they find themselves sleepy, and to shake off those little shiverings caused by the Coolness of the Air; besides that it is a great ease to the Horses. When you get to your Inn, you go to Bed, and fetch up that sleep in the day, which you lost in the night. Another advantage of travelling by night is this, that the Beasts of Carriage, rest all the time that the Heat and the Flies molest 'em, and are better looked after, while the Servants dress 'em by daylight; besides that in the day time Provisions both for Horse and Man are more ready to be had. And then again the Hosts of the Caravanseray, having slept almost all the day for want of Employment, are then up and ready at all Commands.  
The first thing which the Grooms do, at the first coming into the Inn, is to walk the Horses, than they cloth them and loosen their Girts. About an hour or two after, they give 'em to eat, and then the Grooms go to sleep: about nine or ten a Clock every body rises, and eats a light Breakfast; after that the Grooms dress their Horses, and the Cooks get ready their Victuals. In the mean time the Master betakes himself again to his Rest, or else otherwise employs himself. About four a Clock they meat their Horses with Barley (for they never give 'em Oats in the East) and then put on the Saddle: at which time Supper is served in. While the Master Sups, the Cook cleanses the Kitchen Furniture, and the Valet de Chambre puts up the Masras, which is a kind of Portmantle where the Bed and Bed-cloaths are put up, with as much Convenience as in a Chest, of which one Horse will carry two. Then the Servants go to Supper, while the Master gets himself ready and puts on his Boots. When the Servants have supped, which is soon done among the Asiatics: the Cook puts up his Utensils, and the Groom bridles and girts up the Horses, and the rest fold up the Carpets, or do what else belong to their Duties: lastly, they load and so depart. They that have not seen the Fashions of the East, will hardly believe with what Conveniency Men travel in those Parts. However it is very great, though a man may be said to carry a whole House a long with him: and the reason is, because every Servant knowing what he has to do, every thing is dispatched in an Instant.  
We lodged at Segs-abad, which signifies the Habitation of Dogs; being a Town as large as Kiare; seated in a fair Plain, where there are a great number of Villages. There are no Inns at either of those two places, but in each fifteen or twenty great Houses, which the Owners keep open for the Entertainment of Travellers, and which are kept much more cleanly than the Caravanserais. There is also much better Accommodation, but at a dearer rate: For the Host not daring to demand either for his Lodging or his Trouble, which is not the Custom, he pays himself by the Provender and Provisions which he sells his Guests at his own price, whereas in the Caravanserais every thing is taxed.  
The 11. we travelled eight Leagues: the first two over Molehills and little hills, where the way was somewhat rugged; the rest over a fair champaign Ground full of Villages, and for the most part well manured. It is said to be the place where the Battle was fought between Lucullus and Mithridates, and which the defeat of Crassus rendered yet more famous in the Roman History.  
We alighted at an Inn called Koskeirou, one of the fairest and largest that ever was built in Persia. There are belonging to it two Gardens, two Cisterns, a Bath, and a small Canal: being altogether the Gifts of the Chief Wife of Abas the Great. She founded this place, and settled a Revenue of Fourscore Pounds to pay four Servants that were to lodge in the Inn, merely to keep it clean, and to wait upon Travellers. But the fourscore Pounds have been since converted to other uses, through the Covetousness of the trusties. Which is the reason that the Caravanserai lies very nasty every where, and runs to ruin for want of good keeping. It cost four Thousand Tomans the Building, which comes to eighteen thousand Pounds. There are also in Persia other Inns, besides Bridges, Causeys, and Hospitals, remaining Monuments of the Charity of that Princess; which have rendered her Name famous, and if we may believe public Report, she expended in Pious Works, no less than a hundred thousand Tomans, which make about four hundred thousand Pounds Sterling.  
The 12. we travelled eight Leagues, three over the pleasant Plains where stands Koskeirou; and five in a deep Country, where the Road is somewhat crooked and rough. Two hours before day we arrived at Sava, and lodged in the Suburbs that lie upon the high Road.  
Sava is a great City seated in a sandy and barren Plain, within sight of Mount Alouvent. It is two miles in Circuit, and girt with walls, but thinly peopled: for unless it be the Heart of the City, the rest runs to ruin for want of Inhabitants. The Walls are also in a bad condition, nor is there any thing remarkable round about it; though formerly it has been a fair City, as the ruins of several great Structures demonstrate. There runs a small River through, and a good number of Canals. The Soil is dry and sandy; producing nothing without Art and Industry; yet it is beautified with a great number of Gardens. The Air is there very hot, and unhealthy. It lies 35. deg. 50. min. of Lat. 85. deg. of Longitude; and is governed by a Derogué or Mayor  
The Histories of Persia unanimously consent, that the whole Plain of Sava, was formerly a Salt Marsh or Lake, like to that Lake which is called the Salt-Sea, not above twenty Leagues from this City to the East, and which is crossed over a Crusey thirty Eeagues in length, as ye travel from Ispahan into Hyrcania; but those Histories do not agree upon the time that this Marsh was dried up. Some fabulously report that it was the same night that Mahomet was born. Others that it was Haly, his Son-in-Law, who drained away the waters by a Miracle. And the same Histories report, that he wrought that Miracle, only by the pronunciation of one word; and that he did it in favour to the Inhabitants of Com, who took his part against the Father-in-Law of Mahomet. They also add, that those People, to preserve the Memory of so great an Accident, built a City in the midst of that same drained Fenn, and laid the first Stone upon the Sun's entering into Gemini. The northern People ruin'd it in the fourth Age of Mahumetism. But Coja-Sehid-el-din the Son of Melec-Sheref-el-din-Savegi rebuilt it forty years after that, much more stately than it was before its Destruction, walled it, and paved it with red Bricks. Sometime after that Coja-Séhid-el-din enlarged it to the North, and brought the water to it through ten Channels, and built a spacious Mosque in the Eastern part of it, upon the same Foundation where Suyed-Eshac, the Son of Imam-Mousa-Cazem had built one several Ages before. Close adjoining to that Mosque stands the sumptuous Tomb of Bercordar-bec Grand Master of the Ordnance of Persia, who died of a Dropsy in that City about ten years ago.  
Just over against Sava, to the East, at the distance of four Leagues, stands a place of Pilgrimage, the most famous for the Devotion of the Persians. They call it Ech-movil, that is to say, Samuel; for they believe that Prophet was there interred; over his Tomb there is built a most sumptuous Mausoleum in the midst of a magnificent Mosque. Opposite to this, that is Westward, nine miles from the City, under the same Parallel, are to be seen some footsteps here and there of that famous City of Rey, the biggest City in Asia. The Wonders that are recounted of it are incredible, nevertheless they are generally ascertained by all Historians; and by some as if they had been Eye-witnesses. The Persian Histories report, that in the Time of Calife Medybilla-abou-Mahamed-Darvanich, who lived in the ninth Age of Christianism, the City of Rey was divided into 96 Quarters, of which every one contained 46 Streets, and every Street 400 Houses and ten Mosques. That there were moreover in the City 6400 Colleges, 16600 Baths, 15000 Towers of Mosques; 12000 Mills, 1700 Channels, and 13000 Inns. I dare not insert the number of Houses, because I cannot believe there were half so many people: Nevertheless our Geography is in that particular asserted, and justified by all the Oriental Authors. The Arabian Writers affirm in like manner, that in the third Age of Mahumetism, which is exactly at the same time, that Rey was the best peopled City in Asia; and next to Babylon there never was any City so considerable, either for the Number, Wealth, or Trade of her Inhabitants. And hence it was, that those pompous Titles were given her in Histories, The first of Cities, the Spouse of the World, the Gate of the Gates of the Earth, and the Market of the Universe. Nor is the Original of Rey less remarkable. The Chronicle of the Magis makes Chus, the Grandchild of Noah, to be the Founder of it, and adds that he laid the first Stone when the Sun was in Scorpio. But the Vulgar Opinion is, that it was founded by Housheing-Pishdadi, or Chief Justiciary. The Orientals give this Title to all the Kings of Persia of the first Race, as being the first Governors and Legislators that came to their Knowledge. Housheing was the second King of that Race. Manou●sher, the first King after Housheing, greatly enlarged it: and it continued in its Splendour till the Conquest of the first Mahumetans that destroyed it. Mehdi-billa, surnamed Mansour, or the Victorious, the third caliph of Babylon, raised it to be greater and more populous than before; and under his Successors it was, that it arrived to that degree of Grandeur which we have related. The last destruction that befell it happened in the Time of the Civil Wars, at what time the Tartars extended their Incursions into the Country of the Parthians. The Religion of the mahometans was then divided into Sects, as at this day: so that the Sect of Shia, which was that which the Persians stuck to, and that of the Sunnis which the Turks followed, divided the whole Country. These two Factions were at War for sixty years together, and the Sect of Shia being born down, by the the Assistance of the petty Tartars, who are Sunnis, the victorious Sect subdivided themselves into two other Opinions, which they call from the Name of their first Broachers, Shafai and Hanifei, which flourish to this day among the Mahometan Sunnis. These Wars, together with the Incursions of the Tartars, destroyed the Potent Rey, and reduced it to nothing before the end of the sixth Age of the Mahometan Epoch. Threescore years after that Facre-Eddin Prince of Parthia, having made a Peace with Gazen-Can King of Persia, of the Race of the Tartars, endeavoured to rebuild this unfortunate City, but could: not accomplish his Design. Ptolemy calls this City Raquaja, and the rest of the greek Authors call it by such Names, as seem to be formed from the word Rey. It lies in 35. deg. and 35. min. of Latitude, and 76. deg. 20. min. of Longitude. The Soil is fertile and pleasant; and produces plenty of good Fruits. The Air is unhealthy, makes the Skin look yellow, and breeds Agues; nevertheless it is said the People lived there as long as in other places, which is a wonder, and occasioned that Persian Distich.  
Dreaming I saw, and naked in his Shirt The Angel of the Dead;  
Who of the City Rey, by break of day Th' unwholesome Vapours fled.  
This City has produced a great many Learned Men, and hoarded within its own bosom for several Ages, the chiefest part of the Riches of the East. It is reported that during its Splendour, the smaller Mosques had no less than a hundred Branches of all sorts of Metal, furnished with burning Tapers, and the larger Mosques five hundred, that were kept lighted all night long.  
The 13. we travelled six Leagues through a plain and level Country: but the Road was full of turnings and windding, by reason of the turning and winding of the River, and the several Canals in several parts of the Plain that water the Grounds. We passed over one large Bridge, and several small ones, and lodged at a great Inn built upon a flat piece of Ground, near to four others which are not so big. It is called Jafer-abad; or the Habitation of Jafer, from the name of a great Persian Lord, who caused the first Inns to be built that ever were built in this place.  
The 14. we travelled five Leagues over the same Plain. When we came about half way, we road along by the side of a little Hill called Couh-Telisme; Couh signifying a Mountain, and Telisme that which we call Talisman, or Hyeroglyphic. This Mountain has one thing remarkably peculiar to it, which I never could believe till now; Which is this, That still as you approach nearer and nearer to it, it shows a different form, and varies both in its bigness and figure. The Top or Point of it is always in sight, and you would think, that it turned that side which way soever you stood to look upon it: which I have experienced to be true, as having beheld this Mountain from all the points of the Compass. Which natural Enchantment may proceed in my Opinion, from the variety of the Optic Mediums through which that little Mountain is beheld, Nature having there sported something that resembles those Ingenuous Pictures, that vary the Object by turning the Posture of the Picture this or that way to the Eye. It consists of a black Earth, that crumbles like the burnt Mould at the foot of Mountains that vomit fire: and it is full of Caves and blind Corners, that seem to have been made of purpose. This made me inquire of the People of the Country, whether that Mountain was wont to cast forth fire; but I could, meet with no body that ever saw or heard of any such thing. But this is a public Caution to all men: For they tell ye, that they who desire to ascend that Mountain never come back; and it is reported that Abas the Great one day sent a Footboy up with a Cresset Light upon his Shoulders, but that the Light presently went out and the Fellow never appeared more. This Mountain lies upon the left hand as you go to Com.  
To which City as we drew near, we saw on every side the little Mausoleums and Mosques, where the grandchildren and Descendants of Aly lie interred. The Persians call the first Descendants from this caliph, Yman Zade, or Sons of the Apostles; and these are the Persian Saints, of which there are an infinite number buried in this Kingdom; for they reckon four hundred Sepulchers about Com. We made this City the end of our Journey at ten a Clock at night: and I was afraid I should have ended my Life there too by an Accident altogether unexpected. For I alighted at the Door of the Caravanseray, and held my Horse by the Bridle, expecting my Groom to come and take him, and what time another led Horse perceiving me at his Tail, up with his hind Legs, and with all his force yerked with his Heels at my Breast; so that had I been never so little farther from him, he had broken my Bones. I confess I did not fall; for I was supported by my Horse's head, but for a quarter of an hour I was almost stifled, not being able to fetch my Breath. God in his Mercy took Comparsion of me, so that I escaped the fury of the Blow; though I felt it six weeks afterwards; yet not so, but that I could go about my Business as I was wont.  
KOM  
KOM  
The Tombs of the two last KINGS OF PERSIA.  
And here I shall give you the Platform of that Celebrated Mosque, so much talked of over all the East. It has four Courts belonging to it, as you may perceive by the Draught. The first is planted with Trees and Flowers like a Garden: being a long Square, having an Alley in the middle which is separated from the Beds and Plots by a Balustrade. There are also two Terraces an each side, running the full length of the Garden, three foot high. Upon each side of which there are twenty Chambers vaulted, nine foot square, one Chimney and a Portico. At the Entrance into this Court, upon the left hand, there's one of these deep Cellars, and upon the right hand an Aviary. It is a place designed for Recreation. For it is moreover encompassed with a canal of clear water, that runs out of one Fountain at the Entrance, and empties itself into another at the end. Ten Distiches in Letters of Gold, over the Top of the Portal, compose the Inscription of this Mausoleum; of which the Translation is as follows.  

The Date of the Portal of the Tomb of the most Venerable and Pure Virgin of Com, upon whom be Salvation.  
In the time of the happy Reign of Abas the Second, the Support of the World, to whom increase of days, This Gate was opened in the face of the People. Whoever casts up his Eyes, looseth the Idea of Paradise.  
Who has ever crossed her Courts, whose Aspect rejoices Hearts, has not passed 'em swiftly like the wind.  
Masoom Vicar to the Great Pontiff, whose sage Counsels teach the Sun to govern his Motion, caused this Portal to be made by one of 
The Word signifies desire.  his Substitutes Aga Mourad, the Height and Excellency of which surpasses the Celestial Throne.  
This is the Entrance into the Palace Royal of the thrice Venerable pure Virgin, descended from the House of the Prophet.  
Haypy and Glorious that faithful Person that shall prostrate his head upon the Threshold of this Gate, in Imitation of the Sun and Moon. Whatever he shall demand with Faith from above, this Gate shall be like an Arrow that hits the Mark, that is to say, shall answer his Desires.  
Certainly Fortune shall never molest the Enterprises of him, who for the Love of God raised this Portal in the Face of the People.  
O thou Faithful, if thou demandest in what Year this Portal was built, I answer thee, from above the Portal, from Desire demand thy Desires.   
To understand this last Distich, you must understand, that whereas in our Alphabet, there are but seven Numeral Letters, or which serve instead of a Cipher, as V. for five, X. for ten; L. for fifty, etc. The Alphabet in the Oriental Languages, stands for Arithmetical Numbers: and so for a knack of Wit, which indeed requires a quick Fancy, they denote the Year of any thing by words that have some resemblance to the Thing done, and are composed of Letters, which according to their arithmetical Value, make up just the Year of their Epoch: and the Letters of this word make 1061. Year. Of which I shall produce another Example.  
The deceased King of Persia caused a Tent to be made that cost one hundred and fifty Thousand Pounds. It was called the House of Gold; because there was nothing but Gold that glisterens in every part of it. I shall give you the Description of it in another place. It may be easily conjectured that it was a sumptuous and costly Piece, as well by the Price that it cost, as by the number of Camels which were required to carry it, that were in all 280. The Antichamber was made of Velvet with a Ground of Gold. Of which the Cornish was embellished with Verses that concluded in this manner, If thou demandest at what time the Throne of this Second Solomon was built, I will tell thee, Behold the Throne of the Second Solomon; where the Letters of the last words being taken for cyphers make 1057. Years. Which is looked upon as mere Gibberish in our Language, but among the Orientals passes for Wit and Ornament.  
The second Court is not so beautiful as the first; but the third is nothing inferior to it. It is surrounded with Apartments, every one containing two Stories, a Terrace, a Portico, and a Canal, in like manner as the former. Four large Trees stand at each Corner, and cover it with their Boughs. Out of this third Court you enter into the fourth, by a Marble Ascent consisting of twelve Steps. The Portal which is at the Top, is a most magnificent Piece. It is covered below with white Marble, transparent like to Porphiry or Aggat. The top of it which is a large half Duomo is painted with Moresco Work of Or and Azure laid on very thick. In this fourth Court are also Chambers both at the lower end, and on both sides, with Terraces and Porticoes, like the other three. Those are the Lodgings for the Priests, the Governors and Students, that live upon the Revenues of that sacred Place.  
Fronting these Courts stands the Body of the Structure, consisting of three great Chapels upon a Line. To the middlemost belongs an Entrance eighteen Foot deep, every way magnificent, the Portal being of the same white Marble already mentioned. The Top, which is also a large half Duomo, is over-laid without, with large square Tiles of Cheney, painted with Moresco Work, and within embellished with Gold and Azure. The Door which is twelve foot high, and six broad, is all of transparent Marble. The folding Doors are plated with Silver, embellished with Vermilion guilt, carved Work and polished, which make a Mosaic altogether costly and full of Curiosity. The Chapel is Octogonal, covered with a high Duomo; the lower part of which Chapel is covered with large Tiles of Porphiry waved, and painted with Flowers in Gold and Colours, so lively and full of Lustre that they dazzle the Eye. The upper part is of Moresco Work, of lively and glittering Gold and Azure, and the Bottom of the Duomo is all of the same. This Duomo is very large and wonderfully beautiful, being overlaid without like the Portal. From the top of all arises a Spire, with a Crescent fixed at the top, the ends of which are reverse, as you see in the Figure. This Pinnacle, which is of a remarkable Bigness, is comossed of several Bowls of several Proportions, set one upon another, and appears as you stand below to be about twenty foot high with the Crescent, the whole of fine Gold. The Persians affirm it to be all Massy: which if it be true, the Pinnacle is worth Millions; but let it be what it will, 'tis a noble Ornament, of which the Value cannot but amount to a large Summ.  
In the midst of that Chapel stands the Tomb of Fatima, the Daughter of Mousa Casem, one of the twelve Califs, which the Persians believe to have been the lawful Successors of Mahomet, after the Death of Ali his Son-in-Law. It contains eight feet in length, five in breadth, and six in height. Over-laid with Tiles of China, painted alamoresca, and overspread with Cloth of Gold that hangs down to the ground on every side. It is enclosed with a Grate of Massy Silver, ten foot high, distant half a foot from the Tomb; and at each Corner crowned as it were with large Apples of fine Gold. Which is done to the end the People should not sully the Tomb with their kissing and handling it: for the Tomb is looked upon as a sacred Piece. Several breadths of Velvet hung about the inside of the Grate, hide it from the view of the People: so that only Favour or Money can procure a sight of it. The Floor likewise is covered with a Carpet of very fine Woollen: over which at great Festival Times, are spread others of Silk and Gold. Over the Tomb, about ten foot in height, hang several Silver Vessels which they call Candil; being a sort of Lamp, of which there are some that weigh sixty Marks: and are otherwise fashioned then the Church Branches, as may be seen in the Figures. But they never light up any fire therein, which they are not made to hold, nor any sort of Liquor, as not having any Bottom.  
Upon the Grate hang several Inscriptions in Letters of Gold upon thick Velloms, as large as a large sheet of Paper. Which Inscriptions contain the Elegies of the Saint and her Family. The Inscription upon the Front of the Entrance contains the Prayer which they all generally say, that come in the Pilgrimage to the Sepulchre. The Pilgrim, when he enters, kisses the Threshold and the Grate three times; and standing upright with his Face towards the Tomb, one of the Mollas, that attend there day and night, comes to him, who causes him to say the Prayer word for word. After the Prayer so said, the Pilgrim again kisses the Grate, and the foot of the Door; then giving the Priest four or five pence, more or less, according to his ability, he retires. If he desires a Certificate of his Pilgrimage, they write him one in due form; the dispatch of which costs him half a Pistol, or eight or nine shillings. All the money which the Pilgrims and other Votaries give, is put into a little iron Chest, like the Trunk of a Tree, that stands at the entrance into the Chapel, which is opened every Friday, and what is found therein is distributed among the people that belong to the Mosque, and do Duty in that consecrated place. It would be too long, and perhaps to irksome, to insert all the Inscriptions I have mentioned: and therefore I shall only give you the Translation of the two Principal Prayers, which the Pilgrims are bound to say.  

In the name of God clement and merciful.  
I Visit my Lady and Mistress Fatima, the daughter of Mousa, the son of Dgafar, upon whom be all Salvation and Peace eternally. And out of my zeal to approach to God by her Intercession, I invoke her for myself, my Father and Mother, and all the truly Faithful.  
In the name of God sovereignly pitiful, I wish thee Health eternal, O Apostle of God. I wish thee Health eternal, O Elect of God. I wish thee Health eternal, O the best and most perfect of all men, Mahamed the son of Abdalla. God grant thee his Mercy, his Grace and his Benedictions, and to all thy Family. I wish thee eternal Health, O Prince of the Faithful, O Lord and Chief of the true Vicars of God. I wish thee eternal Health, O thou that art the Truth itself. I wish thee Health eternal, and the Mercy and Benedictions of God o Ali who art the true Balsam, for the wounds of sin. I wish the Health eternal, O virgin most Pure, most Just, and most Immaculate, glorious Fatima, the daughter of Mahammed the Elect, the best beloved Wife of Ali, the Mother of twelve true Vicars of God, of Illustrious Birth; and I also wish the Mercy of God, and his Benedictions, to thy Mother the most precious, the most pure, and highborn Khadidge. I wish the mercy of God and his Benedictions to Hasan and Heussein, true Directors of the way of Truth, Celestial Flambeauxes of the dark Night of the World, Great Standards of true Piety, unreproachable Testimonies of God against the World, Lords of all the young Men who are in the Glory of Paradise. I wish thee Eternal Health O Fatima, the Daughter of Mousa, Virgin Holy, Virtuous, Just, Directirix of the Truth, Pious, Sanctifi'd, worthy of all our Praises, who Sovereignly lovest the Faithful, and who art Soveragnly beloved: Virgin without blemish, and exempt from all Impurity. May God take his Greatest Delight in thee, look upon thee as pleasing to Him, and Establish thee in Paradise, which is thy Eternal Habitation and Refuge. I am come to seek thee, O Mistress and Lady of my Soul, in hopes that I may approach the most High God by this Act of Piety, and of his Apostle and his Holy Children. The Mercy of God be upon him and them Eternally. I Abhor and I Detest my Sins, of which I have made me an unhappy Burden, that sinks me to the Earth; and I do my Endeavour to break the Yoke of Hell: Vouchsafe me thy Intercession, O most Holy Virgin, at the Day when the Good shall be separated from the Wicked. Be then a propitiation in my behalf, for thou art descended from a Race and Genealogy of Parents, that will not suffer those that love 'em to fall into Misfortune; that never refuse any thing to whoever they be that call upon 'em in Prayer; who divert all evil from those that tenderly cherish 'em; but whose Enemies on the other side shall never prosper. O God most High, the Holy Doctors of the Race of the Prophet, upon all whom be eternal Mercy, thy Peace, and thy Salvation, have truly declared and taught that whoever shall devoutly visit Fatima of Com, shall have Paradise for his Portion. I am the Man, O my God, who come to visit her in this manner, persuaded and convinced, as I am, of her Grandeur and her Excellency, and of that of her glorious Ancestors, pure and clean from all Sin, upon all whom be Mercy and Peace. O God, be favourable to Mahamed and the Family of Mahamed. Render profitable to my Salvation the Visit which I make to this Holy Virgin, and confirm me in the favour of her Love. Suffer me not to be deprived of the favour of her Intercession, and crown me with the Glory of Paradise, as thou hast promised to do, for that in thee is Sovereign Power.  
I visit my Lady and Mistress Fatima, the Daughter of Mousa, the Son of Dgafar. Peace be upon 'em, and let it be wished 'em eternally by all the Faithful Believers, whose Devotion inclines 'em to approach to God by her Intercession.  
In the Name of God Clement and Merciful, Peace be upon Adam, the Elect of God. Salvation be upon Noah, the Prophet of God. Salvation be upon Abraham, the intimate Friend of God. Salvation upon Moses, the mouth of God. Salvation upon thee Mahomet, the seal and last of the Prophets. Salvation upon thee, the Prince and Director of the Faithful, Aly the Son of Abitaleb, Vicar of the Apostles of the Lord of human Creatures. Salvation upon thee Fatima, the Lady of the Women of the world. Salvation upon both you, the Graved Children of the Prophet of Mercy, and Lord of the young men that inhabit Paradise. Salvation be upon thee Ali the Son of Heusein, the Lord of pious Men, and Joy of the Eyes of the glorified Saints. Salvation upon thee Dgafar the Son of Mahomed the Just. Salvation upon thee Mousa the Son of Dgafar the Pure. Salvation upon thee Ali the Son of Mousa, whom we all agree to. Salvation upon thee Mahomet, the Son of Ali, the tenderly cherished. Salvation upon thee Ali the Son of Mahomet the Faithful Counsellor. Salvation upon thee Hasan the Son of Hali. Salvation upon thee, the Light and Sun of the World, the last Apostle, and upon the Friend of thy Friends, and upon the Vicar of thy Vicars. Salvation upon thee, the Daughter of the Apostle of God. Salvation upon thee the Daughter of Fatima and of Khadidgeh. Salvation upon thee the Daughter of the Director of the Faithful, and the Friend of God. Salvation upon thee the Daughter of the Race of Hassan and Heusein. Salvation upon thee the Daughter of the Friend of God. Salvation be to thee the Aunt of the Friend of God. Salvation be to thee the Daughter of Mousa the Son of Dgafar. The Mercy of God, his Benedictions and his Salvation be upon ye all. God grant that ye may all know one another in Paradise. God grant that we may be assembled together in your Company, that we may drink out of our Prophet's Fountain, and that you may drink out of the Cup of your Grandfather, from the hand of Hali the Son of Abitaleb. The Blessings of God be upon all us. I pray to God that he may fill us with Gladness and Joy, that he may assemble us into the company of your Grandfather Mahomet, upon whom be the Mercy and Peace of God, and may be never deprive us of your Knowledge; for he is a most Powerful Protector. I approach to God under the shadow of your Favour, detesting your Enemies; I make him the Offering of myself, devoting myself for a victim without Ignominy or Pride; and I confess with all my heart, that whatever Mahomet preached is Truth, and I submit thereto. Therefore it is, that we implore thy Assistance, O Lord our God, thy Compassion, and the glory of the day of Judgement. O Fatima, intercede for me, for thou art in high Esteem with God, and thou hast power in Heaven. O God I pray thee, that thou wilt grant me to make a happy end, nor take away from me any thing that I enjoy. There is most certainly neither power nor strength, but by the Favour of the most puissant and great God. Hear me O God, and accept my Pilgrimage, through thy Liberality, thy Favour, thy Mercy, and thy Clemency. Be favourable to Mahamed and his Family, and grant 'em Salvation and Peace, O sovereignly-merciful Being.   
To conclude, this Fathmas Tomb was rebuilt three times. Her Father carried her to Come, by reason of the great Persecution, wherewith the Califs of Bagdat molested his Family, and all those that took Aly's part, and held him and his Offspring for the true Successors of Mahomet. She erected several fair Structures in that City, and there at last ended her days. The People believe that God carried her to Heaven, and that there is nothing in the Temple, but only a Representation of her Body.  
SEPULCHRE DE ABAS SECOND  
SEPULCHRE DE SIFY PREMIER  
Round the Gallery of Abas' Tomb, runs a Freeze, divided equally into Cartridges of Azure, wherein are written in large Characters of Gold, the Elegies of the Famous, Haly, the Great Saint and Idol of the Persians, made by the Learned Hasan-Caza. Of which I shall insert the Translation, as being a Piece of Eloquence, wherein may be seen not only the Genius of the Persian Poetry, but the Transports of Mahometan Devotion. The whole is divided into seven Songs in Distiches, of which the first runs all upon Mahomet, and the other six all upon Haly.  


The first Song.  
I Salute the glorious Creaturê, of whom the Sun is but the shadow. Masterpiece of the Lord of Human Creatures, Great Star of Justice and Religion.  
Infallible Expounder of the 
(1) The Pentateuch, the Psalter, the Gospel, and the Alcoran. The Mahometans believing that these Books ever were and always shall be the Rule of their Faith.  four Books, Conductor of the eight 
(2) The Heavens of the Planets of the Primum Mobile.  Mobiles; Governor of the 
(3) The seven Climates which was the Ancient Division of the Earth.  seven Parts. Chief of the Faithful.  

(4) It is in the Original, Doctor in the Knowledge of the Prophets, who knew not their A, B, C. For the mahometans affirm, that Mahomet was so ignorant in human Learning, that he could not read. To the end they might the better from thence conclude, that his Knowledge was supernatural.  Doctor of that Knowledge which is infused into the Prophets. Royal Hero, 
(5) The twelve Heirs and Successors of Mahomet, the last of which was carried to Heaven; and shall return to confound the Reign of the unfaithful.  celebrated by twelve Successors, though the Veil should be taken away, yet would not my Belief be increased. Light of God. Illuminating Soul of Prophecy; Guide of true Believers.  
The first Object of God, when he bethought himself of sending his Orders to Earth, and Ambassador, Centre of divine Secrets, concerning what is past and to come, who has caused the Acknowledgement of God to shine forth out of the darkness of Errors; as the Morning goes before the Sun, before he mounts the Horizon, thwart an obscure Night.  
Principal Type of things created. Instrument of the Creation of the World, the highest of the Race of Adam. Soul of the great Apostles and Messengers.  
Thou art that Lord, through whom, one Verse in the Alcoran promises the fulfilling of our desires. Thou art that Sun, through whom another Verse tells the Sovereign Beauty shall be seen. Light of Eyes! Crown of Prophecy. Idol of the Angel Gabriel!  
Thou art in the world, a world of virtue and dignity. Thou art upon the Earth a Sun of Majesty and Grandeur.  
The Sea is not rich and liberal, but by the gifts of thy munificent Hands. The Angel Treasurer of Heaven reaps his Harvest in the Fertile Gardens of the purity of thy Nature.  
Moses, who divided the Sea, is the Porter of the Throne of thy Justice. Jesus, the Monarch of the Fourth Heaven, keeps guard before the veil of the Throne of thy Glory.  
That incomprehensible Painter, who drew the Mole at one stroke of his Pencil 
(a) Let it be so, and it was so. Gen. 1.  koun-fikoun never made so fair a Portraiture as the globe of thy Visage.  
From thy descent into the Cradle to the last day of thy Life, the Angels who Register Words, never heard thee speak a word which 
The Mahometans hold that every man has two inspecting Angels; the one who writes down the good, the other the evil which he does.  did not ravish God himself with Joy.  
No man in whatsoever condition he is, can resemble God so much as thou dost. But if there could be an Image to represent God as he is, it could be no other than thyself; that Ambassador whom out of his extraordinary Clemency he sent to the Earth.  
Happy and holy is the man who believes all that God has spoken in the Alcoran, according to the sense which his Prophet has observed in the Book of his sentences. If he should be compared with any other exalted Being, there could not be found a more perfect exemplar than Mahomet.   

The second Song.  
O unexpressible man! who hast no Equal but Mahomet the Elect Prophet. God has assigned upon thy 
(7) The Persians affirm, that Aly was the handsomest Person that ever was: and that his Beauty was unconceivable. For which reason the Painters usually cover his Face with a Veil, and will not let it be seen. But what the Poet here speaks of Haly signifies that the Blessed in Heaven account it their chiefest felicity to be beloved by him.  Love the Dowry of the Ladies of Paradise.  
The Primum Mobile, would never dart the Ball of the Sun through the Trunk of Heaven, were it not to serve the morning out of the extreme Love she has for thee.  
What is the power of the Stars and Destiny, in comparison of thine? and what is the Light of the Sun, compared with that of thy Understanding? Destiny does but execute thy Commands. The Sun is enlightened by the beams of thy Knowledge.  
When the numerous Train of thy Majesty goes in its Pomp, we see the 
(8) Or Fortune, The sense is, thou knowest how to turn the world at thy pleasure, as a Mule turns, the little Bell that hangs at his neck.  Sphere bound to the hand of the Captain that guides it, like a little Bell at the neck of a Mule.  
Let not Hercules vaunt any more the Force of his Courage. For who would endre a Fly to brave it upon the wings of the great Phoenix of the East.  
Had Hercules seen the Valour of thy Arm in one Action, assuredly the Bird of his Soul would have broken the Cage of his Body, and fled for fear.  
The immense Sea of thy merit, tosses up surges above the Heavens, and upon this Sea of Virtue the Tempests of Adversity cause no more disorder than Rushes in the Water.  
If thy Glory be weighed in the Balance of exalted Sense, the highest mountains weighed against it, would appear no more than the Seed of Lentils.  
In the great Career of Happiness, where the (Transparts of those who run the Race, makes 'em like Horses, that get the Bit in their Teeth and throw their Riders.  
And causes 'em with the force of their Spurs to prick an Artery, at what time the Angel of Death comes like a fatal Physician to take 'em by the Arm of the Soul)  
Thou shalt escape this rude Career, as the Sun passes on from the East. They shall carry before thee the honourable Standard of the Supreme Majesty; and behind thee, the Spoils, as marks of the Victory.  
And in this Race, were all the Inhabitants of the world as brave as Hercules, the most undaunted of 'em all would not have the Courage to stand a moment before thee.  
God shall create a Body of 
(9) Renown or Fame.  Air, that shall cry with a loud voice on his behalf, Victory, Victory. There is none so stout as Aly. There is no Sword like to 
(10) Sulphagar is the name of Haly's sword which the Mahometans say divides itself at the end with two points:  Sulfagar, that Hero's Sword with two Points.   

The third Song.  
Thou from whose purity the Heaven of Unsinfulness draws its Lustre. The Sun is made a Crown of Glory of the shadow of thy Umbrello.  
Jesus the great Chemist made use of the Earth of the Portal of thy Prudence, for red Sulphur; of which he composed the Taksir, and the 
(11) Stones of Divination. The mahometans say: that when Jesus Christ was living Physic flourished in its highest degree of Excellency; and that God gave him so many secrets of that Art, that he raised the Dead, and penetrated the very thoughts of Men.  Stone Phale, by means whereof he understood all things, and healed all men.  
The eternal Painter painted a great many Images, and brought to light a great many Ideas, with a design to form thy lovely Countenance; but he found none that came near thy Beauty.  
The Falcon of thy Umbrello having extended his wings, has found the 
(12) That is to say the greatest Prophet.  Birds of the seventh Heaven nestling under the large Feather of thy left wing.  
Who ever has 
(13) A figure taken from the Custom of the Persians, to seal their Mines with the King's Seal, and of his Officers, because all Mines belong to the King.  sealed his Heart with thy Love, has found that his Heart is become a Mine of precious Stones.  
The most powerful Creature of all things, admired upon the sixth day of the Creation, that Superiority of Excellency, which thou hast above all his other Creatures.  
Upon the memorable day of thy Victory, the Sweat of thy hands was to thy Enemies a profound Deluge that swallowed 'em up like the Sea.  
Thou Vulture of the heavenly Constellation didst fly upon the Blood as a Dog upon the water.  
Insipid Poet, who comparest to the Sea the sweat of the hand of thy Hero. Thou art astonished at the Thought that comes into thy Head, that the Sea which resembles that Sweat is the 
(14) The Heaven.  blue Sea.  
Who ever has lifted up the hand of Necessity toward the Portal of thy Beneficence, he has it always returned back full of what he desired.  
O divine and Sacred Host! who givest the Saints to drink out of the Basin of Paradise. To speak something in thy Praise, we must needs say, that Nature is only adorned and enriched by thee.  
A thousand and a thousand Years together the heavens, considering the high Price of thy pure Essence, beheld the water of the Fountain of Paradise muddy, in comparison of that.  
As well God as Mahomet has always found thy Opinion the most just. The one gave thee a Sword with two points, the other a most incomparable Virgin.  
Had not thy perfect Being been in the Idea of the Creator, Eve had been eternally a Vrgin, and Adam a Bachelor.   

The fourth Song.  
Great Saint, who art the true Mansion of God, as the Prophet teaches in the Book of his Sentences. Thou art also the (16) Kebleh of the World and of Religion, the Soul of the World of Mahamed. 
(17) The place toward which they are obliged to turn when they say their Prayers. Thus Jerusalem was the Kebleh of the Jews, and Mecca of the Mahometans.   
Thy Mouth is the Treasure of sublimest Sense, thou hast placed thy Mouth upon the Fountain of understanding and knowledge, which is the 
(17) An allusion to the Kiss which the mahometans say that Mahomet gave Haly, when he publicly appointed him his Heir and Successor, and is a profane imitation of the manner of Christ's giving his Holy Spirit to his Apostles.  Mouth of Mahamed.  
Thou art the Pontiff, who art only found worthy to enter into the Sanctuary of the Great Prophet, and only Capable to stand upon the Footpace of Mahomet.  
The hearts which thy victorious Sword continually leads to the true Religion, are the Flowers with which the vapours of the Ocean of thy Puissance cover the Garden of Mahomet.  
Since the Sphere of the Law has been illuminated by several Stars, the Moon never appeared so clear and bright, till thou tookest upon thee the Empire of the Heaven of Mahomet.  
The Angel Gabriel, Messenger of Truth, everp day kisses the Groundsil of thy Gate, as being the only way that leads to the Throne of Mahomet.  
Thy Grandeur above all human Possibility is an impossible Comparison, but if any thing may compare with it, it must be the Power and Authority of Mahomet.  
O sovereign King, if in the celebrating thy Praises, I should study upon what once the Wise Hassan did in the time of Mahomet.  
I should not dare to presume to praise thy Majesty, since God himself has spoken thy Elegy by the Mouth of Mahomet.  
The explication of thy Being cannot proceed from the Tongue of mortal men-, unless we except what has been spoken of thee by Mahomet.  
But it is not the same thing with the unfolding of our own wants; for that is needless with thee. Thou knowest what they are, and thou knowest also that I am the devoted Slave of thy House, and of the Family of Mahomet.  
My soul desires to fly to thee, pressed by the Obligations which I have to men; do me some Favour that may deliver me from my Obligations to Men, I conjure thee by the Soul of Mahomet.  
Turn not away thy compassionate and favourable Looks from my Countenance. O love of my Heart, cast a tender glance upon me, O heart of the Heart of Mahomet!   

The fifth Song.  
Minister especial elected of God for the Master of the Faithful. Thou art the Soul of the Prophet of God. We ought not to give thee any other name, O Master of the Faithful!  
Thy always victorious Arm has brought under the Yoke the Heads of the most haughty Hero's of the Age, O Master of the Faithful!  
The Treasures which Nature hides, and those with which it covers the Universe, are without Lustre and Price, to what thou liberally bestowest upon us, O master of the Faithful!  
The sparkling Rubies cover themselves with Earth in the hollow of the Mine, ashamed of their not being bright enough to be put into thy Treasures, O master of the Faithful!  
I will not say what was the difference between the Gentle Zephyrus, and the Breath of thy Mouth, which refreshes the Soul and the Heart, O master of the Faithful!  
All that Jesus did with his Breath was an Emblem, but afterwards this is all. That was an Emblem which signified what miracles were to be wrought by the words of thy mouth, O master of the Faithful!  
How can an understanding, so short and confused as mine, represent the Excellency and Price of thy Majesty? O master of the Faithful!  
The Universal Spirit, with its sublime Knowledge, cannot arrive at the Portal of thy wondrous Essence, O master of the Faithful!  
Were there a place more exalted than the most high Throne of God, I would affirm it to be thy Place; O master of the Faithful!  
That we may give thee Praises worthy of thyself, it behoves us to depaint thy wonderful Essence; but for that reason alone it is impossible to praise thee according to thy Merit, O Father of the Faithful!  
Thou art all that thou deservedst to be; but who can comprehend thy merit unless it be thy God. O master of the Faithful!  
We beg all as poor Beggars at the Gate of thy Beneficence, and the Kings of the world are in the number of those Beggars, O master of the Faithful!  
The price of thy Favours surpasses the Capacity of human Understanding. The weight of thy Majesty and thy Glory is too heavy for the shoulders of human Understanding.   

The sixth Song.  
Being of an unconceivable Puissance, the Commands of Providence are executed by thy Orders. Thou canst turn with thy hand alone the vast celestial Sphere.  
The Sun, under whose shadow and auspicious Omens Nature rowls, is but a glitterimg Beam of the Clasp of thy Girdle.  
The Eternal Fountain of which the visible Ocean is not so much as a single drop, is itself but a drop to the Sea of thy Bounty.  
Human Wit that divided the World into four parts, is no more with thee then an Atom of Dust. He divides his Knowledge into ten degrees: But how many degrees are required to be a Canton of thy Knowledge?  

(18) In the Elegy of the mahometans, it is said, that God created the World by the Ministry of Angels, which is drawn from the Theology of the Jews.  The Superior of the College of the Creation, Gabriel, with all his Art and Knowledge, is but a mere Scholar to thee.  
The Verses of the Alcoran, which assure men of the Favour and Mercy of God, were sent from Heaven for thy sake.  
'Tis too small a Praise of thy ineffable Power, to call it the Zenith of Power, since the Zenith is no more than the Nadir of the Power of thy Porter.  
These two Stars which are the Eyes of the world, are two Globes, which not having been thought beautiful enough to make a part of the Structure of thy Mansion, were placed at the Avenues.  
The Famous Bird, which is placed over the Roof of thy Palace, raises from the Earth the nine Vaults of Heaven like a Grain of Wheat.  
Whatever the Gulf of Predestination encloses, its Wonders and its Prodigies came not to light, nor were made manifest but by thy Commandment.  
The humble Slave of thy Grandeur, poor Hassen employs himself day and night every year, every month in the Country of Amul to sing thy Praises.  
Devoutly he prostrates his Face to the Earth at the Gate of thy glorious Palace: He exposes to thy Eyes a sick Heart, of which he implores from thee the Cure.  
Can a man conceal his Distemper from a wholesome Remedy? Certainly it is no piece of Wisdom, for a man to conceal his Distemper from an infallible and sovereign Cure.   

The seventh Song.  
Glorious City of Nedgef, since thou art become the Mansion of the Son of the Faith, thy Territory is become more honourable than the Country of 
(19) Abraham's Wells, of which mention is made in Genesis; and with whose Water the Pilgrims of Mecca are obliged to purify themselves, a certain number of times.  Zemzen and Mecca the Holy.  
Nedgef is the true 
(20) The house of Abraham, to which the Alcoran commands Pilgrimage once in a man's life.  Kabeh for people that seek the Truth; because the Adamant of Religion has there his Habitation.  
Which is also the Son of pure Belief, the master of the Faithful; the Governor of the Kingdom of the Love of God, the Chief of the Citizens of the Heavenly Babylon.  
O destroyer of Heresy! Thou art the Secretary of the Commandments of divine Inspiration: the Judge of things commanded or forbidden.  
If the Idea of thee, the most noble in divine Sense were not in the world, the world would be but an imperfect and senseless Figure.  
Supreme Majesty, who hast augmented the Lustre of the Supreme Throne, all Creatures incessantly praise thy Name.  
The Sun is less than an Atom in the heaven of Assemblies where thou art honoured. And the Atoms are greater than the Sun, upon those places of the Earth where thou hast wrought thy Miracles.  
The Crown of 
(21) The ancient Kings of Persia of the first Race and Monarches of the East.  Gerashid is cloudy and tarnished before the Heron Tufft of thy Turban. The Throne of Fereydon is a wooden Bench in comparison of thy Seat.  
The Glory of Solomon, who was the Glory of the Earth, was a small thing in comparison of thee, because it was only borrowed of the durable Glory of thy servant Selmon.  
The Infallibility of Predestination depends only upon thy Conduct. She is so modest as never to set her Foot before thine.  
'Tis a sin to compare thee with man: for how can a lump of Earth pretend to compare with a Diamond of the clearest water?  
Human Wit cannot find a man equal to thee; but by turning toward Mahomet. This is our firm and clear Faith, and I say no more.  
They cry with a loud Voice upon the Gates of Paradise to those that come to visit thy Highness. You that have repent and are become good People, receive your Salary entering there for ever.    
The Tomb of Sephy the first is no less Sumptuous than that of Abas. The Lamp that hangs over it is of pure massy Gold. The Tomb which is of the same Form, of the same Bigness with that of Abas, is a piece of rare and wonderful Workmanship. The Materials of which are Ivory, Ebony, Brasile, Camphir, Lignum Aloes, and other Sweet Woods.  
The Workmanship is of several pieces of rapport-work after the Mosaic manner, upon a bottom of Tissue in a Field Or. The Pieces that compose the Workmanship are thin, an fastened together with Riveting and Clenching of Fine Gold. The Enchasements, Hooks, Pins, Hinges, Clasps, and in a word, whatever joins the Pieces one to another, (for the whole Work may be taken to pieces) are all of pure massy Gold. The Basis that supports the Tomb, is surrounded with a List in the Middle of two Frizes, upon which are written in Golden Characters of Rapport-work the 62. Chapter of the Alcoran; of which this is the Translation.  

