THE CHARGE OF THE SCOTTISH COMMISSIONERS Against Canterbury and the lieutenant of IRELAND. Together with their Demand concerning the Sixt Article of the Treaty Whereunto is added the Parliaments Resolution about the Proportion of the Scottish charges, and the Scottish Commissioners thankful acceptance thereof.  The Lord is known by the judgement which he executeth. The wicked is snared in the works of his own hands. 
London, Printed for Nath. Butter. 1641   

The Charge of the Scottish Commissioners against the Prelate of CANTERBURY.  
NOvations in Religion, which are universally acknowledged to be the main cause of commotions in kingdoms and States, and are known to be the true cause of our present troubles, were many and great, beside the books of Ordination, and Homilies, 1. Some particular alterations in matters of Religion, pressed upon us without order, and against Law, contrary to the form established in our Kirk. 2. A new book of Canons and Constitutions ecclesiastical. 3. A liturgy or book of commonprayer, which did also carry with them many dangerous errors in matters of doctrine. Of all which we challenge the Prelate of Canterbury, as the prime cause on earth.  
And first, that this Prelate was the author and urger of some particular changes, which made great disturbance amongst us, we make manifest: 1. By fourteen letters subscribed, W. Cant. in the space of two years, to one of our pretended Bishops, Bannatine, wherein he often enjoineth him, & other pretended Bishops, to appear in the chapel in their whites, contrary to the custom of our Kirk, & to his promise made to the pretended Bishop of Edinburgh, at the coronation, that none of them after that time, should be pressed to wear these garments, thereby moving him against his will to put them on for that time, wherein he directeth him to give order for saying the English Service in the chapel twice a day, for his neglect showing him that he was disappointed of the bishopric of Edinburgh, promising him upon his greater care of these novations, advancement to a better bishopric, taxing him for his boldness in preaching the sound doctrine of the reformed kirks, against Master Mitchell, who had taught the errors of Arminius, in the point of the extent of the merit of Christ, bidding him send up a list of the names of counsellors and senators of the college of justice, who did not communicate in the chapel in a form which was not received in our kirk, commending him when he found him obsequious to these his commands, telling him that he had moved the King the second time for the punishment of such as had not received in the chapel: and wherein he upbraideth him bitterly, that in his first Synod at Aberdein, he had only disputed against our custom of Scotland, of fasting sometimes on the Lord's day, and presumptuously censuring our Kirk, that in this we were opposite to Christianity itself; and that amongst us there were no Canons at all: More of this stuff may be seen in the letters themselves.  
Secondly, by two papers of memoirs and instructions from the pretended Bishop of Saint Androis, to the pretended Bishop of Rosse, coming to this Prelate for ordering the affairs of the Kirk, and kingdom of Scotland, as not only to obtain warrants, to order the Exchequer, the Privy counsel, the great Commission of Surrenders, the matter of Balmerino's process, as might please our Prelates, but warrants also for sitting of the High Commission Court once a week in Edinburgh, and to gain from the Noblemen, for the benefit of Prelates, and their adherents, the Abbacies of Kelso, Arbroith, S. Androis, and Lindors: and in the smallest matters to receive his commands, as for taking down Galleries, and stonewalls, in the Kirks of Edinburgh, and Saint Androis, for no other end but to make way for Altars, and adoration towards the East, which besides other evils, made no small noise, and disturbance amongst the people, deprived hereby, of their ordinary accommodation for public worship.  
The second Novation which troubled our peace, was a book of Canons, and Constitutions ecclesiastical, obtruded upon our Kirk, found by our general assembly to be devised for establishing a tyrannical power, in the persons of our Prelates, over the worship of God, over the consciences, liberties, and goods of the people; and for abolishing the whole discipline, and government of our Kirk, by general and provincial assemblies, Presbyteries, and Kirk sessions, which was settled by law, and in continual practice since the time of reformation; that Canterbury was Master of this work, is manifest.  
By a book of Canons sent to him, written upon the one side only, with the other side blank, for corrections, additions, and putting all in better order, at his pleasure; which accordingly was done as may appear by interlinings, marginals, and filling up of the blank page with directions sent to our Prelates; and that it was done by no other than Canterbury, is evident by his magisterial way of prescribing, and by a new copy of these Canons, all written with Saint Androis own hand, precisely to a letter, according to the former castigations, sent back for procuring the Kings warrant unto it, which accordingly was obtained; but with an addition of some other Canons, and a paper of some other corrections: According to which the book of Canons thus composed, was published in print, the inspection of the books, instructions, and his letters of joy, for the success of the work, and of others letters of the Prelate of London, and the Lord Sterling, to the same purpose; all which we are ready to exhibit, will put the matter out of all debate.  