In the name of God clement and merciful.  
Whatever is in the Heavens, and upon the Earth, celebrates the Grandeur of the most Holy and Wise God who is without compare, (in Puissance.) He has sent to his People of Mecca, a Prophet chosen from among 'em, to reveal his Testimonies to 'em. (The Verses of the Alcoran) to purify 'em, and teach 'em the true Faith and the true Knowledge; for that assuredly before that time they wandered in manifest Errors. Other men have not been favoured with the same Graces. But God, who is without compare for Power and Wisdom, causes his infinite Abundance to descend where he pleases himself. The Example of those who carried the Old Testament in their Hands, but never in their Works, like to an Ass that carries a Burden of Books, is a fatal Example to all Impostors, that have falsified the Ancient Testimonies of God (the Old and New Testament) and they are to understand, that God ne'er takes upon him the Conduct of Impostors. Tell 'em, O you that are become Jews! if you believe yourselves to be more the Sons of God than other Men, wish for death, wish for it if you are real (in your words.) But they have no mind to wish for it, because of what their Hands have committed. Now God knows the unjust. Tell 'em, that Death which you flee, shall overtake ye; then shall ye return to him, that knows as well what is concealed, as what is discovered. He shall set before ye all your Actions. Oh you true Believers! when they call ye to Friday Prayers, run to Celebrate the Praises of God, and let alone your private Affairs. In this it is, that real Good consists, if you have the Wit to know it. When prayers are ended, go where you please, but never hope for the Relief of your Necessities, but in the Abundance of God; and always have God in your Minds, perhaps you may (thereby) become happy. As for those who, drawn away in hopes of Gain or Divertisement, have left thee to enjoy their Pleasures, tell 'em, That which is with God is far better than Gain and Pleasure, and that God most assuredly is the best Provider for our Necessities.   
The Tomb of Sephy, like that of Abas is covered with a Pall of the rich tissue of Persia, the richest that is made in any part of the world; and another over it of fine Scarlet, with a Gold Fringe round about. And the second Covering was fastened to the Carpet below with a string, that runs through Rings of Gold, as in Abas' Tomb. The Lecterns, or Desks, which are over-against it, and are made to fold one upon another are of all sweet Wood: near to which in several Niches are a great number of Books of the Law, put up in Bags of Tissue. So that a man can hardly see any thing more Beautiful and Magnificent. There is such a Neatness and Gravity mixed together with Pomp and Riches, that I never saw any thing in Persia that better pleased me.  
All the Vessels that belong to the Chapels are of Gold and Silver. It consists in large Flambeau Branches of four and five hundred Ounces apiece in flat Dishes, wherein they serve the Poor with Victuals; in Pots to spit in, in Chafing-Dishes, Fire-shovels and perfuming Pans, and in Boxes for Grease and sweet Odours. But they never make use of the Gold Plate, unless it be upon Festivals. In the Evening they light up several Flambeaus in the Tombs and Galleries, that burn till daylight; which is also done in the middlemost Chapel, and at the Entrance. They also light up two very large ones, which they set up upon so many Stands. And eight Priests are paid and entertained, to read the Alcoran by turns day and night. Twelve more likewise perform the same Duty in Sephy's Tomb, and twenty five more in the Monument of Abas.  
Behind the Chapels, and upon each side, are very neat Gardens, with Apartments very well furnished and kept in good Repair, with little Gardens belonging to every one, extremely pleasant and delightful: upon the left hand is a large Churchyard, fifteen hundred Paces square. In which Churchyard they bring Bodies to be buried from all parts of Persia; where it is in great Request, and every where looked upon to be Sacred Ground. On the right side of the Structure, there is nothing but a high Brick Wall, very broad and very thick; and serves for a Dam against the Inundations of the River of Com, that runs at the foot of it.  
The Persians call this famous place Massouma, that is, Innocent or Pure, by reason of the pretended Saint that lies there interred, and to whom they likewise give the same Epithet. For this word Massouma in the Persian Theology, signifies a Person that has acquired a Sanctity so habitual as never to sin more. There belongs to it a Revenue of three Thousand four Hundred Tomans, which make eleven Thousand Pounds Sterling, that is to say, fifteen Hundred Tomans for Abas' Tomb, a Thousand for Sephy's, and seven hundred for Fathmas. This Revenue is employed to keep the Places clean and neat, to repair the Decays of time, in the Building and Movables, for the buying of Lights, and maintaining several Churchmen, and a great number of Regent's and Governor's, of Students and poor People. They distribute Victuals every day to all that come, and to people that are hired. And of all these Legacies and Revenues, three Great Lords of Persia have the Superintendency; every one being appointed his Chapel. He that at present takes Care of the she-Saints Chapel, is an illustrious Ancient Person, who has been Courtshi Bashi, or Colonel of the Courtches, which is a great Body of the Militia, consisting of thirty Thousand Men. And the same Person is also Governor of Com.  
This City contains also several other Edifices, very beautiful and sumptuous. It is a very pleasant Place, but for the Heat which is very excessive. In the Summer the River that passes by it is no bigger than a small Rivulet, but the Winter Thaws swell it to that degree with the Water that falls from the Mountains, that it not only fills its own Channel, which is as broad as the Seine at Paris, but overflows a great part of the City. They call it generally the River of Com; but the true Name of it is Joubad-gan. This City lies in 85. deg. 48. min. of Longitude, and 34. deg. 30. min. of Latitude. The Air is wholesome, but extremely hot, as I said before: for it scalds in the Summer, there being no place in all Persia where the Sun scorches more violently. It abounds in all manner of Victuals and Fruits, particularly in Pistachios. The people also are very courteous and civil.  
The most part of Topographers will have Com to be the same place which Ptolemy calls Gauna, or Guriana. And his Translator asserts it to be the same with Choama, though others will have it to be Arbacte, or Hecatompyle. Several Histories of Persia likewise relate this City to be very Ancient; and that it was built by Tahmas, when the Sun entered into Gemini; that it was twelve thousand Cubits in compass, and as big as Babylon. I must confess there is no doubt but it was very large; for there are many Ruins and Footsteps of Habitations to be seen round about it: but it is much to be questioned whether it were so Ancient as the Reign of Tahmas. Other Persian Histories deduce its Original from the first Age of Mahumetism; and affirm that in the time of Mahomet there were in that place seven large Villages, and that in the 83 Year of the Hegyra, Abdalla Saydon, Califfe, coming into that Country with an Army, joined those seven Villages together with new Buildings, enclosed 'em with a Wall, and made 'em one City; and that afterwards this City increased to that degree, that it became twice as large as Constantinople. For Mousa the Son of that Abdalla came from Basra to Come, and brought with him the Opinions of Haly, which they call the Religion of Shia or Imamism: which was always professed in that place even to Martyrdom, nor would the People suffer any other; and therefore Temurleng being of a contrary Belief, utterly destroyed the City. Nevertheless by degrees they repaired one part of it again; but it did not begin to reflourish until this last Age, and since that Sephy was there interred. Abas the Second, his Son and Successor, banished thither such Persons as were fallen from his Favour, to the end they might pray to God for his person, and give thanks to heaven for their Lives which he had spared 'em. Soliman at present reigning had made use of it, to the same purpose, sending thither all those whom he thought convenient to punish with Exile; and the great number of exiled persons of Quality it was, that has restored the City to that Splendour wherein now it stands. In the Year 1634. an Inundation of Waters ruined a thousand Houses: and it is but three Years since, that an Accident of the same nature had like to have ruined it all together. For two thousand Houses, and all the Ancient Houses were laid level with the Earth. The Name is pronounced with a double m, as if we should write the word Komm. It is also called Darel mouveheldin, that is to say, The Habitation of pious People. The Governor bears the Title of Darogué or Mayor.  
Kachan  
Kachan  
The 17. we travelled five Leagues cross the Plain. We found it all the way covered with a moving Sand, dry, without either Villages or Water. We lodged in a place called Abshirin, or Sweet Water, because there is in that place a Fountain of fair Water and Cisterns in the midst of six Carevanserais.  
The 18. our Journey reached to Cashan, where we arrived, after we had travelled seven Leagues, steering toward the South, over the Plain already mentioned: and at the end of two Leagues, we found the Soil delightful and fertile, stored with large Villages. We passed through several, and about half the way left upon the left hand, at a near distance, a little City called Sarou, seated at the foot of a Mountain.  
The City of Cashan is seated in a large Plain, near a high Mountain. It is a League in length, and a quarter of a League in breadth; extending itself in length from East to West. When you see it afar off, it resembles a half Moon, the Corners of which look toward both those Parts of the Heavens. The Draught is no true Representation, either of the Bigness or the Figure; as having been taken without a true Prospect. And the reason was the Indisposition of my Painter, who being extremely tired with the former days Travel, was not able to stir out of the Inn, where we lay. All that he could do was to get upon the Terrace, and take the Draught from thence.  
There is no River that runs by the City, only several Canals conveyed under Ground, with many deep Springs and Cisterns as there are at Com. It is encompassed with a double Wall, flanked with round Towers, after the Ancient Fashion; to which there belong five Gates. One to the East, called the Royal Gate; as being near the Royal Palace, that stands without the Walls. Another called the Gate of Fieu; because it leads directly to a great Village, which bears that name. Another between the West and North, called the Gate of the House of Melic; as being near to a Garden of Pleasure, which was planted by a Lord of that Name. The two other Gates are opposite to the Southeast, and North-East. The one called Come Gate, and the other Ispahan Gate; be cause they lead to those Cities. The City and the Suburbs, which are more beautiful than the City, contain six thousand five hundred Houses, as the People assure us; forty Mosques, three Colleges, and about two hundred Sepulchers of the Descendants of Aly. The Principal Mosque stands right against the great Market Place, having one Tower, that serves for a Steeple, built of Free Stone. Both the Mosque and the Tower are the Remainders of the Splendour of the first Mahumetans, who invaded Persia.  
The Houses of Cashan are built of Earth and Bricks, of which there few that are remarkable. But the Bazars and Baths are lovely Structures, well built and well kept. There are also several Inns. That which is called the Royal Inn without the City, joining to the Gate that looks toward the East, is the fairest not only in Cashan, but in all Persia. It is four square, every front withinside being two hundred Geometrical Paces, and two Stories with an Antichamber, or Hollowness below that runs all-along the length of the two Fronts, raised about the height of a man above the Court, and four Inches below the level of the Chamber. It is eight foot deep, paved with white Marble, almost as transparent as Pophiry. The Stories on the sides contain fifteen Chambers of the same Figure: the two others had but ten, with a large one in the middle, having five Chambers. The other Apartments consisted of one Chamber, fifteen foot long and ten broad, high and vaulted, with a Chimney in the middle, and a square Portico before, ten foot wide, covered with a half Duomo, with a Contrivance for a Chimney on each side; which was for the Servants to lodge in. The second Story was contrived like that below, with a Baluster four foot high, that let in the the Light, and ran round the Structure. In the Geometrical Part of the Draught, you may perceive a Hexagonal in the midst of the Entrance, every Front of which is a large Shop, where are to be sold all manner of Belly-Timber, Wood and Forage. The Entrance is under a high and magnificent Portal, adorned with Mosaic Work, like all the rest of the Buildding; and upon the sides runs a Portico, where you may lie in the day time as conveniently and as pleasantly, as in the Inn itself. The Fountain in the middle of the Court is raised above five foot: and the Brims of it are four foot broad, for the Convenience of those that will say their Prayers after they have performed their Purifications.  
THE GREAT INN IN CASHAN.  
There is also somewhat that does not appear in the Draught, that is to say, the hinder part of the Carevanseray, which is worthy to be observed in this place. For it consists of very large Stables, with places for Servants and Luggage, built almost according to the same Symmetry, as the Apartments already mentioned; at least as to the Form and Bigness of storehouses, and Lodgings for the Poor, and the Country people that bring their Goods to sell; and the large Gardens, that lie behind this lovely Palace of a Caravanseray: no less famous for its Founder Abas the Great, who caused this sumptuous Structure to be erected. Near adjoining to it stands the Palace Royal; and over against it, another designed for the Lodging of Ambassadors. Both the one and the other, with very large Gardens behind 'em, were built at the Charges of that Renowned Monarch: besides that there is in the middle a void Space for their Carousels, and other Exercises on Horseback.  
The Wealth and Trade of Cashan consists in the Manifactuary of all sorts of Silk, Stufs, and Tissues of Gold and Silver. There is not made in any place of Persia more Satin, Velvet, Tabby, Plain Tissue, and with Flowers of Silk, or Silk mingled with Gold and Silver, then is made in this City, and the Parts round about it: so that one single Borough in this Territory, contains a thousand Houses of Silk-Weavers. That which is called Aron, seeming at a distance to be a good big City, as containing in it no less than two thousand Houses, and six hundred Gardens: It is about two Leagues from Cashan.  
The City of Cashan stands in a good Air, but violently hot, insomuch that it is ready to stifle ye in the Summer. Which extreme Heat is occasioned by its Situation; as lying near a high Mountain opposed to the South. The Reverberation of which so furiously heats the place in the Dog-Days, that it scalds again. Besides, there is one greater Inconvenience more troublesome and more dangerous, which is the great number of Scorpions that infest those parts at all times, especially when the Sun is in Scorpio: Travellers are terribly threatened by 'em: And yet for my part, (thanks be to God) I never saw any in all the time that I passed through the Country. Neither could I hear of any great Mischief that they had done. It is said, that Abas the Great's Astrologers in the Year 1623. invented a Talisman to deliver the City from those Vermin; since which time there has not appeared so many as before. But there is no Credit to be given to these idle stories; no more than to that same other, that if Travellers stopping at Cashan, are but careful at their entrance into their Inns, to speak these words, Scorpious, I am a Stranger, meddle not with me, no Scorpion will come near 'em. For these are meet Tales. However certain it is, that their sting is very dangerous: And therefore it has given occasion to an Imprecation frequently in the Mouths of the Persians, May the Scorpions of Cashan sting thy Golls. However there is no Body, but has by him several sovereign Remedies against the sting of this Creature. This City lies in 35. deg. 35. min. of Lat. and 86. deg. of Longitude. cattle and wild Fowl are not very plentiful in those parts; but it abounds in Corn and Fruits. They carry from thence to Ispahan, the first Melons and Water-Melons which are eaten in that City; which they furnish with vast numbers, as long as the season for Fruit endures.  
Several European Authors hold Cashan to be same place, which the Ancient Greek Authors call Ambrodux, or else that which was called Ctesiphon of the Country of the Parthians. The Persian Historiansaver, that it owes its Restauration to Zebd-leca-ton the Wife of Haron-Reshid, Califf of Bagdat. They observe moreover, that this Princess was a Virgin when she first began to build the City, and that for that reason she laid the first Stone when the Sun entered Virgo. She gave it the name of Casan in honour of Casan her Grandfather, the Grandchild of Haly, who died and was interred in that Place; of which there happened some alteration afterwards, through the error of poining: For it is well known to people versed in the Eastern Languages, that such a mistake so easily committed, changes the letter S, into that which is called Shin. Tamerlan, being become Master of this City, spared it in a Humour, as they say, when he had destroyed almost all the other Cities of Persia. It is called by another name Darel-mou-menin, or the Habitation of the Faithful; either because the Descendants from Aly, and his first Followers made it a Sanctuary and Retreat during the Persecutions of the Califs, who would not embrace his Opinions, but held a contrary belief; or else because a great number of the Descendants of that Califf lie there interred Their Graves are confused among those that lie buried round bout; the Monuments that were erected over 'em having been beaten down by the Turks and Tartars, that invaded those places; and sacrificed those structures to the honour of their Saints, the grand Enemies and Persecutors of the Descendants of Aly. They made search for these Graves, after the Califf became Master of the City again: but how easily they may be deceived in this search is no difficult thing to conjecture. For in the Year 1667. they found out one that put the whole City into confusion. For they affirmed the Grave upon which a large Monument had been built a hundred years before, out of an assurance that one of Aly's descendants was buried there, to be the Sepulchre of one Yuzbec, a Preacher. The People enraged that they had worshipped for a whole Age together a Place in their Opinion more worthy of Execration, ran in a heat to pull down the Monument, dug down the Earth that was at the top, and round about it, and made a common road over it. But what happened afterwards is much more Remarkable. And that is this, that one of the great Persian Doctors undertook to write a Treatise, on purpose; that there was never any such person as Yuzbec buried there. Upon which the People again offended to see themselves made the sport of their Doctor's fancies, have left the place as indifferent, and will neither pollute, nor give it Reverence. The Governor of Cashan carries the Title of a Darogué, as do all the other Governors of the City's of Parthia. A Lord that was one of my good Friends, called Rustan-bec, Brother to several Governor's Provinces had the Government of that City, the first time that I passed through it. The two years of his Government being ended, the City was so well satisfied in his conduct, that they sent some of their Members to petition that he might be continued two years longer, but their Petition was rejected, as being contrary to custom to continue such Officers longer than the usual time.  
The 19 our Horses were so tired that we were forced to stay at Cashan. We departed the 29. and travelled seven Leagues; the two first cross the Plain where the City was built: the rest over a Mountain which was of a good height, but not difficult to ascend. At the top we met with a very large and fair Caravanseray, and a little further with a wide Lake, which serves for a Receptacle to receive the melted Snow and Rain that falls from the Parts thereabouts; from whence they let go the water into the Plain of Cashan, as they have need.  
Abas the Great, raised up two strong Dams about it, to the end it might hold more Water; and to prevent the Water from wasting. He also caused several Causeys to be made in the same place for the Convenience of Travellers. Being descended from the Mountain, you enter into a deep Valley, very narrow and about a League in length: all which space of Ground is stored with Houses, Vineyards, and Gardens so close one to another, that it seems to be but one Village of a League in length. Several delightful and clean Streams derive their Springs from that Plain, which preserve the Air wonderfully cool all the Summer; so that it is a place the most charming and delightful that a man shall meet with in that scorching Climate. For the Sun has so little Power there, that the Roses were not then blown; the Corn and Fruit were also then green and but half ripe; and yet they had reaped their Harvest, and had eaten ripe Fruit a Cashan at month before. We lodged at the end of that lovely Plain, in a Caravanseray there built, which they called Carou.  
Some of our own modern Authors assert, That this Valley was the Place where Darius was murdered, which is not improbable, for that the History observes, that Bessus and Nabarzanes, after they had committed that Treacherous Murder upon the Prince, took several Roads, the one for Hyrcania, and the other for Bactriana; and Cashan is exactly the Place that leads directly to those two Provinces.  
The 21, we travelled eight Leagues; two along the foot of the Mountains between which that Valley lies; and six in a pleasant Vale, stored with a great number of Villages: where we met with several Caravanseray's upon the Road; we alighted at one that was larger and fairer than the rest, called Aga-Kemal, from the name of a rich Merchant that built it, and several other public Structures about Ispahan.  
The 22. our Journeys was not above five Leagues in the same Plain, where Aga-Kemal stands. We travelled so hard, that by nine a Clock at night we arrived at Moutshacour, which is a large Village consisting of about five hundred Houses, where there are several Inns and Gardens, and great plenty of Water,  
The 23. we set forward late, to the end we might not come to Ispahan before day. We travelled the nine Leagues, which we had to ride, over lovely Plains, still directing our Course to the South as in our former Journeys: and passed by so many Caravanserays and Villages, drawing near that great City, that we thought ourselves in the Suburbs, two hours before we got thither. We entered the City by five a Clock in the Morning, all in good health, Thanks be to God.  
The end of the First Book.   

THE INDEX.  


A. 

ABas the Great, ruins the Frontiers of Persia. 348 Abca's, a thieving people. 77  
Abrener, peopled with Roman Catholics. 346  
Adoption, the manner of it Mengrelia, &c, by the women. 146  
Akalzikè, the Description of it. 168  
Alexander K. of Imiretta. 136  
Alexander Son of Levan Prince of Mingrelia. 136  
Amazons, 187 etc.  
Anarguia, a Town in Mingrelia. 111, 116  
Arakilvank, a famous Armenian Monastery.  
Araxes, the River. 347, 348  
Archylus, Son of Shanavas Can, 139 crowned K. of Imiretta by his Father. 140  
Armenia divided and bounded, 242 etc.  
Armenian Traditions fabulous. 252  
Aron. 413  
Author, The Author's departure from Paris. p. 1. His Motives for the second Voyage to Persia. 2. Made the King of Persia's Merchant. ib. He designs for the Black-Sea and Colchos. 16, etc. His distress at Isgaour. 108. He sends an Express to the Theatin Superior, 109. His Answer, ibid. The Author's Surprise, 110. The Marketplace fired, 111. The Superior comes to him, and carries him off, 112. Amingreham Slave draws Compassion from the Author, 115. The French Ambassadors Letter in behalf of the Author, 116. He arrives at the mouth of the River Astolphus, 116. He takes a Lodging in Anarghia, 117. Visited by a lay Theatin, ibid. A Lady furnishes him with Provisions, 118. He is advised to pretend himself a Capuchin, ibid. He departs from Anargy, 119. The Occasions of his Misfortunes, ibid. Visited by the Princess of Mingrelia, 121. She invites him to Dinner, 122. The Consequences, ibid. 123, etc. He buys his Goods, 125. He is robbed the by Mingrelians, 126, etc. He flies upon a Rumour of the Turks being entered into Mingrelia, 131. The Author's Servant finds a great parcel of Jewels which he gave for lost, 125, etc. He demands Justice of the Prince, 130. He is robbed a second time by a Mingrelian, 148. He resolves for Georgia, 151, etc. Taxed 20 Crowns by Sabatar, 152. His usage at Gony, 158. His Goods arrive safe at Mingrelia, 161, 162,  
etc. Advises with the Capuchins at Gory, 170. His Journey from Gory to Cotalis, 173, etc. His dispute with one of his Servants there, 178, He waits upon the King of Imiretta, 180. He returns to Gori, 183. His Reception by the Governor of Tifflis, 224, etc. By the Governor of Irivan, 254, etc.  
Azerbeyan, 350.    
B. 

BAcrat Mirza, King of Imiretta, 136  
Baptism of the Mingrelians, p. 101  
Bassa of Akalzikè invades Imiretta, dethrones one, and set up another King, 147  
Bichni in Armenia and Monastery belonging to it, 244  
Black-Sea, the Description of it, 155    
C. 

CAffa described, 68  
The Kingdom of Kaket subject to the Persians, 206  
Carthuel, a Province of Persia, 188  
Casbin, the Description of it, 378  
Cashan, the Description of it, 411  
Cassem-abad 411  
Cherks, a savage people. 76  
An Account of Christian Corsaires in the Archipelago, 3. The grounds of the Candy War, 53, etc. The Caous, a sort of Giants, 371  
Carashiman, a fair Village in Persia, 371  
Casbin described, 378, etc.  
Colchis, the Description of it, 77, etc.  
Come, the Description of it, 390  
Cotatis described, 177  
Cotzia betrays Darejan, 146. Slain himself by Treachery, ibid.  
Couh-Telisme, a famous Mountain, 389  
Coolom-sha, the King's Slave, 257 Their Employment, ibid.  
Cuperli Mahamet Bassa, made Grand Visir, 15. He resents the French Ambassadors slights, 16. The most remarkable Passages of his Life, 57, etc.  
Cupri kent, 239    
D. 

DAdian, the Title of the Prince of Mingrelia, He is guilty of the Robbery committed upon the Author, 131  
Darejan, Daughter to the last King of Georgia would have married her Son in Law, 136. Her wicked Pranks to continue herself in the Dominion, 137, etc. She marries Vactangle one of her Lords, 137 which causes a Revolt of the rest, ibid. Bitrayed, 138. her tragic End, 145  
Darejan, Levans Aunt and Wife, 134, She sets up her Son Vomeki, 136  
Deria-shirin, or the Lake of Irivan described. 247  
Dily-jan, and the Country about it, 240    
E. 

EBber, the Description of it, 377 Echmiazin, or the Monastery of the three Churches, 249  
Echmovil, a place famous for the Pilgrimages of the Persians, 387    
F. 

FEast, the order of a Nuptial Feast in Persia, 226  
Two Friars Commissioners for the Holy Land; their claim at the Port, 39, etc. Their large Offers to the Turk, and the Reasons, 45    
G. 

GEnoeses maintain a Consul at Smyrna, 11  
George, Prince of Libardian, 134 his Wife is taken from him, ibid. He dies for grief, 135  
Georgia, the Description of it, 186, etc. the Religion of the Country, 192, Conquered by Ishmael the the Great, 193. The History of Georgia ibid., &c, Revolts from the Persian and conquered by Rustan Can, 203  
Gonie described, 185  
Gori described, 188  
Guriel, the Description of it p, 105 its tribute to the Turks, 106    
H. 

MOnsieur de la Hay French Ambassador at the Port, 15, 16, 16, 19, recalled, 20, Monsieur de la Hay the Son, Ambassador 21, 22, 23, 24, &c, recalled, 28  
The best Horses in Persia, where bred, 370  
Huns, whence originally, 106    
I. 

I Miretta, the Description of it, 106 its Tribute to the Turks, ibid., The Title of the Prince, 107, descended from David, 108  
Impositions upon the French at Constantinople 10  
joseph, the Prince of Mingrelia's Brother, endeavours Levan's Assassination, 135, his Eyes pulled out, 136  
Irivan described, 245  
Isgaour, the Description of it, 108  
Julfa the Old, otherwise Ariamene, 347    
K. 

KEsil-beusè, a River, 374  
Koskeirou, a famous Inn, 385  
Kotzia, a Lord of Imiretta, he procures the murder of Vomeki, 140    
L. 

A Copy of the Viceroy of Georgia's haughty Letter, 230  
A Letter of Recommendation from a Persian Grandee, 222, another, 367  
Levan Dadian, Prince of Imiretta, the Story of him 132, etc.    
M. 

MArant, the Description of it, 351. The place where the Ark rested not far from it, 352  
Marriages among the Mingrelians, p, 102  
Matrimony in Persia, 295  
Media, the Description of it, 349  
Miana, a Persian Town, 372  
Mingrelians, their opinion of Confession, 102, of Ordination, ibid. they understand not the Bible, p. 103, Their Fasts, ibid. their Opinion of the Sign of the Cross, ibid. their Prayers, ibid.  
their Sacrifices, ibid., they work on Sundays, 104, their chief Festivals, ibid., their Mourning, ibid., their Tribute to the Turks, 107, the Title of their Princes, 107, descended from David, 108, fearful of danger, 152  
Popish Missionaries slighted in Georgia, 211  
The Mountain where Noah's Ark rested, 252  
Moutshacour, a large Village. 416  
Music not used in the Mahometan Religion, 229    
N. 

NAcchivan, the Description of it, 346, The Deputy Governor uncivil to the Author, 349  
Turkish Navigation, 66  
M. Noyntel, French Ambassador at the Port, 28, &c, his Negotiation frustrated, 44    
O. 

OTta Chekaizè betrays Q. Darejan, 138  
Oil Sacred, called Myrone, p. 101    
P. 

PArthia, the Air, and Description of the Country. 373  
The Vice roy of Georgias Pass, 236  
The Governor of Irivan's Pass, 342  
Mirza-Thair's Pass. 368  
The King of Persia's Patent 236  
The Patriarch of Armenia; a Story of his Extravagance. 333. ill used by the Governor of Irivan. 365  
Pervarè, a Village of Persia. 372  
The River Phasis. 156  
Policy of the Turks surpasses the Europeans. 51  
The Plain supposed to be the place where Darius was murdered 416  
Pride of the Georgians and Eastern people. 230    
Q. 

Signior Quirini Agent for the Venetians at the Port. 50    
R. 

REy, formerly a vast City in Persia. 387  
A great Robbery committed upon the Persian Caravan. 363  
Roman Catholics in Persia, 346. An Ambassador from the Pope in their behalf. ibid. how used in Georgia, 350  
Rustan-Can, his virtues 366    
S. 

SAbatar, Owner of the Fortress where the Author secured himself. 149, etc.  
Sapias, the Description of it. 119  
Sava, a City of Persia described. 386  
Scorpions, where troublesome in Persia. 413  
Sephi-Kouli-Kan, Governor of Irivan. 256  
Mahamed Sephi's Letter of Recommendation. 343  
Segs-abad. 385  
Mr. Sesè the French Ambassador farms the Customs of Constantinople and Smyrna. p. 10  
Shaboni, the fairest Grape in Persia. 380  
Shanavas Can, Vice roy of Georgia 139. he is offered the Kingdom of Imiretta for his Son Archylus, if he would expel the Mingrelians. ib. He invades Imiretta. 140  
Shemashè, 188. the place where Noah dwelled. 189  
Sirsham, a Parthian Inn. 374  
Slaves, at what rate sold in Mingrelia. 114  
Several Persian Songs. 402  
Stones, a wonderful Pile. 371  
Sophian, thought the ancient Sophia of Media. 352  
King of Spain, his health drank by the Governor of Tifflis. 230  
The Governor of Tifflis how akin to him. ibid.  
Sultanie, the Description of it. 375  
The Sun troublesome where the Snow lies all day. 244  
Suram in Georgia. 188    
T 

TAuris, the Descriptiun of it. 352, etc. Mount Taurus described. 166  
Theatins, their coming into Mingrelia. 119. Their little progress in the Country. 120. How they baptise in that Country. ibid. They sing and play before the Governor of Tifflis at a Wedding. 229  
Tifflis, described. 208, etc.  
Toll-gatherers in Persia how regulated. 372  
Trade of the English at Smyrna. 4. Hollanders Trade at Smyrna. 7. French trade. ibid.  
Tshapars, or Persian Curriers. 257  
Transubstantiation, the Mingrelians Opinion of it. p. 101  
Travelling, the manner of it in Persia. 384  
Turks easily cheated. 9  
Turkman, a Village of Persia. 372    
V. 

VActangle married by Darejan, and crowned King of Imiretta. 137. He is betrayed, and loses his Eyes, 137, 138. Carried Prisoner into Georgia. 140  
Venetians maintain a Consul at Smyrna. 11  
The Virgin's Castle. 374  
Viaticum Bread, how used and esteemed among the Mingrelians. p. 101  
Vomeki, set up by Darejan despoiled of his Principality. 136  
Vomeki King of Imiretta murdered. 140    
W. 

WIne in Persia the best. 380  
Witzosky, Polish Agent at the Port. 48, etc.  
Women in Georgia not confined. 226    
Z. 

ZErigan, a City in Parthia. 374  
Zetou-lou, a River.      
FINIS.   

THE CORONATION OF SOLYMAN III.  
THE PRESENT King of Persia.  
By Sir JOHN CHARDIN.   