Beside this general, there be some things more special worthy to be adverted unto, for discovering his spirit. 1. The 4. Canon of Cap. 8. for as much as no reformation in Doctrine, or Discipline can be made perfect at once in any Church; therefore it shall, and may be lawful for the Church of Scotland, at any time to make remonstrance to his M. or his successors, &c. Because this Canon holdeth the door open to more innovations, he writeth to the Prelate of Rosse his privy Agent, in all this work, of his great gladness, that this Canon did stand behind the curtain, and his great desire that this Canon may be printed fully as one that was to be most useful. Secondly, the title prefixed to these Canons by our Prelates. Canons agreed upon to be proponed to the several Synods of the Kirk of Scotland, is thus changed by Canterbury; Canons and constitutions ecclesiastical, &c. Ordained to be observed by the Clergy. He will not have Canons to come from the authority of Synods, but from the power of Prelates, or from the King's prerogative. Thirdly, the formidable Canon, Cap. 1.3. threatening no less than excommunication against all such persons whosoever shall open their mouths against any of these books, proceeded not from our Prelates, nor is to be found in the copy sent from them, but is a thunderbolt forged in Canterbury's own sire. 4. Our Prelates in divers places witness their dislike of Papists. A Minister sal be deposed if if he be found negligent to convert Papists. Chap. 18. 15. The adoration of the Bread is a superstition to be condemned, Cap. 6. 6. They call the absolute necessity of baptism an error of Popery, Chap. 6.2. But in Canterbury's edition, the name of Papists and Popery is not so much as mentioned. 5. Our Prelates have not the boldness to trouble us in their Canons, with Altars, Fonts, Chancels, reading of a long liturgy before Sermon, &c. But Canterbury is punctual, and peremptory in all these. 6. Although the words of the tenth Canon Chap. 3. be fair, yet the wicked intentions of Canterbury and Ross, may be seen in the point of justification of a sinner before God, by comparing the Canon as it came from our prelates, and as it was returned from Canterbury, and printed, our Prelates say thus: It is manifest that the superstition of former ages, hath turned into a great profaneness, and that people are grown cold, for the most part, in doing any good thinking there is no place to good works, because they are excluded from justification, Therefore shall all Ministers, as their text giveth occasion, urge the necessity of good works, as they would be saved, and remember that they are via regni, the way to the kingdom of heaven, though not causa regnandi, howbeit they be not the cause of salvation. Here Ross giveth his judgement, That he would have this Canon simply commanding good works to be preached, and no mention made what place they have or have not in justification. Upon this motion, so agreeable to Canterbury's mind, the Canon is set down as it standeth without the distinction of via regni, or causa regnā●●, or any word sounding that way, urging only the necessity of good works. 7. By comparing Can. 9 chap. 18. as it was sent in writing from our Prelates, and as it is printed at Canterbury's command, may be also manifest, that he went about to establish auricular confession, and Popish absolution. 8. Our Prelates were not acquainted with Canons for inflicting of arbitrary penalties: But in Canterbury's book, wheresoever there is no penalty expressly set down, it is provided that it shall be arbitrary, as the Ordinary shall think fittest. By these and many other the like, it is apparent, what tyrannical power he went about to establish in the hands of our prelates, over the worship, & the souls and goods of men, overturning from the foundation, the whole order of our Kirk, what seeds of Popery he did sow in our Kirk, and how large an entry he did make for the grossest novations afterward, which hath been a main cause of all their combustion.  
The third and great Novation was the book of Common Prayer, administration of the Sacraments, and other parts of divine Service, brought in without warrant from our Kirk to be universally received, as the only form of divine Service, under all highest pains both civil and ecclesiastical; which is found by our national assembly, beside the Popish frame, and forms in divine worship, to contain many Popish errors, and ceremonies, and the seeds of manifold and gross superstitions, and idolatries and to be repugnant to the Doctrine, Discipline, and order of our reformation, to the confession of faith, constitutions of general assemblies, and Acts of Parliament, establishing the true Religion: that this also was Canterbury's work, we make manifest.  
By the memoirs, and instructions sent unto him from our Prelates; wherein they gave a special account of the diligence they had used, to do all which herein they were enjoined, by the approbation of the Service book sent to them; and of all the marginal corrections, wherein it varieth from the English book, showing their desire to have some few things changed in it, which notwithstanding was not granted: This we find written by Saint Androis own hand, and subscribed by him, and nine other of our Prelates.  
By Canterbury's own letters, witnesses of his joy, when the book was ready for the press, of his prayers that God would speed the work, of his hope to see that service set up in Scotland, of his diligence to send for the Printer, and directing him to prepare a black letter, and to send it to his servants at Edinburgh, for printing this book. Of his approbation of the proofs sent from the press. Of his fear of delay, in bringing the work speedily to an end, for the great good, (not of that Church, but) of the Church. Of his encouraging Rosse who was entrusted with the press, to go on in this piece of Service without fear of enemies. All which may be seen in the Autographs and by letters sent from the Prelate of London to Rosse, wherein as he rejoiceth at the sight of the Scottish Canons; which although they should make some noise at the beginning, yet they would be more for the good of the Kirk, than the Canons of Edinburgh, for the good of the kingdom. So concerning the liturgy he showeth, that Rosse had sent to him, to have an explanation from Canterbury of some passage of the Service book, and that the press behooved to stand till the explanation come to Edinburgh, which therefore he had in haste obtained from his Grace, and sent the dispatch away by Canterbury's own conveyance.  
But the book itself as it standeth interlined, margined and patched up, is much more than all that is expressed in his letters, and the changes and supplements themselves, taken from the mass book, & other Romish rituals, by which he maketh it to vary from the book of England, are more pregnant testimonies of his Popish spirit, and wicked intentions, which he would have put in execution upon us, then can be denied. The large declaration professeth, that all the variation of our book, from the book of England, that ever the King understood, was in such things as the Scottish humour would better comply with, then with that which stood in the English service. These Popish innovations therefore have been surreptitiously inserted, by him without the King's knowledge, and against his purpose. Our Scottish Prelates do petition that something may be abated of the English ceremonies, as the cross in baptism, the ring in marriage, and some other things. But Canterbury will not only have these kept, but a great many more, and worse superadded, which was nothing else, but the adding of fuel to the fire. To express and discover all, would require a whole book, we sall only touch some few in the matter of the Communion.  
This book inverteth the order of the Communion, in the book of England, as may be seen by the numbers, setting down the orders of this new Communion, 1. 5. 2. 6.7.3.4.8.9. 10. 15. Of the divers secret reasons of this change, we mention one only, In joining the spiritual praise and thanksgiving, which is in the book of England, pertinently after the communion, with the prayer of consecration before the communion, and that under the name of memorial or Oblation, for no other end, but that the memorial and sacrifice of praise, mentioned in it, may be understood according to the Popish meaning. Bellar. de Missa, lib. 2. cap. 21. Not of the spiritual sacrifice, but of the oblation of the body of the Lord.  
It seemeth to be no great matter, that without warrant of the book of England, the Presbyter going from the north end of the Table, shall stand during the time of consecration, at such a part of the table, where he may with the more ease and decency use both hands; yet being tried, it importeth much, as, that he must stand with his hinder pairts to the people, representing (saith Durand) that which the Lord said of Moses, Thou shalt see my hinder pairts. he must have the use of both his hands, not for any thing he hath to do about the bread and wine, for that may be done at the North end of the Table, and be better seen of the people; but (as we are taught by the Rationalists) that he may by stretching forth his arms to represent the extension of Christ on the cross, and that he may the more conveniently lift up the bread and wine above his head to be seen and adored of the people, who in the rubric of the general Confession, a little before, are directed to kneel humbly on their knees, that the priest's elevation so magnified in the mass, and the people's adoration may go together, That in this posture, speaking with a low voice, and muttering (for sometimes he is commanded to speak with a loud voice, and distinctly) he be not heard by the people, which is no less a mocking of God, and his people, then if the words were spoken in an unknown language. As there is no word of all this in the English Service; so doth the book in King Ed. time, give to every Presbyter his liberty of gesture, which yet gave such offence to Bucer, (the censurer of the book: and even in Cassander's own judgement, a man of great moderation in matters of this kind) that he calleth them, Nunquam satis execrandos Missa gestus, and would have them to be abhorred, because they confirm to the simple and superstitious ter impiam & exitialem Missae fiduciam.  
The corporal presence of Christ's body in the Sacrament, is also to be found here: for the words of the mass-book serving to this purpose, which are sharply censured by Bucer in King Ed. liturgy, & are not to be found in the book of England, are taken in here; Almighty God is incalled, that of his Almighty goodness he may vouchsafe so to bless and sanctify with his Word and Spirit, these gifts of bread and wine, that they may be unto us the body and blood of Christ.  
The change here is made a work of God's omnipotency: the words of the mass, ut fiant nobis, are translated in King Edward's book, That they may be unto us, which are again turned into Latin by Alesius, Vt fiant nobis. On the other part, the expressions of the book of England at the delivery of the Elements of feeding on Christ by faith, and of eating and drinking in remembrance that Christ died for thee, are utterly deleated. Many evidences there be in this part of the Communion, of the bodily presence of Christ, very agreeable to the doctrines taught by his Secretaries, which this paper cannot contain. They teach us that Christ is received in the Sacrament, Corporaliter, both objectivè and subjectivè. Corpus Christi est objectum quod recipitur, & corpus nostrum subjectum quo recipitur.  
The book of England abolisheth all that may import the oblation of any unbloody Sacrifice, but here we have besides the preparatory oblation of the Elements, which is neither to be found in the book of England now, nor in King Edward's book of old, the oblation of the body and blood of Christ, which Bellarmine calleth, Sacrificium Laudis, quia Deus per illud magnopere laudatur. This also agreeth well with their late doctrine. We are ready when it shall be judged convenient, and we shall be desired, to discover much more matters of this kind, as grounds laid for missasicca, or the half mess, The private mess without the people, Of communicating in one kind, Of the Consumption by the Priest, and Consummation of the Sacrifice, Of receiving the Sacrament in the mouth, and not in the hand, &c.  
Our Supplications were many against these Books, but Canterbury procured them to be answered with terrible Proclamations. We were constrained to use the remedy of Protestation; but for our Protestations, and other lawful means, which we used for our deliverance, Canterbury procured us to be declared Rebels & Traitors in all the Parish Kirks of England: when we were seeking to possess our Religion in Peace, against these Devices and Novations, Canterbury kindleth war against us. In all these it is known that he was although not the sole, yet the principal Agent and Adviser.  
When by the Pacification at Berwick, both kingdoms looked for Peace and quietness, he spared not openly in the hearing of many, often before the King, and privately at the council-table, and the privy jointo to speak of us as Rebels and Traitors, and to speak against the Pacification as dishonourable, and meet to be broken. Neither did his malignancy and bitterness ever suffer him to rest, till a new war was entered upon, and all things prepared for our destruction.  