The CORONATION of SOLYMAN The Third of that Name And the Two hundred thirty fourth King of Persia.  
SUch was the End of Habas the second of Glorious Memory, that his Death may well be looked upon to have been a Judgement of Heaven upon that Potent Empire which he all along so prudently governed; and as a Misfortune that at the same time befell several Millions of People that were under his Dominion. The Persians never speak of him, but they give him all the Encomiums of a Magnanimous Prince, whose Courage and good Conduct had already contributed, in an extraordinary manner, to the Re-establishment of their Country: and who had questionless restored it to its ancient Splendour, and to a perfect Prosperity, had his Life been of a longer continuance. In a word, they had great reason to promise themselves, that he would have rendered both the one and the other Diuturnal as well as Universal, in regard his Heroic Virtues had Crowned him with Victory before he had arrived to the Age of nineteen Years, by the Conquest of the City and whole Province of Kaud-dar, bordering upon the utmost Confines of the whole Kingdom; and that too, from an Enemy no less Powerful than the Indian Monarch; and afterwards when he defended it against the whole Force of the same Prince, Mustered together in one Body to regain it. The same Virtues they were that made him formidable to his Potent Neighbours, the Duke of Muscovy, the Monarch of the Tartars, and the Puissant King of India himself: Who being discouraged by the Ill success of his first Enterprise of which we have already given an account, would never venture any more to molest him.  
The same transcendent Virtues in a Breast so truly Royal, even at the very time that Death surprised him, spurred him on to extend his Dominions towards the North and East. And the Preparations which he had made for that purpose, gave the whole World occasion to fear that his Design would infallibly succeed. The Christians, who had the happiness to live under his Subjection, to this day lament in private his Decease, not only as a King, but as a Parent. For his Justice and his Goodness would never suffer any violence to be offered them, or that they should be disturbed for their Religion, which they had free Liberty to exercise during his Reign, as being a Person in whom those Royal Virtues were steadfast and unalterable: which always prevented the Fury of the Cruel and Impious Mahometans from molesting the Peace and Tranquillity of their Lives or Estates. And hence it is that Strangers still and ever will bewail his loss and bear in Remembrance his more than ordinary Endowments; as He that by by his Affability and Liberality invited them continually to his Court and Cities under his Obedience, and employed a great part of the Tribute which he drew from his Subjects in the purchase of their costly Merchandise which they brought along with them, paying both generously and punctually what they in reason demanded.  
Toward the Conclusion of that account which we have given of the Life of this Great Prince, we have shown that the cause of his Death was that same nauseous Distemper which good Manners will not permit to be named, and of which the Pollution is yet more unseemly; and which notwithstanding all the Endeavours of Art to conceal it, displays itself in the Faces of the Diseased, and publishes with Ignominy their frequent Converse with lewd Women: We have also told you that his Death happened in one of his Houses of Pleasure seated in the Province of Teber Estoon, two Leagues from Damagaan, according to the Persian Geographers lying in 78. Degrees, and 15. Minutes of Longitude, and 37. degrees, 20. Minutes of Latitude, twelve days Journey from the Capital City of the Empire, and nine days Journey from the Caspian Sea: And this house of Pleasure inviting several of the Country People to settle round about it, was the Reason that at length it grew to be a considerable Village, to which the Persians gave the Name of Cosroe-Abaad, or the Habitation of Cosroes, who was a Prince, formerly Governor of the Province where this Village is situated; and the same that built this Palace of Pleasure, in the Reign of Sefi the first, Grandfather to the present King. But not long after this Cosross falling into Disgrace, the King confiscated his House and all his Estate after he had put the Governor himself to Death, of which I shall say no more at present, as being a Subject not proper for this Place.  
We have also in the same Relation set down the Time of this Prince's unfortunate Decease, which happened upon the 26. of the Moon which they call Rabeia el Atier de l'Egere 1077. or according to the Christian Account, upon the 25. of September, 1666. about four a clock in the Morning, at what time the first glimpse of Daylight-Dawn began to appear, Eternal darkness closing the Eyes of that Great Monarch at the very Moment that Day began to give Light to his Subjects in their several Callings.  
We have also farther related, how that an Hour before, the Principal Eunuches observing in the Prince's Eyes the Signs of Approaching Death, thought it fit to put out of the Room all the Women that were with him, for fear lest at the moment of his last Gasp, the Transports of their Grief, and their loud Outcries, might discover a Secret, which it was so necessary at that time to conceal. To that purpose they persuaded them that the King was asleep, and desired them therefore to retire for fear of disturbing his Repose. This had been prudently done, if the persons that seemed to be so wise, had had sufficient Resolution and Courage themselves. But at the Fatal Moment they could not themselves forbear to cast forth those loud sighs, which betrayed the Truth to the Ladies, so that they had presently alarmed the whole Camp with their Piercing Cries and Lamentations, had not the Eunuches besought them to forbear but for a while, at a time when the welfare of the Empire lay at Stake. To which the disconsolate Princesses submitted as much as the Importunity of their Grief would give them leave.  
And here we are to observe by the way, that the Reason why the Women upon such occasions are so deeply afflicted, is not only for the loss of the King their Husband, but for the loss of that shadow of Liberty which they enjoyed during his Life. For no sooner is the Prince laid in his Tomb, but they are all shut up in particular Houses, pleasant enough 'tis true for their Situation, and where they want for nothing, but what is all in all to them, their only happiness in this World, Conversation with Men. Which is a Satisfaction so severely debarred them, that they are not allowed so much as the sight of a Man.  
The Eunuches therefore having consulted among themselves, in the midst of their fears lest the Crowd of overhasty Visitants pressing in at unseasonable hours, should awaken suspicious Curiosity, resolved to stay till the Sun was up, and then to give Notice of the King's Death to the two Chief Ministers of State, who were two Illustrious Personages, that had had the Management of Affairs under the deceased King, with an Authority almost equal to his own. To which purpose they deputed two of their Society, the Mehter, whose Office in the Persian Court answers to that of our High-Chamberlain, according to the meaning of the Arabian word, which signifies the Highest. The other deputed Eunuch was called the Aga-Kafour, a Person already well in years, and the chiefest of those that had the Custody of the King's Treasury; as to whom the Prince had more particularly entrusted all his Jewels.  
These two came to the chief Ministers Lodgings, as if they had been sent by his Majesty, caused them to put forth all the Women out of the Room, and then informed them of the Death of Habas the Second, giving them an exact and punctual Account; which was, That the day before, toward the Evening, after those Ministers were retired from the King's Presence, the Prince had eaten heartily certain Sweetmeats which his Wives had provided; after which he seemed to be much better than he had been for some time before, till about Nine of the Clock at Night; at what time of a sudden he fell into a Swoon, whereupon they ran to him and laid him upon his Bed: That about Eleven of the Clock he came again to himself, not without some disturbance of his Senses. That after that his Pains augmented, not having received any Benefit from two Medicines that he had taken by the Direction of his Physicians: That about Two of the Clock in the Morning the Violence of his Distemper slackened; but returning about Three, put him into a Delirium that lasted about half an Hour: but the next half hour he took some Rest. But toward four in the Morning, his Eyes then faintly rolling in his Head, gave evident signs of Death's Approach: so that at the same instant he expired without any other Motion, that they could say, they perceived him die. Nor indeed had he testified during the whole Course of his Sickness that he had the least Apprehension or Fear of Death: Insomuch that he had left no Orders either as to the Disposal of his Body, nor as touching his Family nor Successor, only in the height of his last Fit, turning his Head toward the Public Apartment, he uttered with some kind of Fury these words; I know that you have poisoned me, but you shall drink a good share of the Poison; for I leave behind me a Son who after my Death shall devour your very Hearts.  
This News did not a little surprise the two Ministers, who did not believe the King's Sickness had been so mortal, or at least that it would have killed him so soon: and they had just reason, both, to bewail their loss; but the second displayed more visible signs of his Grief, as losing infinitely much more than his Companion.  
For Habas, observing a Piece of Policy not usual among the Persians, resolved to counter-balance the Power of his Prime Minister, believing it would be of advantage to the Government, that Emulation should render his Ministers more intent upon their Duty: Which was the reason that he advanced this second Person to that Degree, that he was nothing inferior in Authority to the first, and put into his Hands the most important Affairs of the Kingdom.  
It was very probable that Habas' Successor, would not be of his Father's judgement, but that all things would return to their first Method. Which most sensibly touched the second Minister, who saw himself tumbling into a more Private Condition; and that there was no higher Employment to be expected for him, unless it were the Superintendency of the King's Household; which was nothing comparable to the present Offices which he enjoyed.  
So that he could not forbear at first from manifesting the Excess of his Grief, but the Persian Lords being accustomed to dissemble, he soon composed his Countenance and moderated his Sorrows. Which having done, he told the Eunuch, that the Grandees of the Empire should be privately called together, and that he would forthwith appoint both Time and Place for their Meeting, which was the Answer also of the first Minister to the High Chamberlain.  
In the mean time the two chief Physicians Mirza-Sahid and Mirza-Koudchek his Brother, considerable Lords in the Persian Court (for in the Eastern Country's Physicians are much more highly esteemed and advanced than in Europe,) these Lords, I say, coming to the Door of the Royal Apartment for the Women, presently after the two great Eunuches were gone, there had notice of the King's Death, and consequently of their own Ruin. For that according to the Custom of that Empire, the Life of the two chief Physicians, or at least their Fortune and Estates depend upon the Life of the Prince whom they attended in his Sickness. For the same Week that the King died, they are exiled to some remote and prefixed Place, whither they are not suffered to carry any more of their Estates along with them than will suffice for a bare Maintenance; the rest is Confiscated. Which was also their lot, as shall be said in due place.  
But neither the loss of their Master, nor of their Liberty had so disordered their judgements, as to hinder them from consulting their own preservation at such a ticklish Conjuncture. Only one thing disturbed them more than all the rest, and that was the Report of the King's last words, when he complained of being Poisoned. For there was enough in those words to condemn them to the severest of Torments, if the succeeding Prince should give credit to those last Speeches of a Dying Monarch.  
To rid themselves therefore from these Fears, they resolved between themselves, to throw the Election upon the Youngest of all Habas' Sons, who being as yet but an Infant, would in all likelihood continue a long time under the Tuition of his Mother, and his Ministers, from whom they could not expect to suffer any thing that was Fatal or Dreadful.  
And here we must observe that Habas the second left behind him two Sons; or at least I never heard that he left any more. Nor is it known whether he left any Daughters or no. For what is done in the women's Apartment is a Mystery concealed even from the Grandees and Prime Ministers. Or if they know any thing, it is merely upon the account of some particular Relation or dependence which the Secret has to some peculiar Affair which of necessity must be imparted to their Knowledge. For my part I have spared neither for pains nor cost to sift out the Truth: But I could never discover any more, only that they believed he never left any Daughter behind him that lived. A man may walk a Hundred days one after another by the House where the Women are, and yet know no more what is done there, than at the farther end of Tartary.  
Now of these two Sons of Habas the Eldest who was called Sofie-Mirza, was then entering into his one and twentieth Year; being Born in the year of the Egire, 1057. for the superstition of the Persians will not let us know the Month or the Day. Their Addiction to Astrology is such that they carefully conceal the Moment's of their Prince's Birth, to prevent the Casting their Nativities, where they might meet perhaps with something which they should be unwilling to know. His Father begot him at Eighteen years of Age enamoured of a Circassian Slave, or Cherkes, in the Persian Language; whose extraordinary Beauty and rare Endowments so won the Affection of that Monarch that she was the first of all his Women that he chose for a Wife; For which reason during her Husband's Life she was called Nekaat Kanum, or the Lawful Duchess; though there were also other Women, which were his Lawful Wives according to the Law and Custom of that Country.  
This Eldest Son, according to Custom was bred up in the women's Palace, and committed to the Care of certain Eunuches under the Eye of his Mother and his Nurse. who was a Lady of great Quality, and the Wife of Mustaufie-Elmemalek, which according to the force of the Persian words, signifies a Watcher over Kingdoms. There he was bred up with all the Tenderness and Pomp, that his High Birth required, and enjoyed all the Liberty that could be allowed to a Person of his Quality; which was to go up and down over all that spacious Palace where he pleased himself: for to go further into the men's Apartments is by no means permitted those young Princes.  
When he arrived at the Age of seventeen Years, an Accident befell him that rendered his Confinement much more close. For it happened that an Eunuch brought him some Pieces of Cloth of Tissue, at what time the Prince being of a haughty Temper, and not thinking them Rich enough, rejected them with very scornful and slighting Language: nor was he better pleased when it was told him that the Pieces were sent him by the Order of the King his Father. Which being carried back and perhaps aggravated to the jealous Monarch; his Majesty believing that the overmuch Liberty which was allowed the young Prince did but serve to heighten his Arrogance and augment his natural Pride, confined him to the remotest Part of all the Palace.  
Some persons were of opinion that he would have caused his Eyes to have been put out. But when they found that the Walls of the Place to which he was confined were ordered to be raised, the more Intelligent Sort believed that the King would not proceed to that Extremity of Rigour; for that he would not have been so careful to prevent the Escape of one that was Blind, whose Misfortune would have been sufficient to render him incapable to attempt any Enterprise of that nature.  
However when the King was setting forward for Mazendaran in the year 1665. according to our Computation, his Actions were such, that even the Grandees and most Politic Courtiers began to suspect that he had then determined the Dreadful Execution. For he was not gone above Eight Leagues from Ispahan, when he turned back again of a sudden toward the City with a very small Retinue, without imparting his Design to any one of all his Favourites: but when he arrived, all that he did was to enter unexpected into the women's Apartment, where after he had stayed about two hours, he came forth again very Pensive and Melancholy.  
Of which the Courtiers not being able to conjecture any other apparent Cause, attributed it to some Fatal Resolution which the King had taken against the Prince his Son. Tho as it appeared afterwards they were all deceived in their judgements, and that there was another Motive that put him upon this swift and sudden return.  
For as to what concerned this Young Prince, his Father was satisfied with his close Confinement in a Quarter of the Apartment remote from the rest, in the Company of his Mother and such Ladies as the King had appointed to attend her without stinting her any Number: commiting him also to the farther care of the Great Eunuch Aga-Nazir, or the Perspicacious Lord, to observe his Action, and to prevent him from attempting any dangerous Enterprise.  
This Word Nazir most usually signifies some Superintendant or General Overfeer. And therefore the Person last mentioned, besides that he had the Tuition of the Prince, was Entrusted also with the Government of the women's Palace, and to overlook the Management of all Affairs of the Royal Household in Jepahan, an Employment which gave him great Credit and caused him to be respected both in the Court and City. In both which Places he was highly esteemed till the Death of his Master, being as it were the Lieutenant and next to the Grand Superintendant of the Kingdom, who is likewise styled the Nazir.  
As for the Younger Son, he was about Eight Years of Age when his Father Died, being Born in the year of the Egira 1069. of an Iberian Lady or Gurgi, as the Persians call them; to whom they gave the Title of Nour-Nissa-Kanum, which Signifies word for word, Duchess the Light of Women: the Young Prince himself being called by the Name of Hamzeh Mirza: Tho I never could find or learn the true Signification of this word Hamzeh. I must confess in the Persian Language it answers to the word Apostroph in our Tongue; but in that sense I do not apprehend how it can signify a Proper Name. Nevertheless a Proper Name it is, whether it signifies something or nothing, and that must suffice.  
As for the Title of Mirzah, it is as much as to say the Son of a Prince, as we have observed in another Place, where we have discovered more at large of the Persian Names and Titles.  
This Illustrious Infant, as I have been informed by several of the Great Eunuches, who sometimes Attended upon him while He was with his Father in the Province of Mazendaran, where I was also a little before his Majesty's Decease, was a Prince whose Blooming Virtues promised something more than Ordinary. For notwithstanding the tenderness of his Corporeal Organs, the Strength of his Soul appeared in all his Actions, discovering such signs of Nobleness and Generosity, as plainly presaged that one day he would be a Glorious Prince.  
Now whether these Signal Endowments had begot in Habas a greater Affection for him, than for his other Son: Or whether he were swayed by the most usual Inclinations of Nature, which generally infuse into Parents most Tenderness for their Younger Children, he would needs have this Younger Son of his to accompany him in his journey. Tho others believed that it was rather to gratify his Mother, with whose Beauty the King was extremely enamoured, so that contrary to custom he made her a Partaker with him in his Royal Bed, though two and twenty years of Age, and carried her along with him where ever he took his Progress. And in this last Progress wherein she accompanied the King, she had the satisfaction to enjoy the Company of her beloved Son, to whom the King assigned for Tutor and Guardian a Noble Eunuch, called Aga-Mubarik, or the Blessed Lord.  
Thus this Young Prince happening to be in this House of Pleasure, or of Sorrow rather, seeing here it was that his Father expired, was at hand to have Received the Diadem which the Grandees of the Assembly might have presented him, had the Conspiracy of the Two chief Physicians taken effect.  
Nor was it their fault that it did not. For they managed their part with all the Prudence imaginable. And perhaps they might have laid their Plot before the King's Death which by the Rules of their Art, they might easily foresee. Not that they thought their Lives so much in danger till they had notice of the Dying Kings last words, but only to serve themselves in their Estates and Employments.  
To this purpose they went to the Prime Minister and under pretence of Informing him of the King's Death and the Nature of the two last Medicines which they had prescribed him, they fell into discourse of more Important Affairs; and talking of the Election, they put him in mind how much it concerned him and all the Grandees of the Council to take care of themselves: that the King some Minutes before he Died, had made loud Complaints of being poisoned by his chief Ministers, but that he left a Son that would devour their very hearts: that these his last words and Complaints could not be concealed from his Successor. So that if they gave the Crown to the Eldest, who besides that he was of the Age to take the Government into his own hands, and was of a haughty and cruel Disposition, and therefore would not stick to make use of this pretence to rid himself of all his chief Ministers and Nobility, to render himself by that means more absolute, and make room for other New Creatures of his own; more especially when he came to consider how unkind his Father had been to him, for the two years' last passed, which he would certainly attribute to the bad Counsel of his chief Favourites. Upon this they concluded, that since he could not choose but see that the Eldest Son would never have any kindness for the present Grandees, that it would be a great piece of Imprudence, to advance him to that Dignity which would empower him to do all the Mischief that came into his Mind; and therefore at such a juncture of time their safest way would be to confer the Election upon the Youngest, Hamzeh-Mirzah; a Prince of great hopes, and from whom the Grandeur of the Persian Empire might expect a long Continuance for the Future, and they at present have no reason to fear the Disturbance of a sweet and calm Repose, or the loss of their Authority under a Prince that would not be capable of the Government in fourteen or fifteen Years.  
These Arguments thus delivered by the two Lords, first to the Prime Minister, and then to the Second, wrought upon the Minds of Both as effectually as they could desire.  
Both the One and the Other were convinced, and agreed to advance the Younger Son, in prejudice of the Eldest. Their infallible Ruin hovered before their Eyes if the Eldest came to the Crown: as one that seeing himself from a Captive become an absolute Sovereign, would soon be transported by his Youth and Pride, and the pleasure of unlimited Control to change the Face of Affairs, and to take such Resolutions as Humour and Capricio should inspire into him. And who knows, cried they to themselves, how far he may attempt upon our lives? But above all the Rumour of the Kings being poisoned, was that which put them all upon the Rack: For though they might be all very Innocent, yet the pretence was so Plausible, that the very Terror of the Accusation represented the continual fears of Death to their Eyes as dreadful as if they were under present Torment, should the Successor to the Empire give Credit to the Rumour; whereas if they Elected the youngest, they should still keep their high Stations of Honour and Dignity; have leisure and opportunity to advance their Families and raise Creatures of their own; Ruling all the while almost with an absolute Dominion one of the greatest Empires of the World.  
But now, that I may not seem to contradict myself by speaking frequently of the Kings being poisoned, when I have already at the beginning of this Discourse attributed his Death to another Cause, I must beg of the Reader to make a small Digression, which I suppose will not prove unpleasing, upon the several suspicions which his Death begot in the various minds of those that enquired more curiously into the nature of his Disease.  
Most true it is then, that the most certain cause was that which I have already set down, that is to say, the Foul disease attended with a Cancer, which seizing the Gristle that forms the Conveyances of smelling, preyed not only outwardly upon the Nose, but inwardly upon the Palate, and then falling upon the Uuula stopped up the passages of Respiration. But they who imagined themselves to be more quicksighted, and to understand the bottom of things much better, would still be whispering the Curious in the Ear, and I myself have been one of those to whom it has been told for a great Secret, that several of the chief Officers of the outward Court, and some of the Eunuches also of the inward Court, or women's Apartment, had for some time before agreed among themselves to rid themselves of this Great Monarch, and to that purpose had made choice of Poison, as the most secure way, and less apt to be discovered. And that which instigated them to this devilish Resolution, was the frantic and furious humour of the Prince, of which every day still produced extravagant and bloody Testimonies; which was come to that height, that being one day overcome with Wine, to which he was extremely addicted, he had cut the Throat of one of his most beautiful and legitimate Wives without any offence or other cause given: that he had done the same to several of his Domestic Servants; so that the rest dreading the like Misfortune, and untimely Ends, suffered themselves to be tempted into this execrable design of giving him a Potion, that should waste him by degrees, and give him a slow Death, which should not be perceived till it came to pass. Others confessed that in his drunken fits he had committed those cruel Acts of which he was accused, yet that never any body attempted to poison him for all that; but that it was rather a secret shame and inward grief for having abandoned himself to such wild and extravagant Transports that gnawed and devoured his heart. However it were, the Rumour of his being poisoned was never any other than a Rumour, and was always looked upon as a Dream for which there was no ground; though had the business been more exactly enquired into, the truth perhaps might have come to light according to the Report.  
After the two chief Eunuches, and chief Physicians had given an account of the King's Death to the Prime Ministers, they went also to inform the other Lords of the Council, still keeping the Secret as private as they could for fear the People or the Soldiers should come to have the least suspicion of it. At the same time also they desired them to consider the necessity of assembling together for the Welfare of the Empire, in regard the King was dead without declaring a Successor either in writing or by word of Mouth. Whereupon the Lords approved their prudent Management, and agreed upon a Place where to assemble, such as should give no occasion to any person living, no not to their most familiar acquaintance to take the least Alarm.  
To that purpose they made choice of the Place before the Gate of the Palace where the King lay sick, where not only They, but all that belonged to the Court, were wont to appear about seven of the Clock in the Morning when the King resides in the Country. Whither repaired the whole Throng of Courtiers, not knowing any thing of the Accident. There also appeared the Lords who have their share in the Government, and went into certain little Tents, according to their usual Custom, as well to expect the Kings coming forth, as to be ready at hand to receive his Commands; or for the dispatch of Affairs, which either need no answer at all from the King, or upon which they already know the King's mind.  
For the better understanding of which, you are to know, as already has been declared in our Treatise of the Government of the Persians, that when the King resides in the Country, they pitch him a large Camp in the Form of a City. In one of the extreme Quarters of which Camp they erect the Royal Pavilions: and about fifty Paces from thence the Tents of the Grand Master of the Royal Household: near to which they also set up several lesser Pavilions richly furnished on purpose for the Lords to sit down, discourse one with another, or for the dispatch of Business, such as I have already mentioned.  
Nor is this Order of Encamping ever altered, although the King himself be lodged in a House.  
Thus it was an easy thing for the Lords of the Council to assemble together without giving the least suspicion to others; however to keep their design the more closely still concealed, they came with their usual Trains and Habits, and with Countenances so well composed, that notwithstanding the various Emotions that agitated their different Passions, there outwardly appeared nothing but such a settled satisfaction and contentment of Mind, as would not permit them one among another to dive into each others Breasts.  
The Lords being assembled in one of these forementioned Pavilions, which by accident was then erected in a Garden of the Village adjoining to the Palace, next to the Pavilions of the grand Master of the Household, placed themselves in the same Order as they used to seat themselves in the King's Presence. That is to say, on the Right Hand sat the Athemad-doulet, or chief Minister, so called from a compound word which signifies the Confidence of the Empire. For the word Doulet, though literally taken for Riches and Grandeur, yet Metaphorically and in a borrowed sense, the Persians make use of it to signify Dominion in general, or particularly for that which we call Rule or Empire in our Language, as we have showed in another place. Next to him sat the Koelar-Agasia or Lord of the Slaves. By which is to be understood the General of the second Body of the Persian Militia, whom they style the King's Slaves. Below him sat the Nazir, or Seeer; Superintendant General of all the Royal Demesnes; and who also takes particular care of the Treasuries, Furniture, Buildings, Manufactures, Magazines, Stores, and Servants, and in a word, of all things that relate to the King's Household.  
Next to him sat the Divaan-Beki; a word so form from the corruption of two other, Divaanum-Bek, or Lord of the Council of Justice. And he that bears this Title is the supreme Judge in all Civil and Criminal Causes, which come before him by way of Appeal from all parts of the Kingdom. Nor is there any one but the King himself who can stop the Execution and Sentence by him once pronounced. Next to whom sat the Mir-atever-bachi, or Grand Esquire. For those Persian words signify, The Chief of the Princes of the Stables. The Hakiem-Bachi, or Chief of the Physicians, that is, the chief Physician and his Brother, were they that sat lowermost upon the Right Hand.  
On the Left Hand, he that held the uppermost Seat was Toefenktchi, or the Lord of the Musketeers, being the General of the third Body of the Persian Militia. Next to whom sat the Vateaa-Noviez, or the Notary of Occurrencies, or of such Transactions as relate to the Empire, and may be therefore said to be the principal Secretary of State. Next to him sat the Mir-tchekar-Bachi, or Prince of the Chase, an Office well known in France by the Title of Grand Veneur, or chief Huntsman of France; and next to him the Munehiziim-Bachi, or the Lord of the Astrologers, who is one of the most considerable Peers in the Court of Persia. On the same side, but at some distance below, stood the two Eunuches Aga-Kafour and Aga-Mahacite, of whom we have already made mention, as not being permitted, no more than the rest of the Eunuches, to sit before his Majesty.  
The Meihter, or High Chamberlain stood somewhat higher upon the left hand, and a little behind, the High Steward of the Household, whom the Persians call Ichikagasia-Bachi; or Chief of the Masters, or Lords of the Footstool to the Throne, because his Authority extends over all the Porters, Ushers, Guards, Masters of the Ceremonies, and other Officers of the like nature belonging to the Court. But because he performs the Office of Chief Gentleman Usher night and day in the King's Presence, he has no Seat in the public Assemblies, notwithstanding his Authority be very great, and renders him more considerable than many that have right to sit. Nor do I find that any other Lords than these were present at this Grand Assembly.  
The chief Minister was the first that spoke, and declared at the same time what the High Chamberlain had informed him concerning the King's Death, and which had been confirmed to him by the two chief Physicians: and then proceeding, he told him, That he made no question but the same Information had already reached their Ears, and that they were not ignorant how that their deceased Monarch was departed this Life without declaring either in writing or by word of Mouth, to which of his two Sons he had bequeatched his Sceptre, and that therefore it was their duty to proceed to an Election with all the speed imaginable, not only because it was not fit that the Prince to whom Providence had destined the Crown should remain in a Private Condition any longer, but also for the security of the Kingdom, which was always in jeopardy so long as it wanted a Governor, since it was with Monarchies as with living Bodies, that cease to live when deprived of the Head. For the preventing therefore of so great a Misfortune, it behoved them before they broke up, to make choice of some glorious Scien of the Imamic Race to sit upon the Throne which Habas the II. had quitted for a more blessed Mansion in Heaven. That that great Monarch of victorious Memory had left two Sons, as he was assured that none of all the Assembly had any reason to question in the least, Sephie-Mirza, who was about twenty years of Age, and had been left in the Palace of Grandeur, under the Tuition of Aga-Nazir; and Hamzeh-Mirza, about seven Years of Age, who was there among them at Court under the care of Aga-Mubarek present in their Assembly: That of these two, after they had invoked the most High God, they were to choose him that the well King had in a manner deputed to be Lieutenant to the glorious Successor in Expectation.  
By Successor in Expectation the Persians mean the last of the Imaans', who according to their Religion is their hoped for Messia, whose return to Earth they expect every hour.  
Now the Prime Minister having pronounced these words with all the Demonstrations of a profound sorrow, and an Aspect full of Majesty, which from his Aged Countenance shot both Awe and Reverence, made a sudden stop, expecting that some other of the Assembly should speak and give his Advice. But observing that the whole Assembly out of a particular deference and respect to his Dignity and high Place, applauded his beginning, and by their frequent repetitions of Bisin Allah ', or so be it, in the name of God, seemed desirous that he should proceed: the aged Minister modestly resumed his Place, and beholding the Grandees one after another, told them further, That considering the Necessity, and the Resolution which they had taken to Elect one of those two Princes, it was his Opinion, That they were to the Rigorous but positive necessity to which they were reduced, and which constrained them to prefer Hamzeh Mirza though the younger, and to fix him in the Throne, though to the Privation of his elder Brother. The reason was, because it was well known to all the World, how severe Habas had been always toward him: so that it was to be feared that the young Prince had been deprived of his sight. Of which the Report had run very hot, ever since the deceased Monarch at his departure from Ispahan, displayed such a dismal dissatisfaction in his Countenance, that portended nothing but fatal; and which they had more reason to believe, because the King at the beginning of his sickness, had sent in great haste, without imparting his design to any of his Council, an Eunuch with private Orders to the same City. Which Orders could be no other than either to take off the Head, or pluck out the Eyes of the young Prince, to the end he might be uncapable of succeeding to the Crown after his death: For in all other things the King never failed to communicate his Secrets to some one of his Council, and particularly to the Prime Minister, who was always accustomed to seal with his own Seal, all such Commands and Orders to which the King affixed his Signet, which if it were so, they could not Elect him, without running themselves into a great Confusion, if he should be already either Dead or Blind. For you know said he, that the sacred Laws of the Elect of God not permitting any person under that unfortunate Circumstance to be our Sovereign Monarch, we should be constrained after all to apply ourselves to Hamzeh Mirza. And what thanks I would fain know, will he then give us for our Election? Will he not have reason to tax us with our want of Affection, for choosing him at a force put, when we knew there was no possibility for his Brother to govern? Will it please him, do you think, to accept a Crown at our hands, which we have offered to another? Will he think himself beholden to us for our suffrages which we did not give him out of Kindness or Affection to his person, but merely out of invincible Necessity? And God grant he may stop there, with being only satisfied that he owes us nothing. Who knows but that he may study Revenge, and whether our Coldness may not kindle in his Breast a Fire that will not be quenched without our Ruin and the destruction of our Families? But this is not all that we are to consider; when the Welfare of the Kingdom lies at stake, particular Interests must give way. Mind therefore my Lords, what I have observed at the Beginning of my Discourse. It behoves us to avoid the Dangers of an Interregnum, which will continue long, while time is wasted in Messages to and fro from hence to the Capital City. But Providence hath put into our Hands Hamzeh-Mirza. What remains then but to follow the Commands of Providence, and forthwith to advance the Favoured of Heaven to the Sacred Throne of Prince of the World.  
The Prime Minister having thus delivered himself, gave no small occasion to the rest of the Lords to muse from whence this Opinion of his should proceed. But in regard he was a Person that had always lived in high Reputation for his Integrity, and for that his being stricken in years, and his long experience in Affairs rendered him greatly considerable, they never suspected the Advice which he had given had been the Effect of self-interest; more especially because there was nothing propounded but what the whole Assembly believed to be very real. At length the greatest part entertained a Proposal so acceptable to their wishes with great Joy: and they who only had in their view their own particular Establishment, were no less willing, in pursuance of the Prime Ministers Counsel, to be thought as well affected to the public Welfare, when indeed they minded nothing but their own Grandeur: For the same Considerations that had swayed the Prime Minister, and the Chief Superintendant, as we have said already, had got possession of their Minds likewise, and infused into them an Apprehension of the uncertainty of their Conditions, if Sephie-Mirza were advanced to the Throne. For that the Young Prince, were it only to show his Absolute Power; would Rule according to his own Fancy, and change his Officers as he pleased himself. Nor could they think otherwise but that some secret Instigations of Revenge would govern his Proceedings against them, as being persuaded, that their Complacency had contributed to his Misfortunes; and that they were so far from pacifying the displeasure and complaints which the deceased King his Father made against him, that they had applauded and flattered his Indignation. On the other side, if the report were true of Habas' being poisoned by the Conspiracy of some of his Lords, it was easy to conjecture how they that were guilty could not choose but feel a Remorse of Conscience, and with what Terror they looked upon a Successor, who being naturally inclined to violence, would readily lay hold upon a Pretence so plausible to revenge his Father's Death. But from the Election of the Younger Son there was no such Apprehension of danger; in regard all things would move in their usual Course, and for that his Minority would give them leisure to provide for themselves, and to make the best advantage of the Employments which they enjoyed. Thereupon they weighed in the same Balance the Probabilities, which the Prime Minister had set forth, of the Death of the Eldest of the two Princes, and the hazards which the Monarchy would run through a tedious Expectation. And therefore they all with one Voice concluded upon the Election of Hamzeh-Mirza.  
But among all the Grandees there was not any one that testified so violent a Passion for the Election of the Youngest Son, as the Superintedant General: nor indeed was there any one whose particular Interest had more reason to urge him to it, as having more cause to fear the advancement of the Elder, than anyof the rest. And moreover, he made no question, that he would lay it to his Charge, that he had not the Furniture, the rich clothes, and other things that he desired: all which things by virtue of his Office of Superintendant, were at his disposal. On the other side he had done several kindnesses for the Mother of the Younger Son, whose Officer he was in the outward Palace, and then by the Assistance of the Eunuches that attended her in the women's Apartment, he was in hopes to work himself so effectually into the Favour both of the Princess, and her Son, that he might be in a Condition to continue himself for a longer time in that high Credit, wherein he had lived, during the Reign of the Father. To which purpose when it came to his turn in Rank and Dignity, which was the third Place of Honour, to give his Opinion, it was with less indifference than those that preceded him had done. He confirmed all that had been said by the Support of the Empire, or the Prime Minister. He added moreover that he could not precisely tell in what Condition Sephie-Mirza was at that time; however that it could not be but very bad, or rather so deplorable, that it would not suffer either Himself, or any others in his behalf, to dream of the Empire: That for the past Years of 1075. and 1076. after his Father had shut him up under a close Restraint, He had been kept very private: That for him that spoke, he made no question but that Habas had caused the Eyes of the Prince to be put out, as not believing him fit to Govern. Of which there was nothing gave him greater Assurances, than that there had been no mention made of the Prince since the King's last Progress to Mazendaran, at what time the deceased King, being upon the Road not above eight Leagues distant from the Capital City, brushed of a sudden back again in great haste, no man knowing either the Issue of his Return, nor why he went. And therefore there was no farther reason to doubt, but that he did it at length with a full determination to rid the world of that Young Prince. Nor did there need any other convincing Proof of what he said, than the Eunuch, who not long since had been dispatched with private Orders, which could only relate to that Prince. And therefore it was an irrational thing to deliberate to which of the two Sons they should offer the Crown, since only Hamzeh-Mirza was by Heaven preserved to be their Prince.  
Thus was this Royal Infant about to have been advanced to the Throne to the Exclusion of his Elder Brother. All the Grandees gave their Consents for this Election, nor had one of these who had right to speak denied him his voice. There were only two Eunuches that had not spoke a word. And who would have thought they durst have presumed to have spoken a word? especially the least in Credit of the two? seeing that neither the one or the other having neither Right, Title or Authority to speak, could any one have imagined that they should have been so bold to entertain Sentiments contrary to all the rest of that Illustrious Family? Or if they should have been so daring, was there any likelihood they should have the Confidence to declare them, and to carry it against so many Voices?  
Nevertheless it so came to pass in a Manner that may be thought to be almost Miraculous, as well by reason of the Circumstances already observed, as for those which we are going about to observe. Which assures us that there is a Superior Providence which concerns itself in the Management of all human Affairs, commands all Events, and frequently brings things to pass contrary to all our Expectations, as here it happened where Sephie was Elected notwithstanding the confederacy of persons interessed, and the favourable opportunities to advance their Designs.  
Now this same Eunuch that broke all the Measures which these Lords had taken was Aga-Mubarek, in great Credit at Court, as we have already observed, as being the person to whom the King had committed the Tuition of his second Son. He, I say, was Tutor to Hamzeh-Mirza whom the Grandees all endeavoured to advance to the Throne, and whom it therefore behoved rather than any other to support and encourage their Suffrages, since that in all likelihood the Grandeur of his Illustrious Pupil would be a means infinitely to advance his Reputation, and present him a Fortune the most glorious that a person of his Condition could hope for.  
Nevertheless the love of Justice prevailed over all other Temptations that could affect his Soul; so that it was not without a noble Indignation that he heard the Proposal of the first Minister, to prefer the Younger before the Elder Brother, which augmented so much the more by how much he found the Lords of the Council so readily inclined to a Condescension. Thereupon he took a Resolution worthy that Ancient and Constant Fidelity which the Eunuches have already gloried in. He thought it his Duty to prevent such a disorder and confusion as much as in him lay, and that though he had no right to speak in that Assembly, yet that it was lawful for him for once to violate a Custom which was no more than a bare Ceremony, to the end he might reduce into the right way, those that went about to break that Love which Nature seemed to have established, and which Religion favoured.  
Nevertheless he stayed till every one had spoken in their turns, as well in respect to the Lords so much his superiors, as for that he still was in hopes that some one of better judgement, or at least of better Principles should deliver his Opinion more justly and according to Law, and deliver him out of that perplexity wherein such a troublesome Accident would engage him. But when he saw that they had all with one Consent concluded to Elect the Younger Brother to the prejudice of the Eldest, under pretences, which how specious soever, they seemed to be, were only the persuasions of Interest, and upon Conjectures too weak at the bottom to gain credit in such an important Affair, with a fearless, yet respectful behaviour he thus began:  
The Proposal, Princes, and Lords of Lords, which you have made to exclude from the Crown Sephie, the Eldest Son of Habas the Second, to whom it appertains by Law, and to advance in his room Hamzeh-Mirza, is an affront to Justice and the Laws of the Elect Messiah, too visible to believe you have suffered yourselves to be swayed to such a design any otherwise than by some dazzling Appearances as have surprised your Judgements. For I dare be confident that not one among you all does think the Motives that have been alleged sufficient. No— the Pretence which you have borrowed for the Election of Hamzeh-Mirza is not rational. The true Reason that prevails in your Minds, if I may be so bold to tell you, though you know it as well as myself, is your desire to govern Persia for many years to come, and at your own pleasure. It is therefore that you would elect an Infant, under whose Minority you may be able with permission to exercise an absolute Authority. For what is alleged of the Eldest Prince, that without doubt he is either deprived of his Life, or of his Sight, can be looked upon only as a delusion. For had it been so, should I have heard nothing of it? I that ever since the King's departure from the Capital City have always been exactly acquainted with whatever passed in the women's Palace; I that have always been a constant Attendant in it; and more than that have had the Government of the Young Prince? If the Eunuch, who was sent Post sometime since to Ispahan, had private Orders to the ruin of Sephie-Mirza out of a design to render him incapable of the Succession, should I have discovered nothing? Or would not the deceased King have made some alterations in the condition of his second Son, for whom he had designed the Imperial Throne after his death? Would he not have enlarged his Revenue, and augmented the Splendour of his Court? Would he have concealed it from me, and the Light of Women, the Lady Mother of the Young Prince? Or if he had concealed it from me, would it not have been more easy for me than for you to have discovered something? since I have always lived in the Inner Palace, and that I knew every thing that passed there under the greatest Secrecy; whereas you are so far from entering into it, that you can only look upon the outside of it. In a word, there is nothing in all that which you pretend to fear, Sephie-Mirza lives and sees, my life for yours, God is my caution; and if it be not so, here is my head. You cannot therefore without great Injustice, or rather foul Treason, forget the Eldest, and sacrifice him to your own Passions, and the Interests of his Younger Brother. Rather let the Younger Brother be sacrificed to Him and the Interests of the Kingdom. Do you not foresee how you are going about to throw the Kingdom into a dismal Confusion, and fill it with Division? Think you the rest of the Grandees will suffer themselves to be accounted Persons without Law, and approve your Votes? Think you the People will take your Crimes upon their shoulders, and endure the Younger Brother sitting upon the Throne of the Faithful, whom you could not place there till you had trampled under foot the most Sacred Duties with which Religion inspires us? On the other side, all the World will rise against you, to take part with the Lawful Heir; or if that should not come to pass, you will be laden with Curses, and looked upon as the Authors of a most Execrable Assassination: You will blush for shame all your Lives, and live with perpetual torment in your breasts. Hamzeh-Mirza also himself, for whom you have prostituted your Consciences, will not he reward you for it one day? He will look upon you as Dogs that advanced him to his Honour only for the Hounds fees; and as such who in hopes to fatten yourselves during his Minority, forsook God, the Law, the Prophet, the Book, the Explanation, Right Reason, and Justice. I am sure his Judgements will pursue you, and that the least punishment you can expect will be to be sent naked into some Desert, there to thank God for only saving your Lives.  
There he stopped of a sudden with some disturbance in his Countenance: but immediately proceeds with a sudden Exclamation:  
Hamzeh Mirza, cried he, Hamzeh Mirza, to what an extremity do you reduce him? Would you, my Lords, that I should go and strangle him with my own hands, and that I should bring him dead into your presence? I have the power, he is under my charge. By that means I shall be able to prevent you from making an ill Choice: You shall then be constrained to carry the Crown to the Eldest; and then I leave you to consider how he will receive it at your hands, when he shall find that nothing could reduce you to your Allegiance but such a fatal extremity.  
With this threatening Language he concluded his Speech; leaving the Lords of the Assembly so surprised that if a Mountain had fallen at their feet, as they say in Persia, they could not have been more astonished. They could not divine the reason that should induce the Eunuch to such a determined Resolution: He was neither instigated by Hatred, Fear, nor Hope. Not by Hatred, because they knew he tenderly fostered his lovely Pupil. Much less by Fear, since he could expect nothing but a soft Indulgence in respect of himself from the Person that had been bred up in his Arms. Nor could he hope for any of those advantages from the Eldest, whose disposition he was not well acquainted with; for though he might have a kindness for him, it could never be so great as that of the younger Brother, who had sucked it in with his Milk. Therefore they all found that he spoke against his own Interests, and that it could be nothing else but his zeal for Justice and the Welfare of the Empire, his desire to satisfy the People, and his Loyalty toward his deceased Master, that caused him to act in that manner. However it increased their respect for him, and obliged them to admire his Sentiments so generous, though contrary to their Intentions, and such as altogether disapproved their Conduct.  
It was about half a quarter of an Hour before any one of the Assembly durst so much as open their Lips; but still they sat looking one upon another, without speaking a word, perplexed between the shame of recanting, and the fear of the danger which they ran, should they adventure obstinately to defend their first Resolutions. At length the chief Minister, whether it were that he was more a friend to Justice than the rest, as there was reason to conjecture from his wont noble and unbiased manner of proceeding, or whether he feared lest any other should speak before him, which had rendered him guilty, in regard it was his Place to speak first, as he had already done when he argued so stiffly against Sephie Mirza. However it were, the Prime Minister first breaking silence thus began: That true it was, that if the Assembly were infallibly assured that the Eldest Son of Habas II. was no longer in a condition to receive the Crown, they might justify the Election of the second Son; but since Aga Mubarek so confidently asserted, that Sephie Mirza had neither lost his life, nor his sight, they ought to choose him without any further deliberation: And therefore from the bottom of his heart he gave him both his Voice and all his choicest Wishes, protesting that it was their duty forthwith to go and offer him the Diadem and the Empire.  
Upon those words all the rest of the Lords grew faint-hearted, and had no longer power to defend the Injustice which they had began. For the condition of these Lords renders them naturally fearful, who as illustrious, and as great Princes as they seem to be, are in effect but so many Slaves; their Lives, their Liberty, their Honour, their Estates absolutely depending upon the Pleasure of the Sovereign; So that they were so far from persisting in their first Opinions, that they strove which should be the first that should renounce what they had done; and dissembling their Discontents, they all unanimously decreed, That since the Eldest Son was in a condition to enjoy the Crown, which legally appertained to him, that it was their duty without delay to fetch him from the Palace of Grandeur, and accompany him to the Throne.  
And thus was Sephie-Mirza elected Monarch of the Persians contrary to the Intention of those themselves that gave their Voices for him.  
The Prime Minister added, that after so unfortunate an Election of the King, they were immediately to proceed to a second, which was the Nomination of a Person among the great Lords of the Kingdom, who was to post with all speed to Ispahan, to fetch the Prince out of the Palace where he was enclosed, and seat him in his Throne with all the accustomed Ceremonies, and to cause him to be acknowledged Sovereign Lord of the Persian Empire.  
Now though this Election were not of equal Importance with the Election of the Prince, yet did it not occasion a little trouble among the Lords; who had no sincere and real Amity one for another, after the manner of Courtiers: for every one had their particular designs, and had an eye upon his Companion. However the Person to be nominated was to be taken out of their Number, because there was not any of higher Quality than they were then at Court; and they that were of Inferior Rank could not pretend to that Honour. But then again, believing that the Person, who should happen to be entrusted with such a weighty Errand, would in all probability gain a great Ascendant over the young Monarch's favour, who to recompense the welcome Tidings of such a Messenger, would afford him a large share of his Affections, their business was to cast their Eyes upon some One whose good nature and generous temper they might best dispense with; if they could not find out one of absolute Probity, and Sincerity. For what will not Vice attempt, when furnished with such great advantages? Or what Impressions will not an evil person stamp upon a Soul, if I may so say, altogether rare, or on a Prince whose tender Years will not permit him a due experience in the Affairs of the World?  
So that every one of the Lords took care to nominate out of their number such a one as they thought would do least mischief, who if he had not a Will to do them good, should have as little desire to do them harm. As for the Prime Minister, and the Superintendant, who for their high Dignity had most right to the honour of such an important Deputation could not be spared, because at that juncture of time their Presence was absolutely necessary at Court. The Prime Minister was to stay for the dispatch of Business, and to give Audiences upon Affairs of State, and by his Presence to prevent any Disturbance that might arise upon the news of Habas' Death, if by any Accident it should happen to be divulged before the time; which would soon have come to light by the absence of the Prime Minister, who never stirs from the Prince's Elbow, if the King be alive. Nor was it more possible for the Superintendant to stir, as well for the same reason, as for that He, having the sole ordering of all the rich Furniture and Treasures of the King's House, and of all the Convoys and Wagons every day going and coming to the Court with Provisions and other Necessaries, cannot leave his Employment, for fear any Disorder or Confusion should happen.  
Then again, because it was still convenient that the People should know no more but that the King was sick, that was it which prevented the Grand Master of the Household from being sent; in regard his Office, like those of the two former, obliges him to be always near the King. The chief ginger, and the chief Physician were not of Quality sufficient to aspire to that Honour, and much less the Two Eunuches. Indeed the Dignity of the Grand Esquire, and Grand Huntsman might in some measure have claimed it. But in regard they are not properly Officers of the Kingdom, but rather the King's Officers; they began to cast their lies upon the Generals of the Army, the General of the Slaves, and the General of the Musquetteers, chiefly because they are superior in Dignity to the two latter, and for that their Employments do not tie them to be at Court; True it is, they were not very grateful to the Lords; but for once as before there was a necessity that Inclination and Affection must give way to Duty.  
Of these two Competitors, the General of the Slaves expected the Precedency as his due, in regard his Employment gave him the Preeminency; which he could not dissemble, but displayed his hopes and expectations in his very Countenance. However he miss of his reckoning: for he had not one Friend in the whole Assembly; they knew him too well, to be a crafty Knave of a turbulent spirit, and of a mischievous humour; and therefore they were all afraid if he spoke first to the new King, he would not forget his old tricks, but would form such Contrivances at least against the greatest part of them, that they should not easily disentangle themselves. Upon which considerations they gave their Voices unanimously for the General of the Musquetteers. Not but that they had some apprehensions of him likewise, as not having altogetheer the Reputation of a sincere man, only he was a Saint in comparison of the other. For his Cunning did not carry him to the full extent of Malice. Besides that he was looked upon as a Person of great Parts, and one that understood the Court, and the Interests of the Neighbouring Princes. For which Reason he had been sent for some Years before in the Quality of an Ambassador to the present King of the Indies Aurang-Zeb, to congratulate his coming to the Crown; and had behaved himself with so much Grandeur in the Embassy, that his Master gave him signal Testimonies of his Satisfaction. And indeed his Rodomantadoes in that Court are strangely remarkable, such as the Reader will hardly credit, when I shall publish what I have collected in reference to that Embassy.  
This Lord, then, being thus deputed, the Assembly gave order about some other things that concerned his journey, and how they should manage Affairs at Court in expectation of the New King.  
First, It was ordered that Eleven Persons should accompany the Commissioner to Ispahan, that is to say, two Astrologers, the Munchiziim-Bachi, or the Chief of those that profess that Science, who was called Mirza-Baker, and with him another ginger, one of the most noted in the Kingdom, whose Name was Mahamed-Saleh. They were to be present at the Coronation, with an Astrolabe in their hands, to take the fortunate hour, as they term it in the Persian Language, and observe the lucky Moment's that a happy Constellation should point out for Proceedings of that Importance. To these they added four of the Principal Officers employed in the custody of the Treasure to carry and take care of what Jewels should be requisite for the Ceremony. The other five were not then nominated, in regard that every one of the Principal Officers of State had a right to appoint his own Deputy upon that Occasion.  
Those five Commissioners, who are always Persons of Quality, were in their Master's names to throw themselves at the feet of the new Monarch, so soon as he should be brought forth of the private Apartment of the Palace, and at the Ceremony of the Coronation to represent the Person by whom they were deputed. Of which the one was the Prime Minister; the other the Grand Superintendant; the third, the General of the Slaves; the fourth, the Lord Chief Justice; and the fifth, the Principal Secretary of State.  
In the second place it was ordered by the Lords, that the General of the Musquetteers, with his Eleven Attendants, should set forward the next Morning before day, unless the Grand ginger should find the Constitution of the Heavens and the Aspects of the Planets not to be favourable; whereupon they should forbear till a more lucky season. That then every one should depart, and stay at a New Caravanseray, which is four Leagues from Demagaan, till the Twelve Persons being all arrived, they might proceed altogether in their Journey. And that for fear lest if they should depart in Company from the Camp Royal, they should create too great a jealousy of the cause of their Journey.  
In the third place the Lords ordained that the General of the Musquetteers should carry a Letter to his Majesty in the name of the whole Assembly, which should be read in their hearing, before it was put into his hands, that nothing might be inserted but what was approved by all.  
In the fourth place they unanimously agreed, for the better concealing the King's Death, that every one should Officiate in their several Stations, as they did before the doleful Accident happened; and pay their accustomed Attendance about the Palace. That in the mean time they should amuse the People with a belief that the King was only sick, and in a fair way of recovery. That the Eunuches there present, and others concerned, should endeavour to keep all things private in the women's Palace, and use their utmost diligence to cheer and comfort up the Women, for fear their loud Complaints and Moans should be heard by those without.  
In the fifth place it was ordered that the Eunuches with the chief Physicians should take care to embalm the Body of the deceased King, to the end he might afterwards be put into a Leaden Coffin according to Custom.  
Lastly, The same Lords ordained that at the end of Eight Days all the Court should depart from the Village of Kosroesabaad where then it was; and in regard it was impossible in so great a Hurry to travel far in a day, that they would make short Journeys to Kachaan; that they should order their March according to the Season, and as they thought most proper, to prevent all occasions that might give the People any reason too curiously to pry into the condition of the King's Person.  
Toward Evening the Letter which was to be presented to the New Monarch was delivered to the General of the Slaves. It was put up in a Purse of Cloth of Gold, drawn together with strings of twisted Gold and Silk, with Tassels of the same, and so knit into a Knot. It was sealed with soft Wax; upon which the Chief Minister put his own Seal. Nor was any omitted of all those Knacks and Curiosities which the Oriental People make use of in making up their Epistles.  
By this Letter, of which I was very careful to get a Copy, drawn from the Original, the Lords gave His most Excellent Majesty to understand, How the Great Potentate and Ruler whose place is in Paradise, King Habas II. whose bright-shining Glory God increase, departed this Life the twenty sixth of the Moon called Rabeya-el-esany, at the beginning of the Return (that is, of the Return of her Light) without having made any Will, or given any Order touching his Successor, or nominated any Person to Govern the Kingdom.  
That as soon as they had notice of the Dismal Accident, they assembled together to consider who the Person was whom Heaven had Elected to succeed the King. Whereupon with an unanimous consent they had as soon named Him, and caused his most Excellent Person to be acknowledged Lord of Kingdoms of vast Extent, and only capable to supply the Throne of the Immortal Succession of Prince of the World. Upon which they had put up their most ardent Prayers, that God would be pleased to surround him with Glory, and to prepare for him Triumphs worthy the high Honour to which he had called him, Protesting at his Feet, that they were his most humble and most obedient Slaves. That to establish his most Magnificent and most Glorious Person in the Throne which resembled the Celestial, they had deputed one of their Members, the General of the Musquetteers to deliver him their most humble and miserable Letter; who was accompanied with several other Persons elected to express by word of mouth in the name of the whole Assembly their Submissions and Vassalage, and then to supply the places of the most humble Slaves of the Throne, which is the true Seat of the Kalibat, (or Pontificate) in the great Solemnity of his Coronation, to be performed by the Imposition of the Sacred Imamic Tiara (or Prophetic Tiara.) That the Body of his thrice Illustrious Father, whose place is in Paradise, whose bright shining Glory God increase, should be conducted to the City of Kachaan; and that with the rest of the Court, they who had taken the boldness to write these Presents would expect the most firm Orders which his Majesty would be pleased to send them; as well for the Place of his Burial, and for such other Duties to which their Vassalage of indispensable necessity engaged them.  
This was the substance of the Persian Letter, of which we have expressed the Style, and imitated the Strain as near as our Language would permit. Moreover upon the Back and the lowermost Fold was set the Seal of the Prime Minister according to Custom.  
The next day the General of the Musquetteers, and the other Eleven Persons departed, and made all the haste that possibly they could: Yet not so fast as they could have desired, or as Occasions of that nature required. For considering the vast number that road Post altogether, it was not to be expected they should meet with change of Horses; beside the danger of breaking or endamaging the Jewels by a violent Motion, was a thing which the Officers of the Treasury were much afraid of. Thus they travel the hundred and twelve Persian Leagues (which make a hundred and forty French) between Kosroesabaad and Ispahan, where they arrived the seventh day after they set out, upon a Saturday. Which was the third of the Moon, called Gumadi-el-avel, which answers to our second of October, according to the Computation known among us; about seven of the Clock in the Evening; at what time the Merchants and Tradesmen in the Bazars and Piazzas shut up their Shops, and every body goes to his own home.  
Some persons of Quality observing this numerous Troop that came Post, and knowing the general of the Slaves at the head of them, and the rest of the Commons which they had seen at Court, believed that they road before, and were come to prepare all things ready in the King's Palace by his Order for the Reception of his Majesty, whose Return that City had long expected with great impatience. Thereupon they enquired of the General as he passed by, and of several others that followed him; who made answer, that his Majesty was at hand and in a little time would appear in the City. Which equivocation was true, and yet concealed the Secret which he had in Charge.  
This numerous Train of Lords being arrived in the great Square before the Royal Palace, alighted with all their Retinue at the principal Gate of that Magnificent Pile, which they call Hali-Kapi or Haly's Gate, or by another interpretation, the Highgate.  
There they all Stopped except the General of the Slaves and the Prime Ministers Deputy. For they too as soon as they were alighted, went directly to the second Gate opposite in a direct line at some distance to the other, as we shall show in our Description of Ispahan, which second Gate is the Principal Gate of the women's Apartment, and is called the Sacred Gate.  
Through that Gate it was that those two Lords went to the first Apartment without, appointed for the White Eunuches. Eunuches which in truth are posted there to Guard the Place where the Women are enclosed, but never enter into it, but upon some extraordinary and urgent Occasion. There the general of the Musquetteers made known his Quality to the White Eunuch who came to receive him, and desired to go, and desire the Aga Nazir, that he would be pleased to come forth with speed, for his business would admit of no delay. We have already observed that this Aga-Nazir had been entrusted by the Deceased King, in his Life time, with the Guardianship of Sephie-Mirza, afterwards Elected Monarch, and with the general Oversight of the women's Palace; which obliged him to take all the care imaginable of this Apartment, which is as it were a Corpse du Guard, where the White Eunuches are lodged that watch the entrance into the women's Apartment. However he hath a Magnificent Palace in the City; but then he happened to be attending on his Duty in the Palace.  
He therefore understanding that a Lord of that high Quality desired to speak with him, presently went forth to know what Commands he brought. So soon as he appeared, the General Musquetteers advanced alone to meet him, while the Prime Ministers Deputy out of respect kept a distance behind.  
The General having drawn the Eunuch aside whispered some words in his Ear, which were never known what they were, or at least I could never certainly learn what they were. Some affirm that he discovered to him the Death of Habas, and the Election of the Eldest Son of that Monarch, whose Governor that Eunuch was. Which he was forced to do, because he had no Orders in writing from the King, nor could have, in regard he was Dead. And yet this is always observed, when any Grandee, dispatched from the Court, demands any person within to be let out, he shows his Command to the Governor of the Place. Others allege that he said nothing to him of that weighty Affair, for that it would have cost him his Head, had he declared it to any other before he had declared it to the King. However it were, if he did make any discovery, it was in few words. For immediately those two Lords, the General of the Musquetteers and the Seeing Eunuch, went forward to the other more remote Apartment, which joins immediately to the last Entrance into the Apartment.  
When they came to that Apartment where lie the Black Eunuches, who have Liberty to go up and down the inner House where the Women are lodged, one of the Chief among them understanding the Aga Nazir was come forth to understand what he desired: the other desired him to go immediately to Sephie-Mirza and to let him know that the Messenger of the most Sublime Command and of the most Potent Order stayed at the Door, and had something to communicate to him of the highest Importance, and which was for his Advantage. And therefore, that he would be pleased to come forth and speak with him.  
Which words the White Eunuch delivered to the Black Eunuch in such a Tone, and with such a Countenance as discovered nothing either of Sadness or Joy, from whence he could make any Conjectures either of bad or good Fortune. For considering the secrecy of the Affair he came about, it behoved him to affect a kind of Indifferency. So that the Black Eunuch reported back the Message to the Young Prince as he had received it, who at that time was with the Princess his Mother.  
I shall rather choose to give the Reader leave to imagine what was the Astonishment that seized those two Royal Persons at the suddenness of the News, and whence they had reason to gather a thousand suspicions and jealousies, than go about to express it in words. We learned afterwards, that for some time they stood like Statues in a profound silence, which was first interrupted by a loud shriek of the Princess, and afterwards by these words, which broke forth through the midst of her sighs while she embraced the Prince, Ah my dear Son, there's an end of thy Life.  
And indeed she could not look for any other thing for him than Death, or some other Misfortune little less terrible. She much less dreamt that it was to advance him to the Throne. For in two Years that she had taken leave of her Husband, then healthy and vigorous, in the Flower of his Age, not exceeding thirty six Years, she had never heard of his being sick, much less could she believe him dead.  
Therefore when she heard that a Noble Messenger of the High Order was come to speak with the Prince, what could she think but that this Order came from Habas the Second; and that his Command was either to put to death, or pluck out her Sons Eyes; and that if they pressed him so earnestly to come forth, it was only to understand and suffer the Execution of that Order. All Appearances confirmed this sad Suspicion. The severity of the Monarch was known to her, as well as the disgust which he had taken against his Eldest Son, of which he had given such public proofs by the strict Captivity to which he had confined him. But she that most perplexed her, and augmented her mistrusts, was the Lady-Mother of Hamzeh-Mirza, Questionless, said she, that wicked Woman it is, who by her Caresses and alluring Charms has overruled the King, to deprive my Son of the Crown, to set it upon hers. Thereupon she began to redouble her Shrieks and Lamentations in such a manner, that the whole Palace rang with her Complaints. All the Ladies surprised to hear the first of the King's Legitimate Wives in such an Agony, ran presently to condole her sorrows, and to intermix their Tears and Complaints with hers. And indeed they had reason, especially the Confidents of the Young Prince, who had an extraordinary Passion for his Interests. Friendship in others produced the same Effects, believing bloody Executioners were come to ravish from their Arms a Friendly Prince in his tender Years. So that it is said that the Women raised such a general Compassion, that even the Black Eunuch who was present, though they are a sort of People endued with savage and remorseless Souls, could not refrain from dropping some few tears, and quitting that Indifferency to which his Trust and Duty obliged him.  
The General of the Musquetteers and the Nazir Eunuch at the same time heard the women's Lamentations, and believing it proceeded from the mistake of the Mother of the Ladies that belonged to the Prince, sent a second Black Enunch to assure the Princess, that the Messenger who waited for the Prince her Son at the Gate had brought him happy tidings, and desired only to give him notice of a more Exalted Fortune. Which they both confirmed by an Oath most solemn among the Persians, by the Head of the Great Agrea, by whom they mean Haty, whom they believe to be the real Successor to Mahomet. But all those Oaths and Protestations did nothing avail but only to augment the Mistrusts of the afflicted Mother. She redoubled her Lamentations more loudly than before; She hugged her beloved Son in her Arms, and in the Transports of her sorrow called down a Thousand Imprecations upon the deceased King her Husband, calling him Barbarian, Infidel, Impious, and the Fatal cause of all her Tears. Wherein she said Truth, though he were but a very Innocent Cause. Sometimes she turned toward the Lordly Messenger, whom she reproached with the scurrilous Terms of Dog, and Messenger of Death; sometimes toward the Eunuches that were present, whom she upbraided for Traitors.  
All the while the Young Prince stood immovable; for, as is said, he uttered not one word; nor did he show in his Countenance any sign of sorrow. It is very probable, that it was so extreme, as to overwhelm him in such a sort, that he had neither Life nor Motion. While Nature that could not find sufficient signs to express her dreadful pains, stood as it were entranced, not knowing what side to take. Therefore the Young Prince shed not a Tear, because the occasion which he had to weep was so great: In that manner he stood in the midst of the Lamentations of the Women, who detained him, and drew him to their knees, as if they had resolved to defend him, and prevent those that came to carry him away from approaching his Person.  
This Scene had lasted above three quarters of an Hour, for other Black Eunuches that were sent one after another with Oaths and new Imprecations to assure them that the General brought Orders only that were highly to the Prince's advantage, could gain nothing upon the belief of the Mother and the other Women, so that the Nazir resolved to go himself in person to try what he could do to undeceive her. But so soon as he appeared before the Mother, and with terrible Oaths endeavoured to assure her that there was no danger, the Princess still holding her Son closely embraced in her Arms, cried out, And Thou Dog, art thou also a Messenger of Death like the rest?  
The disconsolate Princess was not to be comforted; for the more Messengers they sent, the more Oaths they swore, the less credit she gave to their Imprecations. She looked upon them all as Artifices to surprise her, and to induce her to consent that her Son should go forth where Death waited his coming. But at length some of the Principal Young Ladies suffered themselves to be overruled by the persuasions of the Aga, and the horrible Imprecations which he called down upon his head, that there was no danger in the world, and assisted him to bring forth the Prince; and yet with some kind of violence in forcing him from his Mother's Arms. Who being reduced to despair, seeing she could not resist the respectful violence that was put upon her, and that she could no longer hold the dear Pledge of her Life, she flung from her Seat of a sudden, and after she had snatched the Dagger out of the Sheath that hung at the Young Prince's side, presenting it to the Breast of the Chief Eunuch, who was next her, and had the Young Prince by the hand, Go, said she, in the Name of God, but take a care what thou dost, and what thou hast promised. If he must perish, know that thou thyself shalt first suffer the punishment which thy Lying and thy Treason deserve. Presently the Eunuch accepted the Condition, and consented to receive his death at her hands if any thing dismal befell him. Which somewhat pacified the Lady, so that she delivered the Poniard, and suffered it to be sheathed again at her Son's side.  
And then it was that the Eunuch redoubling the Oaths that he had sworn, and the Assurances which he had already given her, that there was no danger, but on the contrary, a prospect of all Prosperity, satisfied those Royal Persons, as much as it was possible, in such a dubious Dilemma of their Anxious minds.  
The Mother accompanied her Son as far as the last Place, where she was permitted to go without being seen through the Gate that stood open, and then returned with a sad heart, supported by some of her Women, and the Prince trembling and quivering was carried, as I may so say, by the Chief Eunuch without the first Portal, toward the Apartment of the black Eunuches.  
At the very Instant that he appeared without, the General of the Musquetteers, with the Prime Ministers Deputy, who kept at a distance behind him, threw himself at the Prince's Feet, and made three Obeisances according to Custom, knocking the Ground with his Forehead. Then rising upon his Knees, with his Cheeks all bathed in Tears, which either the Lamentations of the Ladies had drawn from his Eyes, or the Death of the Monarch, of which he brought the News, had made him shed, he declared the occasion of his coming in these words, which he uttered with a loud voice, and very distinctly.  
May your Illustrious Head be always safe; The King of the World, your Father Habas, to whom the God of mercy grant a new accumulation of Glory has found a Place next to the Divine Goodness; and Your Illustrious Highness is chosen to succeed Him, and has been styled the Lieutenant of the true Sovereign. For that is the signification of the word Valiè-Neamet, which was made use of in that Expression, as being the most usual Epithet, as also the most sublime, which the Persians have been accustomed to give their Kings. For Valiè denotes a Sovereign Lieutenant; that is, an Absolute Prince in his Dominions, and yet one that depends and holds of another. It also signifies a Mediator almost in the same sense. Because a Lieutenant of that nature is a Mediator between the Lord from whom he derives his Authority, and the People to whom he distributes both Punishments and Rewards in the Name of the Sovereign Supreme. As for Neamet, it comes from the word Inaam, which signifies the free Gift of a Lord to his Slave. So that by the Compound Valiè-Neamet, the Persians understand a Lieutenant, whom the true and supreme Sovereign, who is God, has established with absolute Authority to dispense over all the World in his stead his Favour and Benefits, as we shall more amply and more to the purpose explain it in another place.  
The General of the Musquetteers thought it not convenient to use more words, that he might not delay the Prince, whom he found to be impatient to hear what he had to say. But then from one extremity he fell into another quite contrary. To those Tears that had forsaken him succeeded Astonishment, Joy and Sadness that overwhelmed him anew; and rendered him once again as motionless as before.  
He became like a person who out of long Darkness comes of a sudden in a flaring Light. He seemed to be seized with a kind of dazzling Amaze, and like one that did not see, beheld as in a Trance, the great number of Eunuches that kneeled round about him, calling him their Lord and Sovereign. These first Minutes being over, he appeared more composed in his Countenance, and softly leaned upon the Chief Eunuch, like one that had been waked out of a profound sleep. He began to reflect upon what was passed, and he found that they were so far from having any design upon his Life, that they came to advance him to the Throne. Nevertheless, in regard he could not hear those joyful tidings, but as they were accompanied with the News of his Father's death, both unlooked for, the surprise was equal on both sides, and put him a third time into such an astonishment that he stood for some time in a kind of a Trance. This Grief for some Minutes contested with his Joy, till at length his good nature overcame the latter. He obeyed the persuasions of his sorrow; not minding what he had gained, but what he had lost: and in the midst of those thoughts, overpowered by his Affliction, according to the Custom of the Persians, he tore his Cabaye, or upper Garment, from the Choler to the Waste. He wept biterly, not having shed a tear till that time; though the Lamentations of his Mother, and the Consternation wherein he had beheld all the Ladies of his Palace had given him sufficient cause. This showed the good nature of the Young Monarch, as I have already said, for it cannot be imagined that he dissembled in what he did. He was too young to understand the sly tricks of craft and subtlety, and being one who had never seen the world, but had been bred up tenderly among the Women; accustomed only to talk of fine clothes, and Baubles, and to command Eunuches. Besides that, the disorder of his mind for above an Hour before would not permit him to observe such a regular Conduct. So that although he had been ill used by his Father, who had shut him up in a close Prison, and whose Death seemed to restore him to Life, by giving him his Liberty and a Diadem, he could not forbear to bewail his loss as an Evil that was never a whit the less for being the cause of so much good. Rather must it then be an effect of Nature, which shows that she is always the Mistress of our Affections, and that the Passions which she inspires will still prevail, notwithstanding all the Obstacles of Ambition, Interest, or good Fortune.  
The General of the Slaves beholding the Prince oppressed with so much grief, made no Answer, speaking only, as I may so say, with his Eyes, from whence he let fall a shower of Tears, and without expecting any longer till the Prince commanded him to rise, he rose of himself, and approaching his Majesty, made use of all his Eloquence to alleviate his sorrow. The Nazir Eunuch also was no less sedulous to join with him in comforting the Young Prince, so that by degrees the violence of his mourning began to abate. The lustre of a Diadem represented itself before his Eyes with all its glory; so that he suffered himself to be overcome with the Charms of Grandeur, and the splendour of an exalted Fortune that glittered in his sight, according to the Expression in the Persian Original.  
Thereupon the two Lords looking steadfastly one upon another, as it were making signs to each other as to what they had already concluded among themselves; and well knowing that as yet the Young Prince understood not how to act the King, they asked him, as it were by way of an indirect and glancing Instruction what he had to do, whether it were his Majesty's pleasure that they should attend him forthwith to the Palace Royal, to receive his Diadem, in regard it was of great importance that he should make no longer delay. To which the Prince condescended, and ordered them to do whatever in their judgement they deemed most proper and convenient. Upon which the General of the Musquetteers, attended by the Chief Eunuch, with a great Train of other Persons, conducted the Prince to the Apartment where the Kings were accustomed to give Public Audience, which they call Talaar, Tavieleh, where the Deputies of the Principal Officers of State, the Grand ginger, and the rest that came from the Court were admitted to make their three usual Protestations in his Presence, the Deputies in the Name of their Masters, the rest for themselves. After that, his Majesty went into a Bath which was near the Apartment, there to purify himself, as the Law ordains, and to array himself in new Habits, while all things were preparing for the Coronation with all diligence.  
In the mean time the Chief of the Astrologers, with his Companion that came along with him from the Court, retiring to their proper Station, set themselves to observe the Lucky Hour according to the Position of the Stars for the performance of this weighty Ceremony. Thus all things were got ready in less than an hour and a half, through the great diligence as well of the General of the Musquetteers, as of the Nazir Eunuch, who from the very moment that they arrived at the Lady's Palace, and during the time that the King stayed in the Bath, had privately sent with all speed for the Furniture of Persons necessary for the Solemnity.  
Which before I declare at large, I am induced to think it will not be amiss to make a description of the place where it was performed. And this I shall borrow from another Treatise of my own, wherein I have given a full account of the Capital City of Persia, and what is in it most worthy observation.  
Toward the North, very near the Walls of the Palace, over against one of the Gates that lead to the principal Entry, is an ancient Apartment, built in a perfect Square, every side containing four and twenty foot. It was erected long ago by King Talmas: From this Building to the Gate appears a very large Alley, shaded with lofty Maples; all along the sides of which from the Entrance to that Apartment are placed at the distance of ten or twelve Paces one from another, certain stone Mangers of a convenient height, and plastered over with Lime and Chalk, to tie the Horses that are made choice of out of the Royal Stables to the number usually of twelve or fifteen, or sometimes more upon high Festival days, or when any Ambassadors or other Foreiners of great quality are admitted to have their first Andience of the King. At what time they are conducted through this Alley through the midst of these Horses gorgeously harnessed. For all their Caparisons are enriched with precious stones as thick as they can lie; the Chains, the Shoes, the Hammers, the Buckets, the Currycombs, in a word, whatever is used in a Stable is all of pure massy Gold, as we have already declared in its proper place. On the right and left Hand of the Apartment, were to be seen certain Beds of Flowers and Trees planted here and there at random according to the Persian manner, where Nature only seems to be the Garderies. Before and toward the South the Garden extends itself in Breadth and Length, divided as it were into Beds and spacious Plots, parted one from another with tall Trees, and planted with so many sorts of Flowers, that some continue blowing during all the three warmer Seasons of the Year. This Apartment is built for the most part of Carpenter's Work; nor is the Floor of it levelly with the Superficies of the Alley, but raised about three foot above it. The Covering is Flat, sustained with turned Pillars, overlaid with Gold to a considerable thickness, some six or seven and twenty foot high. The groundwork of the Ceiling is of carved work in pieces answering one another, and forming Partitions, where the Gold glisters no less than in other places. Thus this Apartment is open of all sides, but when the Curtains are let down, which are fastened at the top of the Pillars, equal with the Ceiling without side. And they always let them down either on one or the other side according to the Hour that they know the King will come. But when they let them down, they do not suffer them to hang to the ground as we do; but draw them with their strings to the next of the great Trees in the Garden, and then fasten them to the Bodies of the Trees in such a manner at the height of ten foot from the ground, that they serve instead of large Umbrellaes, to prevent the Sunbeams from shining into the Room, and yet without hindering the Company, whether sitting or standing, from having a full sight of all that is done within.  
The Curtains are of Crimson Linen, lined with Indian Chite most gaily painted. The bands wherewith they are tied back, as are all the running strings, are of corpse Silk. The Body of the Apartment is divided into three parts separated only by small Balisters of Joiner's work richly gilded. The two sides make two Halls of six and thirty paces long, and sixteen broad. Between the two Halls is to be seen a Talaar, or a Balcony of State raised four foot higher than the Halls; in the midst of which stand a large and deep Font of white Marble, which receives the Crystal water that continually falls into it from a Pipe of the same coloured Marble. The whole Room is gilded all over, and that so thick, that although it be above a hundred Years since it was first laid on, there is nothing to this day that appears either Tarnished or sheled off in any part.  
It is called Talaar-Tavieleh, as we have already hinted, the Hall of the Stables, for that upon certain days, as we have said, the Horses of State are brought out, and tied close by. For Talaar signifies properly an exalted Balcony, and Tavieleh denotes a Stable, or any other place where they tie Horses.  
In the place designed for his Majesty, a Quilt was laid, stuffed with fine Sheep's Wool, four fingers thick, and between three and four foot in length; over which was spread a very fine Coverlet of Indian Work pinked with Gold, being a most admirable piece of Workmanship. This Carpet covered all the Quilt, and hung down four fingers on every side, by that means hindering the Quilt from being seen; besides that, it was kept tied at the two Corners by two great Apples of massy Gold set with precious stones; close to which stood two little Vessels to spit in, sumptuously wrought. At the other end lay a Cushion of which the lower side was of Cloth of Gold, intermixed with red Flowers and green Leaves: As for the upper side I could not tell what Stuff it was made of, because I could not come near enough to observe it; besides that, it was all over covered with Diamonds, Emeralds, Pearl, and other Precious stones, that cast a wonderful lustre, so that it was impossible to know the ground of that costly Embroidery.  
The Room was enlightened with fourteen Lamps all of massy Gold, not hung up, but set upon the ground as we set our Candlesticks upon Tables or Stands. These Branches, all of Ducat Gold, are so substantial, that there are some which weigh sixty Marks; and the least weigh thirty or forty. Of these Lamps there were eight in the Talaar, in the Middle, and three in each of the Halls, where were also eight Candlesticks with two Branches apiece of massy Gold also, three foot high, and weighing more than the Lamps.  
The place for the Coronation, being thus prepared, they brought and laid upon the middle of the Talaar, the four Principal Pieces which are in a manner consecrated to this Ceremony.  
The first was a Scourzie, or Seat which served instead of a Throne, being a little square Cushion Stool, three Geometrical feet in height; the feet of the Pillars that supported the Corners being fashioned like so many great Apples; and to secure the Seat, there ran as many Cross Bars both above and below. The upper part was smooth and plain, without any thing that might make the Seat softer, being all the same materials with the rest, that is, massy Gold very thick; the four Pillars also and the Feet being plated with Gold, and set with little Rubies and some Emeralds. This same Stool at other times is kept very charily in the Treasury Royal, which is a Dungeon in the Fortress of Ispahan, and so weighty, that two men can hardly carry it. I saw it there by good fortune; having the opportunity to get in, when the Vazier, or Farmer Royal of the City came to open all the Magazines and Closets, in regard the King was the next day to show them to his Mother and his Wives.  
The second Piece was a Taag, or Diadem, or Crown, for I cannot find any other word to express it by in our Language: nor could the Persians, were they to translate the word Crown into their own Language, find a more proper word than their own Taag; which is that Persian Crown or famous Bonnet, which some Travellers call the Sophy's Bonnet, though I know not for what reason. I have in another place delivered my opinion sufficiently concerning it. It is a Flat Bonnet, somewhat like the Mortar-Caps of the Precedents of the French Parliaments; only it is not altogether so large, nor so deep. It is made somewhat straighter at the lower end; and carries in the middle a Point that seems to come out of the middle of the Bonnet, but is only sowed on, though very neatly and artificially. This Point rises up about a finger's length, and lessens toward the end, though at the top it seems to grow bigger again. The Materials of the Bonnet prepared for the new King was of Cloth of Gold; bound about after the manner of a Dhulbandt (which our Writers, for want of Language, erroneously call a Turban) with one of the finest and Thinnest Calicuts that India could afford, and Tissued with Silver upon the brims the breadth of two fingers. The outside of the Hollow of the Bonnet at the Top was covered all over with an Embroidery of Diamonds, from whence hung down several Chains of precious stones that shaded all the rest of the Circumference, and dangled down upon the Bonnet, which was no less sumptuously embellished with all the richest Jewels of the Crown: round about stood little tufts resembling Herons Feathers, all of Jeweller's work, nothing inferior to the rest. In other parts of the Bonnet were erected little Plumes of Herons Feathers, and Birds of Paradise. The Dhulbandt was all hung about with strings of Precious stones, Diamonds, Rubies, Emeralds and Topazes fastened to the Heron Plumes, which strings covered all the Dhulbandt from the top to the bottom, dangling down upon the Calicut Facing to keep it fast, and prevent it from unloosening. Just over the forehead shone another Heron-Tuft, much more glorious than all the rest: from the top of which rose up three Sockets of Precious Stones, wherein were placed little Tufts of Herons Plumes.  
The third Piece was a Chemchir, or Sword, of which the Hilt and Scabbard were all covered over with Precious Stones proportionably to the Diadem. All the Persian Swords are about three Fingers broad, and bowed backward almost like a Semicircle. For they who profess to understand a Weapon in Persia maintain that a Blade so bowed cuts much keener, and makes a deeper wound than a straight Sword, which they demonstrate by the Rules of Fencing, which we have not at this time leisure to examine.  
The fourth Piece is a Gangher or Persian Dagger, of which we have given you the Portraiture, as of all the rest; so that there needs not any farther description; For the infinite number of Precious Stones would not permit the sight to judge of the Materials of the Sheath, though there is no question to be made but that it was of Gold.  
Now to tell you the worth of these three last Pieces (for as to the first it may be easily computed) is a Task which I dare not undertake, because I could never understand any thing of certainty in that concern. True it is, that I have heard a Lord of the Court aver, that as well the Crown as the Sword and Dagger were valued at above a hundred thousand Tomans, which amount to near five Millions of our French Money. But I would not advise any person to believe it. For I know the Persians too well, and particularly the Courtiers of that Country, for there is no People in the world less friends to Truth, and who take so much pleasure to multiply Objects, or to enhance the Grandeur and Magnificence of their Prince. However it is not altogether improbable what they say: for I have seen one of his Majesty's Heron-Tufts, of which some Europeans in Ispahan valued one single Diamond in the middle at eighteen, and the rest at four and twenty thousand pound sterling. If the Royal Diadem had any more than one Heron-Tuft of that Value, or if that Ruby were upon it, which by the express Command of the deceased King, the Eunuch that had the charge of the Treasury showed me at Mazanderan, which be of an Oval form, weighed (as the said Eunuch told me) a hundred and sixty Carats, the Chains or Strings, with the Sword and Dagger, being proportionable in value, the three Pieces might well amount to a hundred thousand Tomans. But notwithstanding all this to tell you my opinion sincerely, I could never judge them to be worth above three parts of the money.  
These three Pieces were laid near the Stool, and covered with a rich Toilet. Presently his Majesty appeared coming out of the Bath, and arrayed himself in his usual Habit, though more sumptuous than he was wont to wear; after that being entered into the Room of State, he sat down in the Place that was prepared for him, and at the same time they who were appointed to assist at the Coronation, ascended the Talaar, and ranged themselves in this Order.  
Upon the Right side of his Majesty, at a little distance behind him stood the Aga-Nazir Eunuch, who at that Ceremony performed the Office of High Chamberlain, carrying to that purpose at his Girdle a little Box of Gold glittering with Precious Stones, wherein were a good Number of Handkerchiefs, and Perfumes for his Majesty's service when he had a mind to make use of them.  
A little behind him appeared six Georgian Children from fifteen to sixteen years of Age, who had been made Eunuches, extremely beautiful, as are most of the young Children of that Country. They were so placed as to make a half Circle about the King, standing upright without so much as stirring their hands which they held across upon their Breasts; being sumptuously habited in Linen, whose ground was Silver heightened with Gold in the same Order, and as far behind the Children, as they stood behind the King, appeared a great number of old black Eunuches, every one holding a long Musket in his hand, of which the Stock was garnished with Gold and Precious Stones.  
Upon the Left hand of the King, which is esteemed the most Honourable among the Persians, sat first the Commissioner that represented Dlahammed-Mehdi, the Prime Minister; Next to him the second Commissioner that represented Gemchid-Kaan General of a Body of the Army; Next to him the Person that supplied the Place of Mazsoud-Bek, Superintendant General of the King's Demeans. In the fourth Seat, the Person Commissioned by Mirza-sedreel-din, Principal Secretary of the Empire. Hemireh-Hamzeh-Mirzah-Daroga, Grand Provost of Ispahan and its Dependencies, took the fifth place. And Mirza-Refiè, esteemed one of the most Learned among the Persians took the next.  
Upon his Majesty's Right Hand, in the second Place (for the first was left void) in honour of Boadaak-Sultan, General of the Musquetteers, who was present but standing upright; near the Prince sat the Person deputed by Mahammed-Kouli-Kaan Lord Chief Justice. Below him two Places were left void for the chief ginger and his Colleague, who were retired to observe the Lucky Hour. The fifth Place was filled by the most learned and wittiest person that was in all that great Kingdom, by the judgement of all men, being the Brother of the Prime Minister, and great Uncle to the new Monarch by his Wife. His name was Mirza-Hali-Riza, and his Title Cheik-el-Islaam, or Ancient of the Law. For by the word Islaam, which properly signifies the Reverence which we pay to the divine Commands, by the submission of our Mind and Will, they mean Religion, which they call the Law, by way of Excellence. For at this day, as formerly among the Hebrews, all their Politics depend upon Religion; and it is the Ancient of the Law who holds the Balance of Affairs in his Hand, which cannot be determined without his Approbation. In the sixth Place sat Mirza-Moumen-Vazier, or Receiver General for his Majesty in Ispahan and its Dependencies.  
I could never hear of any other Grandees but these that sat. True it is, that the Halls on both sides were full of Officers that stood; some to authorise the Solemnity of the Coronation; some to be ready to execute the King's Commands, as they should receive them from the General of the Musquetteers, who for that day supplied the Place of Lord High Steward of the Household; carrying in his hand, as a Badge of his Office, a large Truncheon of Gold, all set with Precious Stones, and a round Ball at one End; and standing at the left hand of the King, from whom he received Orders, or to say better, to whom he gave directions. For the new King who had never seen any such sight before, neither did nor said any thing but what was dictated to him.  
About ten a clock at night the Chief of the Astrologers and his Companion, having been long observing the Position of the Stars, and Conjunctions of the Planets, returned at length to give notice that the Fortunate Hour for the Coronation of the King would be within twenty Minutes. Thereupon his Majesty ordered the General, as he had been taught before, to lead them both to their Places.  
In the mean time he whispered with the General, who gave him Instructions how to behave himself upon all the several changes of the Solemnity: which the young Prince failed not to follow exactly, for fear of committing any Irregularity, for want of experience in an Action of so public and weighty a Concernment.  
When the twenty Minutes were almost expired, the Grand ginger having winked upon the General to let him know that he might proceed, he told the King; who thereupon immediately, according to his Instructions, rose up; and then all the rest rose up likewise. At what time the General threw himself at his Majesty's Feet, bowing to the very Ground; then rising upon his Knees he drew out of the Bosom of his Garment, the Bag wherein was the Letter which the Assembly had sent to the New Monarch. Presently he opened the Bag, took out the Letter, kissed it, laid it to his Forehead, presented it to his Majesty, and then rose up. The Prince having received it, returned it to him again, and commanded him to break it open and read it; which he did aloud very distinctly and leisurely, to the end that all who were present at the Ceremony might hear the Contents, and understand that the Grandees of the Kingdom had unanimously elected the present Prince for King of Persia, that they acknowledged him for such, and were ready to attest it if there were occasion.  
When he had done reading, the King commanded him to send for the Ancient of the Law, which he did; at what time the Lord Ancient, approaching his Majesty, threw himself at his Feet, and after the usual Prostrations, he rose up again, took the Letter out of the General's hand, to acknowledge and authorise it, to verify the Seals, and attest that it was real. For that acknowledgement belongs to him as Chief of the Law, and in all spiritual matters. Having taken the Letter, and laid it on his head out of respect, he read it, and looked upon the Seals, and then returning just before the King, he fell upon his Knees, and made three bows to the ground; by that humble posture declaring his approbation of the Letter, and that the advancement of the Prince to the Empire was legal.  
While the Spiritual Judge was thus employed, the General desired to know the King's Resolution, whether he would be Crowned by his own name, or assume any other before his Coronation. Who made answer, that though he altered his Condition, he would not change his Name, but retain that of Sephiè which was given him in his Infancy. The General returned the King's pleasure to the Ancient of the Law, who was risen from the King's Feet, where he had left the Letter. At the same instant therefore, the two Lords, the Ancient of the Law upon his Right, and the General upon his Left, conducted the Prince to the Chair of Gold, so often mentioned before, placed in the middle of the Hall, and then the Ancient of the Law besought him to take his Place. Which he did, according to the Rules of the Law, wherein he had been instructed, with his face toward the Kaabba, or Oratory of Mecca. Then the Ancient of the Law seating himself upon his Heels, which is the Posture used by the mahometans when they pray to God, or when they are in the presence of any Persons of high Dignity, some few paces distant from his Majesty discovered the Diadem, the Sword and Dagger, and then said a Prayer to God, which he began with a short Confession of their Faith, and concluded with a Benediction upon the Royal Ornaments appointed for the Ceremony of the Coronation. The Prayer lasted not above a quarter of an Hour; at what time rising up, he took the Sword and girded it on upon his Majesty's Left side; and hung the Dagger upon his Right. Then having made a sign to the General to take off the Bonnet from the King's head, he put on the Taagh or Diadem, uttering at the same instant certain Verses of the Alcoran proper for the purpose, which he did before when he girt on the Sword and Dagger.  
This done he ended, and gave place to Mirza-Refia, the great and learned Doctor already mentioned, who presented himself to perform the Kotbè, which word in the Original signifies a Prayer. But by this Prayer is meant a Prayer in form of a Harangue; and perhaps they might give it the name of an Oration.  
By an ancient Custom, time out of mind, these Prayers were always to be divided into four Heads; to last half an hour, and to contain always the same Form. Only the Orator had the liberty to alter the Terms, and the Style, and to give a new flight to his thoughts.  
The first Head is called Hamde-Koda, or the Praise of God, because the Orator here speaks of nothing else, But of the Thanks which we always ought to render him for his Graces and Favours, since there is not that moment wherein we do not continually receive some new mark of his Kindness. That his Blessings being like the Sources of great Rivers, that flow without ceasing, and never stop their Course, for which reason the blessings of God, are called by the Divines, Flowing Blessings, our Thanks therefore aught to be continual, and always running. That whatever his Supreme Majesty exposes to the Eyes of Men, whether it were in times past, or now at this present, bears the Characters, and imprints the Seals of his affection toward us, and testifies that whatever he acts without himself, he does it all for the greatest good of Mankind, in regard that Infinite Being is the best of all that do best.  
These are their Expressions, and very near the sense of the first Head, which lasts some half a quarter of an hour.  
The second Head is called, Nead Berpegamberhou ve dovasde Imaam; The Praise, Remembrance, and Acknowledgement of the Prophet, and of the twelve Descendants and Lieutenants.  
And therefore it contains nothing more than the Acclamations and Benedictions which they give to persons which their superstition has rendered Venerable among them; That you are the Fourteenth whom God has chosen pure and unblemished; That he has made them successively Lords of all Mortals. That the Faith is not entire, if together with the Confession of the Divinity we do not likewise acknowledge the sending of these Fourteen to be lawful, upon whom the Heavenly Lights are shed down, to give light to wand'ring souls, and to show to all the way of Truth. Therefore we are obliged to glorify them, to celebrate their Praises, to wish for their perpetual Welfare and Peace, and to their Family on Earth all manner of prosperity: that their names may be exalted above all Created Being's. That Curses may be heaped upon their Enemies. And that all the Men in the Universe may be lead away, and become dust at their Door. With several other Wishes of the same nature, which I have rendered as much word for word as is possible.  
The third Head is that Royalty is of divine Institution. Seltemet ez Hokkam Koda, that is, that Royalty is of Divine Institution. Upon which they observe, That since God created the World, he has always governed his People by Prophets, and in their stead by Kings, whom he has established their Successors. That Kings are the Zel-Alla, or the shadow of God; which is that which we call the Image of God. But the word Image is such an Expression as they abhor as Idolatrous, a Term which they dare not make use of; believing at the same time, that they likened God to any Image, they supposed him at the same time to be Corporeal. They added withal,  
That as at all times we are obliged to serve God, and to obey him, not only by the light and understanding which Heaven has infused into us at our Birth, but by the Revelations which we have had from his Prophets, who have declared unto us his Will, we are in the same manner, and by the same Revelation bound to obey Kings, as being the Valiè or Sovereign Lieutenants of God, Gaanit-chin, sitting in his place on Earth, and that we ought to submit to their Commands, without examining whether they be just or no. In regard that in submitting to their Commands we submit at the same time to the Holy Books in all things, though they seem contrary to our Reason and Understanding, by which we showed blind obedience which God exacts from men; sometimes trying our readiness to submit to him, by Commands that seem unjust, to render out submission more acceptable and of greater value.  
The fourth and last Point is, Douhaa-Preray, padchaè, A Prayer for the King, Which contains a great number of Supplications for the long life of the present Monarch of the Persians, for his Health, for the establishment of his Throne and the increase of his Conquests. That since this illustrious Branch of the Imaanic Race is according to the true Law become the Lieutenant of the Monarch of all the Earth, and lawful Lord of the World, that therefore his Dominions may extend from the one to the other Pole; That his Majesty may always appear surrounded with glory like the Sun. That his Word may have a constraining Power. That all his Wishes and Desires may be accomplished; and that all things may succeed in a more glorious manner than ever in favour of King SEPHIE. Which last word the Orator pronounced in a louder Tone than he had pronounced all the rest, to the end that all the Throng might hear him distinctly.  
And here it is to be observed, that he rose on purpose at the end of his Oration, in regard that till then, during all the Ceremony that Name had not been uttered before.  
But at the same Instant that they heard the Name of SEPHIE pronounced, all the whole Assembly strove which should send forth loudest acclamations of joy by repeating the usual Intch-Alla, or God grant it, which every one repeated five or six times. After which the Cheik-el-Islaam, or Ancient of the Law, was the first that fell upon his Knees before the King, and bowing his Forehead three times to his Majesty's Feet, pronounced a second Benediction in few words, which he concluded with zealous wishes of Prosperity; and that he might so Reign as to extend the Frontiers of his Dominion, and render his Subjects happy.  
He made three Bows more at the Conclusion of his Harangue, which he uttered with a great deal of Eloquence, as they assured me, though he had had no time to prepare himself, as having been hurried half asleep out of his Bed to assist at the Solemnity.  
After him all the Grandees, according to their Dignity, and the rest who were of any Quality came and paid their respects to the Monarch with the three customary Prostrations.  
This done, his Majesty rose from his Seat of Gold and returned to his former Place, as did all the rest where they sat before. For during the Ceremony they all stood, there being none that sat but the King.  
In this manner was Sephiè the Second Crowned, his Grandfather being the first of that Name among all the Persian Monarches. True it is, that the first Founder of this Race was of the same Name, but he is not numbered among the Persian Kings, because he was never put into the Catalogue. His Modesty would not suffer him to accept the Title. For as the Historians tell us, he always looked upon the Throne to be an Illustrious Torment, which under the vain appearances of happiness concealed continual pain and trouble.  
This name of Sephiè has several significations which amount to the same sense and meaning: for sometimes it signifies a Friend, sometimes elected, sometimes pure or purified. Which I have said turn all to the same sense, for Friends are but persons selected from others, and purified, which is the most usual signification, and is not much remote from the other two. As for example, when the Persians call (as they often do) the first man Adam Safiè Alla, we may translate it the Man, the Friend, or the Elect, or the Purified of God. Which three Epithets agree very well in their signification. For the friends of God are his Elect: Nor can they be his Elect before he hath purified them. And therefore it is according as the word is placed, that sometimes it signifies one thing, sometimes another. As here for example, speaking of the New King of the Persians, I should rather choose to translate Chae Safiè, the King Elect, than the King purified. True it is, that they who would have Safiè to signify purified, depend upon the Etymology; For that the Root from whence Safiè is derived is Saf, which properly signifies Purity. But let this suffice for playing the Grammarian. The subject of my discourse will not permit me to stop any longer upon these Trifles, but only to observe by the way, that it was from the word Safiè that the Greeks borrowed the word Sophos. It will be more to the purpose to observe the mistake of our Writers upon the word Safiè. For they would have all the Kings of Persia to be called Sophies. I cannot but laugh when I find in their Writings the Grand Sophy, the Sophy of Persia, and the Sovereign Sophy. For the Kings of Persia are neither called Sophies in general, nor in particular. Could the Kings of Persia read our European Characters, and should see upon the Letters, that are written to them from some parts of Europe, the Title which is given them of Sophy, questionless they would spit upon them, and take it for an affront.  
Therefore I would have those that speak, when occasion offers, of Persia, or whether they be the Ministers of Princes, to be careful how they commit this mistake in their Dispatches to that Court: or whether they be those Writers who profess to give a faithful Relation of a Country where they profess themselves to have been, and pretend to tell us what they have seen with their Eyes, yet vent a thousand Lies and Stories, and over-confidently impose upon their Readers; I say I would have such persons content themselves with only giving us the false names of things, but that the things themselves should be really true. Nevertheless I find that in those things they make very gross mistakes; and therefore lest people may think I decry others to gain the more credit to my own Relations; and to free myself from the lash of the Proverb, That two of a Trade can never agree, I shall for proof of what I assert, bring an Example relating to this very Story itself, which I shall not take out of any Book of Travels, (for it is not my Intention hereto attack any one of them) but from the Audir of Address, wherein there is a relation of the Death of the late King of Persia, and of the Coronation of the present King, fol. 523.  
I cannot conclude without imparting to you the news which we have received from the Court of Persia, by Letters from Legorn, the fifth of this Month.  
They tell us by an Express dispatched from Ispahan to the English Merchants residing in Legorn, that the Sophy after a debauch of drinking, fell sick at Khur, in his return from Casbin, and died four days after. That after his Death was known, in the City of Ispahan, his Eldest Son, about twenty years of Age, was Proclaimed by the Principal Minister and other Officers, by the name of Grandfather Sha-Sophy. That the next day the Governor of Ispahan and the chief Lords of the Court, who accompanied the Body of the deceased King, being arrived, and having paid their Homage to the Prince, he showed himself in public to his Subjects, who testified their joy by their loud Acclamations; and that afterwards he received the accustomed Presents of the Nobility, as also of the Agents of England, France, and Holland.  
They add that several days were spent in feasting and rejoicing by public Proclamation, with a more than ordinary Magnificence as being a thing which they saw pleased the humour of the Prince, who they say is more addicted to Expenses than his Father, and that he having given Audience to the same Agents, he had promised a Confirmation of the Privileges which his Predecessors had granted them; and also to enlarge them, as he should see occasion.  
Had the Author of this News studied to frame a false story, he could not have contrived it better; for that he speaks nothing of truth. This Express which they assure us to have been dispatched from Ispahan to Legorn, is a mere Fantome. Not one of the English ever dispatched any person in all that time, nor at any other time; I do not know that indeed they ever dispatched directly any Person from the Capital City of Persia to that Port of Italy. Nor did ever that Monarch of the Persians, whom they so confidently call Sophy, ever go by that name in his own Country, nor any other like it. Whereas he says, that the King fell sick of a debauch, and died four days after, it is of the same stamp with the rest.  
He did not fall sick of a debauch; neither did his distemper carry him off in four days; for he lay in a languishing condition four Months and more. The place which the Relation calls Khur, where he says the King died, is a perfect Chimaera. I have examined all my Persian Geography, and can find no such place, either great or small, that is called by that name. As little of truth there is in what he farther adds, that it was in the King's return from Casbin that he died. For the King had not been at Casbin in eight years before; but it was from the Caspian Sea that he was then coming back, as has been already related in the Life of that great Monarch.  
The Author of the Relation passing forward to the Election of his Successor, goes on with the same sincerity as before. For the news of the deceased King's death was not known in Ispahan before the Coronation of his Successor, unless it were to some few persons of the highest Quality; nor was the Successor proclaimed in that City by the Prime Minister, nor any other of the Prime Ministers of State, who were a hundred and forty Leagues off at that time. There are no public Proclamations in that Country as among us. Nor was he proclaimed, as his Grandfather is pretended to have been, under the name of Sha-Sophi, since neither the one nor the other ever bore that Name.  
That which follows after, That the Governor of Ispahan, and the principal Lords of the Court, who accompanied the Corpse of the deceased, being arrived there, and having paid their accustomed Homage, he showed himself in public to his Subjects, who testified their joy by their loud and extraordinary Acclamations.  
This whole Period, I say, contains as many impertinencies as there are words. The Governor of Ispahan never left the City; so that he could not then be said to return the next Morning: nor was the Body of the deceased King ever brought thither, as being a thing that was never intended. Then for the Lords that accompanied the Corpse, the first that came to the Court did not come till within twenty days after, others not till thirty or forty. And as for the Acclamations of joy which he mentions, I heard none but those of which I have already given an account; and yet I was present at the whole Ceremony, so that no body could be a better Witness than myself. Nor did the Intelligencer know any better which of the Agents, whether the English, French, or Holland Agent had his first Audience of the New King, or what Presents they made him, of which we shall give an account in the series of our Discourse. Let the Reader now judge, what credit there is to be given to Relations, which are supposed to have been sent to that Country, which are only grounded upon uncertain Reports, and Letters of Merchants and Travellers written without judgement, who upon occasion, speaking of other Affairs touch upon something that was transacted in that Country.  
But now to return to our business. After the Young King, and those that stood of each side were returned to their Places, the General of the Musquetteers having whispered some few Minutes in the King's Ear, among several other things of lesser Importance, gave out these four principal Commands in his Majesty's name.  
First, That both the soft and loud Music should play in the two Balconies upon the top of the great Building, which stands at one end of the Palace Royal, called the Kaisariè, or Imperial Place. No Nation was dispensed with, whether Persians, Indians, Turks, Muscovites, Europeans, or others, which was immediately done. And this same Tintamarr or Confusion of Instruments, which sounded more like the noise of War than Music, lasted twenty days together without intermission, or the interruption of Night. Which number of twenty days was observed to answer the number of the Young Monarch's years, who was then twenty years of Age.  
The second was, that the Palace should be furnished with usual Guards, to the same Number, and in the usual Places as in the time of the deceased Monarch.  
The third was, that they should go and deface the Name of Habas out of all the Seals and Signets of State, which are all of Precious Stones, which were brought from Court, in a Purse sealed up with the Prime Ministers Seal, and that the Name of Sephiè should be engraved in the room of the other. That if in any of the Seals the Name of Habas could not be conveniently Erased, that the engraving should be entirely taken away, to make room for another Sculpture-upon a new Superficies; or if the Pieces were so delicate that they could not endure defacing, that they should be broken to pieces, and new stones be engraved.  
The fourth, That all the old Coins and Stamps should be broken, and other new Money made with the Name of the present Prince upon it. And that care should be taken to coin with all speed against the next day between sixscore and a hundred and forty Tomans, which amount to between five or six hundred pounds sterling of our Money.  
This was done with that speed that the Sum was ready the next day in great Pieces, as is usual, to the value of eighteen pence, for the King to bestow as he pleased himself. The same day one of these Pieces came to my hands; and the Person from whom I had it assured me, that there had been some of the same bigness coined in Gold, which I am apt to believe, though I never saw any. Round about the Edge were engraved the twelve names of Mahomet's Successors, with these words in the middle, Bend, Shae-din-Safiè-est; The Sovereign Lieutenant of the King of the World according to the true Law is Safiè.  
We have in another Place explained these Inscriptions more exactly and literally. On the other side was this Persian Distich:  
Zibad Destiè shae Abas sanie,  
Safiè zad Zikkeh, saheh Karaniè.  
That is, After Habas the Second was in Corporeal Being. Or thus:  
After Habas the Second quitted his Corporeal Being, Safiè Master of the World coined this Money.  
Which is as much as to say, He was declared King, in regard that in those Countries, as well as here, none but Sovereigns can coin Money.  
Underneath were these words: Zarby sefahaan hazar haftad ou Heft, Coined at Ispahan the year of the Hegirah 1077.  
It was almost near Midnight before the Ceremony ended. At what time the King rose up in his Royal Habiliments, which he did not put off till he was retired into his particular Apartment in the women's Palace. All the while there was to be observed a great alteration in the Countenance of the Young Prince. He looked with a Countenance all in disorder, like a Person that was not well in his Senses. And indeed what other could be expected from a Person that had been all along mewed up under a close confinement, and had never seen the World? Besides that by a secret Fatality of the ill humour of his Father, he had been shut up in a more rigorous Imprisonment, than ever was practised before toward the King's Children? Could he observe a certain Posture of Majesty, that should have performed all things after a surprising manner, who had never been instructed before? Much less, was he able to make any Reflections upon himself. Add to this, that the Young Prince passed of a sudden from one Extremity to another. He heard himself called Master of the World, He that but a little before was in condition little inferior to that of a Slave. True it is, that he wanted for no Conveniences in his Captivity, which was accompanied with all the Pleasures grateful to the Senses; but those Pleasures became Torments, when sowered with the continual fears of Death, or deprivation of his Eyes that continually threatened him.  
And this was that which made him he could not tell what to do. For what may we say of that last assault that attacked his very Soul? How many dismal Apparitions did the dreadful Cries and frantic Lamentations of his Mother and his Wives, and others of the same Sex present to his Mind? His Soul, to speak after the Persian manner, was like a Sea, which being agitated by a furious Tempest, expresses its disorder by the roaring of the Waves, and shows the disturbance it was in after the Storm is over, and though a pleasing Calm succeed.  
The Grand Duchess (for that Title is given to the Mother of the New King from the very moment of her Sons being Crowned) was not in a worse condition. They had told her the very first words which the General of the Musquetteers had uttered, throwing himself at her Sons Feet: they brought her the news every Minute of what passed. But Fear and Grief had so possessed her Imagination that there was no entrance for any other Passion. It was above a quarter of an hour before she would so much as listen to the welcome news which they brought her; she refused obstinately to believe. And though she had such forcible reasons to rejoice, she still continued weeping and lamenting according to the humour of her Sex, that are willing to dwell upon sorrowful Objects, and wilfully refuse to put away those Ideas from their Minds. However at length so many Eunuches came to tell her the news of the Death of her Husband, and the Election of her Son, for whose Coronation they were preparing, that she began to lend an Ear, and to surcease her fears. Nevertheless her Soul continued still in suspense between Joy and Grief: For as the good Fortune of her Son and his Exaltation afforded her a happy occasion of Gladness, so the mournful death of her Husband recalled her Tears: So that those two Passions equally prevailing in her heart kept the balance so even that her joys and sorrows hung in an equal Poise. But at length Custom and good Manners turned the Scales. So that for a while she relapsed into her first Commotions: she rend her Garments, calling upon the Soul of the Deceased, expostulating with him as if he had been present, what reason he had to quit the World and leave her in that forlorn condition; with other moans and lamentations of the same nature. However she gave over when she understood that the King her Son was returning to her. Thereupon, after she had performed the usual Ceremonies of Purification which the Law ordains, she changed her Habit, as did the Princess the New Monarch's Wife, with the rest of the Ladies of Quality that belonged to the Court, to receive the King, who till then had lived among them as a Prisoner.  
So soon as they had notice that the New King was entered into their Palace, they went all to meet him. The Great Duchess was the first that paid her duty to him upon her Knees, bowing her Head three times to the ground: which done, his Wife and his Concubines did the same; and then the rest of the Persons belonging to the Place, whose Quality and Employments privileged them for that Honour. I could not learn what was done more the rest of the Night: for I have already informed you how difficult it is to be informed of the Transactions in those secret Habitations, that seem to be Regions of another World. There are none but Women that can approach within a League of it, or some Black Eunuches, with whom a Man may as well converse with so many Dragons that can discover those secrets, and you may as well tear out their hearts, as a syllable upon that Text. You must use a great deal of Art to make them speak; just as we tame Serpents in the Indies, till they make them hiss and dance, when they please. In the mean time the noise of the Nakara resounded from the Terraces of the Royal Palace. And in regard it continued longer than ordinary, which is generally not above three Quarters of an Hour, it gave an occasion to those that were wakened with the din to wonder what was the matter. But in regard it was then Midnight, and an unseasonable time to stir out of the House there were very few, unless they were such as lived near the Royal Palace that would so far gratify their Curiosity as to inquire the Reason. The rest contented themselves till next Morning, at what time they understood that Saphiè the Second was seated upon the Throne as Successor to his Father Habas deceased.  
I leave the Reader to conjecture how every body was surprised. For my part I apprehended something so strange upon the novelty of the Accident, that I thought myself in a dream. That they could conceal the Death of so great and Potent a Prince so long, and yet that it should not be known till after the Son was seated upon the Throne and actually Crowned, of which I had never read the like Example. But this was one Masterpiece of the Persian Wisdom, never too much to be commended. By means of which Address, the State changed its Master, without any alteration in Form; and suffered one of the most dangerous Resolutions without being sensible of it; insomuch that in all Ispahan there did not appear the least sign of Consternation. They heard without any disturbance that Habas was dead without making a Will, and with satisfaction received the Person whom they had Elected in his Place. There was no body that appeared either very sad or overjoyed: No body that played the Censurer to find fault with what was done, much less any one that was mutinous. For all things ran in their usual Course. The Merchants opened their Shops as they did the day before, and every one followed their Occasions, as little concerned as if no such thing had happened.  
Methought that then Ispahan was one of the Places Republic, above the reach of Fortune, and exempted from those Accidents that trouble the Tranquillity of Mortals.  
Our Europeans only took the Alarm upon the news of this great and sudden Revolution, and they that were in their Houses in the City kept their doors shut all the first part of the Morning. Among the rest the Hollanders, who were retired to their own Home, to the number of Forty. With them was M. Hubert de Laresse, who was sent by the Orders of the Holland Company in the Quality of an Ambassador to the deceased King with Commissions and Presents for his Majesty. He was then just about to return; but understanding the Change, he who having been long employed by the Company, had been in several parts of India, and had there seen upon the death of Princes strange Commotions, and dangerous Seditions, wherein many Murders and Roberies had been with impunity committed; He, I say, made cautious by this hazardous Experience, was not a little fearful of the same Consequences of such a Change, and therefore advised the Dutch to keep in, to prevent the evil Accidents of mutinies upon such occasion in hopes of Booty and Pillage. But the Ingenuity of the Persians, and the Excellency of their Government might have spared him those Fears. However when the Superior of the Capuchins brought him word about nine of the Clock in the Morning that all was quiet, that he might no longer discover his mistrust of the Public Security; he ordered the Doors to be opened. This Superior of the Capuchins was the Reverend Father Raphael of Mans.  
At the same time the New Monarch coming out of the Inner part of his Palace, went and sat in the great Hall where he was Crowned the Night before, and then it was that all the Grandees, who were then at Ispahan qualified to receive that Honour, were admitted to kiss the ground before his Feet. This Ceremony lasted till ten of the Clock; at what time his Majesty rising from his Seat took Horse; and that was the first time that ever he road out of the Place where he was born. And according to the Custom of the Persians, he made a Cavalcade round his Palace very leisurely, and with little attendance, riding in the middle at the distance of twenty Paces from them that marched before, and those that followed after, only twelve Footmen went of each side, before and behind his Horse; and all this to the end he might be the better seen by the People.  
His Majesty had on a Cabaye, or Georgian Vest of Satin and Silver, thick powdered with Violets; the forepart of which upon his Breast was adorned with long Rows of Pearls and Diamonds, six of each side. Over his Vest he wore a short Justacore without Sleeves, of Cloth of Gold, faced with Sables. Upon his right side stuck his Dagger, of which the Sheath and Hilt were set with Emeralds and other Precious Stones: nor was his Sword less gorgeously embellished. Upon his Head he wore a Persian Cap or Dhulbandt, made of very fine Silk and Gold, with a Royal Heron-Tuft fastened before in a Rose of Diamonds and Rubies. The People from all Parts flock together in Heaps to see their New Sovereign; who not being accustomed to see such Shoals of People, as having always lived remote from Noise and Hurry, seemed, as he had done at the Coronation Ceremony, to look like one that knew not well how to behave himself, as being not a little dazzled with so much sudden splendour. However he still looked up, so that all might see his Eyes, where sweetness sat intermixed with Majesty, which immediately begat both Love and Respect, as did all the rest of his Body which was exactly shaped.  
His Stature was Tall, and withal proportionable and graceful; his Face was round, with a pleasing Air in his Lineaments, a little marked with the Small Pox. His Eyes blue, his Hair white, which he therefore died black, as being the colour most esteemed by the Persians. They who know that all the followers of Mahomet shave their Hair, will understand that I mean the hair of his Beard, which at those years began to spread its early Down upon his Lips and Cheeks, wherein he was very like his Father, only that he had not so long a Nose, nor so full and open an Eye. The whiteness of his Complexion, which the Sun had not at all altered as yet, had something in it, which I cannot express, that was extremely charming. In a word, there was nothing in the Prince which did not then appear very graceful. I say, then; for now he is very much changed, and still changes every day.  
His Majesty having been an Hour abroad returned into the women's Apartment. from whence he did not stir out all that day, after he had given Orders, or rather Leave to the General of the Musquetteers, and the Nazir Eunuch, who were then his chiefest Favourites, to dispatch such business as required haste.  
He did nothing more all the rest of that day, nor was there any other Pomp or Show, contrary to the general expectation. For the King was willing to defer the time of Public Rejoicing till all the Court should be arrived at Ispahan. In the mean while, there was no alteration to be seen in the City; The Shops were open, the Tradesmen followed their business in the public Streets, and the Markets were kept till a little before Night. And this was observed not only in the Capital City, but over all that Vast Empire. So that this great Revolution made no change either in the Estate or Business of any Person. It was an absolute Calm, for which we may give two Reasons. The one was the Prudence of the Great Ones, who understood so well to conceal the Death of the deceased Monarch: The other was, the absolute Authority of the Kings of Persia, and the terrible Awe that Superstition infuses into the People. At the bare Command of the Prince the highest in Dignity come and offer their Heads, and submit themselves to the stroke of Death, without daring to presume to ask the reason why?  
In this manner, no body appeared either pensive or glad; no body discovered the least sign of discontent. Not but that I believe there were several who concealed their sorrows, for fear of offending the New King. They considered that Habas the Second, of whose death they had so lately heard, was fit to govern; that he was kind and gentle to his Subjects; that he was feared abroad; but kept all things in peace and tranquillity at home. That he was a lover of Justice, and took care that his Officers did not abuse their Authority, and oppress the People; nevertheless, that a secret Providence had cut him off in the midst of so fair a Race, and in the flower of his Age, when he had strength of judgement to design, and force of body to execute. That on the contrary, the Young Prince who was now ascended to the Throne, had never seen any thing, and was as it were but an Apprentice, not only in the Act of Government, but in all other things. So that they were likely to suffer long through the tenderness of his Age, as they had experienced before in the Reigns of his Predecessors upon the same grounds.  
But they who most laid to heart the mournful death of the deceased King, were the Christians. That Prince had always showed himself kind and favourable to their Religion, showing them extraordinary Civilities, and rebuking the Ministers of the Law, and Interpreters of the Alcoran, when they sought to exasperate him against the Professors of our Religion.  
Which he did more than once; as we do relate in his Life; insomuch as the Armenians would say one among another, that he was more a Christian than a Mahometan. Not but that he was very much devoted to his own Religion, even as much as the most zealous of his Predecessors; only he thought that the violence of Princes toward the Liberty of men's Consciences was a thing neither Acceptable to God, nor conformable to Reason. That he was not to cease being a Man because he was a Mahometan; That if Providence had exalted him to a Throne, it was that he should carry himself like a King, and not like a Tyrant: and that there was nothing more Barbarous nor Tyrannical, than such a Conduct as not only violated the Law of Nations, but of Nature also; which desire that men should live in Society one with another, so far from being at Enmity that they should be mutual Assistances one to another. Lastly, that God alone was the Lord of the Conscience, and Master of the Will: That for his part he had nothing to do but with the outward Government of the Kingdom; and for that reason it became him to do Justice to all his Subjects of whatsoever Religion, since they were all Members of his Kingdom.  
He persisted so constantly in this judgement and opinion, that notwithstanding all the endeavours of the Doctors of the Mahometan Superstition to incense him against the Christians, they could never vanquish his Resolution. He looked upon them as People whose false zeal rendered them incapable of Right Reason; or as Persons biased by Interest, who under the specious pretence of Religion would make themselves great among the Multitude; or else make use of the credit which they had already, to make Parties, and Factions in the Kingdom, and disturb the Government. And therefore he always took delight to lessen and contemn such sort of people.  
This clearly appeared, when he prevented the Creation of a new Sadre, or Mahometan Pontiff, or Metropolitan of the whole Empire, inspects into all the Ecclesiastical Revenues which are managed by inferior Officers under his Authority, and by his Orders: for the word Sadre signifies the Breast of the Law. Habas the Second also had severely persecuted the Cheik-el-Islaam, or Ancient of the Law, who is another Petty Sovereign in spiritual Affairs. For it is his business to take cognizance of, and to resolve all Cases of Conscience in Matters of Religion as we have already observed. The King had like to have condemned him to death, upon an Information, that some of the Interpreters should whisper one among another, that it would be the best way to advance to the Throne one of the Sons of the Ancient of the Law, who would be more zealous for their Religion, than the present Monarch: and he had certainly put his design in execution, had not the Ancient of the Law prevented him by offering to his displeasure both his own and the Head of all his Children that attended him. That spectacle appeased his wrath; believing that person innocent whom he saw so lowly humbled before him.  
He had also thrown out of favour his Pichnaamaz, or Chaplain, and Confessor; for no other reason but because he continually declaimed against the Christians.  
The Prime Minister of State that governed during the Minority of Habas, was no less averse to the Christians than any of the rest, as being a zealous Mahometan; and therefore he continually incensed his Master against them, and would have had the King have given command that they should carry a Mark, like the Jews, to distinguish them from Mahumetans: but the King continually denied him; and it is reported that the disgust which he took against him for that very thing contributed not a little to his Fall.  
After these great Examples of his Lenity, the Prince being now become more absolute, not only suffered the Christians to enjoy the free exercise of their Religion; but also granted the same freedom to the Jews; notwithstanding all the secret and public opposition, which the Mulla or Religious People could make. Nay, it happened that the King took an occasion to depress all that Race of Hypocrites. For being so transported as they were to talk of deposing him, as an Infidel, who kept too much Society with the Profane, the secret hatred which he bore them from that time forward gave him a plausible pretence to show his resent, and that I may use the Persian Phrase, to break their Teeth, that is to say, to prevent their Biting.  
As to the Armenians who were his Subjects, and professed the Christian Religion, he was wont to tell the Grandees of the Kingdom, that it would be a vile Injustice, for People that laboured for the good of the Kingdom, by their Industry and Commerce, to be excluded from the enjoyments of Peace and that Plenty of which they were the principal Instruments.  
Therefore it was not without just cause that the Christians mourned in their hearts for the loss of so good a Prince: their misfortune seemed to be without remedy, in regard the New Monarch, whom they saw exalted in his room, was but a young Man, from whom they could not promise to themselves any thing of assurance; and though he should be favourably inclined, and preserve the same kindness for them as his Predecessor, he could not, in regard of his want of experience, long continue his good Intentions, by reason of the daily Importunities of his Counselors, and the perpetual clamours of the Interpreters of the Alcoran, and the Doctors of the Law.  
Besides that, a Prince of his Age could not well tell where to find a more expert person to be his Confident than the General of the Musquetteers, who was a terrible Enemy of the Christians, as well out of his one natural humour, as for that he hated the Superintendant, whom the Christians had for a long time looked upon as their Protector at Court.  
But among all the Christians none were more afflicted for the death of the late King than the French, or Europeans: They had the same reasons for their sorrow with the Native Christians, (for the mahometans make no distinction between the several Sects among us) but there was one Reason of greater Importance. For that they were strangers, remote from their Country, and could not subsist where they were without the favour of the Sovereign Prince. As for the deceased King, he had extended his favours toward them in a high measure: he had used them more like a Father than a Friend: and his public affection begat them respect and honour in all Societies. But they could not hope for any such favours from his Successor. Their condition under the deceased King was too advantageous, that they should presume to aspire to that degree again: rather they expected that the change of the Prince would be the change of their good fortune into bad.  
At the time of this doleful Revolution, there was at Ispahan the Dutch Ambassador, as I have already observed, M. Hubert de Lairesse; being sent from Batavia by the Order, and on the behalf of the Holland Company, with considerable Presents for the King and his Principal Ministers, with a design to renew their Alliance, and to request certain Favours of his Majesty, in reference to their Trading in his Dominions, which was interrupted as well by the Governor of Fars, which is properly Persia, as the Officers of the famous Port of Bender-Habassi, or Habas' Port or Market, (for that the the first King of that name was the first that made it a Place of Trade) to transport their Merchandise from Ormus to that Place, which is over against it, and in a more commodious situation: where the Hollanders have their principal Factory. The Ambassador arrived at Court in July; and at his first coming had his Audience in the Valley of Saviour in the Province of Mazendaraan; four Leagues from the Caspian Sea; and twelve from Ester-abaat. And he followed his business so close, and managed it so well, that in five Weeks he was dispatched, and obtained of his Majesty whatever he desired. In September he returned to Ispahan, laden with joy, for the extraordinary favours which he had received, as well in the behalf of the Company, as for the honour had been done to his own Person. He intended to be gone in October, because he was obliged to take possession at Bender-Abas of the Employment of Director of the Trade, and to look after other affairs of the Company in Persia, in the room of the Heer Henry Wuan-Vick, dead between three and four Months before. All things were ready for his Journey, and the fourth of October was the day prefixed. But this great and unexpected Change which the death of Habas the Second, and the Election of Sephie the Second brought, put a stop to all business. Nor was it a small trouble to him when he first heard the news, as well for the great love and esteem which he had for that Monarch who had obliged him with so many favours, as for that he knew the Accident fell out unluckily for the Profit of his Masters.  
First, He found that the long and tedious Embassy to the deceased King, which he had accomplished so much to his satisfaction, would be altogether fruitless: for that the Company would be constrained upon this Change to send another new Embassy to congratulate the New King upon his coming to the Crown. In the next place he found, that all that he had obtained at Court with so much trouble and expense must be all lost; since all the kindnesses granted by Habas, would be ineffectual, without an express and authentic confirmation of the Reigning Prince, which would prove as difficult to obtain as the first Decree. Lastly, he reflected upon the Favours and Privileges which Habas had granted to the Company which he served, and by which he had been sent: all which he saw lost, without knowing what to hope from his Successor, whose Youth, and want of Experience, not understanding the Interests of State, might easily be swayed by the biased Counsels of some Grandees, who minding nothing but their particular profit would advise him perhaps to what might prove to the disadvantage of the Company.  
These considerations and reflections very much disquieted the Ambassador's Mind. But in regard it was high time to apply a Remedy to these Inconveniencies, he advised with those persons that were of his Council, and having examined the present Conjuncture, he resolved as soon as possibly he could to go and kiss the New King's Feet, to the end he might prevent the rest of the Europeans, by having the honour to see the New King before them; and then to try whether he could obtain a Confirmation of all the Privileges granted by his Predecessors to the Company and the Holland Nation.  
This Resolution taken, the Ambassador sent after Dinner the Interpreter belonging to the Dutch House in Ispahan to the General of the Musquetteers, the only person that could at that time procure his Audience, in regard he was the only Person upon whom the New King relied, for what he should do or say in matters of State. The Interpreters Instructions were, That after he had most humbly saluted the General in the Name of the Ambassador, he should beseech him earnestly to represent to his Majesty the Splendour, Reputation, and Power of the noble Company (those were terms he used) which his Majesty had all the reason to gratify to his utmost, in regard of the great Trade which they drove in the Persian Dominions. Moreover, to let him understand how highly the said Company was esteemed by his Predecessors, Habas the Great of glorious Memory, Sephie the First, Habas the Second, who had granted them particular favours, and always honoured them with their Protection. That not long since, the Council of Batavia in acknowledgement of the generous Affection which the Monarches of Persia had from time to time testified for them, they had deputed to kiss the fear of the King now gone to Heaven the Heer Hubert de Lairess with considerable Presents. That the said Ambassador had been well received by the said Monarch, who had not refused him any thing which he requested: and that the same Ambassador after so favourable a dispatch, being just ready to return, had received the News of the King his Father's death, and of his advancement to the Throne.  
That thereupon he had resolved not to leave the Kingdom, before he had had the honour to kiss his Majesty's Feet, and to appear before him with that humility which became him. And that he had not any Presents worthy his acceptance, because he had made an offering of all that he brought along with him to the deceased King of glorious Memory, to whom his most Illustrious Majesty was now Successor, and his Prime Ministers of State, and therefore he hoped his Majesty would be so indulgent as to excuse him, and permit him the honour which he with all humility requested. Lastly, That he should beseech the General of the Musquetteers to use his Interest to obtain leave for him with the soon that he could, to the end he might present himself at the feet of the new Monarch, and be favoured with a quick dispatch; In regard the death of the Director his Predecessor, and several other weighty Affairs called him away in haste to the Port of Habas. That if he would give himself the trouble to procure that Audience the next day, he would promise him a becoming Acknowledgement, assuring him that the Company would always be ready to remunerate his favour, and be for ever obliged to his kindness.  
With these Instructions the Interpreter went to the General of the Musquetteers, and having the opportunity to speak to him in private by himself, laid before him all his specious Arguments according to his directions. But while he had no other discourse but plausible pretences and excuses, they made no Impression upon the covetous Warrior, who pretending ignorance, or perhaps because he was really ignorant of those affairs, made answer that he could determine nothing positive in those matters, and therefore he must be content to stay till the Court returned to Ispahan.  
But when the Interpreter began to add to his Reasons the Promise of a becoming Acknowledgement, the Lustre of Gold cast such a powerful reflection upon his Lordly senses, that he presently found himself inspired with a new access of knowledge and understanding; so that there was not any one scruple that interrupted his performance. He condescended to the Ambassadors Request, and knew so well how to manage his business, that in the Evening he sent for the same Interpreter, and gave him Order to promise his Master, in his Majesty's Name, that he should be admitted to morrow about ten in the Morning to kiss his Majesty's Feet.  
The same day at the time appointed, the Dutch Ambassador, with two more of the Company, the chief Factor of Ispahan, and the Secretary of the Embassy, together with the Interpreter attended at the Palace in an Apartment next to that where the King was Crowned. Where he had stayed but a few Minutes before he had notice to advance forward to the Place where the King tarried: whither so soon as he was come with all his Train, the General of the Musquetteers, who supplied the Office of Grand Porter, or Master of the Ceremonies, conducted him from the Door of the great Hall before his Majesty, at the distance of two Paces from whom, the Ambassador and the two other Persons with him made their Obeisances according to the Custom of the Persians, which is to kiss the ground three times before his Majesty's Feet.  
When they had made their Reverence, and were permitted to sit, the Ambassador by his Interpreter began with the Prayers and Wishes of Governor General of Batavia for the honour and prosperity of his Majesty upon his happy coming to the Crown. For which the King returned him Thanks, and added at the Conclusion, My Lord Ambassador is welcome, and if he have any favour to request, let him only make it known. Thereupon the Dutch Ambassador took an occasion to proceed, and gave the King to understand in few words, the Privileges which his Ancestors had all along granted to the Company; from the first time that they came to reside in Persia till that day, requesting the same Protection from his Majesty; an Authentic Confirmation of all the Agreements and Decrees already made in favour of the Company, and a continuation of the same Kindnesses.  
His Majesty replied, My Lord Ambassador, I take you for my Guest and Friend, as also all of your Nation; and I will redouble the favours and kindnesses which my Ancestors of glorious memory have done your Company. Upon which the Dutch Ambassador made a profound Reverence, as did also the other two that accompanied him, and replied to the King's obliging words in this manner, We will no farther doubt it than from the Grace and Generosity of so great a Prince. On the other side if We or the Company may be any way serviceable to serve your Majesty, your Majesty shall no sooner Command but be obeyed. In the mean time we humbly beg of Your Majesty that we may have leave to retire to the Port of Habas, there to look after our Affairs, to which Importunate Necessity calls Us.  
Thereupon, the General of the Musquetteers, declaring the King's pleasure (for he performs the same Office, in Grandeur, near his Majesty, which the Ambassador's Interpreter supplies out of necessity) His Majesty, said he, desires to know wherefore my Lord Ambassador discovers so much eagerness to be gone. He would have him to stay till all the Lords of the Court are come to Town, for that then he intends to receive him with greater Pomp, and give him more signal Marks of his Esteem.  
To which the Dutch replied, as they had done already, bowing their Heads and their Bodies with a profound Humility, and returning his Majesty their most hearty Thanks, beseeching him withal to have the same gracious Opinion as before; but that for the present, the greatest Favour he could receive at their hands, was his Royal Licence to return to their principal Factory, whither Affairs of Concernment called them. The King thereupon with a Nod of his Head condescended to their Request; and withal, ordered this farther Compliment to be put upon them, That he would not stay them any longer, but that they might go in the Name of God; desiring to assure the Company of his Affection, and that whatever they had for the future to demand, they should but ask and have.  
Those last words included his last leave, which they also took, with most submissive Obeisances after the European manner, the most respectful that could be imagined. And thus they retired after an Audience of three quarters of an Hour. About Four in the Afternoon, they sent their Interpreter to the General of the Musquetteers to return him Thanks for the Trouble he had given himself, in procuring them so favourable an Audience, and for the continuance of his kindness they besought him to accept as a pledge of their farther acknowledgement a Silver Watch, and fifty Ducats of Gold.  
The English Agent in Persia, Sir Stephen Flower, understanding that the Dutch had had Audience of his Majesty, was not a little surprised, but much more vexed to see himself prevented; and therefore he was no less importunate to have his; and therefore, to the end he might be admitted to kiss the King's Feet, he took the same way and method which the Dutch Ambassador had done: for indeed there was no other way: and had therefore the same success. For two days after, being accompanied with his Second in the Factory, about Nine of the Clock in the Morning he was introduced by the General of the Musquetteers to make his Obeisance to the King; his Interpreter and his Colleague coming behind him. After the usual Ceremonies he presented the Prince with two hundred half Guineas, according to the self-interested Custom of the East, where the Kings styling themselves Gods Lieutenants, forbid all People to appear in their Presence without an Offering. Presently he sat down by the Command of the Prince, and by his Interpreter, and in the behalf of the English Nation and Company, wished him a long and flourishing Reign. Afterwards he made a short rehearsal of the great Services which the English Nation had done the Kings of Persia his Ancestors of Immortal memory. For which reason those Triumphant Monarches had always favoured the English Nation more than any other Nation of Europe, of which he was assured his Majesty was well informed; for which reason he hoped that his Majesty would continue the same favours to the English Nation, and grant them a Confirmation of all the Treaties and Privileges which had been granted formerly to the English.  
To which the King returned the same answer which he had done to the Dutch Envoy. Mr. Agent is my Guest, and all the English Nation are most dear to me. Whatever my Predecessors of Glorious Memory have granted to your Company I shall also confirm. And if you have any thing farther to request of Me for the advantage of your Nation, you may confidently propose it, and it shall be decreed if reasonable. To which the Agent and his Second returned their humble Thanks, as well for their Master as themselves; beseeching his Majesty to accept of their Services. To which his Majesty condescended with a Nod of his Head, which was also a sign of his taking Leave; which they also took, making their Obeisances after their own manner. Now in regard they were beholden to the General of the Musquetteers for this favourable Audience; in regard the King did nothing without his Advice, therefore they sent their Interpreter in the Evening, to give him thanks for the favour he had procured them; in acknowledgement whereof they made him a Present of a Rich Jewel, and thirty Ducats of Gold.  
The same day the Meehmandar-Bachi, or Chief of those that attend upon the King's Guests, or Strangers of Quality, who is as it were a Grand Master of the Ceremonies, came to wait upon the King, dispatched from the Grandees of the Kingdom to give his Majesty notice, that they came forward, making easy Journeys with the Body of the deceased King, and the whole Body of the Court in his time. That to prevent the People from suspecting any thing of Fatal, they had given out that the King was with his Wives, and would not therefore show himself: that nevertheless the Rumour of his Death began to fly abroad; which however could not now be much prejudicial, seeing that his Majesty had taken the Government of the Kingdom into his own hands: that as yet they preserved all things in the same condition they were in before; and expected with submission what Orders his Majesty would be pleased to send for their future proceeding.  
Together with this Deputy there came an Eunuch also sent by Hamzeh-Mirza the King's Brother, to salute his Majesty in the name of the young Prince, to throw himself at his Feet, to beg his favour, and to supplicate him by all that was Sacred in the Mahometan Law not to put out his Eyes; That he would be pleased to shut up him as close as he thought fit, that he would take from him whatever he pleased, but that for the Law of God he would leave him his sight, that he might not be incapable of applying himself to his Studies, wherein he resolved to spend his whole Life. The King kept the Eunuch with himself, reserving the answer to the young Prince's request till he should be brought to Court. But he returned an Answer the same day to the Letter which the Master of the Ceremonies brought, which was composed in the form of a Command, and contained the following Instructions.  
1. That the King approved what had been done, from the Fatal Moment of the King his Father's death.  
2. That they should make all the hast they could to him without disturbing the Order of Affairs; leaving all things in the same condition wherein they were.  
3. That they should take care to cause the Body of his deceased Father, of high and Immortal Memory, whose place is in Paradise, to be carried to the City of Kom, under the charge of Mirzah-Maassoum; and that at the same time they should send away three other Coffins like that wherein they had put the King, under as good a Convoy, one to Metched, another to Ardevil, and the third to Kachan. For the better understanding the reason of which Command, the Reader is to know, that the Persians are strangely superstitious about the Burial of their Kings. For fearing lest by some Magical Art any Enchantments should be practised upon their Bodies to the prejudice of their Children, they conceal, as much as in them lies, the real Place of Interment.  
To this end they send to several Places several Coffins of Lead, with others of Wood, which they call Taboat, and bury all alike with the same Magnificence. In this manner they delude the Curiosity of the People, who cannot discern by the outside in which of the Coffins the real body should be. Not but it might be discovered by such as would put themselves to the expense and trouble of doing it. And thus it shall be related in the Life of Habas the Great, that twelve of these Coffins were conveyed to twelve of the principal Mosques, not for the sake of their Riches, but of the Person which they enclosed; and yet no body knew in which of the twelve the King's Body was laid, though the common Belief is, that it was deposited at Ardevil.  
It is also said in the Life of Sefiè I. That there were three Coffins carried to three several Places, as if there had been a Triple Production from one Body, though it were a thing almost certainly known, that the Coffin where the Body was laid, was carried to this same City of Kom, and to the same Place where the deceased King commanded the Body of his deceased Father to be carried.  
It is a very beautiful City, and for its Antiquity gives way to none of the rest; as being thought to be the Guriana of the Ancients. It is seated in the Province of Arak-agem, or Parthia upon the Frontiers of Media. She prides herself, as one of her most glorious Ornaments, in a sumptuous Mosque, built all of Marble and Jasper, embellished with Gold. In this Mosque are to be seen the Tombs of the two forementioned Monarches. The Porphyry of which they are built is overlaid with Plates of Gold, as if the Builders had striven to be profuse in the waist of that rich Metal. We shall give you the description of it in our Persian Geography.  
Now the Persians made choice of Kom, Kachan, Metched, and Ardevil, rather than of any other Cities for the interment of their Kings, because they believe those City's claim to themselves a secret and peculiar Sanctity above any of the rest, by reason that the Martyrs and Men famous in their Religion have lived and been buried there. For they hold, that Kom and Kachan were always two safe Retreats for all the true faithful in their Law, whom in the Primitive Times of Mahumetism the Arabians persecuted unjustly: and therefore that the Imaans', by whom they mean their lawful Prophets and High Priests, retired thither to secure themselves from Persecution, and there died.  
This is that which makes them believe that these Cities are holy and happy, and that in all their Contracts and Public Writings they name the first Dar-el-mouve-el-Din, or the Habitation of Persons revived in the Law; and the second, Dar-el-Moumenin, or, the Habitation of the truly faithful. And for the two other Cities Ardivilis, called Dar-el-Irkaar, or, the Habitation of direction. For that a great Saint, who lies buried there, was, as they say, sent by God to direct men in the way of truth, and Metched is called Mouheddès. The Place where they give Testimony of the Law, and of God. In the first lies buried among many other Saints of their Law Cheik-Sefiè, or the Pure Ancient, the first of the Race of Kings that now Reign in Persia. In the second lies the Imaan Reza, whom the Persians reverence with an extraordinary superstition. Insomuch that they believe the Body of that person who is buried by him, is more secure of his Salvation, than if he were buried near any other Saint less considerable. For according to their Doctrine, they that lie interred near the Tomb of any great and holy Personage lie under his Protection.  
The King, who had hourly intelligence of the Advance of the Grandees of the Kingdom, understanding that they were arrived at Kachan, sent an Express with Commands to the two Chief Physicians, Mirza-Satrid, that is to say, Signior Just; and Mirza-Kouchonk, surnamed also the Little, to distinguish him from his Brother, who was the chief Physician, to retire to the Palace Royal at Kom, which joins to the Mosque, where are the Tombs of the last deceased Kings; to betake themselves to the Apartments allotted for them, there to pray to God the remainder of their days for the Prosperity of his Throne; in acknowledgement of his Clemency towards them, in that he inflicted no heavier punishment upon them, than only that slight disgrace; since they had deserved to lose their lives for understanding no better to preserve the life of his Father and their Sovereign. The same Messenger carried also Orders to Mirza-Massoon, or the Lord without Blemish, already mentioned, and the Son also of the Prime Minister; and Moutuely of Koom, as much as to say, Master of the Works, and Judge of the Government, to take an Inventory of the whole Estate of those two Physicians, to give it under their Seals what they found in ready Money, and to send the Inventory when they had made it up to the King. Out of which he allowed them a Revenue of twenty thousand Crowns a year to live comfortably in the said City, without stirring out of the Palace to which they were confined, till the Supreme Power should dispose of their Lives.  
The whole Body of the Court arrived at Ispahan within a Week after that, which was three Weeks after the King's Coronation. And then it was that the great Officers were admitted one after another, troubled in their minds, and with hearts laden with sorrow. Not one of them that knew what part to act in this new Court, where every one flattered himself with making an Interest. However still as they came to Town, they went to kiss the King's Feet; and to pay him the Moubarek-Bached, which is a Customary term which they use when they Congratulate the Prosperity of any great Person: as if we should say, Let such a thing turn to your blessing.  
His Majesty, as every Grandee had paid him his Submissions honoured him with a Calate, or Royal Vest. This Persian word, according to its Etymology, signifies Entire, Perfect, Accomplished, to signify either the Excellency of the Habit, or the Dignity of him that wears it. For it is an infallible Mark of the particular Esteem which the Sovereign has for the person to whom he sends it; and that he has free liberty to approach his Person; for when the Kingdom has changed its Lord and Master, the Grandees who have not received this Vest, dare not presume to appear before the King without hazard of their Lives.  
In pursuance of this Custom, the King sent a very rich Vest to that courageous Eunuch, among others, who was the only person who had set the Crown upon his Head. With this Present he also sent him a Dagger richly set with Precious Stones. Immediately upon this it was believed that he would be advanced to some high Employment; but he refused all Preferment with a generous Constancy: so that of all the Employments which his Prince offered him he only accepted of the Superintendency of the Affairs relating to the Princess his Mother.  
All the Grandees being thus arrived, the King for several days following, held a Megeles, that is, an Assembly of his Lords, where the Lords of the Old Court met to compose a New one. The first day every one came in his Calate, or Royal Vest which the King had bestowed upon them. But the Nazir or Superintendant General was not there; because he had not been honoured with that Vest. So that when he found it was not sent him against the next Assembly, he was then persuaded he had not long to live; or at least that he should lose his Employment; he feared that his Majesty had been informed, how that at the time of the Election he had endeavoured to prefer his Younger Brother. And this suspicion of his was not altogether without ground; for that indeed something had been whispered to the King about it.  
Therefore he thought he could not do better than go himself and present his Head to the King himself before any one was sent to demand it: for that if he thought to preserve it by concealing himself, he should lose it without all hope of pardon; but if he had the courage generously to lay it at the Prince's Feet, it might so happen that he might save himself; nor was he deceived: for this bold Resolution gained the heart of Sephiè the Second, and wrought Compassion even in his very Enemies, and those that envied him. For being come to the Assembly, he stood upright upon the Terrace among the Crowd of Officers, with his head hanging upon his Breast, and his Eyes fixed upon the ground, as if he had been ashamed to show his face. This submissive Posture of his moved the Assembly to pity, so that one of the Lords, who owed him no unkindness, told the King of it, and begged pardon in his behalf. The King surprised at the News, sent the same Lord who had spoken to him, to demand of the Intendent General, what he did there? I come, said he, to offer his Majesty the head of an Offender, and to expiate with my blood the misfortune of having drawn upon me his Indignation. Thereupon the King sent him a Command to go home; where about four days after he was honoured with the Royal Vest, as the rest had been, and was confirmed for the future in all the Employments which he enjoyed. I have heard from several persons of Quality, and from some of his own Kindred, that never any Head was in such a tottering condition, and that the least word that had been let slip to his prejudice had been enough to have ruined him. But his good Fortune stopped the mouths of his Enemies; so that there was not one who either durst, or was willing to oppose him. Besides that, the Young King who had been always bred among Women, and therefore not accustomed to blood, was unwilling to put to death a person of whose worth and merit he was well assured. Tho perhaps another more cruel, and more experienced would not have needed any Instigation to such a piece of Fatal Inhumanity.  
At the sitting of the third Assembly Nicolas Claud de Lalain Esquire, Gentleman in ordinary to the King of France, and his Majesty's Envoy to the Princes of Asia, was introduced, together with one of the three Deputies of the French East India Company, followed by the Interpreter of the Nation. Now this Deputy had been sick, which was the reason why they demanded Audience no sooner. For in regard that at the Grand Audience it is necessary to demand the Confirmation of the Privileges granted to the Company; Monsieur de Lalain had not power to treat of any such matter, but jointly with the Deputy. Otherwise the respect which the Persians have for the chief Nation of the World, would have procured them their Audience before any of the other Europeans. They made a Present to his Majesty of a Crystal Mirror enchased in Gold, Enameled on the backside, and set with Emeralds on the forepart, together with a pair of Saddle Pistols, and a small Lion of Gold, embellished with Pearls.  
After they had made their Obeisances they took their Seats by the King's Order among the Grandees; and then being directed to draw near his Majesty, Monsieur Lalain began with all fortunate Wishes for the Prosperity of the New Monarch in the name of the King his Master, and in few words gave him to understand, That Habas II. his Father of glorious Memory, whose place is in Paradise, had granted to the French Company many Privileges in consideration of the great advantage and profit they brought to his Dominions. For which reason he most humbly besought his Majesty to continue to the French Nation the former favours of his Predecessors, and to grant both the Nation and Company his Royal Protection. To which the King made answer by his Prime Minister, My Lord Ambassador, (for the Persians make no distinctions between Ambassadors, Envoys, Agents, Residents, etc. but still make use of the word Heltchi, which comprehends all) the King of France is my Brother, and the French Nation are my Guests and Friends. I do not only confirm what ever my deceased Father, who rests now in Heaven, granted the French Nation, but it is our Pleasure to add new Favours, which we shall do upon the first Occasion that presents itself.  
By what has been said, it appears that there was no alteration of the Face of Affairs at the beginning of this New Reign; for that the King did nothing of himself, but merely like an Engine moved as the Springs and Wires give it motion. Every one of the Grandees laboured to get as near the King's Person as he could, to insinuate himself into the King's Affection, and to remove his Competitors at a distance. The most Powerful and most his Favourite however, at that time, was Boudak-Saultan General of the Musquetteers, who continued still his Majesty's Director, for that he thought nothing well done but what he either ordered, or at least approved. Next to him Gemtchid-Kaan, as also the Mehter or High-Chamberlain, had a good share in his favour, not to speak of his Mother, who in the Inner Palace ruled him as she pleased herself.  
As for the General of the Musquetteers, for the first trial of his favour, he had procured himself a Commission that brought him a great Sum of Money. He had obtained of the King that he might send out the New Patents, and Royal Vests to all the great Officers of the Empire. To the Beckler-bekirs, who are the chief Governors, called by a Name that consists of two words, and signifies Lord of Lords. To the Kaans', or Governors of lesser Provinces, called by a Title that signifies strong; and whom the Persians dignify with the Title of Omrah, or Prince, (which is the Plural of Mirabel, an Arabic word, signifying the same thing.) To the Vaziers or Farmer's Royal, whom we call Viziers; derived also from an Arabic word, that signifies carriers of Burdens; and in a word, to all Governors and Officers that had any Command in any City depending upon the King; and this according to the Custom of Persia, where the Sovereign newly come to the Crown, sends to all Persons in any Command or Employment of value a Patent or Commission which they call Ragam, and a Habit called Kalate. Which two things ascertain him that he is continued in his Employment. So that when they appear in Public thus habited, the People also know that they are confirmed in their Authority.  
This Commission vastly enriched the Coffers of this great Lord, in regard that every Officer and Governor to whom he sends such a Patent and Vest, sends a very considerable Present according to the Custom of Persia. But it was the ruin of his Fortune and his Family, as we shall by and by declare; in regard he made an ill use of his Power: For that he sent those Royal Habits more sumptuous, or less costly, not according to the Rank of the Person, and Dignity of the Employment which every one held, but according to the friendship and kindness which he had for them himself. And thus he dealt by the Vazier or Farmer of the Province of Mazenderan, to whom he sent a Vest of little value, because he had an Enmity against him; not only to be revenged of him by that affront, but because he believed the indignity and vexation to be so slighted would transport his Enemy to some other Act that would promote his ruin, which was the only thing that he most cordially wished for: and thus it fell out.  
This Vazier of Mazenderan, called Mirza-Hachem, during the Reign of Habas II. was in good credit with his Prince. And yet there was not in all Persia a person of a more scandalous Tongue. He would talk of the Grandees to the King with a most dreadful sauciness; call the Prime Minister, Buffle-Head; the Superintendant, a Liar; the Chief Justice, downright Knave; and then for the General of the Musquetteers, he said, he was both a Coward and a Robber. And though Habas gave little heed to his discourse; nevertheless the persons concerned, were afraid they should make an impression in the King's mind to their disadvantage, and therefore they all hated him with a perfect hatred.  
But now, the King his supporter being dead, the General of the Musquetteers, who was become the New Kings chief Favourite, and had obtained a Commission to send all the Officers their Royal Habits, resolved to be revenged, as believing withal that it would be no less acceptable to the rest of the Lords.  
To this purpose instead of a Royal Calate, he only sent him a plain Habit, worth not above forty Pounds, not doubting but that the Vazier would commit some extravagance that would hasten his destruction. Nor did he fail in his Conjecture. For upon his going forth to meet and receive the Habit, and to put it on that the People might see, that he was confirmed in his Employment, when he saw it, and found it to be a thing of no value, he threw it away with scorn and indignation, believing it to be a trick put upon him, and done on purpose to disgrace him. However his disdain carried him no farther; for he conjectured it to be some snare laid to hurl him headlong into Ruin. Not daring therefore to return to the City in that Habit, and fearing least the People should despise him, if they saw him so ill dressed at the King's Expense, as one that had lost his Reputation at Court, he sent home for a Royal Habit, one of the Richest and most Magnificent that Habas had formerly bestowed upon him, and so having put it on, he returned to the City, making the People believe that he had received it from the New Monarch.  
This being known to all the Court, the General of the Musquetteers was the first that opened his Lips, declaring that the Vazier of Makenderan was a Dog, that he had thrown away the King's Habit, with reproachful Language, not forbearing to say that he had no need of Sha-Sefiè's Habits; whereupon he had made use of another which Habas his Father had sent him. The King who understood not the Stratagems of Court, looked no farther than the bare Information, not dreaming of any malice in the Contrivance. And therefore upon the Prime Minister's first motion, he sent an express Command to the Vazier's Controller to appear at Court. So soon as the Vazier understood that the Controller was sent for, he began to consider the bad condition of his affairs. He knew well, and upon good grounds, that the Controller was a person that would not spare to inform the worst he could against him, because they had been at variance a long time. Habas the Second had joined them both together in Commission of set purpose, to the end that through the mistrust that they had one of another, they might be the more careful how they demeaned themselves in the discharge of their duties; and to prevent them from any combination to defraud him of his Revenues. The Vazier therefore, to prevent his Fall as much as in him lay, dispatched away, before the Controller set forward, one of his own Servants with Letters to his Vikil or Agent at Court, wherein he gave him order to spare for no expense in considerable Presents to such and such Lords. But, added he at the bottom, beware of offering any thing to that Rascal of a Prime Minister, or to that Dog of a General of the Musquetteers; withal naming some others to whom he forbade him to make any addresses. But by misfortune the Messenger crippled himself by the way, so that he could not make that haste which was requisite; by which accident the Controller, who followed him close at the heels, overtook him in a Caravanseray, or public Inn; where finding him laid down, and fast asleep, he would not miss so favourable an opportunity, but stole from under his Head the Purse wherein his Letters were. He read them, and carried them to Court, to show them to those persons whom they had so highly abused. Who more enraged then before carried the Controller to his Majesty, before whom he confirmed the Information which had been already given him, That the Vazier of Mazenderan had disdainfully flung away the Royal Habit which his Majesty had sent him, saying withal these words, I have no need of Sha-Sephiè's Habits, and that he sent for one of Habas' Vestments, which he wore upon his return to the City. Upon which the King highly incensed, several times repeated the words Gidi, and Segh or Dog, and Scoundrel; with several other more outrageous and bitter Expressions, usual among the greatest Personages in that Country, who think it no shame to utter them upon all occasions, and before any persons whatsoever. Presently the King sent to arrest the Vazier's Agent, and at the same time dispatched to his Master a Chapar or Courrier extraordinary to arrest him, and confiscate all his Goods.  
The General of the Musquetteers not content with this, the next Morning informed the King, that this Vazier had been High Steward to Imaan-Kouli-Kaan, that famous Prince, honoured with so many Encomiums, and who is reported in the Life of Habas the Great to have wrought so many Miracles, besides that he was Captain General of all Habas' Armies. I say, he informed the King that this Vazier was entrusted with all Imaan-Kouli-Kaan's Jewels, and yet he would never discover to Sefiè the I. where that Prince had hid them before he was put to death; protesting he knew nothing of the matter. Which was a visible piece of knavery, since there could be no other person in the world who could know that secret but himself: and therefore there was no way to constrain him to tell the truth but by force. Which Incentives so wrought upon the Young Prince that he dispatched a second Courier with Orders to bring the Vazier with his Head and Feet bare, and a Chain about his Neck; and that every day they should give him forty drubs upon the soles of his Feet till he confessed where the Jewels were.  
The Messengers were punctual in the Execution of the Kings Commands upon the Vazier, who not able to endure the Torment, nor the hardship of the Journey, (for it was then in the depth of Winter, when all the ways were covered with Frost and Snow,) died, by that time he came half way, had nine days together, as old as he was, suffered horrible totrure, steadfast in his resolutions not to make any discovery. His Estate being confiscated amounted to twenty five thousand Tomans which make about four hundred thousand Crowns.  