By him was it that our Covenant, approven by national Assemblies, subscribed by his M. Commissioner, and by the Lords of his M. counsel, and by them commanded to be subscribed by all the Subjects of the kingdom, as a Testimony of our duty to God, and the King, by him was it still called Ungodly, Damnable, Treasonable; by him were Oaths invented, and pressed upon divers of our poor countrymen, upon the pain of imprisonment, and many miseries, which were unwarrantable by Law, and contrary their national Oath.  
When our Commissioners did appear to render the reasons of our demands, he spared not in the presence of the king, and Committee, to rail against our national Assembly, as not daring to appear before the World, and kirks abroad, where himself and his Actions were able to endure trial, and against our just and necessary defence, as the most malicious and Treasonable Contempt of monarchical Government that any by-gone age had heard of: His hand also was at the Warrant for the restraint and imprisonment of our Commissioners, sent from the Parliament, warranted by the King, and seeking the peace of the kingdoms.  
When we had by our Declarations, Remonstrances, & Representations, manifested the truth of our intentions, and lawfulness of our Actions, to all the good Subjects of the kingdom of England, when the late Parliament could not be moved to assist, or enter in war against us, maintaining our Religion, and Liberties, Canterbury did not only advise the breaking up of that high and honourable Court, to the great grief and hazard of the kingdom, but, (which is without example) did sit still in the Convocation, and make Canons and constitutions against us, and our just and necessary defence, ordaining under all highest pains, that hereafter the Clergy shall preach 4. times in the year, such doctrine as is contrary, not only to our proceedings, but to the doctrine & proceedings of other reform Kirks, to the judgement of all sound Divines, & politics, and tending to the utter slavery and ruining of all Estates and kingdoms, & to the dishonour of Kings & Monarchs. And as if this had not been sufficient, he procured six Subsidies to be lifted of the Clergy, under pain of Deprivation to all that should refuse. And which is yet worse, and above which Malice itself cannot ascend, by his means a prayer is framed, printed, and sent through all the Paroches of England, to be said in all Churches in time of Divine Service, next after the prayer for the Queen and royal Progeny, against our Nation by name of traitorous Subjects, having cast off all obedience to our anointed sovereign, and coming in a rebellious manner to invade England, that shame may cover our faces, as Enemies to God and the King.  
Whosoever shall impartially examine what hath proceeded from himself, in these two books of Canons and Common prayer, what Doctrine hath been published and printed these years by past in England, by his Disciples and Emissaries, what gross Popery in the most material points we have found, and are ready to show in the posthume writings, of the Prelate of Edinburgh, and Dumblane, his own creatures, his nearest familiars, and most willing instruments to advance his counsels, and projects, fall perceive that his intentions were deep and large against all the reformed Kirks, and reformation of Religion, which in his majesty's dominions was panting and by this time had rendered up the Ghost, if God had not in a wonderful way of mercy prevented us: And that if the Pope himself had been in his place, he could not have been more Popish, nor could he more zealously have negotiated for Rome, against the reformed Kirks, to reduce them to the Heresies in Doctrine, the Superstitions and Idolatry in worship, and the Tyranny in Government, which are in that See, and for which the Reformed Kirks did separate from it, and come forth of Babel. From him certainly hath issued all this deluge which almost hath overturned all. We are therefore confident that your lordship's will by your means deal effectually with the Parliament, that this great firebrand be presently removed from his majesty's presence, and that he may be put to trial, and put to his deserved censure according to the laws of the kingdom, which sall be good service to God, honour to the King and Parliament; terror to the wicked, and comfort to all good men, and to us in special, who by his means principally have been put to so many and grievous afflictions, wherein we had perished, if God had not been with us.  
We do indeed confess that the Prelates of England have been of very different humours, some of them of a more hot, and others of them, men of a more moderate temper, some of them more, and some of them less inclinable to Popery, yet what known truth, and constant experience, hath made undeniable, we must at this opportunity profess, that from the first time of Reformation of the Kirk of Scotland, not only after the coming of King James of happy memory into England, but before, the Prelates of England, have been by all means uncessantly working the overthrow of our discipline, and government. And it hath come to pass of late, that the Prelates of England having prevailed, and brought us to subjection in the point of government, and finding their long waited for opportunity, and a rare congruity of many spirits, and powers, ready to cooperate for their ends, have made a strong assault upon the whole external worship, and doctrine of our Kirk. By which their doing they did not aim to make us conform to England, but to make Scotland first (whose weakness in resisting, they had before experienced, in the Novations of government, and of some points of Worship) and thereafter England conform to Rome, even in these matters, wherein England had separated from Rome, ever since the time of Reformation. An evil therefore which hath issued, not so much from the person all disposition of the Prelates themselves, as from the innate quality and nature of their office, and prelatical Hierarchy, which did bring forth the Pope in ancient times, and never ceaseth till it bring forth Popish doctrine and worship, where it is once rooted, and the principles thereof fomented and constantly followed. And from that antipathy and inconsistency of the two forms of ecclesiastical government, which they conceived, and not without cause, that one island united also under one head, and Monarch, was not able to bear: the one being the same in all the parts and powers, which it was in the times of Popery, and now is in the Roman Church: The other being the form of government, received, maintained, and practised, by all the reformed Kirks, wherein by their own testimonies, and confessions, the Kirk of Scotland had amongst them no small eminency. This also we represent to your Lordships, most serious consideration, that not only the firebrands may be removed, but that the fire may be provided against, that there be no more combustion after this.  