In the mean time, at Ispahan there was nothing but public Rejoicing, Feasting, Horse-racing, with other Sports and Pastimes of the same nature. And when day was shut in, an infinite number of Lights, which they call in that Country Chiragan, were hung out all along the Streets, round about the Houses, and in the great Squares after a most pompous manner, insomuch that the night itself might truly be called an Artificial day.  
The Young King no less greedily tasted all the pleasures and delight which the full swinge of Liberty, unknown what it meant till then, gave him opportunity to enjoy. Every day he walked abroad with his Wives into the parts adjoining to the City; commanding the Kourouk through all the Villages and Towns adjoining.  
Kourouk signifies a Prohibition to all Men and Boys above seven years of Age, upon forfeiture of Life, to be seen in any place where the King's Wives were to pass, if he were in their Company. All the ways are hung on both sides with such stuff of which they make their Tents, to prevent the Women from being seen. And notice is given to all the Men to retire home at such an Hour; besides that, the Guards at two League's distance round about, were ready to prevent any one from coming near the Places so canvased in. Such is their fear, lest the Wives should be seen by the Men. For they never hinder the Women from seeing as much as they please.  
It is said, that during the five Months from the Coronation of the King till the year 1078. of the Hegira, which answers the Spring of our 1667. the King commanded no less than sixty two Kourouks, going abroad with his Wives every time, and visiting the Places round about Ispahan: especially Gioulfa, a Town belonging to the Armenians, separated from the City only by a River, over which he made several large and magnificent Bridges. Which shows what power the Women had over the Young Prince, that they could cause him to make so many Prohibitions for their sakes; only that they might have the pleasure of hunting, and walking, and breathing in a more sweet and spacious Air then that of their Confinement.  
While the Young King denied nothing to his Wives, nor his Pleasures, he neither refused any thing to his Favourites, nor to those that begged any thing of him; insomuch that many persons that were laid aside were taken again into Favour. So that the beginning of the New Prince's Reign was like a year of Jubilee, that sets open the Prison Doors: They that had never so few friends at Court might easily be admitted, provided none of the Grandees opposed their entrance.  
Mirza-Rezi or the submissive Prince was one of those persons out of favour, and Prisoners of whom we have made mention. The deceased King had confined him to his Palace, and had confiscated all his Estate, to the value of twelve thousand pounds yearly revenue; and this, because that although he was blind, he would assume to himself the disposal and management of a Legacy of six thousand Crowns a year, which one of his Ancestors had left to the Mosques. For the Testator having ordered in his Will, that this Revenue should be at the disposal of him that was in the Family to manage it, the person to whom the Administration belonged being dead, this blind Lord thought no person more capable than himself; and because he was very potent, and of the Blood Royal by the Mother's side, who was the Daughter of Habas the Great (which was also the reason that they put out his Eyes) he resolved to get this Administration by force, under pretence that he was going out of the World, and concerned himself only about Ecclesiastical Affairs; and besides, had more wit than all his Family. But his Kindred coming to Habas II. and informing him that Mirza-Rezi, having had his Eyes put out by the Command of the deceased King his Father, on purpose to render him incapable of the Affairs of this World, nevertheless went about by force, and contrary to Law, to meddle in Civil matters. The Monarch hearing this, grew impatient at his arrogance, and after he had given some signs of admiration, that a blind man should think himself capable to manage such a a design, sent to confiscate all his Estate, and commanded him to keep himself confined to one single Quarter of his Palace. But Sefiè the Second upon his coming to the Crown, restored him to his favour, and returned him all his Estate without the least diminution.  
But the most considerable who in these Halcyon days of the King's early Government were released out of Prison, and admitted to return to Court was Hali-Kouli-Kaan, who had been a Prisoner at Kasbin, and who with a boldness altogether surprising, having made his escape from his Guards, came and threw himself at the King's Feet. The story was this.  
So soon as he understood the News of Habas' decease, he conceived great hopes of recovering his Liberty. To which purpose he considered with himself, by what means he might make his escape, and get to Ispahan. He was resolved to beg the King's favour himself, believing that not any of the Grandees at Court owed him so much kindness as to speak in his behalf: only one friend he had, and that was the General of the Slaves. He, not forgetful of the ancient and strict Friendship that had been between them, ventured three or four times in that privacy which the King allowed him, to represent to his Majesty the misfortune of Hali-Kouli-Kaan; but when he saw that the Prince returned him no Answer, he sent to the Lord an account of the state of Affairs, and advised him to come in person, and throw himself at the King's Feet: for that considering the mildness and sweetness of the new Conjuncture he could run no great Risco.  
These Letters confirmed Hali-Kouli-Kaan so much the more in the Resolution he had taken, because he found himself supported beyond his expectation. Thereupon he wrote back to the General of the Slaves, returned him thanks for his kindness toward him, besought him to continue it, and to take care that he might have Horses laid to be ready at such places and times. And when all things were ready, he desired leave of the Captain of the Guard to let him go a hunting.  
This being a favour which the Captain had granted him several times before, he did not then deny him. Thereupon he road forth, attended only with four of his most intimate Confidents well mounted, and well armed. Being got into the field, he still beat toward Ispahan, pretending to hunt, but little minding whether he put up any Game or no. But at length having drawn off his Guards a good way from the Town, and finding their Horses tired, toward the close of the Evening, as if it had been only a frolic, he put Spurs to his Horse and road out of sight. As for his Guards they had no mistrust at first, till at length, that they saw he made so little haste to come back. But it was too late to pursue him, and as vain to stay till he returned; their Horses being quite tired with Galloping up and down for four hours and more together. Besides, the resolute Prisoner flew with all the speed that Whip and Spur could make, and arrived at Ispahan, where he met all his friends at the appointed Rendezvouz, to the number of Fifty persons, and went directly to the King's Gate.  
When he drew near the Place where the King was sitting, the General of the Slaves met him; who was not a little surprised to see him there sooner than he expected. Nevertheless, without making any show of having kept any correspondence together, he asked him his business, who answered, That he came to lay his Head at the King's Feet. It is very well done, replied the General of the Slaves, I'll go and beg the King's leave for your admission. But Hali-Kouli-Kaan, instead of staying for the Kings Answer, followed the General of the Slaves so close that he could hear the King, as soon as he heard his Name, and that he was come, make answer aloud, Kouh-Gheldy; Safa-Gheldy, Let him be welcome, let him come in a good Hour; and then commanding him to enter, he repeated the same kind words, with a Countenance that testified his satisfaction; and then caused him to sit down.  
Within a Minute after, the King called for him, and ordered him to draw near him; and when he was close by him, Hali-Kouli-Kaan, said he, what brings thee hither, and what is thy request? To which the Lord made answer with a wonderful quickness of Wit, I am come hither, Benefactor of Mankind, to serve your Majesty; because Slaves and Dogs ought always to be within their Masters call.  
This Answer highly pleased the Youthful Sovereign, insomuch that after he had dismissed him, he gave Order to the Prime Minister to give him a splendid Entertainment the next day, to provide him a Palace, and to furnish him with money, and all other necessaries whatever.  
In pursuance of which Command the Prime Minister assigned him the Palace where lodged the Ambassador from Aurang-Zeeb King of the Indians, in the years 1664, and 1665. But this Lord, so soon as he became Master of it, pulled it down to the ground, and built it up again far more magnificently than ever; as you may see in our Description of Ispahan. The next day, as he sat at Dinner with the Prime Minister, and was telling the Story how he made his escape out of his Confinement, he added, That a mad Dog, the more you keep him chained up, the more mad and extravagant he grows; which he therefore said, in regard he had incurred the King's displeasure by hare-brained, and violent actions, and full of a Transportment that truly savoured of Extravagance.  
A while after the King summoned a Megelès, or public Assembly for his sake. There out of a magnificent humour, not usual but among Sovereign Princes, he caused to be spread upon the ground in the Garden where this Lord was to pafs to the very Hall seventy Pieces of Zer-baffe, which is a very rich sort of Persian Tissue, as much as to say, a Weaving of Silver. For baffen signifies to Wove or make Tissue. Every Piece of this Tissue might be worth eighteen Tomans, about threescore or threescore and ten pound, amounting in all to some twenty thousand Crowns. Such persons as are thus honoured by the King, walk without their Shoes upon the Stuffs, which the King afterwards sends them home to their house, for a Present, as he did to this Person; to whom at the end of a sumptuous Banquet which he gave him, he spoke these words, Hali-Kouli-Kaan, harken what they are going to read.  
Upon that the Principal Secretary read a Patent, wherein the King named him Governor of Corassin, or the ancient Bactriana of which the Capital City is Metshed, which is one of the chiefest Governments in Persia. But whether this Lord had heard some report of an Invasion threatened those Parts, he would by no means accept the honour; or whether it were that he did not care to leave the Court, or which was more probable, because he thought it beneath him to accept of a meaner Employment than what he had before his Confinement. For he had been formerly Generalissimo of all the Armies: and therefore after he had returned the King his most humble thanks, Benefactor of Mankind, said he, I am old and broken with Age; Grant me the favour at the end of my life, that I may spend my days at the Gate of your Majesty.  
Some few days after he offered him the Government of Armenia, of which Erivan is the Capital City; but with his most humble Thanks to his Majesty he refused that likewise, and questionless for the same Reasons. At length the King caused Letters Patents to be made him to be General of all his Forces, and Governor of Media, of which Tebris, that which we call Tauris, is the Capital City; in regard that Government is always annexed to that Employment.  
But at the very time that he had received so great and extraordinary a favour from his Majesty, he took the boldness to show that he was not yet content, but that he still desired something more. To that purpose, Benefactor to Mankind, said he, since your Majesty does me the favour to call me to so high a dignity, I humbly implore your Majesty to add to my Government such and such Villages, to the end I may maintain the splendour of that High Rank to which your Majesty has called me, that when any Stranger comes to visit me, I may be able to entertain him with a Plate of Pelo (or Rice and Flesh, the usual Food of the Persians) that receiving this favour at my hands, he may be more ready to join with me in praying for your Majesty. To which when the King had condescended, he flung himself prostrate at the King's Feet, and gave him Thanks. As he was retiring out of the King's presence, the King having spied certain white Hairs in his Beard, which he wore up to his Ears, Hali-Kouli-Kaan, said he, Go to the Treasury, and bid 'em, in my name, pay thee three hundred Tomans (which is about Eleven hundred Guineas) and buy thee some Paint to colour thy Beard, and let me see no more grey hairs in thy Face. Which immediately he did according to the King's Order, and carried away the Money. And this was another Accumulation of Favour which his liberal Sovereign added to the rest which he had bestowed upon him.  
Thus was he made General of all the Persian Forces, Governor of Media, and in a word, the first and most powerful person in Persia, at which all the Grandees were not a little astonished: and they all began to grow jealous of him: even they who had been instrumental to his Advancement. For they could not imagine he should arrive in so short a time to that Pinnacle of Honour where they beheld him. And indeed they had reason to be jealous of him. For his Authority made him Master of their Estates; and besides, they knew him to be ill-natured, and mischievously bend, and as bold and daring as a Lion; more than all this, Choleric without respect or consideration, and resolute to enterprise whatever might satisfy his Fury, or advance his Interests. From this time forward till his death, which happened not long after, as will appear in the Series of this Story, he was always in great credit with the King; who had a particular esteem for him, so that there was hardly any thing which he refused him.  
At the same time that Haly-Kouli-Kaan was under restraint the Princess Pehri-Rocksar-Begum, the present King's Aunt was also restored to Favour. For, as it has been said in the Life of the deceased Prince, whose Sister she was, the King, to punish her for having been too busy in some Intrigue, which I know not what it was, only that it was such a one as had highly offended him, had married her to a Mulla Doctor of the Law, who at that time lived at Ispahan, the Son of Moute-Veli, or the Steward of the great Mosque at Mitshed. By him during the Life of Habas she had two Children, to whom the Prince forbade her to give suck, which is the manner of putting to death the Children of the Blood Royal when the King resolves they shall not live. But now this Lady understanding the death of the King, went and threw herself at the feet of the New Monarch, who received her kindly, and assured her he would advance her Husband to some considerable Employment: wherein he was as good as his word; for some Months after, he made her Husband Sedre-Kaassoh, that is, peculiar Poutiff, being a very considerable Employment, as he that is as it were the King's Almoner, or he that has the disposal of all the Gifts bequeathed by the Kings of Persia to the Mosques; which Employment was worth to him about fifteen thousand pounds yearly.  
There remained another Sister of Habas II. in the women's Palace, who in the King's absence was as it were Sovereigness of the Place; for which reason they give her a Name that signifies, the white Locks of the Sacred Place; which is a figurative sort of Speech to denote the dignity of the person, and the particular respect which is due to her.  
This Lady, being desirous to taste the Sweets of Wedlock as well as her Sister, importunately besought the New Monarch that she might marry the Brother of her Sister's Husband, a Molla, or Doctor of the Law as he was. For which reason the King made him Sedre-Mokoufaat, or Pontiff of the Kingdoms, which is a preferment almost like the other, and very near equal to it in Revenue; as he that has the disposal of the Legacies which are given to the Mosques by private Persons. Which two Preferments for above two hundred years were both in one. But the King, for the satisfaction and advantage of his two Aunts, divided them for the benefit of their Husbands who are persons of no merit, and of very mean Capacities. Nor is it likely the King will suffer them to hold their Places of too great Importance for their management.  
And now his Majesty, having supplied these two Pontifical preferments, which were vacant during the late King's Reign, took care to fill up other vacancies also, which he bestowed upon persons of credit that were next about him, or their Friends. That of Kourtchi Bachi, or General of the Kourtches, one of the three Bodies of the Persian Militia, and one of the highest Trusts in the Empire was conferred upon Hustein-Kouli-Kaan. All the Kaanas or Governments of Persia were likewise bestowed upon persons of worth: In a word, there was not a vacant place but what was filled up. For the deceased King let them lie vacant for a secret reason which his Son understood not, which was to reap the profit of their Revenues. So great, that it is reported the Employments which he supplied, and of which the King his Father had all the benefit, brought into the Chequer a Million sterling Yearly. However I do not report this for truth; but as having heard it affirmed by persons of great knowledge in Affairs, and who could have given a just account had they so pleased; which they will not always do.  
These were the Favours and Bounties of the Young Monarch during the Festivals of his Coronation. Of which the mirth and jollity was not a little disturbed by a sad accident that occasioned the downfall of the Grand Provost.  
In the description of Ispahan we have observed that for a long time that City has been divided into two Factions, which are always quarrelling and fight for Precedency, and Antiquity. And upon Festival Times there is always a great Concourse of the Rabble of both Factions in the old Maydan, or Public Place of the City, where the two different Factions, ranging themselves, the one upon the South, the other upon the North side, batter one another with Stones and Clubs at a strange rate. The Grand Provost all this while makes a show of parting 'em, but he does it so remissly, that both Parties see well enough that it is only a Copy of his Countenance: which makes 'em bolder, and more violent in their mischief. For the Grand Provost is not at all troubled at it by reason of the great Fines which afterwards he milks into his own Pocket.  
Upon one of these forementioned Festival days, his Majesty being in the spacious and magnificent Hall, which is built over the great Portal of his Palace that looks out into the Royal Square, where he sat to behold a horse Race, and several of his Lords shooting at a Golden Ball, an Exercise much used among the Persian Archers, news was brought that about two thousand of the Rabble were fight in the Maydan, or Public Market place with that implacable animosity that there was like to be a great deal of mischief done. Upon which his Majesty sent for the Daroga, or Grand Provost of Ispahan, and ordered him to take along with him a Guard of Sixty Musquetteers if he thought fit, and go and disperse the furious Combatants. Which was a Command too express to be dallied withal. But the Grand Provost could never accomplish it. However away he flew, at the Head of above two hundred Soldiers, and commanded the Mutineers to part and disperse themselves. But they believing the Provost did but only make a show, as he was wont to do, fell a shouting at him, and palting him with stones. He would fain have given 'em to understand he was then in earnest; but because the Tumult and noise was so great, that he could not otherwise be heard then by the thunder of his Muskets, he ordered the Soldiers to fire without Bullets; which they did, but to no purpose. For quite contrary to his expectation, the insolent Multitude perceiving nothing but fire and smoke, were the more confirmed in their Opinion, that the Grand Provost was only come there to show himself in discharge of his Office, and that he did not desire they should part in good earnest.  
In the mean time two Horsemen came from the King to see if the Tumult were appeased; at what time the Provost, galled to the heart that they should observe the little Authority he had over the Rabble, who had put him to a Retreat with their Stones, commanded about twenty of his Soldiers to fire with Bullets. Of which Volley there was not a shot that missed. So that Nine of the Multitude were killed upon the place, and others were dangerously wounded. The rest, finding now that the Provost was not in jest, fled with all the hast they could, leaving their dead and wounded behind.  
When word was carried to the King what had happened, some of the Grand Provosts private Enemies, which the great Lords are never without, and who, unfortunately for him, were then at his Majesty's elbow, laying hold of the opportunity, How comes it to pass, Sir, said they, that a private Person, and a Slave, dares thus abuse the Inhabitants of your Capital City? Has he nothing to do but thus to destroy your truly Loyal Subjects? Cannot a Grand Provost prevent these disorders? 'Tis not well done to make such a slaughter of innocent and disarmed people. This will cause a contempt of the Authority which your Majesty has over your Subjects, and to lose the Respect and Reverence which they ought to bear your Majesty over all your Empire, when they find such terrible extremities used under pretence of keeping 'em to obedience. Upon this the King, who of himself was already troubled at the Accident, was far more incensed by these exasperations. Wherefore he immediately dismissed the Lord from his employment, and sent him Prisoner to a House, from whence he was released some few days after at the earnest suit of the Queen Mother, and some other persons that were concerned at his Misfortune. For indeed he was a man of courage, eminent for his virtue, and one that showed in all his Actions the Nobility of his Extraction: for he was descended from the Blood Royal of Georgia, the last Sovereign Prince of that Country being his Grandfather, whose name was Hemirè-Hamzeh-Mirza. We shall speak more of him in the Progress of his Story; fortune calling him again upon the Stage to act a part of more importance, and of greater Authority. The charge of Grand Provost was again supplied the next day, and conferred upon a very worthy person, the Son of Mir-Kassem-bek, or Lord Prince Robust. This same Mir-Kassem-bek had been Grand Provost before the last that was so lately put out, and in the time of Habas II. by the craft of the Prime Minister had his Head cut off in the Royal Piazza of Ispahan. His Son, who was called Kelk-Hali-Bek, or the Lord, the Dog of Haly, during the little time that he enjoyed this Employment, most worthily behaved himself in it: and we must needs say, that raised his Father made himself eminent again, by driving out all the Thiefs, Pickpockets, and Rabble which infected that great City.  
This happened at the latter end of the Year 1077. according to the Mahometan account, which answers to the beginning of our Year 1667. For their Year 1078. began with the Vernal Equinox, which his Majesty made a great day of public rejoicing according to the Custom of the Persians.  
But this Year that began with so much rejoicing, and with such lucky Omens, was not so fortunate however in the Conclusion.  
Scarcity, War, and Epidemic distempers afflicted the most part of the Provinces during the whole course of it. The Court was turmoiled with several disorders, which cost some persons many a troublesome Hour. And through the negligence and remissness of the Sovereign, the Grandees erected so many petty Tyrannies, which trampled under foot and pillaged the poor people as they pleased themselves. So that there was not any person but was sensible of the miseries which ill Government occasions when the Prince only minds his pleasures, and to content his Passions; and the great ones following his example give themselves the liberty to follow the swinge of their own Arbitrary Wills.  
The first thing remarkable at the beginning of the Year was the death of Mahammed-Kouli-Kaan-Divan-Beki, or Lord Chief Justice. He neither lay long sick, nor was it long before his Place was supplied; being conferred upon him that was Mirraab, or Prince of the Waters, or Steward of the Waters: For in regard that water is very scarce in that Country, this same Overseer of the Waters is a very considerable Employment. However it was not thought that he would be the Person made choice of to succeed the Chief Justice, but rather that he who had formerly executed the Place, and had been banished by the deceased King to Metshed for his ill Government would be restored to the King's favour, and to his former Post. Nor was the Conjuncture without great Probability, in regard that Hali-Kouli-Kaan, General of all the King's Forces, was then very powerful, and that the other was his Nephew, the Son of Rustan-Kaan his Brother. However he was deceived, and the General, quite contrary to his Expectation, hindered all people to solicit in his behalf, out of the care he took of his own Reputation, which he had sullied in a high degree, had he been instrumental to restore a Person that was hated by all the world; besides that, his private enmity against him prevailed beyond all the Considerations of Blood and Consanguinity. For which the Christians had reason to bless God, because there was no man more their enraged and bitter Enemy than he. And it was well for 'em, during the time he held his Employment, that Habas was not a young man, and that he undertook their Protection. For it is reported of him, that when any Christian was Cited before his Tribunal by any Mahometan, he presently condemned him before he heard him; and that he was wont to say, It was Crime enough for an Armenian to have a suit with a Mahometan, for him to cause his head to be broken. Why should he not suffer the Injuries that are done him, Dog as he is, that does not know that the Christian Religion is inferior to the Mahometan?  
In the mean time the King held on his debaucheries every day at the same rate. But his health did not keep at the same stay, while he grew every day worse than other. For the young Prince having plunge himself into the excesses of Wine and Women, it was impossible he should hold out without some alteration. So that during the whole course of this Year he was always ill, what Physic soever his Physicians could prescribe him; for he took little care of himself. If he sometimes refrained Wine by their advice, it was not so long, but that he fell to drinking again before he had time to recover his strength. For which reason he was always pale, and his Body imparted its own weakness to his Mind, and rendered him unfit for business to which the Grandeur of his Quality called him.  
All this while the Dearth increased at Ispahan, and the poor people cried aloud against the excessive price of it. And indeed there were many causes of this Scarcity. First, the last years Harvest did not amount scarce to the half of what they expected; for the Locust had devoured the Ears. Then the whole Train of the Court was come all together of a sudden to Ispahan before they were expected, so that they had taken no care to lay in their Stores against Winter. Moreover, at the King's first coming to the Crown, the greatest part of the Officers of the Empire coming to present themselves before Him, and a vast number of private persons crowding together about business, or for curiosity, the Multitude of Inhabitants was increased to above half as many again, so that of necessity the Price of Provisions must be double in Proportion. But the chief Reason that all things were so dear was the bad appearance of the Harvest at hand, which promised no better than the last year. For in regard the Harvests in these Climates are generally reaped in the Months of June and July, it is easy to conjecture in March and April what the year will produce. And therefore the Corn Merchants perceiving that there would be an infallible scarcity of all sorts of Grain, enhansed their Prizes, and would not part with what they had, but stayed till the Prizes were at the highest, so that the probability of a dearth to come caused a present Famine. Lastly, the ill Government was in part a great cause of the scarcity, for that the Laws were not observed, and the Magistrates neglected their duty, without fear of being punished. And this was the Reason that the Mochtesek, or Chief of the Government, received Bribes of those that sold necessary Provisions, and therefore to gratify 'em he published every Week the Prizes of things as those people desired; that is to say, at an excessive rate, and three quarters higher than in the time of the deceased King. For we are to observe, that it is a Custom in Persia, that every Saturday the Chief Justice sets the Price of all Provisions for the Week following, which the Sellers dare not exceed under great forfeitures. This Knavery then of the Judge of the City Government, who stood in no awe of the superior Government, was the cause that all things were sold at double and treble the Rate they ought to have been.  
The People therefore almost starved by this Scarcity, redoubled their Cries, so that they reached the very Gate of the Palace Royal, which moved his Majesty's Compassion to that degree, that he committed the Affair to Ali-Kouli-Kaan, General of all his Forces. Who began his first endeavours of redress with an Act of Generosity and Justice, which made him dreaded by all the Merchants and Corn-sellers. He had commanded one of the most eminent Merchants in Ispahan to send him in upon the place, the first day of the Market, two hundred Sacks of Wheat, and not to sell 'em at a dearer rate than they were sold the year before. Now the Merchant thought that he expected a Bribe; and therefore upon the Market day, thinking to exempt himself from obedience to his Command he sent him two hundred Tomans, which amount to the value of about a thousand Pistols. Thereupon the Generalissimo, being highly offended, sent for him, and when he came, Dog as thou art, said he, is it thus thou goest about to famish a whole City? For the Affront thou hast done me receive a hundred Drubs upon the soles of thy feet. Which were paid him at the same instant; and besides, the General condemned him in a Fine of two thousand Crowns; which he took to himself, sending the thousand Pistols to the King.  
Presently he ordered a great Oven to be built in the Royal Piazza, and another in the public Piazza, ordering the Criers to proclaim that those Ovens were fixed to bake those alive, that should sell their bread at a rate above the set price, or that should hide up their Corn. There was moreover a fire continually kept in these Ovens, but no body was thrown in; because no body would venture the pain of such a rigorous punishment of his Disobedience.  
At the same time he also went himself to visit all the Granaries and Storehouses of Corn and Meal that were in Ispahan, and having taken an account in Writing of their Number, every Week he commanded the Merchants to send a certain quantity according to the Proportion of what their Storehouses contained, and not to sell but at a certain Price, and not to deliver their goods to any but such as brought a Note under his hand. He gave the same Command for Barley: so that almost for a whole years' time there was neither Wheat or Barley to be had without a Ticket sealed with his Signet. All the Bakers went for such a Ticket. And in regard the General knew full well what every one of 'em vented, he would not permit the Baker by virtue of his Ticket to buy any more than what he had occasion for. To that purpose he prohibited the Bakers to sell to any other than those of their own Precinct, nor to sell 'em any more than what was needful for their subsistence according to the usual rate of their spending, to the end that the Bakers should not pretend that persons came from abroad to buy their bread; or that those in their Precincts bought more one Week than they did another, and so that the vent could not be always equally proportioned. And for the Price, he ordered that the Batman-cha of Bread (the Royal weight of Persia, consisting of eleven pounds three quarters) should be worth an Abassi, which makes four Groats.  
By this good management he wonderfully eased the People, who before paid for eleven pound and three fourth's of Bread an Abassi and a quarter, or twenty pence; whence it also came to pass, that there was Plenty sufficient. Thus the Complaints and Cries of the People ceased. For the Baker's being obliged to furnish those in their Precincts with as much bread as they stood in need of, no body was apprehensive of the scarcity, but only that he paid five farthings for that which cost not above four in time of plenty. And to the end that the same rate might continue, he sent to all the Burroughs, Towns, and Villages, from eight to nine days journey round about, to send in such a number, of Waggon-Loads of Corn and Meal to Ispahan, and there to sell it at the set price. By which means there came enough to supply the City for six Months. Moreover, when any considerable Quantity arrived, he ordered it to be brought in, as it were, in triumph; the People dancing before with their Instruments of Music, and the horses being covered with Horses, and gingling an infinite number of little Bells, which together with the Acclamations of the Rabble made a strange, confused, and yet pleasing noise.  
Some Villages there were that mutinyed and refused to send in their Corn; but the punishment of the Inhabitants of Ispahanimcha struck a terror into the rest. For the General had sent to this Place, being a great Town consisting of four thousand Houses, two Leagues distant from Ispahan, one of his Officers with a Command from the King to send at the set Price two hundred Sacks of Meal to the Capital City for their present necessity. The Townsmen made answer, 'twas nothing to them if there were such a Famine in the City, for that they had paid all their duties and Impositions for the last Harvest: that they had something else to do then to send their Corn and their Meal to Ispahan Market, and that those that wanted might come to them, for that they were not bound to sell but in their own Town. Thereupon the Officer remonstrated to the Principal of the Village that it was the King's pleasure, and showed 'em the Kings Warrant which he had in his hands; to which their answer not being with that becoming reverence which became 'em, the Officer laid his hand upon his Sword, thinking to have frighted 'em into obedience. But the Country fellows not understanding his hard words, fell upon the Officer, beat him almost blind, and tore the King's Command, crying out, 'twas a Cheat and Counterfeit.  
The General highly offended at this Insolence of the Countrymen, gave the King an account of it, who ordered him to inflict such punishment as the Offence deserved. Upon which he sent two hundred of his Guards, who Drubbed to excess the Principal of the Ringleaders. He also set a Fine upon their heads of a hundred thousand Crowns; which was mitigated to a third part, though after many Petitions and Submissions, with a Present to the General of a thousand Pistols, which was all paid down upon the nail.  
At the same time the General also found a way to revenge himself upon the Armenians for refusing him a kindness which he asked 'em; making use, for his pretence, of this Commission which the King had given him to furnish Ispahan with Corn. These Armenians are Christians born in Ispahan; so called because they are originally Natives of Armenia, from whence Habas the Great transplanted 'em into the heart of the Kingdom. At present their principal Colony is without the Walls of the Capital City, in a place adjoining separated from the City only by the River: the Persians also call 'em, as we do, Armeni for the same reason. They also call the two Armenia's, the one Armen the Great, and the other Armen the Less. Now Hali-Kouli-Kaan at his first coming to Court, being in want of money to put himself into an Equipage, and to go forward with his Buildings, and not knowing where to have it, one day that some of the Armenians came to him about business, demanded of 'em, which were accounted the most wealthy of all their Country-Folks? Upon which they named him five or six, and among the rest Koga Zachara. The General remembered his name, and two days after, when another Armenian came to present him some Petition or other, he asked him whether he knew the Merchant Zachara; who making answer that he did, the General bid him go and seek for him. Now the Armenian little thought that the General had meant the rich Merchant, which the former had mentioned, but another of the same name, who with his two Brothers managed the King's Money, and had always considerable Sums i' their hands, to purchase in Foreign Countries such Curiosities of value which might please the King. This latter therefore the Armenian fetched. And the General believing him to be the Merchant Zachara, caused him to sit down by him for two hours together, and received him so civilly as to make him stay and dine with him.  
After Dinner, Koga-Zachara, said the General, canst not thou do me the kindness to lend me two hundred Tomans (which are about a thousand Pistols) I expect in a short time considerable Sums of Money, and then I will repay thee with Interest, and upon any occasion thou shalt see I know how to be grateful to those that oblige me. To which the Armenian replied, Not only two hundred, but two thousand Tomans, if your Lordship pleases. This answer pleased the General, insomuch that he showed himself highly satisfied, and asked him if he could not send him in the money the same day. To which the Armenian, understanding what he had to do, replied, Sir, said he, the money shall be sent in, when you please to command it; but I must beg the favour first to give me the liberty to speak one word. We are two Brothers and myself his Majesty's Factors, the one is in the Indies, the other in Europe; as for myself, I reside here, as you see; all the Money that we turn and wind is the Kings, and then it will be requisite that the Receipt which you give me should be sealed with the King's Signet, and then you may have the Sum you desire.  
The General then saw he was mistaken, for he could not meddle with the King's Money, and chafing in his mind, dismissed the Merchant, believing the Armenians had named this person to him, on purpose to baffle his request, by putting him to desire a kindness of the King's Factor, of whom it was not proper for him to borrow Money. However it was only an Error caused by the mistake of the Person, where there were two of a name. For in regard that the Armenians are only called by the Proper names which they receive in Baptism, never using any Surnames, it happens that there are several persons that go by one and the same Name.  
However the General resolved to try once more; and two days after he found an opportunity to make a second Request. For the Keloanter, or chief and sole Governor of the Armenians, and who has therefore that Title given him, which signifies Greatest, having made some Presents to the King, for which his Majesty sent him a Royal Habit, put it on, and being attended by the most considerable persons of his Nation, went to return his humble Thanks to the King, and to kiss his feet. After that, according to custom, he goes with all his Company to pay his Visits to the Grandees of the Court, and to return 'em his Thanks for having contributed to the Honour done him to have the Royal Vest bestowed upon him. When he came to the General's House, the Grandee caused him and all his Company to sit down, and after the usual Compliments, he desired 'em to lend him two hundred Tomans, assuring 'em that he would repay 'em again with Interest, and be their Protector upon all occasions at Court. But they, who knew how usual a thing it was for the Persian Grandees to be borrowing, and how frequently they were denied; and besides, as well understanding the humour of the Person, to whom a Loane would have proved a Gift, made him answer, that it would be their happiness to serve him, but as at present their affairs stood, it was impossible: for that all their Money was either in the Indies, or in Europe, in the hands of their Factors, and before their return they knew not how to raise such a Sum. Very well, replied the General, then lend me but half so much: nay, he came down at length to a third part. But these imprudent persons sweyed by their own Avarice, refused him also that small Sum, not considering the Credit he was in at Court, and that he was able to do 'em a great deal of harm. Which so incensed the General, that he put 'em out of the Room before him, calling 'em Dogs, and turning his back upon 'em would not receive their Compliment. Three Weeks after he sent a Command in the King's name to their Chief, to furnish the City with forty thousand Batman-Sha of Meal, which make five hundred thousand pound weight. To which the Chief of the Armenians answered, that there was not so much in all the Town: and to fetch it from other places was a thing not to be done, in regard the expense of Carriage would raise the Price of every Batman, or twelve pound, to an Abassi and a fourth part; which was contrary to the King's Command; who intended that the abovementioned weight should be sold for an Abassi, which in that manner would be a fifth part loss to them. The Account was just, and the General knew well enough they would be losers at least a thousand Pistols in the quantity of Meal which he demanded: but that was the thing he aimed at, that they should be losers the full Sum of what they refused to lend him. And therefore, not satisfied with their reasons, he sent to 'em again to let 'em know that they must furnish the Quantity of Meal which the King had ordered; That the Place of of their Residence was a dependence upon Ispahan, and that they were obliged to relieve the Capital City as well as others: and that it was his Majesty's express Command. But notwithstanding all that the General could say, the Armenians would do nothing. They pleaded that they were not obliged to that over-chargement; and that by their Agreement with the King they were exempt from all new Impositions and Tributes, paying yearly four hundred Tomans, which come to about two thousand Pistols, so that although there were a real Famine in the City, as thanks be to God there was not, there could no more than that Sum be demanded of them.  
They were in the right, but they wanted strength. The General was resolved to carry it on with a high hand, and no less was agreed upon then to arrest the Principal Heads of the Town. Of which when they had notice, they sent all their Wives, to the number of above three hundred, to the Gate of the Haram, or Palace of Women, there to wait for the King, and demand Justice. To which purpose they took their opportunity when his Majesty was there, and placed themselves before the Gate against the Walls. For indeed, this is the Place allowed to be free for all that come to cry for Justice, or to Petition for any Favour: nor dare the Guards upon pain of death hinder any Persons that offer to go thither, where they have liberty to implore with a loud voice the Justice of the Prince. There these Women made such a noise, that they were easily heard to the innermost part of the whole Palace, so that the King having understood the Cause, commanded 'em to go home, and he would take order in their business.  
However the Generalissimo ceased not to press the Armenians, and to threaten 'em with Imprisonment, so that finding no other remedy, they sent their Wives a second time to the Palace, and to the same Place. Where the Women set up their throats as they did before; and understanding that his Majesty was just coming forth at the Gate that leads into the Royal Alley, thither they ran in heaps with so much fury, that one Crowd of 'em got so near as to touch the King's Horse; nor could the Sophies and Lackeys that went before, and round about the King's Person hardly keep 'em off. For the Women in the heat of their fury began to throw stones, and one among the rest was so impudent as to lay hands upon the Bridle of the King's Horse. So that his Majesty, being before not a little startled at the Tumult, began to be more astonished at the boldness of such an action; and besides, his Youth and want of Experience was such that he knew not how to deal with that Sex: only he commanded the Guard, to drive 'em away, bid 'em be gone, and that he would do 'em Justice: but for all that, he had much ado to quit himself from those she Devils let loose.  
At the same time the Armenians had presented a Petition, by means of an Eunuch, to the Queen Mother, as being under her Protection, for that their Town is one of the Places assigned for her Dowry. The Princess received their Petition, and promised to act in their behalf. In a word, so soon as the Monarch her Son was returned to her Apartment, she besought him to remit the Surcharge which he had laid upon the poor Armenians in regard that by the Concessions which the Kings his Predecessors had granted to 'em upon payment of the Sum agreed, they were exempt from all other Impositions. To which the King answered, A God's name let it be so, I acquit 'em. Immediately the Princess dispatched away an Eunuch to give 'em notice of their discharge; but the Eunuch, either through negligence, or otherwise, not meeting with those he was sent to, the Armenians knew nothing of the Kings Discharge.  
For indeed the Chief Heads of the Armenians, to the number of Forty or Fifty, ignorant of the King's mercy, and fearing lest the General should send to apprehend 'em, were fled to the Grand Portal of the King's House, called Haly-Capy, that is to say, the Highgate, which is a Sanctuary for all those that are pursued by Justice, and from whence no person can be taken without an express Warrant from the King. Toward Evening, as his Majesty returned from the Woman's Palace to the Place where he gives his Audiences, it was told him that all the Armenians were got together in a riotous manner under the High Gate, and that they cried out against the General for threatening to imprison 'em. To which the King made answer, What do those Armenians do there? I have pardoned 'em, and acquitted the Imposition of Meal which was laid upon 'em by Hali-Kouli-Kaan by my Order. All which the General, being present, heard, but said not a word, though mad in his mind that he had missed his aim. Presently several of the Officers ran with the news to the Armenians in the Gate; but blinded by their Destiny, instead of going home, they thought it had been a snare only to draw 'em thence, and arrest 'em when they had got 'em out of the Sanctuary; so that they would not stir, till they saw the King's Grace confirmed under his Seal.  
With this Resolve of theirs, the same Officers returned to the King: but then the General finding his opportunity, Sir, said he, had I not reason to represent to your Majesty as I did, that the Armenians were a company of Dogs, a rebellious sort of people that submit to your Majesty more for fear then force? Does not your Majesty see that they despise your Royal Word? Refusing to rely upon it, or to obey your Orders? But they would force your Majesty to give 'em in writing what your sacred Lips have pronounced? Was ever such a matchless piece of Impudence ever heard of?  
Thou speakest reason, replied the Prince; they deserve my displeasure, and to be punished. Send, and let their Guts be ripped up; They are Dogs.  
Upon these words the Officers were ready to execute the Monarch's Sentence; but the General made 'em a sign to stay a little. For besides that he had no design upon their Lives, but only upon their Purses; he considered that such a bloody Execution, and the loss of so many industrious and understanding Merchants would be very prejudicial to the Kingdom; and therefore falling upon his Knees, and imploring his Majesty's Pardon in behalf of those miserable Creatures. Sir, said he, they are unworthy your Majesty's displeasure; Let 'em live; it will be a sufficient punishment to bleed their Purses of a round Sum of Money. Well then, said the King, let their Fine be four times the value of the Meal which was demanded of 'em. Which came to fifteen thousand pound sterling. Immediately, contrary to any precedent that had ever been seen in Persia, the Armenians were hurried from their Sanctuary, which till then had been always held inviolable, and committed into the hands of their Enemy, who sent 'em prisoners to a fair Palace formerly belonging to the Mir-aab, or the Prince of the Waters, where they had order to remain till they had paid their full Fine.  
This Imprisonment made 'em look about 'em, so that they petitioned the General the same day for their Release, and that in acknowledgement of his favour they would give him the two hundred Tomans which he had formerly desired to borrow, and that for their Fine, they would summon the whole Town of Julfa, and cause a Contribution to be made for raising the Sum imposed; for that as for themselves they were not able to pay it. How! cried the General, Dogs as they are, do they think the Sum imposed is to be paid by any other than themselves? Do they imagine, that they who are rich shall be exempt from the Burden for the Poor to pay it? They talk of making the Burrow contribute, but 'tis his Majesty's pleasure that the Rich shall pay, and not the poor Mechanics and such as have no Trade. The Merchants alone are able to pay a Fine of fifteen thousand pounds; and therefore no more words, nor no more contending, unless they intent to have this Fine doubled.  
Nevertheless the Armenians persisted to plead their want of Money, and that it was impossible for 'em to raise such a Sum. But at length there were two Indians, who whether out of their own good Nature, or whether it were at the request of the Armenians, who went to the General, and offered to advance the said Sum of fifteen thousand pounds for the Armenians, provided they would engage to repay it with Interest, to which they agreed; and so the business was concluded in four days; and all the rest were released but only the Governor, who remained a Prisoner still for some Weeks till the whole Sum was fully paid; that is to say, four thousand Tomans for the King, and five hundred to the General of the Army, which make some eighteen thousand pounds. And thus you see what these People got by being wedded so stiffly to their own Interests, for refusing the crafty old General the thousand Crowns, which was all at first by him desired.  
This Fine so considerable was not paid neither by all the Armenians, but by those only who are called Giculfali. And here for his better Information, the Reader is to understand, that Giulfa, which is a part of the Suburbs of Ispahan, is inhabited altogether by Christians that came out of Armenia, though not at all from one part, and therefore they are divided into two sorts of Colonies. Of which the Principal is the Colony of the Giulfali, so called as being once the Inhabitants of Jiulfa a small Town in Armenia, built upon the Banks of Araxis, who built this Burrow when they were transplanted to Ispahan, and gave it the name of their former Habitation. Since, and in these latter times the other Armenians, being constrained to remove from the Village where they had before seated themselves at one end of Ispahan, came and settled at the end of this new Town, adding new buildings to it, which make four distinct Quarters, the one called the Quarter of the Hirvanli, the other of the Nakshivanli, as being Peopled by the Native Inhabitants of two Cities in Armenia, Nackchivan and Hirvan. The other two are called Shams-abadi, Sheik-Sabani, in regard that they who inhabit 'em formerly lived in the two Suburbs of Ispahan, Shams-abad, or the Habitation of the Sun, and Sheik-Sabana, the Habitation of the Ancient Mason. Now this Fine of eighteen thousand pounds was only paid by the first; the rest, against whom the General had no such Antipathy, were discharged all together from the Imposition of Meal only for fifteen thousands pounds weight.  
The Guebres, who are the ancient Persians or Fire Worshippers, and who live at the farthest end of the Town, were wholly discharged upon their pleading Poverty; it being well known that they were a miserable sort of People, and under great distress.  
The General of the Army, within a small while after caused a Fine of thirty thousand pounds to be paid to his Majesty, and indeed upon a much more rational and juster score, by the Multani, who are a sort of Indian Banians, so called from Multan, one of the chief Cities of India, and the first that lies next to Persia toward Kaud-Dar, because the first that frequented Persia came from that City. Now two of these Indians had Intelligence several years since with the Ministers of the Indian King, and served him as Spies at Ispahan, to give him private intelligence of all the Affairs and Intrigues of the Persian Court and Kingdom: nor did they fail to write upon all opportunities, and at that time taking hold of the opportunity of the Caravan which in the Spring time goes to the Indies, they sent Letters by that Caravan, among other things, that Aureng-Zeb (for that was the Indian Monarches name) should not let slip this advantage of invading Persia; That he could never desire a more favourable Conjuncture, then that which now invited him; That there was nothing to hinder his Victorious March even to Ispahan itself; for that the Prince himself was very Young, wanting both Experience and Courage: that he who bore all the sway under him, was an old Tyrant, the General of the Army; but in regard of his Age unfit for War; and for his other Ministers, besides that they were persons that had neither Courage nor Conduct, they were disgusted with the Government. More than this, that there was a very great scarcity in the Country of all things necessary for humane support, especially in the Metropolis, where there was a general murmuring against the disorders and bad management of the Government; and that the general Rumours were, that Persia was attacked in several places. In a word, that the Indians could never have such an opportunity to conquer the Kingdom, and retake Kand-Dar. In these Letters also were enclosed the Portraitures of the King, and all the Principal Ministers and Officers of State, which those Indians had prevailed with a Painter to draw for a good Sum of Money, on purpose to send to the Indian that they might be known to the Monarch of that Country.  
This Plot was discovered by a little Slave belonging to the Painter. For about six Weeks after the setting forth of the Caravan, his Master having beaten him to excess, he attempted a Revenge above his Age and Condition. He ran to the General of the Army's house, and desired he might be admitted to speak with the General in private. But the Servants at first would not permit him with a trifle of no importance to interrupt the General, who had always an incredible Crowd of People waiting upon him, and a multitude of business upon his hands. Till at length being importunate to speak with him, and urging the weight of the secret which he had to discover, the Guards informed the General, who sent for him into his presence, and demanded what he would have. To whom the Slave made answer, with an undaunted courage, that it was not a secret to be discovered, but if he pleased to order the People to withdraw, or to retire himself, he should know his business in private. Notwithstanding all this the General at that time made little reckoning of what he said, and they assured me that it was three days before the General would trouble himself to examine him. Till at length the Slave persevering in his resolution never to discover any thing but to himself in private, the General moved by his perseverance, sent for him into a little Cabinet, where he discovered that his Master had drawn the Portraitures of the King and all the Grandees of the Court, and had sold 'em privately to the Indians to send into India; that three Dervicks (such are those that out of a Religious Motive make a profession of Poverty) carried those Portraitures into India, and that they came to his Master with the Indians, and hid 'em under the tattered Garments that they wore: that they hid certain Letters also in the same manner at the same time, but of which he knew not the Contents, and that they went away with the Caravan for Caudar.  
The General of the Army was at a stand whether he should give credit to the Deposition of this Slave or no. He tried him sometimes with threats, sometimes with promises to see if he could find him any way tripping or various in his story; not knowing but that it might be a falsehood of the Slaves Invention. But when he found him resolute in the same tale, and still affirming Positively the same thing: and that he affirmed it with all the Oaths which among the Persians are esteemed to be most dreadful, and that he offered his Life as a Gage of what he had said; the General resolved to dive into the bottom of the Affair. Thereupon he dispatched away two Horsemen after the Caravan, with a Warrant under the King's hand to seize the persons that were accused of carrying those Letters and Portraitures. Which two Horsemen in a month's time overtook the Caravan, and knowing the Derwicks' by the descriptions which the Slave had given, brought 'em Prisoners to Ispahan.  
When they were brought to the General of the Army, he sent for the Slave, and asked him if he knew those poor people, and if they were the persons that carried the Letters and Portraitures. The Slave assured him that they were the men, and pressed 'em so home that they began to stagger in their Answers. Thereupon the General caused their clothes to be searched, and their Tatters to be unripped, and there, as the Slave had declared, he found the Portraitures and the Letters sowed up in several places. All which were carried to the King, who having seen the Contents of the Letters fell into such a passionate Rage, that he resolved to put to death one part of the Multani Indians, and to exterminate the rest out of his Dominions, though they were above twenty thousand. But the Generalissimo, and the Chief Minister endeavoured to appease him, and humbly represented to him, that it was not reason to punish the Innocent with the Guilty. In the mean time they could not make any discoveries of the Authors of the Letters; for the Derwicks', notwithstanding all the Torments and Tortures they were put to, would discover nothing: constantly affirming, that they knew not who they were, nor their names, nor had ever been at their Houses. That as for what had been found about 'em, they met with those things in their Bundles at the Painters, and that the Indians that brought 'em, never told them either their Names, or their Habitations.  
Now in regard their Names were not subscribed in the Letters, the General knew not what course to take to sift out the truth. He had caused the Principal of the Multani to be apprehended, to the number of two hundred, but they were all released again except three, who paid for those that were guilty, if they themselves were not the very persons, (for it never could be made out, and the suspicions were very slight) and therefore being thus in the dark, it was thought sufficient to confiscate a part of so much of their Estates as they could discover, which they found to amount to vast Sums; of which nevertheless, out of mere pity they took no more than eight Thousand Tomans, or thirty thousand pounds: The rest was left 'em upon their pleading that what seemed to be theirs, belonged to Merchants that lived in the Indies. As for the three persons that carried the Letters and Portraitures, and the Painter, they were drubbed with a witness; nor were they released till their Feet were swelled as big as their Heads with the violence of the blows.  
At the same time Sha-Naavaz-Kaan, Prince Governor of Georgia, sent his Son to the Court of Persia to desire the King to bestow upon him the Employment of Daroga, or grand Provost of Ispahan, which appertained to him of right, according to former agreements between the Kings of Persia, and the Princes of Georgia. To which demand his Majesty was very unwilling to condescend, because he had already given away the Place: but his Ministers of State acknowledging the justness of his claim, spoke so effectually to the King, that the Georgian was invested in the Employment, and Kelb-Haly-Bek was ordered to resign, who was recompensed with an Employment altogether as considerable.  
For the better understanding of which passage we must observe, that when Habas the Great became the Master of Georgia (which he obtained rather by slight then by force.) by those snares into which he drew poor Temuraz-Kaan, who was the last King of Georgia; he proposed to him great advantages, provided he would submit himself to his Empire, and acknowledge his Sovereignty; and among the rest that the Employment of Grand Provost of Ispahan should for the future belong to one of the Children of the Prince of Georgia, and that it should descend by inheritance to his Successors to perpetuity. Which has been faithfully all along observed to this time, and the Son of the Prince of Georgia always hol'ds that Employment.  
A third Vacancy was also supplied, that is to say, the Government of Shamaky, which encompasses one part of the Southern Media, and another of Hyrcania. And this was given to Sepher-Kouli-Kaan, or the Princely Slave of the Armies. It became vacant by the Death of Negef-Kouli-Kaan, one of the bravest Lords of Persia, generous and stout, who by his Resolution and Courage had raised himself to that high Dignity. The European Merchants trading in Jewels have often tasted of his generous Liberality; for he did not only satisfy 'em for their Jewels, but carress'd 'em with Habits, Presents, and good Cheer.  
During these Transactions in the Capital City of Persia, the Frontiers were greatly apprehensive of a War, that threatened 'em from all parts. Courriers came thick and threefold to Ispahan, some from the Confines of Bactria, Hyrcania, and Media, who brought intelligence of several designs which the Kossacks, the Yusbeks, and other Tartars were suspected to be forming against the Empire. Others from the Confines toward Turkey and India, who brought no less unpleasing Tidings. However at Court they feared no War but only from those two sides, especially the latter: for the Turks had their hands full at Candy.  
As for the Indian King, all concurring Probabilities made 'em conjecture that he would engage in a War against Persia. For besides that he was naturally of a haughty and Ambitious Disposition; that he was quiet at home, and had nothing to fear from abroad, he had a fair pretence to revenge the Affronts which his Ambassador Terviet-Kaan had received in Persia. For in the Life of Habas II. we shall give a full account of that Ambassador, who came to Ispahan in the year 1664. according to our account, with a Train of eight thousand men: as also of the Presents which he brought, so rich as is hardly to be believed, as well in respect of those which the King accepted, as those which he refused. We shall also there declare the Occasion of his Embassy, and of his stay in the Court of Persia, the public Affronts which Habas put upon him, on purpose in his Own to affront the Person of his Master Aureng-Zeeb, and to revenge himself for his delay in not sending his Ambassador before; and lastly, we shall describe the Presents which the King of Persia gave the Ambassador to carry to his Master.  
Habas II. died about fifteen days before the Indian Ambassador arrived at his own Master's Court; who therefore not knowing as yet of his Death, and having had an account from his own Ambassador of the bad usage he had received in the Court of Persia, testified his resentment with a more than ordinary fury. He presently degraded Terviet-Kaan, upbraiding him for a Coward, and telling him he should rather have died then have suffered such affronts. He caused all the goodly Horses which the Persian had sent him, to the number of Sixcore, to be brought out into the great Piazza of Dehly, his Royal Residence, and there cut off their Legs. Afterwards, he caused all the costly Stuffs of Gold and Silk, the Turquoises, and all other Presents sent him by the Persian Monarch to be publicly burnt, and, as if he resolved to declare open War, he forbade his Subjects all manner of Commerce with the Persians either by Land or Sea, and sent express Orders to all the Ports of India that no Indian Vessels should stir out of the Kingdom. The news of these proceedings coming to Ispahan made most people believe that nothing but a War was intended, and every one prepared for it. But they that had a deeper reach, were not so positive in their judgements, though they durst not discover their thoughts. But he who most upheld this news of an Indian War, and gave most credit to it, was Gemshid-Kaan-Koular, Agacie, General of the Slaves, a great Favourite at Court, and as a Friend esteemed by the General of the Army. This same Grandee, being one of the falsest persons that ever were, during the first nine Months of the New King's Reign, had contrived so many dangerous designs, as well against the Meaner sort as against the Grandees, that at length some of his practices being discovered, he became odious to all, and had drawn upon himself the Universal hatred of the Courtiers; so that he was sufficiently apprehensive that he could not resist so many Enemies. True it is, that he had the favour of the King and the General of the Army; yet was it not so assured that he could promise himself the continuance of it for any long time. Therefore he thought the safest Course he could take at such a ticklish conjuncture was to retire as far from the Court as he could under a specious and very honourable pretence. And in regard the Government of Candabar presented him an opportunity so favourable to his design he endeavoured to have the Grant of it.  
To that purpose he laboured the confirmation of the false reports that were spread of the War which the King of the Indies threatened against Persia. He gave his Majesty Intelligence, which he said was most certain, that the Indian Prince was coming to besiege Candabar with a mighty Army; that the better to accomplish his designs, and draw the Yusbecs to his Party, he had sent 'em fifty Lacres of Roupies, amounting to about six hundred thousand pounds sterling, upon condition that they would declare open Hostilty against Persia: that Aurengh Zeeb himself had already taken the Field. In a word, he knew so well how to lay his Stories so cunningly together, and to render the Terrors and Affrights which he forged so probable, that all the business was now to apply remedies to those Mischiefs that were thought to be so near approaching, and so dangerous. Thereupon he counterfeits himself to be the most faithful Subject, and most passionate for his Country's welfare in the World. He vowed that he himself should be the Korban, as they call it, or the Sacrifice that would be offered for the safety of the People, and that he would go himself to Kandaar, and there expose his own Person to the first Assaults of his Enemies. He also engages the General of the Army in this Intrigue; who besides was willing enough of himself to return him like for like, and to repay him for the kindness he had done him, as we have already related. The King therefore persuaded by these two Lords that were his Confidents, the one the General of his Armies, and the other General of his Slaves, granted to the latter what he contended for with so much heat, and gave him a Commission to raise men for Kandaar, with hopes of the Government itself in a short time. Which was no small joy to this same contriver of Wiles and Intrigues, who thereby thought himself safe sheltered from all those mischiefs which his turbulent spirit had brought upon him.  
We have already told ye that this Lord was always looked upon as a notorious Cheat, and that in the Reign of Habas II. being supported by the favour of his Prince he had put a hundred tricks upon the Court: that he took money at that time of all that offered it him: promising to help 'em to the Offices and Employments for which they sued: but that when he had their money, he presently forgot all his Promises: that it was his pastime to sow discord, and kindle the Coals of Dissension: that he forged dangerous Calumnies and Accusations against his Competitors, and with a brazen forehead uttered 'em to the King for real Truths. As to other things he was a comely well proportioned Person, a man of great Courage and Wit, dextrously handled his Arms, and liberal to Magnificence: so that he might have passed for one of the bravest men in the World, had it not been for that same black Malignity that infected all the rest of his Actions. In a word, there never was in one man a greater Medley of good and bad Qualities.  
His good Qualities gained him the affection of his Masters; his bad ones rendered him odious and formidable to his Equals: and having gained the Affection of his Young Sovereign, as he had won the favour of his Father, he practised the same fooleries under the new Prince as before.  
One of the first mischievous Pranks fell upon Mirza Ibrahim, or Abraham, Vazier, or Royal Farmer of Azour-beyan or Media; which is one of the richest in all Persia. From this person he squeezed four thousand pounds, and withal brought him into so much trouble that he caused him to lose the greatest part of his Estate, and to fall under that displeasure of his Prince, that he could never since recover himself, nor is it thought he ever will. And thus it happened: The General of the Slaves having a design to get that Sum of four thousand pounds, addresses himself to the Nephew of that rich Farmer; for the Uncle was then at Tauris where his Employment lay. This was a young Gentleman, the Son of Mirza Sadek or just Lord, Farmer also of the Province of Fars, not inferior to the other for profit. And this Young Lord had also at Court the Employment of Erbaeb Tahuel, or Chief Surveyour of the King's Buildings and Houses in Ispahan. To whom the General of the Slaves one day, taking him aside thus delivers himself. What makes thy Uncle Mirza-Ibrahim now at Tauris? Why does he not come to Court? Is there any more fit than he to supply the place of Prime Minister? Mahomet Mekdy who enjoys it at present is a Bufflehead, and a Changeling, unfit to manage public business. I partly know the King intends to confer his Employment upon some body more worthy; Nor can I tell where there is a person more fit for such an important Trust than Mirza Ibrahim. And I believe I could with little trouble procure it for him by the help of some Presents, which should not be very expensive neither. If thou wilt give me a thousand Tomans (or four thousand pounds) I dare undertake, instead of a Vazier of a Province to make him Grand Vizier of all Persia.  
To this the young Lord replied, that he would consider of it: and no sooner had he left the General, but he dispatches in all hast a Courier to his Uncle, to let him know what the General of the Slaves had proposed to him. Upon which the Vazier by the same Courier sends an Order to his Nephew to pay the Money demanded; which was done accordingly. Soon after another Courier arrives at Ispahan from Myrza Ibrahim. For he assured himself of his advancement to the Chief Ministry, and so much the rather, because he conceived himself fit for such a Dignity, as indeed he was; and therefore to facilitate his Preferment, by the same Courier he besought leave of his Majesty that he might come and kiss his Feet; since it could be no prejudice to his Majesty, in regard his Son was able to supply his Place. The other Ministers, who knew nothing of the Intrigue, never imagined that such a permission could be any way prejudicial to their Interests, or that it was only a pretence for the foundation of a more Important Design. So that his Request was granted, and an Order signed for him to come and kiss the King's Feet, leaving his Son to supply his Place.  
While these two Courriers were coming and going, a report, that was only whispered about, came to the Ears of Mirza Ibrahams' Nephew, that the General of the Slaves was ready to depart for Candaar. Thereupon he labours more exactly to inform himself, and understanding it was too true, he bethought himself of the Thousand Tomans which he had paid him in his Uncle's behalf, which were like to be lost if he did not speedily look about him. Thereupon he went and gave the General of the Slaves a Visit, and civilly hinted to him to be mindful of the promise which he made to bring his Uncle into his Majesty's favour, and of the Money which he had paid him upon that consideration: that he understood the General of the Slaves was going to leave the Court, to the ruin of his Uncle's Interest: or at least if the business should succeed it would not by his procurement; and therefore besought him to return the four thousand pounds which he had paid him. At which request the General of the Slaves did not seem to be in the least offended; but made answer, that 'twas all the reason in the world, and so appointed a certain time to repay the Sum. Which time being come, he sent him away again with the same answer from one day to another. Still Mirza Ibrahim's Nephew followed him close without letting any opportunity slip: but still the young Lord was as careful to speak softly, or when he was alone, for fear of divulging a secret that would have been the ruin of his own and his Uncle's Family. At length the General of the Slaves, ashamed of having put off the young Lord so many times, and now being run to the end of his Rope, as one that had no more Excuses to make, he resolved to break off at once with the Vazier, that he might deliver himself from his importunate Solicitor. To this purpose, one Evening, at the time that he was ready to go to his Prayers, and from thence to Court (for 'tis the Custom of the mahometans to say their Prayers in Public) perceiving the young Lord at a distance advancing toward him, he took that opportunity when there was a great number of People and several persons of Quality to hear him; at what time, as soon as the young Lord came near him, fetching a deep sigh, and lifting up his Eyes and Arms to Heaven, Good God, said he, what shall I do with this man, he pursues me every where like a Criminal, he will not give me time to say my Prayers; he haunts me, going into my Haram among my Women; I find him at my heels wherever I go; prithee Friend what wouldst have me do to satisfy thee? Am I King of Persia, to create thy Uncle Prime Minister of State? Prithee go to his Majesty; the business does not lie in my Power.  
You may easily judge what a Thunder Clap this was to the young Lord: he would not for ten times the Sum that he had provoked those Expressions from a man so ill principled; he repented with all his heart that he had pressed him so close, but 'twas too late: for Mirza Ibrahim's Plot was thereby discovered; and all the Court that knew him rightly, believed 'twould cost his Ambition sauce; as indeed it fell out.  
By a Quirk of the same nature, the General of the Slaves had already formerly hooked out of the Nazir or Lord Treasurer's Pocket three hundred Tomans, which make a thousand pound, at the time that the Court returned to Ispahan. To which purpose the cunning Fox went to him at his house, all in a heat, and after he had drawn him aside, Sir, said he, I come to assure you, that your Head, which the practice of your Enemies had endangered, is now secure. The King at first began to listen to their Calumnies, so that had not I interposed for your safety, the King was resolved neither to have sent you the Habit, nor the Patent Royal. The General of the Musquetteers was he that did you the most prejudice, which caused a Quarrel between us; I suppose you will acknowledge the kindness we have done you.  
The same Prank he played Mirza Moumen, that is, Lord without Blot, the Nazir, or Superintendant of the Stables, who was drawn in by him for about nine thousand pounds by making him believe that he had protected him against Potent Accusers, who sought to bring him under his Majesty's displeasure. But that was not all, for that he was resolved to employ his Credit with his Master, as to raise him from being Treasurer of the Stables to be Treasurer of the King's Demeans, in the room of Mac-Soud-Bec, who undeservedly enjoyed the Employment, and whose head already tottered upon his shoulders; for that the King was resolved that none of those should live who had opposed his Advancement to the Throne.  
Upon his Departure also, that he might leave some marks behind him of his malicious Cunning, he resolved to set the King's two Chief Eunuches (who are petty Kings in the Palace) together by the ears to the mutual perdition of each other; that is the Mehther or Lord Chamberlain; and the Aga Moubarek, or Overseer of the Queen Mother's Household.  
To that purpose he went to the High Chamberlain, to tell him as a secret of great Importance, and which the Friendship he had for him, obliged him to reveal, that Aga Moubarek took all opportunities to slander and accuse him to the King, but that his wickedness fell upon his own head: for that he had often heard his Majesty say, that he could no longer endure the Backbiting Tongue and Malignity of that person; that he was resolved to have put him to death, and had done it already, had it not been for some remainder of kindness he has for him; for the service he did him at his Father's death stopped his displeasure. At the same time he went to Aga Moubarek, and told him also the very same Story of the Chamberlains Inveteracy against him. So that the two Eunuches fostered for some time a secret and implacable hatred one against the other: both expecting when the effects of the Prince's Anger would break out to the ruin of his Enemy, according as the General of the Slaves had fed their hopes. But the time being elapsed, and nothing happening of what they were made believe; they began to doubt the truth of what he had informed 'em. And therefore knowing the Author of the Story to be a great forger of Lies, they resolved to find out the truth.  
The Mehther or High Chamberlain was the first that discovered it. For being saluted one day with the usual Compliments, the Great Chamberlain coldly replied, There's a Tongue that coldly salutes my Ears, but stabs me to the heart, and then drawing him aside, What unkindness, said he, have I done you, that you should go about to procure my death, by rendering me odious to the Prince as you do every day: all my comfort is, you will not be so successful in your enterprise as you think for.  
Aga Moubarek finding thereby a Gate opened for discovery, 'Tis not for you, said he, but for me to complain. For is it not you that have been continually pealing in the King's Ears such and such stories concerning me; which had been enough to have taken away my life, had his Majesty given credit to your Tales, but thanks be to God they were not believed.  
The two Eunuches were so strangely surprised to find themselves upbraided with the same unkindnesses, that they began to compare their accusations of each other, with which they were charged, and that Examination at last discovered that it was but a Romance, though a pernicious Romance, which the General of the Slaves had composed to set those two Lords together by the Ears, and to make his advantage of their quarrelling. Nevertheless seeing the dark contrivance had not succeeded altogether, they dissembled their resentment at present, and said nothing: resolving to wait for an opportunity of Revenge, which they vowed should never escape 'em, whenever it offered itself.  
These Eunuches are very ready at these kind of dark Contrivances: there being no people in the World that know how to carry on a private Revenge by close and covert means, and then give fire to the Mine of a sudden, so well as they do: nor did they fail to pay this crafty Deceiver in his own Coin; For it is thought that they were the persons who mainly contributed to his disgrace and death.  
But now so soon as the General of the Slaves had received his Commission for the Government of Cand-daar, and to withstand the Invasion of the Indians, he began to raise Soldiers at Ispahan, which he caused to be exercised every day, with so much exactness, as if the Enemy had been at the Gates: and after he had mustered together four thousand, all stout proper fellows, he declared he would raise no more, that Recruit being sufficient: and he ordered his business so well by the assistance of the General of the Army, that the King, whom they assured that the Enemy was at hand, caused his dispatches to be made for Serdaar or Chief General of Kandar, and the Territories belonging to it, and made him Governor of the Province and City itself, being a famous Garrison, and the Key of the Kingdom toward India. It is seated upon three rising Grounds, which defend each other; the Persians esteeming it impregnable, and it is a Proverb amongst 'em, Who shall take the Habitation of security? Alluding to the word Candaar, which signifies the same thing.  
Before this Lord departed he obtained of the King, that his Brother Phereidon-Bek, should supply his Place of General of the Slaves, as his Lieutenant, till his Son, to whom the Prince had granted the Reversion, should be of years to manage it himself: and not content with that, he also procured an Order from the King, by which his Majesty gave him leave to come to Court when he pleased, without ask leave. And thus Gemshid-Kaan departed well satisfied, conceiving with himself, that he had craftily disintangl'd himself from all those troubles which his ill management had brought upon him at Court.  
Some few days after this Lord was thus departed there was no more talk of the War; on the other side it was evident there would be none. For the report ran about, that Aureng-Zeeb understanding that Habas II. was dead, and that his Successor was but young and unexperienced, scorned the Encounter of so trivial an Enemy. Which Rodomontado of the Indian Prince to save his Honour might have held good in the time of the Rustans, who were the Amadis' of Persia, at what time they never entered into Combat but for Honour. But now Monarches never fight hand to hand, nor in single Duels to try each others strength. But they fight Army against Army, and their only aim is the Conquest of Cities and Provinces, assailing whatever they think they can master.  
All the World knew that for three months after the death of Habas II. was known in the Indies, the Prince of that Country still continued his preparations of War, in order to the besieging of Candaar; of which this was an evident proof, for that all that while, all Commerce was forbidden with Persia as before. Which would not have been, had the Indian Prince abandoned his designs of the War, in derision of his feeble Enemy, whom he thought too young to be the subject of his Triumphs.  
The truth was, as I have heard from very Intelligent persons. that Aureng-Zeeb was diverted from his Enterprise by the Princess his Sister, who used these Arguments to him, That it was not proper for him to hazard the Honour he had won; that till that time he had Reigned in high Reputation, which he could never lose so long as he kept himself quiet. That Fortune could not make him greater than he was, but that she might prove froward to his prejudice. That the taking of Candaar was no such easy thing, which his Father had twice with two potent Armies attempted in vain. That the chiefest part of his Courtiers being Persians, they would serve him very unwillingly, and assist him but coldly; and in a word; That if he did not succeed in the War, it would be a stain to his Reputation, which he would never be able to wipe out. Especially since his Reputation had no need of this Conquest to aggrandise itself, as being sufficient to support itself without it. To which reasons of his Sister the Prince submitted: and without doubt he did wisely: there being nothing so true as what the Princess told him, that there was little to be got by the Enterprise, but much to be lost.  
The General of the Slaves before, now General of the Armies, had not been gone above a Month from Court, when Mirza-Ibrahim arrived at Ispahan in a trembling and quivering condition, after he had been put in such great hopes. For he had been informed at Tauris, what a Trick the General of the Slaves had put upon him, and how he had discovered the whole secret of his Project. However having received a permission to come to Court, there was a necessity for him to go: so that being reduced to this extremity he was not so eager upon his journey: he made but slow preparations, and delayed his departure as long as possibly he could: excusing himself sometimes by reason of the bad weather, the bad Position of the Planets, or his own Indisposition of body. But at length go he must, but he travelled such easy days journeys, that he spent double the time that he needed to have done; and perhaps he did it to shun his meeting with the General of the Slaves upon the Road, being upon his march to his New Government.  
How he was received at Court you may easily judge: for there was not one living soul that vouchsafed him a kind look. So that to mollify the hearts of the Grand Ministers and Potent Lords, he was forced to expend a good part of the Treasure that he had hoarded up, and to suffer himself to be despoiled of that which he had pillaged from the People.  
And as for the Grand Ministers the better to accomplish their design of squeezing Rich Presents out of his Coffers, they backed all Complaints that were made against him at Court. For you must understand that in Persia, every private Person, let his Condition be never so mean, is allowed to bring his Complaints against the Governors, Royal Farmers, and other Persons, who have any Authority over 'em. So that when the Grandees at Court have a mind to ruin any great Personage in the Provinces abroad, there usual Policy is to support the Complaints of the Oppressed; and to make 'em the more Ponderous, they invite all that will come, and then cause 'em to appear at the Palace in shoals to demand Justice. Which course was taken with this same Lord. But in regard the Principal Courtiers had no mind utterly to ruin him, which had been only a particular benefit to the King; but rather to show him, that it lay in their power, to the end they might make their best advantage of him themselves, they would not suffer the Clamours of his Impeachers to run too high; but satisfied the greatest part, by causing him to restore to his most dangerous Accusers a part of what he had extorted from them.  
But among all the rest his greatest Enemy at Court was that Brutish Old Signior, the Generalissimo, Hali-Kouli-Kaan, who mortally and so openly hated him, that he would neither accept of his Visits, nor his Presents. The reason of which animosity was, because that in the Reign of Habas II. about twelve years before his death, when the General of the Army, being then in his Government of Tauris, fell a second time under the displeasure of his Prince, for the reasons already related, and after a Confiscation of all his Goods, was sent a Prisoner to Casbin, Mirza-Sadek, Brother of this Mirza-Ibrahim, being at that time Farmer Royal of the same City and Province, was appointed Commissioner by his Majesty for the sale of those Confiscated Goods: At what time he carried himself so rigorously that he took away the very Tombans or Linen Drawers belonging to his Wives, and sold 'em in open Market: for in regard the disgraced Lord had several Wives, and for that the Persian Ladies are all sumptuously habited; there are some of these under-Drawers that are worth thirty or forty Crowns; so that a good number might come to a great deal of Money.  
This Affront touched the General to the Quick, and enraged him to that excess against the whole Family, that he gave it its full swinge, first against the Vazier himself, who had given him the Affront. For after he was restored, and found he had power to do what he pleased, he sent for him, and not so much as vouchsafing to see him when he arrived, he caused him to be shut up in his Stables; where to do him the greatest Injury that could be done him in Persia, he exposed him to the beastly Passion of six lusty Grooms.  
Mirza Ibrahim was not ignorant of all this, and knew how far the Transports of his Pride and Cruelty was able to carry him: he saw him newly restored, and advanced to the third dignity in the Kingdom; and that which was of more importance, that he was the Chief in favour, and that the King listened to him as his Governor. For those reasons he conjectured rightly that among those that sought his ruin, there was not any one who had more Power, or a greater good Will. Therefore he resolved to purchase his favour, whatever it cost him; or if he could not oblige him to do him a kindness, at least that he would be pleased to hold his tongue. To which purpose he went to give him a Visit, desiring he might be admitted to pay him Reverence. At first when the Vazier entered the General of the Army pretended not to see him, but feigning as if his head ached, called for a Couch to lie down, where after he had lain about two hours, he retired into his Palace, leaving a great throng of People that waited without to come another time, and among the rest Mirza Ibrahim.  
However Mirza Ibrahim would not take this for a denial, but returned the next day; To whom the General, taking no notice that he had demanded leave to be admitted to make his salutation in the great Hall where he dispatched all Comers and Goers, gave him no Answer, so that the poor Lord was forced to stand three hours together among the Officers and Common Persons; and after that he passed by him without so much as looking upon him, and so took horse before his Palace Gate. Mirza Ibrahim followed him; and keeping close to him, ever now and then gave him the usual Salute of My Lord, peace be with ye, and that so loud that he might easily be heard. At first the General of the Army said nothing to him; but finding the other still pursue him, tired with his importunate Compliments, turning about, Gidi segh, Cursed Dog, said he, what have I to do with thee, or thou with me? Go to the Devil, and let me never see thee more. And having so said, he caused his Servants to thrust him away.  
Poor Mirza Ibrahim seeing himself so coursely used, made trial of Presents, the great Spring that moves the whole Court of Persia. To that purpose he sent the General two thousand Tomans, which the General refused: the other believing 'twas too little sent again two thousand five hundred; which were sent back as before; then he sent three thousand, which had no better acceptance; after that four thousand, which still could make no impression in the haughty Spirit of the Exasperated Lord: So that at length he sent five thousand Tomans, which comes to twenty thousand pounds. And then, somewhat suppled, he invited Mirza Ibrahim two days after to his Megeles, or Public Feast: nevertheless he showed him no particular Civility, nor said any thing to him, more than what is usually spoken to all the Guests, Kochs-Geldi, Y'are welcome. I questioned the truth of this Present of twenty thousand pounds when I heard it related the first time, not believing that any person would purchase any man's favour at so dear a Rate, but afterwards upon farther examination I found it to be really true. And I the rather give this Advertisement to the Reader, that he may not mistrust the fidelity of my Relations, or think that I speak by Hearsay, and not upon any exact information.  
All this while the King's distemper increased upon him, that he could ride no longer, so that he never went abroad with his Wives but in a Kagia veh, which are little wooden sheds carried by gread Camels, wherein they usually put their Women, when they go to take the Air.  
In this Condition he continued a month: though all the while he would not forbear his usual recreations with his Wives. The Kourrourks' continued in all the parts round about Ispahan, where the Prince caused all the handsome women to be taken up, and brought to his Haram.  
One day the Queen Mother had a desire to see the Fortress of the City, where are kept all the Curiosities and rarities belonging to the present Monarch, and his Ancestors, whether Presents, or Purchased, or Trophies of their Conquests. To which purpose she persuaded her Son to carry her thither; so that there was a Kourrouk proclaimed all over one part of the City, which was never known, or at least never remembered by any body then alive.  
Now it haepned that one time, as the King was thus sporting himself abroad with his Wives, an Accident fell out, that rendered 'em still more unsupportable to the People. His Majesty at that time lay in the Fields without Ispahan, under Tents, in Harvest time, when the sheaves lay heaped up one upon another in the Grounds, and as he was one that greatly delighted in Fireworks, some flying Rockets were presented him one Evening of an extraordinary weight (for there are some that weigh forty pounds) of which he ordered a trial to be made. But their extraordinary weight hindering the Massy Squib from mounting directly upwards, as it should have done, and so not flying very high, they made a kind of a Semicircle at a distance, which carried 'em a great way into the Fields, where they set the Sheaves on fire, and burned the Corn together with some houses that stood not far off. So that the loss was valued at sixteen thousand pounds; and the misery was, that this accident happened when there was great scarcity of Corn.  
Here I cannot omit a small Circumstance, which has some affinity with what I have already spoken concerning that spacious place full of Trees, and Alleys that compose the Avenues to the Palace; through one of which, called the Royal Alley, the King and his Train went always in and out, to avoid passing through the City. The other great Alleys were adorned with Beds and Borders planted with Flowers and sweet smelling herbs, which together with the Fountains and Rows of Trees caused a very pleasant prospect.  
In the mean time came certain intelligence that the Yusbecks' were entered into the Province of Corason, or Bactriana. The Governor of the Province sent Courier after Courrier to the King for Orders; for that the Enemy was already entered the Kingdom, burning and spoiling all before 'em; and that unless speedily opposed, the Province would be in danger to be lost.  
The Yusbecks' are a People that inhabit to the North of Persia, Possessing all that Country between the Caspian Sea and the Indies; under several petty Sultan's or Princes, absolute within themselves. They are called Yusbecks', at least if the Persian Etymology be true, by reason of the great number of Sovereign Princes by which the Tartars are Governed; for Yus, as well in the Language of the Tartars as Turks, which is but a Dialect of it, signifies a hundred, and Bek, Lords; to show the great number of Masters by which they are Ruled. But those People reject that Etymology, which they say is both false and injurious to 'em; That the true Etymolgy is Yusi, which signifies He in both Languages (though pronounced Yus by cutting off the last Vowel) and Bek, Lord. So that when they say Yusbek, 'tis as much as to say, He the Lord, or He is the Lord; as if these People were the only People upon the Earth that are truly Lords. Such is the pride of this Nation, and the high conceit they have of their own merits. One of the principal Lords of the Persian Court, when he told me this he gave me an account of a certain petty King that Reigned in the Molucca's in the time of Habas the Great, who nevertheless assumed to himself a Grandeur almost equal to his: For he looked upon himself to be the only lawful Lord of the East, and assumed to himself the Title of sole Monarch of it: Saying withal, that he knew not whether there were any other in the West; but that he was well assured, that He himself was Master of that part of the World where he inhabited. For which reason he caused his Dominions to be called by way of Excellency Moulouk; that is to say, the true Kingdoms; for though we pronounce the word Molucca's after our Manner, over all Asia they write and pronounce it Moulouk.  
But among all those petty Princes that Govern Tartary the less, there are three who are accounted the Principal. That is to say, the Prince of Bokora, the Prince of Balk, and the Prince of Carechme, or Orquenge, upon which the rest in some manner or other have have their dependence. In the Reign of Sephi the Second, which the Persians for distinction sake call Mazi, the passed Reign, he being Grandfather to the present King; these Yuzbecks overrunning the Territories of Corasson, or Bactriana and Margiana, were pursued by the Persians, who made a dismal slaughter among 'em; after they had gained a most signal Victory over the Enemy, killing twelve of eighteen Thousand, of which their Body consisted, and taking the rest Prisoners. Among these Captives there was a young Prince, one of the Cheiftaines of the Tartars, descended from the Royal Line of Karechme or Orquenge, who was called Abovel-kazi, or the Father-Arbiter. This Prisoner, being known to be what he was, among the rest of the Prisoners was carried to Ispahan, but his usage was quite different. For Sephi did not look upon him as a Robber, but as a Prince who was only a Prisoner of War, and paid him all those Honours and Civilities due to a Personage of Royal Birth; assigned him a Revenue of fifteen hundred Tomans, which amounts to six thousand pounds; gave him a stately Palace furnished accordingly, a number of Officers, and a suitable Train to attend him. And it was his Pleasure, that the Vazier, or Treasurer to the Governor of Ispahan should take care of his Person, and perform the Office of a Mehmandaar, who is the Person, as we may say, that takes care of the Guests, and is the Master of the Entertainment. This Mehmandaar, for ten years together paid this Tartar-Prince by his Majesty's Order all the Respect and Service which the rights of a most tender Hospitality could reasonably claim; and such as there could not be any thing showed him more obliging in our best civilised Provinces. On the other side, the Prince understood so well how to disguise the natural Savageness and Barbarity of the Tartars, that you would have taken him for a Persian, he behaved himself with such a Grace, and so much affability in all things: So that his Majesty observing him endowed with so many rare Qualities, strained his affection for him so high, that he admitted him into his Megeles or Royal Assemblies, where he ranked him equal with the Grandees of his Kingdom, and for his maintenance assigned him Pensions that were no way inconsiderable.  
During his abode at Ispahan, where he had liberty to go and come as he pleased, only attended by his Mehmendaar and the Guards that were assigned him, more in honour to his Person, then for a Watch on his Freedom; he had still in his mind a natural hankering after his own Country, his Kindred, and that Sovereignty to which he was lawful Heir. The Magnificence, the Mildness, the Beauty and delights of Persia could not eradicate out of his Breast this violent affection for the place of his Nativity. For though it were true, that nothing but Barrenness and a hideous prospect overspread the Country for which he had such a lingering desire, however, it was the place where he was born, and where he was to change the condition of a Slave for that of a Master. Importuned therefore by his own ardent desires he wrote privately to the King of Orquenge his Father, and besought him to endeavour his Liberty. Who having consulted what course to take, pretends an occasion to send an Ambassador into Persia, who brought to the Prince the King his Father's answer. And at length the Prince and the Ambassador agreed upon the manner of his escape; And then the Ambassador after a stay of six Months took his leave of the Court. But than it was that the Prince, when he thought the Ambassador was got beyond the Bounds of Persia, and that it was seasonable for him to make his escape, laid his Plot in this manner.  
He feigned himself one day to be very ill, and gave notice of his Indisposition to the King: He added, that he had tried several medicines to no purpose, and therefore by the advice of his Physicians, he believed there was no other cure for him but by the hot Baths about a days journey from Ispahan, whither he easily obtained leave to retire: at what time the Treasurer to the Governor of Ispahan, whose Employment would not permit him to stir out of the City, gave him for an attendant in his Room one of his Masters Domestic Servants, with a Convoy of fifteen or sixteen Persons.  
At the time prefixed there appeared under the Trees without the Village, near the Baths, whither the Prince pretended to go for his Health, about twenty Yuzbecs all young chosen fellows, nimble, well Mounted, and well Armed with certain Led-Horses. Presently the Prince knew 'em, and without any further Consultation, leaving the small number of Persians, which were then with him, up he gets a Horseback and putting Spurs to his Horse, away he gallops directly forward before his own Troop. There was not any one unless his Persian Guide that followed him, as dreaming of nothing less than the accident that had fallen out, neither had they men enough, nor time to call for more aid. And therefore the Deputy Mehmandaar, seeing he had lost the great Trust that was committed to his charge, all that he could do, in such a surprise, was still to follow him, and try if his prayers and entreaties could move him to return. Sir, said He, what is my Crime, what is my Ill-fortune, or what Offence have I committed against you, that you thus go about to endanger my Head if I return to Ispahan without your Person? What can I expect less then to lose my Head? Nay, I fear the King will not be satisfied with that slight punishment, but without doubt in the excess of his Anger, will order my Bowels to be ripped out of my Belly. To whom the Yusbeck Prince thus briskly answered; I am highly obliged to the King of Persia, but I owe more my own Country and Relations that call me back. 'Tis my Father that sends me these Men, to facilitate my return to my Native soil, in expectation of that Crown which he designs me after his death: if thou wilt go along with me, I will repay thee for all those kindnesses I have received in Persia, and I will make thee one of the Lords of my Kingdom; If not, return in time, and tell thy King that I return him thanks for all his Favours, and that I shall always be his Goulom or Slave, and shall believe myself obliged to him as long as I live: and that in time I will make him sensible of the truth of my Promises. Having so said, he put spurs to his Horse, and flew away with that swiftness, that the Persian Mehmandaar soon lost sight of him. For there is not any Nation under Heaven that ride more swiftly than these Yusbecks'.  
When this escape was known at Ispahan, a great number of Horsemen were sent after the Prince, but all to no purpose, he having got the start so far before 'em: the Court was in an amaze, especially the King, who never dreamt that Abovel-kazi ever dreamed of Tartary; being verily persuaded that after ten years, that he had lived in his Court, he could never have any more remembrance of his own Country.  
But as the Tartar Prince could not forget his own Country, so neither did he forget his obligations to Persia and the Persian Monarch. For all his life-time he had a particular affection for that Kingdom, more especially when he came to succeed his Father; which was presently after his Return. And so long as he Reigned, he was not only careful to keep a good correspondence with Sephi the first, and Habas the second, but he also kept in such awe Sub-haan-Kooli-Kaan, The Prince, the Slave of the Praiseworthy, by which they mean God; and Abdul-hazize-Kaan or the Servant of the Majesty, understood Divine, King of Bokora; the only two Princes which sometimes infested the Confines of Persia, that they were not able to undertake any considerable Enterprise. For when either the one or the other entered Persia, presently he was in the Bowels of their Territories, thereby constraining 'em to return with more haste than they went. And thus all the Frontier Provinces, as Bactriana, Margiana, Drangiana, and the Caspian Coasts enjoyed a profound Peace. So that Habas won by his grateful and constant affection, with the same gratitude repaid the Prince's perseverance, allowing him all along, as a mark of his esteem, the large Pension which he enjoyed in Persia.  
But after that, upon the death of Abovel-kazi the Crown descended to his Son Enouch Kaan, or the Lord of Profit, Habas the Second, who had not that esteem for him which he had for his Father, thought himself no longer obliged to continue the Pension, which he had given his Father merely in kindness. Whereupon Enouch-Kaan, who looked upon that Pension as a sort of Tribute which the Persian Monarch paid the King of Careckme or Orquenge to keep him from Plundering his Territories, finding himself frustrated of his expectation, thought the surest way to recover it, or at least to recompense himself for his losses, would be to carry the War into the Empire, and to Ravage the Frontier Provinces. To which purpose he enters into a League with the two other Kaans' against Persia, and the better to cement it, he espouses the Sister of the Sovereign Prince of Balk, and gives his own Sister in Marriage to the King of Bokora; which done, the three brothers-in-law resolve to fall altogether into the Persian Dominions.  
There was only one scruple that troubled the Prince of Balk and Bokora, which was, that the deceased King of Orquenge, the Father of the present King, was a Shia Mahometan, according to the Persian Worship, and not a Sunni Mahometan according to the Worship both of the Turks and Tartars. Enouch Khan therefore makes open Profession of the Religion of his Country, and of having quitted his Father's belief. But the two Princes mistrusting his sincerity, and fearing he would play 'em some scurvy trick or other, the better to assure themselves that he was a true Sunny, that he was real in his proceedings, and that he was from the bottom of his heart a declared Enemy of Persia, they were desirous that he should first begin the War, and fall in with all his Forces into the Kingdom, and the next year they agreed they would all three join together to advance their Conquests. According to this Resolution the Prince of Orquenge enters the Kingdom, but met with too powerful a resistance. For Habas II. being informed of the Conspiracies of these petty Kings, had Vowed their Ruin, and not only to repel their Incursions, but to make an absolute Conquest of their Territories, to deprive them of Life and Sceptres both together, and unite the Province of Balk to the Empire. For this reason it was that in the year 1665. according to our account he undertook his Progress into Mazenderan, and marched against 'em. The Yusbecks' perceiving the King of Persia at hand, and apprehensive of his Power, failed in the great Courage which they pretended at the beginning, and thought it their better course to submit. So that the next year, 1666. they sent every one their Ambassadors to beg a Peace, and by that means in some measure assuaged the Indignation of that Prince, and suspended those designs which he had contrived in his thoughts, and which by his death not long after happening, proved altogether abortive.  
After his unfortunate death, the Tartars took heart again. Besides, the weak Government of a young Prince whose age and want of experience rendered him uncapable to oppose their designs, was such a favourable Opportunity that they could not forbear to take the advantage of it. And therefore the Prince of Orquenge, like a hungry Lion, in the year 1667. entered Merve Sava, and the Country round about; where finding no resistance; he made strange Havoc, and carried away whatever he found to be of value, not one Persian Governor daring to oppose him. Nor indeed could the Governors prevent it, for these Tartars are like Birds of Prey, flying from the Place they have plundered with that swiftness, before a man can suspect 'em to have been there; besides that they had not a sufficient force to oppose a furious Multitude, whom Revenge and hope of Booty had fleshed and animated beyond the sense of fear or danger.  
The Court having intelligence of these disorders took a resolution to apply Remedies; but it was so remissly and slowly executed, that they who had an insight into things foresaw it would come to nothing, as indeed it came to pass.  
The Council of Persia, under the King's name, made choice of two Lords, esteemed to be Personages of the greatest Experience in the Kingdom, the one called Clichs-Kaan, and the other Sheik-Hali-Kaan, both the one and the other already provided of two of the best Governments in the Empire; the first of the Province of Kirmaan, or Caramania, the other of Kirmoon Shakstone, which is Caldea. These Lords were sent for from their Government, which were disposed of, the one to the Brother, the other to the Son of those Lords; and they themselves were sent against the Yusbeck, with the Title of Generals of the Army. They marched with four thousand men from Ispahan, to join the Army that lay ready in the Province of Corasson; and in regard there was no more talk of the Indian War, the Governor of Candaar, had order to supply the Generals with what Recruits they should think necessary. Six weeks after the departure of these Lords, with their small Body of four thousand men; several Sums of Money were sent to Corasson to pay both the Armies, as well that belonging to the Province as the Indian Recruits. This Treasure was convoyed only by two hundred Men, in regard there was no appearance of any danger upon the Road; and yet, however it came to pass, the Yusbecks' had intelligence of it. Thereupon they sent out a Party to observe the motion of the Convoy, and took their opportunity so well, that with three thousand of their own People they carried off the Booty, notwithstanding all the speed that was made to overtake 'em.  
During these Troubles Hali-Kouli-Kaan departed this Life of a stoppage in his Breast, for which no remedy could be found, after he had kept his Bed four days. In the Story of Persia, which we intent one day for the Press, we have given an account of his Birth, and his Misfortunes; for it was a wonderful thing, that whatever faults he were guilty of, and he committed a great many, Habas II. still pardoned him: he never would reduce him to utmost misery, much less put him to death; because of the good tidings of which he had been the Messenger to him. For this same Lord it was, whom Sephi I. the Father of Habas, perceiving his Distemper grow upon him, sent to fetch the young Prince out of the women's Palace, to the end he might have him ready near his person, out of a design which he had to present him to the Lords for his Successor. Never had any man run through so many strange adventures in fifty years that he belonged to the Court, and seventy of his Life; nor did ever any man experience the fickleness of Fantastic Fortune in her sports of Prosperity and Adversity so much as he did.  
At the time of his Decease he was advanced to the highest Pinnacle that ever his good fortune could raise him. He was in the entire possession of the affection and favours of his Master, who refused him nothing. His Majesty was never weary of his Bounty toward him; and six weeks before his death had presented him with a Sword, a Dagger, and three Heron Tufts, valued in all at fifty thousand Crowns. But these outward Marks of Favour were of little value to the high-prized Power which he had over the thoughts and actions of the Prince, who dispatched no business of Importance before he had taken his Advice. So that it might be said, that the General was the true Monarch of the Persians, while he that carried the Title was but the shadow of the Sovereign. And therefore it was that he lived like a Monarch; there being nothing that appeared about him, that betrayed the least discovery of a private Fortune; for he entertained fifteen hundred men about his Person, besides Officers and Eunuches, of which three hundred at a time mounted his Guards. He got by his Government of Tauris, and his Fees, as Generalissimo, thirty thousand Tomans, or one hundred and twenty thousand pounds; of which he laid aside the one half for the payment of his fifteen hundred men, whom he always took care to have in good Equipage; the rest went to defray the charges of his House-keeping. He had also set up for his own use in his Palace several Kaar-Kaanè or Work-houses for all sorts of Manufactures, where he had mustered together Workmen and Artificers in all manner of Trades; Goldsmiths, Tailors, Saddlers, Armourers, Burnishers, etc. besides Riders for his Horses, and Masters to teach his men how to handle their Arms. In a word, his Palace was altogether Royal. And in this manner was he at continual Expenses; insomuch, that notwithstanding his large Revenue he always was poor and in debt. For besides that he was of a prodigal humour, having neither Wives nor Children to provide for, he never spared for Lustre and Pomp upon all occasions that required it. Nor will it be amiss, considering the high degree that he held in Persia, and the Fantastic Traverses as well in his Fortune, as in the Consequences of his Conduct, to give the Reader a Portraiture of his Person.  
He was of a middle stature, rather inclining to be tall then low: his Aspect grim and terrible, yet without any deformity. He wore his Monstachios very thick, and about three quarters of a foot long: and though threescore and ten years of Age he never used Spectacles, and all his other Senses equally as vigorous as his sight. He performed his Exercises as duly as the young men: nor was he inferior to any other person whatsoever in handling his Bow, his Sword, and other Weapons; which made him always to be looked upon as a brave Soldier: but the more Intelligent sort never believed him a good Captain; looking upon him to be fitter for Counsel then Execution. He was endued with a mixture of Qualities that rarely meet together: on the one side haughty and Choleric; on the other, subtle and a deep dissembler; he knew the proper season to show the violence of his Revenge, and how to take his Measures to the ruin of his Competitors. He could not endure to be contradicted: and it was the misfortune and the greatest trouble in the World to his Servants, that when he asked for any thing, it was a crime to tell him it was not to be had: for without reply they must either put a force upon the very Seasons of the Year and Fortune herself to satisfy him, or else expect to have their bones broken with Bastinadoes. Setting that humour aside, he was affable enough, especially to strangers: to them he was easy of access, and readily granted 'em the favours which they requested. He could neither write nor read in any other Language than his own Natural Georgian. He was a lover of Sciences, though he understood 'em not. He was very much addicted to Predictions and Fortune-telling. And out of an extraordinary want of judgement gave more credit to a Prognostication then to sound Reason.  
The same day he died he was laid in a Mosque close by his Palace; from whence some few days after, he was carried to Metshed, there to be interred under the protection of that great Mahometan Saint, who formerly had lived there, and made choice of that place for his Sepulchre. It is a thing which we may well wonder at, were it not a thing frequent among us, in regard these sudden alterations are to be seen as well in our own as in the Eastern Courts. For as soon as his dead body was carried out of his Palace, about six hours after he had given up the Ghost; that very House which the day before could hardly contain the Crowd that resorted to it, was so wholly deserted that there was hardly one of all that numerous Family that environed him while alive, left to tell a man what was become of their Master.  
His death caused a great alteration at Court, though no body was troubled at it but the King, who had a particular kindness for him. But there were an infinite number that rejoiced at it; especially they who having some share in the favour of which he deprived 'em the full Possession, now hoped to make more room for themselves. So that the Grandees at Court began to take new Measures, and in the midst of those delusions with which their Ambition flattered 'em, every one fancied to himself more daring hopes.  
The Death of this Person, which did not a little afflict the King, was accompanied with other Tidings no less unwelcome; That the Kalmaches, a fierce and untameable People, had declared open War against Persia. Whereupon the Governors of Ester-abaat, which is the Eastern Hyrcania, besought his Majesty to send 'em requisite Assistance. And here it is necessary that we should say something concerning the People, and the occasion of the War.  
The Kalmac's derive their Name from Kalmack, the principal City of the Country which they inhabit, upon the Confines of the greater Tartary toward the Caspian Sea upon the East side. Sometimes they are called Yusbeck-Kalmaki, but for the most part no otherwise then barely Kalmac.  
Now some years ago it happened that a great number of Turkmans, or Shepherds that wander together by thousands up and down the fields, and live in Tents, like Swallows, changing their Habitations according to the Seasons, got together upon their Frontiers, between Orquenge and Esther-abaat: and these People our Modern Autohrs call Tureomans, which are properly Turks. For these People, and those that hold the Empire of Constantinople came at first from Turq-Estaan, that is to say, from those Provinces of Tartary, which are very vast, although we have but little knowledge of 'em. And this is also that Country which ought properly to be called Turkey, and not the Provinces of Asia and Europe, possessed by the Ottomans. For the Eastern People never call by that name the Inhabitants of those Provinces, nor the Monarch that Commands 'em, Great Turk. And therefore it is an error of our Europeans; in regard the People of Turkey acknowledge no such appellation, deeming it Barbarous. For that among them Turk signifies one that comes from those Highlands of Tartary, let it be from what part it will. The Persians therefore to define those Turkmans' more distinctly, call 'em Sara-Netshin. Sara signifying a Plain or Down, and Netshin those that abide there, from the Verb Netshinen, to rest or Repose. So that Sara-Netshin signifies those that abide and repose in the Country. Now ancient Historians, and writers of Travels, who understood not the Eastern Languages or at least had but a smattering understanding of 'em, call these People Saracens, which word was never pronounced at first by a Frenchman, who would surely have pronounced it Sarashins. In regard Frenchmen pronounce with less trouble the Shin of the Asiatics then some of their Neighbours, especially the English; who every where write it Zin.  
But to make a true relation of a Country, it is necessary that they who describe it should know the Language; else they must commit a thousand errors not passable among persons of Judgement, of which there needs no other proof, than such Relations of Travels which we have seen printed in this Age: Not to mention any other than those of Persia, of which there are two which are indifferently tolerable; Valle's and the Travels of Olearius: though the first be full of faults, which may be said to be Monstrous; and the latter be not altogether exempt. And yet they are better than the rest, in regard those Authors understood the Persian Language; and therefore it is my Opinion, that whoever publishes his Travels, and Observations of a Country, of which he has not learned the Speech, shall never make any perfect and accomplished. And this digression I did not think would be displeasing to the Curious.  
But to return to our story, this Colony of Turcmans was formerly Tributary to the Calmaches; but about thirty years ago they took Sanctuary in Persia, submitting under the Government of those Princes who commanded the Persian Empire, to avoid the oppression of the Calmaches and to find out a less Barren Region, and more proper to feed their Flocks. During all which Interval of time the Calmaches had taken no notice of the Turcmans, but in the year 1667. judging Persia to be in a weak condition, under a young Prince, to the end they might have a pretence for a War, they sent to demand Restitution of the Tribute which the Persian Monarch had received for thirty years together of the Turkman, whom they alleged to be their Subjects. So soon as their Commissioners were arrived at Esther-abaat, which is the first considerable City of Persia on that side, the Governor detained 'em, and assured 'em he would both send to inform the Court of Persia concerning the occasion of their coming, and give 'em an account of the answer back. Immediately the King's Council were all of opinion to reject with scorn a demand so affrontive to the Grandeur of the Empire. Which Resolution was without doubt the most honourable and made most noise, but not the wisest. For the Calmaches no less highly offended when they understood the answer returned, came towards the end of the Campagne to the Frontiers that separate the two Dominions, and there in a most solemn manner shot an Arrow into the Territories of the Persians, which is the Signal they use in declaring open War against any of their Neighbours. To which War, what issue Heaven ordained we shall below make known.  
All those Wars that threatened Persia, in this same languishing and feeble condition wherein it was, were the reason that the Court would not listen to the Propositions of the Bassa of Basra, vulgarly tho erroneously called Balzura, a City seated at the mouth of the Persian Gulf; wherein for several years together the said Bassa had assumed to himself a kind of Sovereign Dignity: while he, acknowledging no Supreme, so well managed his affairs in the midst of those two Monarches, between whom he lay, the Turk and Persian; that the desire which both had to ruin him, made for his preservation. For when the Turk had a design to fall upon him he offered himself to the Persian; at what time the Turk being unwilling that the Persian his Enemy should become Master of such a Territory, and rather choosing that they should remain under Subjection to a Neuter Prince, forbore to molest him; and when the Persian summoned him to give an account for breach of his promises; with the same policy he threatened to surrender to the Turk. And then the Persian fearing lest the Turk, already two potent, should enlarge his Empire by the addition of these Territories, were unwilling to give him a disturbance so highly provoking: and several of these tricks did the Bassa play during the Reign of Habas II.  
After his decease, the Turks desirous to take the opportunity of Sephie II. being come young and newly to the Crown, to make an attempt upon Basra in the same manner as thirty years before. Sultan Mourad whom we call Murat, took hold of the occasion, Sephy I. being newly advanced to the Throne, to Besiege Babylon; so that although he were then busied in the War of Candia, he undertook that Conquest also, and to that effect gave orders to the Bassa's of Diarbekre, Moussol, Alep, Merdin, and other Governors on that side, to march against Basra, every one with an embodied Army, of which he appointed the Bassa of Bagdat or Babylon to be General.  
Hossein-Basha (for so was the petty Sovereign of Basra called) sends away into Persia to make the same Offer which he had already made so many times before to Habas II. But he was not in being; and his Successor minded only his pleasures, and had no inclination for War. However, the chief Ministers, unwilling to discover the weakness of their present condition, answered the Ambassadors that they had no encouragement to hearken to their Propositions, after the Bassa their Master had so frequently and so insolently baffled the Persian Monarchy. That he had drawn his own misfortunes himself upon his own head, and that his sufferings were no more than what he well deserved. However, the Bassa nothing discouraged for having missed the Succours which he expected on that side, betook himself to another Stratagem, and being a person that had heaped a vast Treasure together by his Merchandise, he now employs it to corrupt the Bassa of Bagdat General of the Turkish Army and the rest of the Grand Officers. Thereupon he treats with 'em, upon condition of being Tributary, for the future, to the Grand Signior, to pay him every year a hundred thousand Crowns, and to give him in ready Money two hundred thousand upon the nail: some other conditions were likewise added of small importance, and so the Siege being raised, and the Bassa sent his Son-in-law to Constantinople to have the Treaty ratified, which was all that happened in reference to this War in the year 1667.  
Toward the end of the same year arrived sad tidings at Ispahan from the Provinces adjoining to the Caspian Sea, that at Shirvan, the Capital City of a Province of the same Name, and which makes a part of Armenia the greater, were Tefflis, the Capital City of Georgia, an Earthquake had overturned the greatest part of that City, and ruined four Villages near adjoining: and and that above thirty thousand Persians had perished in the Ruins. That in another City called Shamaki, in the Province of the same name, which is the Southern Media, another Earthquake altogether as dreadful as the former, had occasioned the loss of twenty thousand Persons, and swallowed up three fourth parts of the City; which two accidents had reduced those two provinces to utter Desolation.  
I do not believe there was any more than one person in the World that could rejoice at these dismal tidings, and that was Mirza-Ibraim, already mentioned; although as being Royal Farmer of the latter Province he ought to have been afflicted rather at his loss. However, he looked upon the sad event with a joyful heart, as being that which offered him more an opportunity to get rid of his troubles and persecutions which he sustained in the Court of Persia, and to get out of Ispahan, which he looked upon as a kind of confinement, or to speak more truly as his place of Torment; nor did he neglect the opportunity, but presented forthwith a Petition to the King and the Chief Ministers, wherein he declared that Shamaky was dependent upon his employment, and therefore besought his Majesty that he might return thither to see what might be done to recover it out of its Ruins.  
He backed his Petition with several considerable Presents which he made to the chief Ministers, and by that means obtained a Grant of his desires. And thus did that unfortunate Lord delay for a time the bad effects of his unfortunate Ambition. Certain it is that for six months that he stayed at Court, the King and Prime Ministers under various pretences got from him above sixty thousand Tomans, which amount to two hundred and fifty thousand pounds, and all the while they contemned him as a Cully and a Person of no value. Infamy attended him every where; and not only the Grandees but persons of ordinary condition took delight to make sport with him, as if he had been one of the dregs of the People. For being a man that was very Covetous, and yet one that his misfortunes had rendered extremely fearful, they who had any thing to receive of him, and to whom he had made over Assignations upon his Farm, could find no better way to make him bleed then to abuse and affront him. And I was informed by some persons who were able to tell me, that upon some disorder at Court how to raise money, the Divan Beki, or Chief Justice gave the King to understand in a Memorial which he presented him, that if his Majesty would but deliver up into his power Mirza Ibrahim, and Mirza Sadek his Brother, he would lose his head if he did not raise him a Sum of six hundred thousand Tomans, which are two Millions and a half Sterlin. It happened that at the same time when this Memorial was delivered this unfortunate Lord was in the Hall, where his Majesty sat, who thereupon caused the Memorial to be read aloud. It may be easily judged in what a taking he was; but without answering a word, he patiently endured the punishment of his rash Ambition, and want of Conduct. In a word, he was a lost man, and his misery had increased to its full height, had not the conjuncture of the Earthquake furnished him with an opportunity to beg leave to retire. So that in some measure his good fortune proceeded from an event which at another time might have proved most prejudicial to him. Yet as I have already said most prudent persons believe, that he has only delayed his evil Destiny for some years, that his ruin is infallible, and that upon the least want of money, he will still be the Prey in the eyes of the Hungry Courtiers.  
The year 1668. according to our account, and 1079. according to the Mahometan Computation, began with great Rejoicing, the Prince imagining that the rest of the year would be no less happy than the beginning. But it fell not out answerable to his expectations: nor that of the Grandees of the Kingdom, as well as those of meaner Condition, who had any insight into Affairs: though to outward appearance they attended at the Festivals with a cheerful countenance, yet their hearts were not so light: for they found the condition of the Empire grew every day worse and worse; that the Enemy was in the Bowels of several Provinces, while others were laid desolate by Earthquakes: little Money in the Kingdom, a scarcity still continued at Ispahan, where though there was no want; of any thing, yet every thing was sold at an excessive rate. The Exchequer moreover was exhausted, while the new Prince in eighteen Months had drained all the Treasures of the Empire. Which happened through his Profusion on the one side, either by reason of the prodigious Expenses that he delighted in, or through the excessive Presents which frequently, and many times without any Reason at all, he heaped upon his Favourites. And on the other side, through the little care that was taken of the management of his Revenues: For indeed he had not made the third part of what his Father was wont to make of 'em; as having without considering the consequences, filled up all the vacant Employments both in the Court and in the Countries. Whereas his Father never supplied those Vacancies unless he was thereto compelled by necessity, to the end he might have the Money himself which was due to his Officers. But the young Monarch little experienced in Government, imagined that the Coffers which he found full would never be empty. Nor durst any body be so bold as to tell him 'twas much more easy to empty then to fill 'em. But at length when they found him wondering that Money was not plentiful with him as it had been, they were constrained to let him understand the reason.  
The Duchess his Mother, for whom he had an extraordinary respect, and who might be said to be more than his Governess, spoke with more freedom to him then any other person, and made him condescend to let her act in the public management of Affairs. Thereupon she took upon her the Government of the Empire, and to show her first Masterpiece of Policy, she reduced the Monarch her Son from one extremity to another. Insomuch that whereas he was so extremely liberal before, that he was always and upon all occasions giving, afterwards he became covetous even to pitiful sordidness: and was so far from being bountiful that he hardly rewarded those that did him extraordinary services. So that it might be said of him, that he was like some Torrents that overflow the Meadows to day, and the next leave 'em quite dry.  
All these disorders obliged the Persians to look backward, and to wish for the days of the deceased Kings Reign. And they were taken with the Answer which the late General of the Armies, when he lived in such splendour and high favour at Court, made the King; For one day the Prince and he being private together, Hali-Kouli-Kaan said the King to him, Dost thou not know who they were that rejoiced at the death of the King my Father? If I knew who the Dogs were, I would cause their guts to be ripped up. To whom the Lord with his usual boldness said: Your Majesty will do well to take care what you do, lest you begin with yourself and me: For I know none but ourselves to whom his Death could be acceptable; by which, of Prisoners that we were, we became Kings of Persia.  
Nor had the King his Health this year any better than the year before. His Distemper still perplexed him, though his fits were always alike, some quickly off, others more tedious. Sometimes he lay whole Weeks together languishing in his Haram, whence he never stirred out at his usual times, but a little now and then in the Evening to show himself: Sometimes he took the Air a Horseback with a Handkerchief tied three or four times about his neck, which in Persia is the certain sign of a sick Person. However all this while he forbore nothing of his debaucheries, and always carried his Women along with him; his most usual Walks being upon Giulfa side, a Town belonging to the Armenians, out of which he picked all the handsome Virgins to fill his Palace. It is said, the first time that he caused the young Virgins under twelve and above ten years of Age to be thus cull d out, of twenty that were carried to the Palace there was but one that showed the least joy in her Countenance for her good fortune, and she was detained; the rest who fell a weeping, either because they were thought too Innocent, or else believed to be too cunning, were restored to their Parents. But to the Father of her that was detained the Sum of Eight Tomans, or thirty guineas Pension was presently ordered. For it is the Custom of that Court, when the King makes choice of any Virgin out of a Family that is not very well in the World, he assigns the Father a Pension to that value, or near it, during his Life. I say, when a Family is low in the World: For as for the Grandees, they count it a great happiness to have a Kinswoman in the King's house, where she may be useful to him in his advancement, and do him a thousand good Offices near his Majesty's Person.  
Nevertheless the Young Prince had forborn Wine all the last year, by reason of an Inflammation in his Throat occasioned by his hard drinking; with which his Father also had formerly been troubled for the same cause. Which was the Reason that the Kourouk or Prohibition of Wine was renewed, to the end there might be no more sold. For it is the Custom of the Grandees in Asia, when they have an Intention to abandon Wine, they send Orders to throw away all that they have, and to knock out the heads of the Vessels, to the end that if they should have a desire to drink it again, they might not have an opportunity to satisfy themselves; not looking upon themselves to be Masters of their Passions.  
But notwithstanding all this Abstinence of the Young Prince, his Distempers nothing abated. His pale and wan Colour, and his Stomach loathing all manner of Food, were certain Symptoms of his disordered Body.  
His Chief Physician knew not what to think: he had essayed in vain all the secrets of his Art: which was no small affliction to him, in regard his life depended upon the Kings: Or if his life were spared, yet he was sure to lose his Estate and his Liberty: as happened to the two Chief Physicians of Habas II. and as it happens to all those that attend the Asiatic Sovereigns, when they die under their care.  
The Astrologers also began to whisper one another in the Ear, and tell their Confidents, as a great secret, that the King would never recover; that they could not find in his Horoscope that he had above six years to live after his Coronation, of which he had already survived a third part; and that he should languish out the two others in perpetual misery.  
The Queen Mother, pressed by her natural affection, and blinded by the transports of her Passion, forbore to lay the fault upon her Son's distemper; but quarrelled with the Physician, ask him how it came to pass her Son was sick, accused him of Treason or Ignorance, believing that since he was her Son's Physician, he was obliged to cure him. This made the Physician at his Wit's end, so that all his Receipts failing him, he bethought himself of one that was peculiarly his own Invention, and which few Physicians would ever have found out, as not being to be met with neither in Galen nor Hypocrates. What does he then do, but out of an extraordinary fetch of his Wit, he begins to lay the fault upon the Stars, and the Munshi-Zumes, or King's Astrologers, crying out that they were altogether in the wrong. That if the King lay in a languishing condition, and could not recover his health, it was because they had failed to observe the happy hour, or the Aspect of a Fortunate Constellation at the Time of his Coronation. Which Fable was backed by all the friends which the Physician had at Court; and besides that, by one of the King's Astrologers himself, called Mirza Mougiim. For this person either out of Emulation, or for what other reason I know not, bearing a private grudge to the Prince of the Astrologers, whose business it was to observe the favourable Conjunction for the Coronation of the young Prince, and perceiving so fit an opportunity to discredit the Chief of the Astrologers, and advance his own Reputation, failed not to lay hold of it.  
He therefore made it out, or at least seemed to make it plain by long disputes full of Astrological Reasons, in all the chief Assemblies of the chief Courtiers, that the Moment designed for the Coronation of the King signified nothing; and afterwards by Arguments as strong as the first, he laboured to prove that the defect of the King's health proceeded from his Coronation which had been solemnised under an Inauspicious Aspect.  
The first that gave credit to his idle stories were the Mother and the Son; and the Women that were suffered to be near his Majesty were of the same opinion likewise, that it was the fault of the Star-Gazer, who had not taken notice that the Aspect was not favourable at that time. The Eunuches also were drawn into the same belief, and the Courtiers who are still ready to comply with the most extravagant Proposals, to please their Master, declared no less. In short the Physician got the day, and by this Chimaera saved his Credit and his Estate.  
'Twas in vain for the ginger, by the most convincing Arguments he could allege, to maintain the contrary. No body gave ear to him; so that he was constrained, for fear of running himself into farther danger, not only to hold his peace, but at length to applaud the Sentence pronounced against him.  
Therefore there was nothing now to be done but to repair a pretended defect, and to seek out proper remedies for the mistake: nor could they find any other Expedient but to proceed to a second Coronation of the King, as if he had never been Crowned before. It was resolved also at the same time, that his Majesty should quit the name of Sephiè, as carrying in it somewhat I know not what of unfortunate; and that he should make choice of another. They gave his Majesty therefore to understand, that the beginning of his Grandfather's Reign had been accompanied with the same accidents as his own. That there was a great scarcity of Provision in Ispahan; that the Turks had declared War against him, and that he had never enjoyed a perfect health.  
These two things being thus resolved, the next thing was to pitch upon the day. Upon this Point there was a long deliberation, and many Contests about it. The Astrologers were consulted: and at length after many Consultations and serious Inquiries, they agreed that the happy Hour which was to be attended by so many fortunate Events, would be toward the time of the year that the Sun entered the Ram: which accordding to our account was Tuesday the twentieth of March, about nine in the Morning.  
At for this second Coronation, in regard it varied little or nothing from the former, it will be needless to make a second description of it: All the difference was, that this second Coronation was solemnised in the great Hall, called Tshehel Setoon, or the Hall with forty Pillars. Which is that Magnificent Apartment, the most stately in all the Royal Palace, by us described with all possible exactness in our description of Ispahan. There the whole Court met at the time prefixed by the Astrologers with all the Pomp that such a glorious Ceremony required. All the Grandees of the Court who had the privilege of sitting before the King, placed themselves upon the Right hand. The two Pontiffs, the most eminent Interpreters of the Alcoran, and all the Tribe of Molla's stood upon the Left. When all the Court was sat, and that there was no body else to come, every one observing a profound silence, the King entered from the farther part of the Hall, and sat down: In a short time after, upon a a signal given, they all rose; and then the Ceremony itself was performed as before related. Mahamed-Baquer-Corasini made the Sermon of four parts, and the Kothè the Prayer, at the end of which, exalting his Voice, he gave the Prince a new Name, which was that of Soleimaan. Which name being once pronounced, every one, as at the first Ceremony, gave their Intsh-Alla, so God grant it; and may this Prince surpass in glory and happiness the wise Prince who was the first that bore the Name. For Soleimaan signifies the same thing as Solomon; in the Hebrew; from whence it was questionless derived. solemn in that Language signifies peace, from whence the Arabs derive their Selim, which signifies Affable, Courteous, Peaceable; and perhaps the name of that famous Legislator among the Athenians, Solon, might have the same Etymology. And then the Hebrew Solomon, the Persian Soleimaan, the Turkish and Arabian Setim, and the Grecian Solon will come to be one and the same Name.  
The Doctor composed that Prayer with all the Eloquence he was Master of: which done, every one went to kiss his Majesty's feet, and then returned to their places. Where all the Court stayed till it was Noon, and where they were served with a Collation of Sweetmeats, but no meat, by reason of the King's sickness. And by and by the Loud Music from the Royal Palace proclaimed to the whole City the News of the Ceremony. All the rest of the day was spent in Pastimes and public Shows: and at night Lights were kept burning till Morning, and the Shops ordered to be kept open, for the People to walk the Streets as at Noon day.  
At the same time all the Seals and all the Money Stamps were broken, and others made with the new name of Soleimaan: and in the space of twenty four Hours some thousands of new Crowns were dispersed abroad. Moreover, to inform all the Provinces of this new Coronation, a Commission was given to Mahamed-Salek the King's ginger, Brother to the Chief ginger, and Head of the Society, to write to all the Officers of Persia, and all that had any Employment or Command in the Empire, and give 'em an account of the reason why his Majesty had changed his Name: That for the future they were to acknowledge King Soleimaan for Sovereign Monarch of Persia; and that they were not any more to write to his Majesty but only by that Name; that in all their Provinces they were to erase the Name of Sephie wherever they met with it, as an Ominous Name, that portended nothing but misfortune to the King and Kingdom. Nor was Mahamed-Saleh dissatisfied in the least with this Commission: For the Grandees and Officers, and in a word, all those to whom he directed his Letters, were obliged to send him some considerable Present, every one according to his Quality, for the Moushtelog, or good News which they had received.  
Royal Habits also were sent presently after the Coronation to the Governors, Lieutenants, and Collectors of the Public Receipts, and all other Persons of Quality in all the several Provinces. With Patents and Commands in the Name of Soleimaan, as if a New King had ascended the Throne: so strangely had a foolish and superstitious Fancy possessed the mind of this Monarch and his Counselors. Not but that 'tis very probable they acted merely out of Complaisance. For they were too wise in my opinion, seriously to appear in an Action so fantastic and extravagant, and which a man shall hardly meet with the like in any other History.  
However his Majesty, so soon as the Ceremony was over, fancied the recovery of his Health; and whether it were that Opinion contributed to his Imagination, certain it was that the Physic which his Majesty took had some good Effect, and the King grew better; but the Kingdom had no advantage by it. On the contrary, the news of Wars arrived at Ispahan from all Parts, augmenting the Terror, with which that dreadful Comet, that year appearing, had possessed their Minds.  
That great and remarkable Comet, which was seen almost over all the earth, appeared also at that time in Persia. The Astrologers called it Niazouk, or the Little Lance, as resembling that Figure. For the Persians do not give to Comets, as we do, the name which is common to those Meteors, but according to the Figure which they represent, as we have observed in its proper place. They affirmed they never saw, not ever had heard speak of any one that ever was like it. The Head of it was hid in the West, in such a manner, that nothing of it could be perceived in that Horizon. In our Treatise of the Persian Astrology, we have given the description of a Figure according to the observation made in the Capital City of the Province of Persia the seventh of March, which was the second day of its appearance. But we have not any where mentioned the Observation that was made of it at Ispahan, for which reason I thought it would be something to the purpose to speak of it in this place.  
The Observation then that was made of it in the Capital City of the Kingdom by the Munshiziims or King's Astrologers, the tenth of May, at seven of the Clock in the Evening was this. It appeared in the Southern part, and followed the motion of the Primum Mobile, it extended in length 30 deg. 32. min. and almost of an equal breadth of 6 deg. The colour of it was inclining somewhat to yellow. The upper part of it advanced toward the Girdle of Orion, and the River Eridanus; in length from the Ram 72 deg. And its lower Extremity under the Whale, or the winding of Eridanus, where it extended in length 41 deg. 30 min. and in breadth 6 deg.  
All the Persian Astrologers declared in their Takuims or Almanacs, which are properly the Ephemerideses of the present Year, speaking of this Meteor, that it signified nothing but Wars, Murders, Seditions, Conflagrations, dangerous Diseases, overturning of Kingdoms and States, and, in a word, all manner of Calamities. But they fixed all these dreadful Effects far off from Persia, upon the Sunnis or Turks; and Kafers, which is a name that they give to Idolaters, among whom, according to their belief, they esteem us Christians to be the chief. But Time, who is the Master ginger, has made it appear to the Persians that these scourges were as well prepared for themselves: For what has happened this year in that Kingdom has given 'em to understand that they are the Persons that must be smitten with this Cudgel: and that the Little Lance (for both these names they gave that Comet) will as severely gore their sides, and that a good share of so many sad Influences will fall upon the Dominions of the Persian Empire, as well as in other places. The Governor of Kandaar was one of the first who felt the fatal Influences of this Comet by his fall and death, which happened at the same time upon this occasion. For the better understanding of which we must go back to the Story of his Life, where we left off, to bring him in a few words to his End.  
We left him going to Kandaar with his Recruits; where so soon as he arrived, he found no likelihood of any War. Nor indeed did he expect any such thing: only he himself had caused the Rumour to be spread abroad to obtain the Government; and to disincumber himself from those Troubles which his turbulent and wicked Conduct had drawn upon himself. But no sooner was he arrived in that City but he began to appear in his own Colours, not so much by secret contrivance, but openly and with a lofty pride acting a Petty Sovereign, and assuming absolute Dominion, taking away by force Virgins from their Parents, Married women from their Husbands to replenish his Palace; observing no measure, but using as his Slaves and Footmen the Sultoons, or inferior Governors, the Royal Farmers, and meaner Officers, pillaging and plundering where ever there was any thing to be got. In a word, his Tyranny grew to that extremity, that in all that spacious Province there was not any body that was not in an extraordinary Consternation: for without any form of Proceeding, he put to death whomever he thought good, according as his fury or his interest inspired him. Of these things Complaints were sent to the Court, and the Cries of that infinite number which he had rendered miserable were so loud, that they reached the King's Ears. Which the Governors' Enemies had so much the fairer opportunity to improve, considering how the Clamours against his exorbitances daily increased. Thereupon his Kindred and those few friends he had left at Court sent him word, that his Affairs were but in a bad condition, his proceedings being highly resented by his Majesty, and that unless he looked carefully to himself, some mischievous Backstroke of Fortune threatened him. But he took little notice of this good advice; believing himself so well assured of his Prince's favour; and therefore thinking himself proof against all the most Potent Accusations, he never altered his Conduct, but rather grew more haughty and disorderly.  
The Kaan Governor who had been displaced to make way for him, was then at Court; however by the means of his friends he failed not to have a strict eye upon all his Actions; nor were they less diligent to convey the complaints of the afflicted to the Kings Ear. So that at length all his Crimes were heaped together; but while the King was wavering, whether to disgrace him and cast him from his favour or not, he committed a new Act of Violence, which added a most terrible weight to the foregoing Accusations.  
Between the Kingdom of Kackmir, and the Province of Kandaar, lie a certain People called Bolluki, who extend themselves into India on that side; which Country is Governed by their own Native Princes; only those that are next neighbours to Persia, acknowledge the King and are his Tributaries. One of those Princes had a very lovely Daughter of whom the Governor of Kandaar had heard a great Report, and therefore passionately desired her for one of his Wives. To which purpose he sends to demand her of the Prince her Father; who refused his Motion: The enamoured Governor, not so discouraged, sent again, and receives a second denial, he sends nevertheless a third time, but to as little purpose, for that the Bolluki never intermix alliances but one with another. Upon this the Governor dissembling his Indignation, always professed a great friendship for him, and invited him one day to a sumptuous Feast at Kandaar. The Prince mistrusting nothing came to the Entertainment; but when the Governor had him in his Clutches, he caused his head to be cut off. Upon which, the Prince's Attendants when they understood of his Death, disdaining so foul a piece of Villainy, all enraged fell upon the Governor's Guard, between whom and the Strangers there happened a bloody Combat, wherein three hundred Persians were slain upon the place, and between seven and eight hundred of the others.  
This made such a noise that the King began to show himself highly offended. Nor would the Governor's Enemies omit so fair an opportunity; believing now his Majesty would suffer 'em to say any thing against a man that gave him so much occasion of inward disturbance, so that they easily persuaded him to revoke the permission he had given him to come to Court when he pleased himself. The pretence of which Revocation was grounded upon this, that it was a thing which had never been accustomed to be done, and which might in the end produce dangerous Consequences: and they thought they had gone a great way in gaining that point. For they were afraid, lest if the Governor had free access to Court he should regain by his Presence, the King's Favour; which seemed no difficult thing for him to do, who had the art so well to counterfeit his passionate affection for the King's Interest: and for that the King when the Governor was ready to depart for Kandaar, had testified his Sorrow to part with him, at what time he thus expressed himself: Tho thou go'st to Kandaar, thou shalt be never a jot the less my Favourite, and thou shalt return to my Court whenever thou think'st it convenient. Which was the reason of his giving him Letters of Licence to come when he pleased to Court without expecting any new Orders.  
The Governor received the revocation of that Favour, and at the same time other Letters from his Brother, and the rest of his Friends, advising him to be careful in his Conduct; that his Fortune tottered, and was within a little of falling altogether; and that his Enemies had made great advantage of the opportunities he had given 'em.  
Upon this News he took a course which he thought so much the more worthy of himself, by how much it appeared to him to be equally prudent and daring; though by the event it proved no less fatal than rash. He assured himself that so soon as he should but see the King, he should set all things right again: that he should regain his first Favour, and scatter the Faction of his Enemies. And therefore without ever Petitioning for any new Order or expecting any Command, nay, against the very Command which he had received expressly forbidding his coming to Court, he takes Horse, and in nine days arrives at Ispahan.  
The speed that was made in this Journey was discoursed of at Ispahan, as of a thing altogether extraordinary and which was never done before. For of these nine days one must be deducted that he stayed to rest himself in a Garden about a hundred and fifty Leagues from Ispahan. So that in some eight days he road as much ground as usually takes up three Months ordinary Travelling from Kandaar to Ispahan, that is to say, three hundred and fifty Persian Leagues, which are more than four hundred and fifty French Leagues.  
However he did not enter the City, but went to a Garden near the Tokshi which is one of the Gates of the City, from whence according to Custom he sent to give notice to the King, that the Governor of Kandaar his Slave, attended till his Majesty should grant him the favour to come and kiss his feet. By which action he thought to have carried the day from his Enemies, and to have regained the King's Affection.  
The King was then in the women's Palace, where the Eunuches were charged to carry him the news. Which Charge the High Chamberlain and the Princess' High Steward (those potent Eunuches whom he had endeavoured to set together by the ears by his cunning contrivances of false reports) undertook upon themselves, and taking their time to enjoy that revenge which they had prepared in their hearts, with an astonishment in their faces, so much the greater because affected, they tell the King of the Governor's arrival, adding withal, That they could not tell how that Action of the Governor might be interpreted, but to come not only without permission, but contrary to a positive inhibition to quit his new Government, could not but be a heinous contempt of his Majesty, and a manifest Rebellion; that since the first foundation of the Persian Empire, never any Governor durst be so bold as to quit his Government and come of his own head, and out of his own humour to the King. In a word they represented this Order so foul to the King, that he sent to the Governor of Kandaar, to go and surrender himself into the Custody of Ogourlon Can Grand Porter; and to him he sent orders to put him into the Krondoushake, which is a little Wooden Engine that Pillories the neck, and fastens the right Arm of the Prisoner to his Girdle, so that he has no way to help himself with that hand, which is the way to secure the persons of Grandees that are looked upon as Criminals.  
Thus he remained three days in the Captain of the Royal Gate's House. All which time the poor Governor conjured Heaven and Earth; besought of God and Man that he might only be permitted to see the King; assuring himself that with one single word he should be able to ruin those that had determined his destruction. But they who feared no less, and dreaded that permission, laboured their utmost to prevent it, and sought by all ways to exasperate the King's anger already kindled against him. For as the Governor thought it a knack of State to be permitted to see the King; so on the other side, his Enemies deemed it no less a piece of State-policy to prevent that honour from being granted him.  
In the mean time the Chief Porter being gained by the Governor's moans and entreaties, the third day of his imprisonment carried him with the wooden Pillory to the great Portal of the Palace that looks towards the Royal Piazza, and there leaving him in the hands of his Servants, went to his Majesty and told him, That the Governor of Kandaar, had as it were forced him by his moans and entreaties to bring him to the King's Gate: and that the poor Lord was there, waiting for the favour to be admitted to kiss his Majesty's feet. But then the Enemies of that unfortunate Lord, who were in no small number about the King, renewed their Accusations, and took the more boldness, in regard the King was no way unwilling to hear their complaints. Every one aggravated what he knew the Offender to have most criminally committed: But above all his Predecessor in the Government of Kandaar, who the day before and that very day had caused above three hundred Petitions to be Presented against him by several Persons of the same Province, that demanded Justice.  
Thus his Enemies became too powerful for him, so that after an hours deliberation, the King commanded the Chief Porter to go and rip up his Guts. Presently the Lord hastened to obey the King's Orders, and as far off as he could see the Gate he cries Vour, that is to say, strike; which is the Signal of death. Immediately the next Officer that heard the word, gives him a kick with his Foot upon the Stomach, and threw him out of the Portal into the Royal Piazza. There with his Sword he gives him two great Gashes upon one side of his Neck: but in regard his head did not tumble as yet, another drew his Dagger, and stabbed him under the Ribs into the small Guts, and thus he expired weltering in his Blood, which streamed from him in a prodigious quantity, as being a very Sanguine Person.  
Now in the midst of the Royal Piazza, over against the great Portal of the Palace is set up a large Maypole of an extraordinary height, on the top of which upon solemn Festivals and days of public rejoicing is fixed a Cup of Gold, which is a Prize to be won by the first among the Horsemen that can shoot it down with his Bow and Arrows upon a full Gallop: and upon the top of this Maypole it was, that the head of this great Personage was set up by the King's order, the reason of which was, as the Persians said that passed along, to the end his malicious Tongue might not be able at so great a distance to sow Discord and Dissension.  
This was the end of Gemshid-Kaan, who indeed did no way merit a better Fate: for there was not any body that pitied his fall; or rather, there was not any body that did not load him with Curses: so that his Body lay two days in the public Piazza, before his Majesty gave permission for its Interment.  
He was of a goodly stature and proportion; had a noble aspect, and the Port of a Person of Quality; his Countenance very pleasing and winning at first sight; besides that a vast Courage, and profuse munificence accompanied these outward Graces of the Body. But setting aside these two Qualities of his Soul that were laudable, the rest were all as venomous and tainted as these were Eminent.  
Four days after this Execution, the Commission for Governor of Kandaar was sent to Mahammed-Kouli-Kaan, that is to say, the Lord Slave of Mahamed. This Lord had been thirteen years a Prisoner, Banished to Casbin by Habas II. Of which this was the true Cause.  
Habas II. being one day abroad with his Women, this Lord, before he was aware was got within the limits that are prohibited to men; where the Guard of the Courouk perceiving him fell upon him, and Bastinadoed him most severely. Some days after, so soon as he was able to go, he went to the Palace where the King was sitting in the public Assembly, where taking the King aside, with a resolved Countenance, Did I not see thee, said he, with this Heron Tuft upon thy Head, and observe the great Honour which the Grandees pay thee, there is nothing that I should take thee for less than the King of Persia. By the name of God does it become thee to run a rambling over these Mountains with a Covey of Women, and at the same time cause the Lords of thy Kingdom to have their bones broken with ignominious Bastinadoes?  
The King heard this Reprimand without seeming to be any way disturbed; only in a careless manner ordered an addition of Bastinadoes to be given him besides those of which he already complained. Upon which, Generous and Courageous as he was, losing all manner of Patience, he draws his Sword, and throwing himself at the King's feet, Let 'em, said he, Bastinado me again, here is my Sword to punish myself; your Majesty may do with me what you please, and put me to what Torments you think fit, but if a Person of my Quality must be subject to Bastinadoes, what must a poor Kest-Bash expect (for so they call the Soldiers that compose the Persian Militia.) The Monarch pleased with this generous Repartee, would neither Sentence him to Death as he deserved by the Laws of the Kingdom, nor to the Cudgel; but only Banished him to Casbin.  
But he was joyfully surprised when he received the Patent for a Government, which not only restored him to his Liberty, but at the same time conferred upon him one of the most important employments in the Kingdom. I confess I know not what may be thought of such Politics as these, as hunt in Jails for men of Merit, to advance the disobliged by long Imprisonment to the most considerable places of Trust in the Kingdom, and to commit to his care a Province and strong Hold which on that side the Country may be said to be the Key of the Kingdom. Of necessity the King must be strangely assured of the fidelity of his Subjects. For there is no question to be made, but that if a Governor of Kandaar will call in the Indian, and sell him that Place, but that he may have several Millions of Money for his Service, and have what advancement he pleases himself in that Empire, as is apparent by one Example in the time of Sephi I  
During these Revolutions in the Court of Persia, four Commissioners arrived from the Muscovite Cosaques, who but two Months before had made a most furious Inroad into Persia on that side where Hyrcania lies, upon the Shore of the Caspian Sea. But before we speak of the Invasion it will be necessary to tell the Reason.  
In the year 1664. according to our account there arrived at Ispahan a famous Embassy from Muscovie, wherein two Ambassadors were concerned, with a Train of about eight hundred Men: and the Presents which they made the King were valued by appraisment at five thousand Tomans or seventeen thousand five hundred pounds Sterling.  
They consisted of two Coaches enriched with most sumptuous Embroideries, Flanders Horses, and Beasts of their own Country, as black Foxes, white Bears and Doynes. But the chiefest wealth of the Present lay in the prodigious quantity of Sables which the Persians call Samur. These Ambassadors as it was believed came only to Traffic, and to have permission by virtue of their Title of Ambassadors to import and export what Goods they pleased without paying Custom. And indeed 'twas thought that they sold in Sables only at Ispahan as many as came to 280000 l. Stir. by which you may judge of the rest. Nevertheless the King of Persia entertained 'em very civilly at first, and allowed 'em their expenses which was taxed at ten Tomans or 35 l. Sterling per day, which they rather chose to take in Money than in Victuals, to the end they might lay up the best part. To which purpose they lived most wretchedly, and in the Magnificent Palace which the King had assigned 'em they laid their tails among the Costly Movables wherewith it was furnished, like so many Dogs. For which reason the Persians looked upon the Moscovites as the most paltry narrow-souled, and infamous among all the Christians; and in derision call 'em the Yusbeks of Europe, thereby expressing the small esteem they have of 'em; for the Yusbeks are the most abject People of all the East.  
The King therefore disdaining the Infamy of these Ambassadors, and seeing that indeed they were sent by their Master for no other reason then to Traffic, to sell their Furs and other Commodities, and to carry away Stuffs, Leather, and other such like Merchandizes out of Persia, but especially Money, abused 'em at length and made little account of 'em. One of 'em died, and the other returned home with his tattered Train without any honour shown him, or hardly any answer given him.  
The Grand Duke highly resented this Affront, but dissembled his Choler for the present, in regard he durst not meddle with Habas: but understanding at the beginning of the Year 1665. that he was dead, and that the Sceptre of Persia was fallen into the Hands of a Young Prince, he resolved to take his revenge, though he were unwilling to enter into open and declared Hostility; and therefore that he might strike and not be seen, he incites and encourages the Cossacks next adjoining to the black Sea; orders 'em to march along the Lake Moeotis, and so to fall into Persia upon Hyrcania side, with this Caution that they should take care how they mentioned him, or acknowledged that they had any Correspondence with him, but only that they had undertaken the Enterprise upon their own Heads: which is no more than what was reported and believed at the Court of Persia.  
The Cossacks were easily persuaded, and therefore embarking to the number of six thousand in forty large Barks, such as use the Caspian Sea (which are long and broad Vessels, but shallow built to avoid the Rocks that lie two or three foot under water) and in each Bark carrying two Pieces of Cannon, they cast Anchor first near Ereck, a small City upon the Borders of Guilan or Hyrcania, where they landed to the number of four thousand, and finding the Place without Soldiers, and the Inhabitants no way prepared for defence, they pillage and plunder it, and after a great slaughter of both Sex's retreat in great haste with all their Booty to their Vessels, that lay out at Sea as far as they could for fear of being discovered.  
Moreover, for the more crafty management of their Game they sent four of their chief Heads, in the Nature of Ambassadors with Letters of Credence to the Court, and the Governor of Shamaky ordered his People to convey 'em to Ispahan, where they arrived soon after the news of their Irruption. They were civilly entertained, a Lodging was assigned 'em, and their Expenses defrayed as is usual for other Ambassadors. Soon after they demanded Audience of the King, but that was denied 'em, because they were not of sufficient Quality to claim that Honour. However it was concluded that the Prime Minister should grant 'em Audience, which they accepted. There they set forth, That they were Commissioners sent by six thousand of the Cossacks, that lay at Anchor in the Caspian Sea; that in truth they were formerly subject to the Empire of the Muscovites, but that being wearied by the oppression which they endured there, they had resolved to fly their Country with their Wives and Children: and whatever else of their Goods they could carry along with 'em. That after they had debated whither to fly for safety and protection, Persia was the Place that they had pitched upon, as being a Monarchy that loved Justice, and was kind to her Slaves. For which reason they had concluded to offer their service to his Majesty, and therefore they were departed from Sha-Seven, for love of the King, and now they hoped from the Generosity of so great a Monarch, that he would listen to their Petitions, afford 'em a Sanctuary, and assign 'em Lands for their Habitation.  
This said, they presented their Letters of Credence; which the Persians could never uncypher, though they made use of all the most cunning and learned Interpreters as well of their own Nation, as of Europeans, that were found at Ispahan.  
The Chief Minister thus disappointed, made his last trial upon a Capuchin, who for twenty years together had been still employed by the Ministers of State of that Kingdom. It happened also when the Paper was brought him, that the Sieur Herbert d'Jager was with him; a Chief of the Dutch Factory at Ispahan. He was a person that for the understanding of Languages had few that might compare with him: for besides that he perfectly understood all that are at present spoken in the East; he is also well skilled in the Ancient and Vulgar Greek, the Syriac, and the Hebrew.  
They could hardly have met with persons more able to have dissipated these Clouds; nevertheless they could do nothing; They were Greek Letters, they said, for the most part intermixed with other unknown Characters, of which some were somewhat like the Syriac: They read some words here and there, but in regard they could find no Connexion of sense, they durst not be certain whether they read right or no. So that they were constrained to send the Writing back to the first Minister; the Superior of the Capuchins giving him this farther account by the Messenger, that it was a half Russian, half Casaque writing, that he could not uncypher.  
They were therefore forced to give credit to what the Commissioners had told 'em by word of mouth; which was always the same thing that they had said at first. To which the Prime Minister answered: If what you assure us be true, that you are come to be our Guests, and to surrender yourselves Slaves to his Majesty, wherefore do you enter Persia with your Swords in your hands? Why have you massacred our Subjects, laid waste our Cities, and pillaged our Territories?  
The Cosaques replied in justification of themselves that they had been forced to do it; for that when they came civilly to desire provision for their money, the People of the City forgetful of the Laws of Hospitality, and that Commiseration which is due to strangers, fell upon 'em, and misused 'em; and therefore the necessity of self-defence ought to justify the Cosacques for endeavouring to obtain that by force, which they could not get by fair means.  
At the same time that they were thus treating with these Commissioners, arrived an Envoy from Orous, that is to say, the great Duke of Muscovy (which name I think the Persians give him, because that Russia makes a part of his Dominions) which Envoy presented Letters from the grand Duke to the King of Persia to this Effect, That whereas he understood that a certain number of Cosaques being his Subjects, had quitted their Habitations, on purpose to withdraw themselves from his Obedience, and sought for Protection in Persia, he desired his Majesty not to receive 'em, nor to give any credit to their Propositions; That they were Rebels and Fugitives who would never be true to any other, since they had been false to their Prince; and that he was ordering Forces to reduce 'em to their former Obedience.  
But if the Muscovite Prince advised the Persians not to believe the Cosaques, they were sufficiently assured, that they were not to give credit to him; for that the Court were all along of Opinion that he held a correspondence with those Boot-halers the Cosaques. And the reason upon which they grounded their belief was probable enough. For how is it possible else said the Politicians, that five or six thousand Fugitives should come into a Country, with forty Barks, and four and twenty Pieces of Artillery, provided with all sorts of Ammunition and Provision? Is it not easy to see that it is the Grand Duke that sends 'em, to revenge the Affronts, which he is made believe his Ambassadors received?  
And as the Grand Duke of Muscovie's Agent could not infuse a good opinion of his Master into the Court of Persia, so neither could the Bassa of Bazra's Envoy prevail in behalf of his. It has been said, how that Bassa had made an Accommodation with the General of the Ottoman Army the last year, and that he had sent his Son-in-law to Constantinople for a Ratification of the Agreement. But when he came there, the Ministers of the Port made him Answer, that the General of the Army had treated with the Bassa without their Order, and that they would by no means hear of that Agreement, for that the Place must absolutely be surrendered into the Grand Signior's hands. Whereupon they offered the Bassa's Son-in-law, that if he would contribute to the reducing that place, he should be made Goverour or Bassa of the Territory; and managed him so well, that at last he consented, and promised to make 'em Masters of it. After this, the Ministers dispatch to the same General's new Orders to return with their Forces to the Siege of Basra; sharply rebuke the Bassa of Babylon for having been so remiss in that Affair; That the pretended agreement was to the prejudice and dishonour of the Empire; that he should repair the fault he had committed; and that they would make him General a second time, provided he would take the City by force, or constrain it to a surrender, and that when he had reduced it, he should constitute for Governor Hiatria Bassa, the Son-in-law of the Bassa of Basra himself.  
The Bassa of Basra, when he heard these Tidings was strangely surprised at the Treachery of his Son-in-law, and set himself to consider which way to divert his terrible storm that threatened him. And therefore perceiving in the Spring, that the Turkish Armies were preparing to thunder in upon him the next September or October (for the heat of those Climates will not permit 'em to take the Field sooner) he sent beforehand to offer his Territory to the King of Persia, upon such condition as he pleased himself, provided he might have the Command of it during his own Life. The Council of Persia knew the Importance of that place; they saw how prejudicial it would be to Persia, if it should fall into the hands of the Turks, and how advantageous it would be to themselves to be Masters of it. So that at another time, and under another Prince, they would willingly have embraced such a Proposal; but they were afraid to provoke that Bugbear of the Universe, that Pannic Terror of the Earth, considering the weak Estate of the Empire under a Prince effeminated by Pleasures, and whose Age as well as his Humour rendered him uncapable to undertake great Actions. Therefore they gave no Positive Answer to the Envoy from Basra, but put him off from day to day, and assured him they would take him into their Consideration, and all to gain time, for they were unwilling to say we dare not, nor we cannot do it.  
While these things were transacted in Council, they were consulting at Court the recalling of Boudak Sultaan General of the Musquetteers. For this same Lord as well as the rest whom we have discoursed of, in the time of his being a Favourite had abused his Power, by which means he had raised himself many enemies, whose number daily increased. At first they began to frame Complaints against him, so that his Authority began to lessen by degrees, and his Prince's affection began to wax cold. Which made him fear the same ill fortune as had befallen Gemshid Kaan, Governor of Kandaar, and therefore he would not carry things with a high hand, as that Grandee had done, but before the Mischief was past cure, he began to think which way he might retire silently and without any notice taken, to discharge himself of that Envy, which the lustre of his good Fortune had brought upon him.  
The principal occasion of his losing his Master's Favour was this. To the East of Ispahan, and near adjoining to his Territory lies the Province of Lour-Estom, which is held to be a part of ancient Parthia, extending on Arabia's side toward Basra. The People that Inhabit it, never mind the building of Cities, nor have any settled Abodes, but live in Tents, for the most part feeding their Flocks and their Herds, of which they have an infinite number. They are Governed by a Kaan who is set over 'em by the King of Persia but chosen from among themselves: and for the most part all of the same Race, the Father Succeeding the Son. So that there still remains among them some shadow of Liberty; however they pay both Tribute and Tenths. This Province furnishes Ispahan and the Neighbouring parts with Cartel; which is the reason that the Governor of these People is greatly respected in those parts. Soleiman the third therefore at his coming to the Crown, commanded the General of the Musquetteers to send Royal Habits and Gommissions unto all the Grandees. But the General of the Musquetteers having had some quarrel with this Governor who is called Lour-Manoushar Kaan, neglected to do him that Honour, putting off his sending the Kings Present to him till six Months after. The Grandee impatiently brooked the contempt; and being sufficiently convinced who was the occasion of it, for madness he tore in pieces the Habit which was presented him, saying withal, I value not the Habits, nor the Commissions which the King of Persia's General of the Musquetteers sends me.  
His Majesty knew nothing of this for a good while; the thing was concealed from him, for fear at the same time he should have informed himself of the Cause. But the Prince himself informed the King; for some time after he desired leave to come to Court and kiss the King's feet; which was granted him: He paid his Homage to his Majesty, delivered him his Present which was very Magnificent, and afterwards made his Compliment that the General of the Musquetteers having by his order sent Royal Habits to all the Grandees of Persia, even to the meanest Officer, had omitted the sending to him for seven or eight Months, and after all had sent only by one of his Servants.  
The King took it very ill, and declared to the General of the Musquetteers, that his manner of proceeding did not please him. However his Majesty would not ruin him altogether, having an esteem for him as being the Person that had placed him upon the Throne. And therefore he spared him, as his Predecessors had always done, in being gentle to those who brought 'em the first tidings of their advancement; for they never put 'em to death, as being satisfied with their disgrace and misfortune.  
The General of the musquetteers was then at Court in this Condition of his Affairs; but he could not continue long in that posture; when the death of one of his Relations, or at least of one whom he so called gave him a fair opportunity to retire with Credit. This pretended kinsman of his was called Abdal Bek Chief Porter of the Haram or Palace of Women. The General therefore as soon as he heard of his death, presented a Petition to the King, wherein he set forth, that Abdal-Beck was his kinsman, that the Employment which he had executed had continued in their Family from time to time, as it were hereditary. Wherefore in consideration that the deceased Officer had left no Sons to serve his Majesty in such a particular and ordinary Employment, he was willing to lay down his Commission of General of the Musquetteers, and his Right of sitting before his Majesty in public Assemblies, and that he should think himself more happy to be employed in keeping the Gate of his Majesty's Palace for the Women. The King, who for the reasons already alleged still preserved some kind of Affection for him, granted his Request. And it was then that he had conferred upon him the favour of keeping the women's Palace-Gate, to shelter him from the Tempest that threatened him; and thus he delivered himself from the Intrigues of the Court.  
This was he whom Habas II. had sent Ambassador to Aureng Zeb, King of the Indies, after he came to be in quiet Possession of the Empire. We shall in its proper place relate how he then carried himself, though the famous M. Bernier, who was then at the Court, when this Ambassador, appeared there speaks sufficiently of it in his Works made public to the World, to satisfy the Readers Curiosity.  
Upon this Sheik-Hali-Kaan was recalled from the War against the Yusbeks, where he Commanded as General, to be advanced to the Charge of General of the Musquetteers, which was a Noble Employment, as well as to all the rest to which he was afterwards raised. He is a Person of Courage, and an excellent Captain, one of those old Heroes that rendered the Reign of Habas the Great so Glorious and Triumphant. His Government of Chaldea was at the same time conferred upon one of his Son's Soleimaan Can, who is a Nobleman of Merit and Courage, and worthy such an Illustrious Father.  
The Lightning of Royal disfavour fell afterwards upon Mirza-Sadec, which name of Sadek in the Oriental Languages signifies Just, and is the same with Sadoc among the Hebrews. He was Brother to Mirza-Ibraim already mentioned, and worse than he; Vazier or Farmer-Royal of Fars or the ancient Persia. The Complaints of Shiras at length threw him out of this Employment. The People had for several years with hearty prayers to Heaven implored his Ruin, but could never obtain it: they clamoured against his Robberies and Violences; whole crowds of Petitioners thronged to Court with complaints against him; but his Presents and his specious Letters frustrated all their Attempts. Nay, one of the principal Occasions of the Dutch Embassy in the year 1666. was to complain of his Vexations, and the stop which he gave to their Trade. All the World thought that such a blow as that would have fetched his Head from his Shoulders; but he fended it off by the help of a Sister which he had in the women's Palace. So that he was discharged with only a severe Reprimand which was sent him in a Patent of which the Dutch themselves were the Messengers. At length this very year so many fresh complaints came against him, that he could find no more Evasions, neither would his pretences avail any longer, though he plied the Court still to the value of about thirty thousand pound; which they took, but spared him never a whit the more. He was expelled from his Employment and all his Goods Confiscated. It was believed at Court that his Estate would have amounted to several hundred thousand pounds, but they were amazed when they found that the Account rose to no more than 80200 l. Sterling in Gold and Silver, which he had at home in his Coffers, six thousand four hundred pound in Goods, Movables, Horses, Stuffs, Merchandise, and such other like Furniture which was not for ordinary use. In his Treasurer's Coffers was found seven thousand pound in Silver Money, and eight hundred seventy five pound in ducats of Gold.  
This crafty Lord long foresaw what then befell him; and therefore he had conveyed away his Jewels, and what he had of most costly value, and the greatest part of his ready Money; and had only left those Sums at home to dazzle the Eye, and make the Court believe it was his whole Estate. But no body could imagine it, and his Majesty sent into all Places belonging to his Jurisdiction an express Order to make diligent search for all Goods and Money, or whatever else might be thought to belong to the Offender, and put forth a Proclamation for all to discover what they knew. The same was done at Ispahan: but notwithstanding all that extraordinary diligence there was no more discovered then about sixty thousand Crowns; besides Goods that were not movable. The King left him all the Furniture of his Palace: nor did he meddle with his Wardrobe, nor with any thing that belonged to his Women, nor with any thing that was for common use in his Offices and Stables. Beside, he gave him liberty to enjoy a yearly Revenue of four thousand pound Sterling to maintain him shut up in a Palace a little way distant from Shiras; whence he was not to stir himself; but might receive the Visits of his Friends. His Children also were at the same time put out of Favour, and lost their Employments.  
After his Fall the King would not confer his Place upon any Lord, as being one of the most gainful Employments in Persia, but sent to a certain Persian Lord of an ancient Family, who resided at Shiras, whose name was Sefie-Kouli-Sultaan a short Commission, under the Title of Governor pro tempore of the Province, till he should think fit to supply the Place other ways.  
We have told ye how the greatest part of those that fell into disgrace in the Reign of Habas II. returned from their Exile, and were restored to favour, at the beginning of the new Reign. In the number of these was Mirza Hadi one of the most Learned Lords of Persia, able to instruct whoever would be desirous to know whatever is of choicest Secrecy in that Empire, whether as to the Situation of Places, as to History or Politics: and therefore it was that I endeavoured to benefit by his friendship and discourse. The Chief Minister to the deceased King made out the Process against him, and had confined him to his Palace in Ispahan; whence he never stirred, till after the death of that Monarch. And in regard he often frequented the Court, and was in great Reputation there, he was advanced to the Employment of Farmer-Royal of Kirmaan or Caramania.  
There was also living in Ispahan, some three years since, an ancient Indian Princess, who was there detained a Prisoner. She was Sister to the last King of Decan, and was called by the name of Saheb-Koud-shek, that is to say in the Persian of the Indies, the Little Lady; to denote a second Princess, that has another above her. This Lady was retired to Vijapour, and toward the end of her days was desirous to make a Pilgrimage to Mecca, carrying along with her an immense Treasure. In pursuance of this Pilgrimage she passed through Persia. But Habas II. for reasons that never were yet well understood, having her in his Power, would not permit her to go any farther, nor to return out of his Dominions, though she offered several times considerable Presents to obtain that favour. The new Prince, and that year the New Soleimaan, did not show himself so insensible of the Lady's Presents, as his Father had done, but condescended to what she desired, and received from her a Treasure of Jewels of an inestimable value.  
For she took her time one day that the King passed by the House where she had been lodged, and went forth herself with her Presents and her Petition. She had also prepared a sumptuous Banquet to be made ready in the Court that belonged to the House, and caused the Street to be spread with Cloth of Gold for the King to ride over; and as he road along, her Officers came and threw under his Horse's feet whole handfuls of money both Gold and Silver, to the value of two thousand Crowns. Which is a piece of Pomp and Grandeur practised in Persia, when any one would honour the Prince after a more splendid and obliging manner.  
Toward the end of the year 1668. arrived in Persia a new Mission of Italian Capuchins, sent by the Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith, for Georgia. They were six, attended by two Lay Brothers; their Superior being called Father Steven d' Ameria. They also brought a Letter from the Pope to the King of Persia, of which I took a Copy in these words.  