FINIS.   

THE CHARGE OF THE SCOTTISH Commissioners against the Lieutenant of IRELAND.  
IN our Declarations we have joined with Canterbury, the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, whose malice hath set all his wits and power on work, to devise and do mischief against our kirk and country.  
No other cause of his malice can we conceive, but first his pride and supercilious disdain of the Kirk of Scotland, which in his opinion declared by his speeches, hath not in it almost anything of a Kirk, although the Reformed Kirks, and many other Divines of England, have given ample testimony to the Reformation of the Kirk of Scotland.  
Secondly, our open opposition against the dangerous innovation of Religion intended, and very far promoved in all his majesty's dominions; of which he hath showed himself, in his own way no less zealous than Canterbury himself, as may appear by his advancing of his Chaplain, D. Bramble not only to the bishopric of Derry, but also to be Vicar general of Ireland, a man prompted for exalting of Canterburian Popery, and Arminianism, that thus himself might have the power of both swords, against all that should maintain the Reformation; by his bringing of D. chapel, a man of the same spirit, to the university of Dublin, for poisoning the fountains, and corrupting the Seminaries of the Kirk.  
And thirdly, when the Primate of Ireland did press a new ratification of the Articles of that kirk, in Parliament for barring such novations in Religion, he boldly menaced him with the burning, by the hand of the hangman, of that Confession, although confirmed in former Parliaments.  
When he found that the Reformation begun in Scotland, did stand in his way, he left no means unessaied to rub disgrace upon us, and our cause. The pieces printed at Dublin, Examen conjurationis Scoticanae, the ungirding of the Scottish Armour: the Pamphlet bearing the counterfeit name of Lysimachus Nichanor; all three so full of calumnies, slanders, and scurrilities against our country, and Reformation, that the Jesuits in their greatest spite, could not have said more; yet not only the Authors were countenanced and rewarded by him, but the books must bear his name, as the great Patron both of the work and workman.  
When the national Oath and Covenant warranted by our general Assemblies, was approved by Parliament in the Articles, subscribed in the King's name, by his majesty's high Commissioner, and by the Lords of privy counsel, and commanded to be sworn by his majesty's subjects of all ranks: and particular and plenary information was given unto the Lieutenant, by men of such quality, as he ought to have believed, of the loyalty of our hearts to the King, of the lawfulness of our proceedings, and innocency of our Covenant, and whole course, that he could have no excuse: yet his desperate malice made him to bend his craft and cruelty, his fraud and forces against us. For first, he did craftily call up to Dublin some of our countrymen, both of the Nobility and Gentry, living in Ireland, showing them, that the King would conceive and account them as conspirers with the Scots, in their rebellious courses, except some remedy were provided: and for remedy, suggesting his own wicked invention, to present unto him and his council, a petition, which he caused to be framed by the Bishop of Raphoe, and was seen and corrected by himself, wherein they petitioned to have an oath given them, containing a formal renunciation of the Scottish Covenant, and a deep assurance never so much as to protest against any of his majesty's commandments whatsoever.  
No sooner was this Oath thus craftily contrived, but with all haste it is sent to such places of the kingdom where our countrymen had residence: and men, women, and all other persons, above the years of sixteen, constrained either presently to take the Oath, and thereby renounce their national Covenant as seditious and traitorous, or with violence and cruelty to be haled to the jail, fined above the value of their estates, and to be kept close prisoners, and so far as we know, some are yet kept in prison, both men and women of good quality, for not renouncing that Oath, which they had taken forty years since, in obedience to the King who then lived. A cruelty ensued which may parallel the persecutions of the most unchristian times: For weak women dragged to the Bench to take the Oath, died in the place, both mother and child: hundreds driven to hide themselves, till in the darkness of the night they might escape by Sea to Scotland, whither thousands of them did fly, being forced to leave corn, cattle, Houses, and all they possessed, to be a prey to their persecuting enemies, the lieutenant's Officers. And some indicted and declared guilty of High Treason, for no other guiltiness but for subscribing our national Oath, which was not only impiety & injustice in itself, and an utter undoing of his majesty's subjects, but was a weakening of the Scots Plantation, to the prejudice of that kingdom, and his majesty's service, and was a high scandal against the King's honour, and intolerable abuse of his majesty's trust and authority: his majesty's Commission, which was procured by the Lieutenant, bearing no other penalty than a certification of noting the names of the refusers of the Oath.  
But this his restless rage and insatiable cruelty, against our Religion and Country, can not be kept within the bounds of Ireland.  
By his means a Parliament is called, And although by the six subsidies granted in Parliament not long before, and by the base means which himself and his Officers did use, as is contained in a late Remonstrance, that Land was extremely impoverished, yet by his speeches, full of oaths and Asseverations, that we were traitors and Rebels, casting off all monarchial government, &c. he extorted from them four new Subsidies, and indicta causa before we were heard, procured that a war was undertaken, and forces should be levied against us as a Rebellious Nation, which was also intended to be an example and Precedent to the Parliament of England for granting subsidies, and sending a joint Army for our utter ruin.  