To the most Illustrious and most Potent King of the Persians CLEMENT IX. Pope.  
ILlustrious and most Potent King; we wish you Health and the Light of Divine Grace. Such is the Charity of the Roman Pontiff whom God, the Sovereign Creator of all men, has bestowed upon 'em, that he does not believe there is any Society upon Earth estranged from himself or his most tender cares. On the other side he admires and embraces with a particular affection Probity, Justice, and whatever other eminent Virtues, where ever they shine forth. Therefore our Predecessors have always had a most particular esteem and affectionate good will for the glorious Kings of Persia, but more especially for your Highness so famous over all the Earth for being adorned with all the splendour of virtuous Encomiums. And as we have no less high thought, and no less an esteem of your Merit, we promise to ourselves the same good will and kindness for Us, as you had for Them. In confidence whereof we desire your Majesty to grant your Protection to Father Stephen of Ameria, and the rest of his Companions who are going into the Province of Georgia, not in pursuit of their own Honour, but only for the Glory of God, and the Salvation of Souls. And we beseech you to defend and shelter 'em by your Authority from the Injuries of the Schismatics who follow the Ceremonies and Opinions of the Greeks, to the end they may with freedom and unmolested employ themselves in the duty of their Function. We desire and expect also from your signal Clemency the same favour and protection for all those other Catholics that are dispersed through the vast extent of the Kingdoms and Provinces under your Dominion. Whom we recommend as far as in us lies, to your Royal Generosity and Goodness. In recompense whereof we pray continually to God with all our hearts, that his Omnipotent Right Hand may send your Highness a particular knowledge of his Divine Truth; that he will pour upon you all manner both of Spiritual and Temporal Blessings, and to grant you perpetual prosperity.  
Given at Rome in the greater St. mary's, under the Seal of the Fisher, March 8. 1668. and the first of our Pontificate.   
We have already given an account in part of what the Cosaques did this year upon the Caspian Sea, of the Commissioners which they sent to Court, with whom the Council was not satisfied; what means were used to discover their Intentions; and whether there were not some deceit concealed under that Deputation. We shall here add the second Inroad which they made, and what spoil they committed more in Persia, the same year 1668.  
While they were therefore disputing at Ispahan whether they should take 'em for Friends or Enemies; The Cosaques, whose Commissioners were now returning back, as all that they had done was only to amuse the Persians (though they had been treated with good words, and had received promises very advantageous for their Colony) continued their design of plundering and pillaging all the Maritime Regions of Persia to the East. To which purpose they quit Save, and directing their March toward the more Eastern Provinces of the Caspian Sea, they sailed seventy Leagues without being descried from the Land, and land at Ferhabaad the Capital City of Mazenderaan. They landed in the disguise of Merchants, went up and down the Market places, and into the Shops like People that had no great skill in Traffic, and yet had something both to buy and to sell. They let go their Ducats of Gold for five Shayet, which make not so much as two Shillings, sold English Cloth for four Abasses, or five shillings six pence the Ell. On the other side the Persians while this Trade lasted caressed the Cosaques at a high rate, finding 'em such admirable Customers, and Chapmen both together, and looked upon 'em as Cullies and Novices which their kind Stars had brought among 'em: But the sixth day, continuing their Game, at the hour prefixed among themselves, at what time they had scattered themselves in several parts of the City to avoid suspicion, they drew their Swords, slew all they met, plundered the Houses, and laden with Booty, after they had killed above five hundred persons, they returned to their Vessels, lying still out of ken at Sea.  
The most considerable, and a loss not to be repaired, was the ruin of the King's Palace, a most stately Pile, seated in the midst of the City, wherein was kept a vast Treasure of Dishes and Basins of Porcelain, or China, Cornaline, Agate, Coral, Amber, Cups of Crystal of the Rock, and other Rarities without number, which those Barbarians either broke or carried away. They also broke the great Haouse, or Tangi, being a Jasper Fountain covered with Plates of Gold and erected within the Palace. Every time I think of the Magnificence and Delightfulness of that place, where I was in the year 1666. I cannot but lament its hard Fate; and had the Reader seen the Description which I have made of it, he would acknowledge that such a wonder of Art deserved a kind of perpetuity.  
In Ferhabaad and the parts adjoining there are some few Christians still remaining of that vast number which Habas the Great formerly brought in to people that Country some sixty years ago, which has so much lessened their Number, that there is not the sixtieth part of what there was before: and the most part of these for worldly Interests have embraced the Mahometan Superstition. Those few Christians that remained knowing that the Cosaques were likewise Christians, to save themselves from their fury, and their Houses from being plundered, when they saw 'em coming, cried out Christous, Christous, and the better to let 'em understand they were Christians signed themselves with the sign of the Cross from head to foot, so that the Cosaques hearing 'em invoke that adorable Name, and seeing how they crossed themselves, not only spared their lives, but protected their Houses.  
The Inhabitants of Ferhabaad, who had saved their lives by flight, returned the next day betimes in the Morning, to pick up what was left of their Goods: but while they were thus busily employed, the Cosaques landed a second time, and now more greedy of humane Blood, than of Plunder, killed about seven hundred, and took as many Prisoners, and then retired for good and all.  
By this time Winter was come, which they resolved to spend in Persia, and to that purpose they sought out for a Place where they might quarter together in security. Now just against the City of Ferhabaad there lies a Peninsula, or Tongue of Land that runs forward into the Caspian Sea about ten or eleven Leagues. This place did abound in Hearts, wild Boars, wild Goats, and other sorts of wild Venison: It is also full of Forests and fresh Water, nor does it want any thing that is convenient for the support of Humane Life, and is therefore a most convenient place for Habitation: The Persians call it Mionnè-Kellè or the Middlesized Horn, thereby denoting a Tongue of Land that runs out into the Sea; there it was that the Cosaques entrenched themselves. To which purpose they made their Prisoners work day and night to dig a large Trench about their Camp; and then with several great Trees pestered one within another, and filled up with Turf, they raised a kind of a Bulwark, upon which they planted their Badeliegè or great Guns, for their better defence.  
This was that which the Persians desired; for as soon as they understood they were fortified in that place, the same year, notwithstanding the Winter season, they attacked 'em, and being stronger by Land than the Cosaques, they beat 'em, retook all their Prisoners, and constrained the Enemy to betake themselves to their Vessels, with which, after they had roamed about the whole Peninsula on every side, they found at the farthest end a more advantageous Post, as being defended by a Marsh, where they stopped with their Booty, and their little Barks, at which time I came away for Europe.  
FINIS.   