According to his appointment in Parliament, the army was gathered, and brought down to the Coast, threatening a daily invasion of our country, intending to make us a conquered Province, and to destroy our Religion, Liberties, and laws, and thereby laying upon us a necessity of vast charges, to keep forces on foot on the West Coast to wait upon his coming.  
And as the war was denounced, and forces levied before we were heard. So before the denouncing of the war, our ships, and goods on the Irish Coast were taken, and the owners cast in Prison, and some of them in Irons. Frigates were sent forth to scour our Coasts, which did take some, and burn others of our barks.  
Having thus incited the kingdom of Ireland, and put his forces in order there against us, with all haste he cometh to England.  
In his parting, at the giving up of the Sword, he openly avowed our utter ruin and desolation, in these or the like words. If I return to that honourable Sword I shall leave of the Scots neither root nor branch.  
How soon he cometh to Court, as before he had done very evil offices against our Commissioners, clearing our proceedings before the point; So now he useth all means to stir up the King and Parliament against us, and to move them to a present war, according to the Precedent, and example of his own making in the Parliament of Ireland. And finding that his hopes failed him, and his designs succeeded not that way, in his nimbleness he taketh another course, that the Parliament of England may be broken up, and despising their wisdom and authority, not only with great gladness accepteth, but useth all means that the conduct of the Army, in the expedition against Scotland, may be put upon him; which accordingly he obtaineth as general captain, with power to Invade; kill, slay, and save at his discretion, and to make any one, or more Deputies in his stead, to do, and execute all the power and authorities committed to him.  
According to the largeness of his Commission, and Letters patents of his devising, so were his deportments afterwards; for when the Scots, according to their Declarations sent before them, were coming in a peaceable way, far from any intention to invade any of his majesty's Subjects, and still to supplicate his Majesty for a settled peace, he gave order to his officers to fight with them on the way, that the two Nations once entered in blood, whatsoever should be the success, he might escape trial and censure, and his bloody designs might be put in execution against his majesty's subjects of both kingdoms.  
When the King's Majesty was again inclined to harken to our petitions, and to compose our differences in a peaceable way, and the peers of England convened at York, had, as before in their great wisdom and faithfulness given unto his majesty's Counsels of peace, yet this firebrand still smoketh: and in that honourable Assembly, taketh upon him to breathe out threatenings against us as traitors, and enemies to monarchical government, That we be sent home again in our blood, and he will whip us out of England.  
And as these were his Speeches in the time of the treaty, appointed by his majesty at Rippon, that if it had been possible, it might have been broken up. So when a Cessation of arms, was happily agreed upon there, yet he ceaseth not, but still his practices were for war, His under Officers can tell who it was that gave them Commission to draw near in arms beyond the Teese, in the time of the treaty at Rippon.  
The governor of Berwick and Carlisle can show, from whom they had their warrants for their acts of Hostility, after the Cessation was concluded. It may be tried how it cometh to pass, that the Ports of Ireland are yet closed, our countrymen for the Oath still kept in prison, traffic interrupted, and no other face of affairs, then if no cessation had been agreed upon.  
We therefore desire that your Lordships will represent to the Parliament, that this great incendiary upon these, and the like offences, not against particular persons, but against kingdoms, and Nations, may be put to a trial, and from their known, and renowned justice, may have his deserved punishment.  
16 Decemb. 1640.   

THE SCOTTISH Commissioners Demand concerning their sixt ARTICLE.  
COncerning our Sixt demand, although it hath often come to pass, that these who have been joined by the bonds of Religion, and Nature, have suffered themselves to be divided about the things of this World; And although our Adversaries, who no less labour the division of the two kingdoms, than we do all seek Peace, and follow after it, as our common happiness, do presume that this will be the Partition wall, to divide us, and to make us lose all our labours taken about the former Demand, Wherein by the help of God, by his majesty's Princely goodness, and justice, and your lordship's noble, and equal dealing, We have so fully accorded, & to keep us from providing for a firm and we'll grounded Peace, by the wisdom, and justice of the Parliament of England, which is our greatest desire expressed in our last Demand. We are still Confident, that as we shall concerning this Article represent nothing but what is true, just, and Honourable to both kingdoms; So will your Lordships harken to us, and will not suffer yourselves, by any slanders, or suggestions, to be drawn out of that straight and safe way wherein ye have walked since the beginning.  