THE TABLE.  

A 

A Bovel-kazi, a Tartarian Prince taken by the Persians, Pag. 115. their civil usage of him, 116. makes his escape into his own Country, 117. his gratitude, 118.  
Aga-Mubarek, Tutor to Hamzeh-Mirza second Son to Habas II. 8. but much against his advancement to the Throne, 19 his Speech upon the debate, 20, 21. a great Favourite of Sefie II. 57 an animosity between him and the High Chamberlain, 108.  
Ali, see Hali.  
Ambassador see Envoy and Ambassador.  
Ardevil a Persian City of more than ordinary Sanctity, 69.  
Armenians hated by the Persian Lord Chief Justice, 87. suffer great injustice from Hali-Kouli-Kaan, 92, 93, 94.  
Astrologers of great esteem in Persia, 13. 25. 43. 131, 132.  
Athemad-doulet, chief Minister of Persia, 13. his Speech upon the choice of a new Emperor, 14, 15.  
Audience of the Dutch Envoy, 65. of the English, 66. of the French, 72.  
Audit of Address, the Author of it grossly mistaken, 49.  
Aureng-Zebe King of India keeps Spies in the Persian Court, 98. his Ambassador affronted at the Court of Persia, 102. upon what motives diverted from a War, 110.    
B 

Balk, a petty Principality of Tartary, 115.  
Basra, corruptly Balzura, the policy of the Bassa there to preserve himself, 125. offers to become tributary to the Grand Signior, 126. which will not be accepted, 145.  
Bastinadoes bestowed upon a Persian Nobleman, 140. what followed thereupon, 141.  
Bisin-Allah, a Persian Acclamation, 15.  
Bokora, a petty Principality of Tartary, 115.  
Bolluki, a people bordering on Persia, 136. abused by the Governor of Kandaar, 137. their King slain, ibid.    
C 

Calates or Vests presented by the King to his Noblemen, 70.  
Camp of the Persian King, the manner of it, 12.  
Capuchin Friars, a Mission of them to Georgia, 151.  
Carechme, a petty Principality of Tartary, 115.  
Character of Habas the Second, 1. of Sefie Mirza, 6, 7. of Hamzeh Mirza, 8. of Koelar Agasia, 25, of Hali-Kouli-Kaan, 121, 122.  
Cheik-Sefie the first of the Royal blood of Persia, 69.  
Chemchir or a Persian Sword, the description, 41.  
Christians kindly used by Habas II. 1. 58.  
Cities of the Persians of a peculiar Sanctity, 69.  
Pope Clement his Letter to the Emperor of Persia, 15.  
Clichs-Kaan one of the Persian Generals against the Yusbecks', 120.  
Coffins, several made alike at the death of the Persian Emp. 68  
Coin of the Persian Emperor its Inscription, 52.  
Comet, its appearance, 134. the Astrologers opinion of it, 135.  
Conspiracy of the two chief Physicians of Persia to prefer the younger Son of the Persian Emperor, 9 in which the Prime Ministers join, 10. Speeches thereupon, 15.  
Coronation of the Persian Emperor, the Ceremonies thereof, 42, to 48. resolved to be performed again, 132.  
Cosross, a Prince of Persia, his fall, 2.  
Cossaks invade Persia, 141. the occasion, 143. their Ambassadors how received, 144. plunder Ferhabaad, 153. are defeated by the Persians, 154.  
Council holden for election of a Successor to Habas II. 12, etc. another of the Noblemen with the Emperor, 71, another where the French Envoy has his Audience, 72.  
Convoy of the Persians surprised by the Yusbecks', 121.    
D 

Dearth in Persia, and especially at Ispahan, 88  
Death of Habas II. related by the Eunuches to the chief Ministers, 4.  
Dervicks, a sort of Mahometan Mendicant, 99 concerned with the Indian Spies, 100 punished, 101.  
Description of the Emperor's Apartment for Audience, 37. of the Imperial Throne, 39 of his Crown, 40. of his Sword, 41. of his Dagger, ibid. of his Personage, 57  
Dhulbandt, erroneously Turban, a description of that of the Persian Emperor, 40.  
Divaan Beki, Lord of the Council of Justice, 13.  
Dutch Envoy obtains audience at the Persian Court, 65.    
E 

Earthquake in Georgia, overturns great part of the City Tefflis, 126. another destroys Shamaki, 127.  
Election of Sephie-Mirza, Emperor of Persia, from 12, to 23. of a Messenger to carry him the tidings, 23, 24, 25.  
Ambassador from India affronted at the Persian Court, 102. those from Muscovy, their sneaking carriage, 142. slighted thereupon, ib. which gives occasion to an Invasion from the Cossaks, 143.  
English Envoy his Audience at the Persian Court, 66.  
Enouch-Kaan, King of Orquenge wars upon Persia, 119. submits, ibid. invades the Persian borders, 120.  
Envoy from the Hollanders hath Audience of the Emperor, 64. the English hath the same, 66. the French likewise, 72.    
F 

Ferhabaad, the Capital City of Mezenderaan, plundered by the Cosaques, 153.  
Sir Stephen Flower, the English Envoy at the Persian Court, 66. hath Audience, ibid. and 67.  
French Envoy hath Audience at the Persian Court, 72.    
G 

Gangher, or a Persian Dagger, its description, 41.  
Gemshed-Kaan Koular, a perfidious Nobleman, 103. his Character, 104. Instances of his roguery, 106. he is made Governor of Candaar, 109. his Insolences there, 136. shamefully put to death, 140. his Personage, ibid.  
Georgia, the last King thereof how made a Feudatary of Persia, 101. the Eldest Son of the Prince of it always grand Provost of Ispahan, 101.  
Giulfa, the place of habitation for the Armenians in Persia, 97.  
Guebres, or Persian Fire Worshippers, 98.    
H 

Habas II. his Virtues and Character, 1. his death, 3. his last words, 4. his cruelty, 11. kind to the Christians, 58, 59, 60.  
Habit of the Persian Emperor when he first appeared in public, 57  
Hakiem Bachi, the chief of the Physicians, 13.  
Hali-Kouli-Kaan escapes out of custostody, 77. his reception at Court, 77. highly advanced, 82. his method of easing the People in the time of dearth, 89. his injustice to the Armenians, 93, 94, etc. his ill usage of Mirza Ibrahim, 112. his death, 121. his Character and Personage, 122.  
Hamzeh-Mirza Son to Habas II. 8. his Character, ibid. proposed for Emperor upon his Father's death, 15. begs heartily that his eyes may not be put out, 67.  
Hossein Bassa, petty Sovereign of Basra, 126. offers to become tributary to the Grand Signior, ibid. which is not accepted, 145.    
I 

Ichigakasia-Bachi, chief of the Masters of the Footstool to the Throne, 14.  
Imaan, a Persian Priest, 69.  
Imaan-Reza a Persian Saint, 69.  
Inscription on the Coins of the new Emperor, 52.  
Instructions of the Dutch Envoy for his Negotiation at the Persian Court, 63.    
K. 

Kachan, a City of reputation for Sanctity, 69.  
Kalmaches, a Tartarian people invade Persia, 123.  
Kand-dar, the Province subdued by Habas II. 1.  
Koelar-Agasia, Lord of the Slaves, 13. his Character, 25.  
Kom, the Burial-place of Habas II. 68 reputed among the holy Cities, 69.  
Kotbé, or Persian Prayer, 45.  
Kafer, the name given by the Persians to Idolaters and Christians, 135.    
L 

M. de Lalain French Envoy his Audience, 72.  
Hubert de Laresse, Envoy from the Hollanders to the Emperor, 56. his negotiation at the Persian Court under Habas II. 61, 62. and under Sefie II. 64. his Audience, 65.  
Letter of the Persian Lords to Sefie-Mirza, upon having Elected him Emperor, 27, 28. of the Spies in the Persian Court to the King of India, 98. Letters of Credence of the Cosaque Ambassadors not to be uncyphered, 144. of the Great Duke of Muscovy to the King of Persia, 145. of the Pope to the same, 151.    
M 

Mahamed-Kouli-Kaan, a great Enemy to the Christians, 87. Bastinadoed, 140. made Governor of Candaar, 141.  
Mahamed Saleh, a famous ginger, 25.  
Meihter or High Chamberlain of Persia, 3-14.  
Message of the Persian Noblemen to the Emperor, 67. his Answer, 68  
Mer-Atever-Bachi, Grand Esquire to the Emperor, 13.  
Metched an extraordinary holy City among the Persians, 69.  
Mir-tchekar-Bachi, Prince of the Chase, 13.  
Mirza the signification of it, 8.  
Mirza-Baker Chief of the Astrologers, 25.  
Mirza-Hali-Riza, a learned Persian Nobleman, 43. imprisoned by Habas II. and released by Sefié II. 78.  
Mirza Hachem a foul-tongued person, 74. out of the King's favour, 76. his death, 77.  
Mirza-Koudchek, Physician to Habas II. 5. confined, and his Estate confiscated, 70.  
Mirza-Ibrahim, Vazier of Media, 104. how cheated by the General of the Slaves, 106. his usage at his arrival at Ispahan, 112, 113. when almost ruin'd he gets leave to retire, 127.  
Mirza-Refié, a learned Persian, 42. his Oration at the Coronation, 45.  
Mirza-Sadek his fall, 149.  
Mirza-Sahid, Physician to Habas II. 5. confined, and his Estate confiscated, 70.  
Mission of Capuchins to Georgia, 151.  
Moubarek-Bached, a Persian Compliment. 70.  
Moulouk, the meaning of the word, 115.  
Multani a sort of Banians, 98. the principal of them apprehended, 100  
Munckiziim-Bachi, the Lord of the Astrologers, 13. ordered to accompany the tidings of his Election to Sefie-Mirza, 25.  
Muscovite Ambassadors slighted at the Persian Court, 142. the Great Duke's Letter to the King, 145.    
N 

Nazir Eunuch, see Aga Mubarek.  
Nazir, the signification of the word, 8. Nazir, or Seer, the Superintendant General of the Royal Revevenues, 13. Passionate for the preferment of Hamzeh-Mirza to the Throne, 17. not honoured as other Noblemen, 17. his abject Submission, ibid. gains his pardon, 72. cheated by the General of the Slaves, 107.  
Nekaat-Kanum the first Wife of Habas II. 6. her extreme passion upon the Message from the Lords to her Son, 31, 32.  
Niazouk, the Comet so called.  
Noblemen of Persia assemble to choose a new Emperor, 12, etc. their Message to him, 67. their Arrival and Reception at Court, 70, 71.  
Nour-Nissa-Kanum, the second Wife of Habas II. 8.    
O 

Orders for the Commissioners who carried to Sephiè Mirza the News of his being elected Emperor, 26, etc.  
Orquenge, a petty Principality of Tartary, 115. a Prince of that Country taken Prisoner by the Persians, ibid. and his usage among them, 116.    
P 

Pehri Rocksar Begum restored to favour, and her Husband preferred, 83.  
Physicians to the Emperor of Persia. their case upon the death of their Master, 5. they complot to raise the younger Son to the Throne, 9 they are confined, and their Estates confiscated, 70.  
Pope's Letter to the Persian Emperor, 151.  
Portraitures of the Emperor and great Officers taken by the Indian Spies, 98.  
Prayer or Speech at the Coronation of the Emperor, 45.  
Present of the Dutch Envoy to the General of the Musquetteers, 66. of the English to the Emperor, ibid. and to the General of the Musquetteers, 67. of the French to the Emperor, 72. of Mirza Ibrahim to Hali-Kouli-Kaan, 113. of the Indian Lady Sakeb-Koudshek to Solyman III. 151.    
R 

Religion of Mahomet divided into the Shia and the Sunni Factions, 119.  
Revenues of Persia decrease under the management of the young K. 128.  
Sepher-Kouli-Kaan the Princely Slave of the Armies, 101.  
Sephie, the signification of the word, 48.  
Shama Ki, a City almost Ruined by an Earthquake, 127.  
Sha-Naavaz Kaan, Prince Governor of Gorgia, 101.  
Sheik-Hali-Kaan, one of the Persian Generals against the Tusbeks, 120. advanced to be General of the Musquetteers, 148.  
Shia, the name of that Sect of Mahometans of which are the Persians, 119.  
Soliman, the new name of the Persian Emperor, 134. the original and meaning of it, 133.  
Sophy, a word used by Historians, &c by mistake, 49.  
Speech of the prime Minister for the promotion of Hamzeh-Mirza to the Throne, 14, 15. of Aga-Mubarek against it, 20, 21. of the Messenger who brought the news to Sephie-Mirza of his being Elected Emperor, 34. of Mirza-Refia at the Coronation, 45. of the Emperor of Persia and the Dutch Envoy at his Audience, 65. of the Emp. and the English, 66, 67. of the same and the French, 72, 73. of the Emperor and Hali-Kouli-Kaan upon his Arrival, 80. of the same Lord upon another occasion, 129. of the prime Minister to the Cossque Ambassadors.  
Spies in the Persian Court from the King of India, 98.  
Stephen d' Ameria Superior of a Mission of Capuchins to Georgia, 151.  
Sunni the name of that Mahometan Sect of which the Yusbecks' and Turks are, 119, 135.    
T. 

Taag, the Diadem or Crown of the Persian Emperor, 40.  
Talaar Tavieleh, the Emperor's Apartment for Audience, 36. the description of it, 37.  
Tefflis, the Capital City of Georgia, a good part of it overturned by an Earthquake, 126.  
Temuraz-Kaan, the last King of Georgia, 101.  
Terviet-Kaan, Ambassador from the King of India, 102,  
Toefenktchi, the Lord of the Musquetteers, 13. chosen to carry the tidings to Sefi-Mirza of his being Elected Emperor 25. and his Character, ibid. a great Favourite of the Emperor, 57 73. loses his Love and retires, 148.  
Tshehel Setoon, or the Hall with forty Pillars, 132.  
Tumult in Ispahan, 84, 85.  
Turban, see Dhulbandt.  
Turks or Turkmans, whence they came, 124.    
V. 

Valié-Neamet, its signification, 34.  
Vateaa-Noviez, the Notary of occurrences, 13.  
Vazier, the meaning of the Word, 73.  
Vazier of Mazenderan see Mirza-Hachem.  
Vests given by the Persian Emperor to his Noblemen, 70, 71.    
W 

Wine prohibited to be sold, 130.  
Wives, the choice of them by the Kings of Persia, 130.  
womans why extremely afflicted upon the death of the Emperor, 3. the constant Companions of Sephie, 130.    
Y 

Yus and Yusi, the meaning of the words, 115.  
Yusbecks' a People of Tartary invade the Persian Territories, 114. an account of them, 115. a great defeat of them, ibid. they submit to Habas II. 119. make an irruption into Bactria, 120. surprise a Persian Convoy, 121.    
Z 

Zachara, an Armenian Merchant, 91.     
FINIS.