IT is now we suppose known to all England, especially to both the Honourable Houses of Parliament, And by the occasion of this treaty, more particularly to your Lordships, That our distresses in our Religion, and Liberties, were of late more pressing than We were able to bear, That our Complaints and Supplications for redress, were answered at last with the terrors of an Army; That after a Pacification greater Preparations were made for war, whereby many Acts of hostility were done against us, both by Sea and Land; The kingdom wanted administration of justice, and we constrained to take arms for our defence; That we were brought to this extreme, and intolerable necessity, either to maintain divers Armies upon our borders against Invasion from England, or Ireland, still to be deprived of the benefit of all the Courts of justice, and not only to maintain so many thousands as were spoiled of their ships, and goods, but to want all Commerce by Sea, to the undoing of Merchants, of sailors, and many others who lived by Fishing, and whose callings are upholden from hand to mouth by Sea trade: Any one of which evils is able in a short time to bring the most potent kingdom to Confusion, ruin and Desolation, how much more all the three at one time combined to bring the kingdom of Scotland to be no more a kingdom: Yet all these behooved we either to endure, and under no other hope, then of the perfect slavery of ourselves, and our posterity in our souls, lives, and means; Or to resolve to come into England, not to make Invasion, nor with any purpose to fight, except we were forced, God is our judge, our actions are our witnesses, and England doth now acknowledge the truth, against all suspicions to the contrary, and against the impudent lies of our Enemies, But for our relief, defence, & preservation which we could find by no other means, when we had essayed all means, and had at large expressed our pungent, and pressing necessities, to the kingdom, and Parliament of England. Since therefore the war on our part (Which is no other but our coming into England with a guard) is defensive, and all men do acknowledge, that in common equity, the defendant should not be suffered to perish in his just and necessary defence, but that the pursuer, whether by way of legal process in the time of Peace, or by way of violence, and unjust invasion in the time of war, aught to bear the charges of the defendant. We trust that your Lordships will think that it is not against reason for us to demand some reparation of this kind, and that the Parliament of England by whose wisdom and justice we have expected the redress of our wrongs, will take such course, as both may in reason give us satisfaction & may in the notable demonstration of their justice serve most for their own honour.  
Our earnestness in following this our Demand, doth not so far wrong our sight, and make us so undiscerning, as not to make a difference between the kingdom, and Parliament of England, which did neither decern nor set forward a war against us, And that Prevalent faction of prelates and Papists who have moved every stone against us, and used all sorts of means not only their counsels, Subsidies and forces, but their Kirk Canons, and prayers for our utter ruin, which maketh them obnoxious to our just accusations, and guilty of all the losses, and wrongs, which this time past we have sustained: Yet this we desire your Lordships to consider, That the Estates of the kingdom of Scotland being assembled, did endeavour by their Declarations, Informations, and Remonstrances, and by the proceedings of their Commissioners, to make known unto the counsel, kingdom, and Parliament of England, and to forewarn them of the mischief intended against both kingdoms, in their Religion, and Liberties, by the Prelates, and Papists, to the end, that our Invasion from England might have been prevented, if by the prevalency of the faction it had been possible. And therefore we may now with the greater reason, and confidence press our Demand, That your Lordships, the Parliament, the kingdom, and the King himself may see us repared in our losses at the cost of that faction by whose means we have sustained so much damage, And which, except they repent, will find sorrow recompensed for our grief, Torments for our toil, and an infinite greater loss for the temporal losses, they have brought upon a whole Kingdom, which was dwelling by them in Peace.  
All the devices and doings of our common enemies were to bear down the Truth of Religion, and the just liberties of the Subjects in both kingdoms. They were confident to bring this about one of two ways: Either by blocking us up by Sea & Land to constrain us to admit their will for a Law both in Kirk, and policy, and thus to make us a Precedent for the like misery in England, or by their Invasion of our kingdom to compel us furiously, and without order, to break into England, that the two Nations once entered into a bloody war, they might fish in our troubled Waters, and catch their desired Prey. But as we declared before our coming. We trusted that God would turn their wisdom into foolishness, and bring their devices upon their own Pates, by our Intentions, and Resolutions to come into England as among our Brethren, in the most peaceable way that could stand with our safety, in respect of our common Enemies, to present our Petitions for settling our Peace, by a Parliament in England, wherein the Intentions and Actions, both of our Adversaries, and ours might be brought to light, The King's Majesty, and the kingdom rightly informed, The Authors, and Instruments of our divisions, and troubles punished, All the mischiefs of a national, and doubtful war prevented, and Religion, and Liberty with greater Peace, and Amity then ever before established, against all the Craft and violence of our enemies. This was our Declaration before we set our foot into England, from which our deportments since have not varied. And it hath been the Lord's wonderful doing, by the wise Counsels, and just proceedings of the Parliament, to bring in a great part to pass, and to give us lively hopes of a happy Conclusion: And therefore we will never doubt, but that the Parliament in their wisdom and Justice, will provide that a proportionable part of the Cost, and charges of a work so great and so comfortable to both Nations be borne by the Delinquents there, that with the better Conscience the good People of England may sit under their own Vines, and Figtrees, Refreshing themselves, although upon our greater pains and Hazard, yet not altogether upon our cost and charges, which we are not able to bear.  
The kingdom of England doth know and confess, that the Innovation of Religion and Liberties in Scotland, were not the principal design of our common Enemies, but that both in the intention of the Workers, whose zeal was hottest for settling their devices at home: And in the Condition of the work, making us whom they conceived to be the weaker for opposition, to be nothing else but a leading case for England. And that although by the power of GOD, which is made perfect in weakness, they have found amongst us greater resistance, than they did fear, or either they or ourselves could have apprehended; Yet, as it hath been the will of God that we should endure the heat of the day; So in the Evening the precious wages of the vindication of Religion, Liberties, and laws are to be received by both Kingdoms, and will enrich we hope to our unspeakable Joy, the present Age, and the posterity with Blessings that cannot be valued, and which the good People of England esteem more than Treasures of Gold, and willingly would have purchased with many thousands. We do not plead that Conscience and Piety have moved some men to serve GOD upon their own cost, and that Justice and Equity have directed others, where the Harvest hath been common to consider the pains of labouring, and the charges of the Sowing, yet this much may we say, that had a foreign Enemy, intending to reduce the whole Island into Popery, made the first assault upon our weakness, we nothing doubt, but the kingdom of England, from their desire to preserve their Religion, and Liberties, would have found the way to bear with us the expense of our resistance, and lawful defence, how much more being Invaded, although not by England, yet from England, by common enemies, seeking the same ends, we expect to be helped and relieved.  
We will never conceive that it is either the will, or the well and honour of England, that we should go from so blessed a work after so many grievous sufferings, bearing on our backs the insupportable burdens of worldly necessities, and distresses, return to our country empty, and exhausted, in which the people of all ranks, Sexes, and conditions, have spent themselves. The possessions of every man, who devoted himself heartily to this cause, are burdened, not only with his own personal, and particular expense, but with the public, and common charges; Of which if there be no relief, neither can our kingdom have peace at home, nor any more credit for Gommerce abroad: Nor will it be possible for us, either to aid, and assist our friends, or to resist and oppose the restless, and working wickedness of our enemies: The best sort will lose much of the sweetness of the enjoying of their Religion, and Liberties, and others will run such ways, and undirect courses; as their desperate necessities will drive them into. We shall be but a burden to ourselves, a vexation unto others, of whose strength we desire to be a considerable part, and a fit subject for our Enemies to work upon for obtaining, their now disappointed, but never dying desires.  
We will not allege the example of other kingdoms, where the losses of necessary and just defence had been repaired by the other party, Nor will we remember what help we have made according to our abilities to other reformed Kirks, And what the kingdom of England of old, and of late hath done to Germany, France, and Holland, Nor do we use so many words, that England may be burdened, and we eased, or that this should be a matter of our covetousness, and not of their Justice, and kindness; Justice, in respect of our Adversaries) who are the causes of the great misery and necessity, to which we have been brought: kindness, in the supply of our wants, who have been tender of the welfare of England as of our own, that by this equality and mutual respect, both Nations may be supported in such strength, and sufficiency, that we may be the more serviceable to his Majesty, and abound in every good work, both towards one another, and for the comfort and relief of the reformed Kirks, beyond the Seas, that we may all bless God, and that the blessing of God may be upon us all.  

The English peers demand concerning the preceding Articles.  
Whether this be a positive demand, or only an Intimation of the charge, thereby to induce the kingdom of England, to take your distressed estate into consideration, and to afford you some friendly assistance.   

The Scottish Commissioners answer to this Demand.  
We would be no less willing to bear our losses if we had ability, than we have been ready to undergo the hazard; But because the burden of the whole doth far exceed our strength, we have (as is more fully conceived in our Papers) represented to your Lordships, our charges, and losses, not intending to demand a total Reparation, but of such a proportionable part, as tha. we may in some measure bear the remanent, which we conceive your Lordships (having considered our reasons) will judge to be a matter, not of our covetousness, but of the said Justice, and kindness of the kingdom of England.   

Proposition of the peers to proceed to the other Demands during the debate of the Scottish losses.  
That in the Interim whilst the houses of Parliament take into consideration, you demand of losses, and damages, you proceed to settle the other Articles of the peace, and Incourse betwixt the two kingdoms.   

Answer to the peers Demand.  
We have represented our losses, and thereby our distressed Condition ingenuously, and in the singleness of our hearts, with very great moderation, passing over many things which to us are great burdens, That there might be no difficulty, nor cause of delay on our part, hoping that the Honourable Houses of Parliament, would thereby be moved at their first conveniency to take the matter to their consideration.  
We do not demand a total Reparation, Nor do we speak of the payment, till we consult about the settling of a solid peace, at which time the ways of lifting and paying the money, may be considered; we do only desire to know what proportion may be expected. That this being once determined, and all impediments, arising from our by-past troubles, removed, we may with the greater confidence, and more hearty consent on both sides proceed to the establishing of a firm and durable peace for time to come.  
It is not unknown to your Lordships, what desperate desires, and miserable hopes our Adversaries have conceived of a a breach upon this Article; And we do foresee what snares to us, & difficulties to your Lordships may arise upon the postponing and laying aside of this Article to the last place.  
And therefore that our Adversaries may be out of hope, and we out of fear, and that the settling of peace may be the more easy: We are the more earnest, that as the former Articles have been, so this may be upon greater reasons considered in its own place, and order.  
Your Lordships upon the occasion of some motions made heretofore of the transposing of our Demands, do know, that not only the substance, but the order of the propounding of them, is contained in our Instructions. And as we can alter nothing without warrant, the craving whereof will take more time than the Houses of Parliament will bestow upon the consideration of this Article, So are we acquainted with the reasons yet standing in force, which moved the ordering of this Demand. And therefore let us still be earnest with your Lordships, that there be no halting here, where the Adversaries did most, and we did least of all, by reason of the justice, and kindness of the houses of Parliament expect it.   

Answer of the Parliament to the preceding Demand. Resolved upon the Question.  
THat this House think fit, that a friendly assistance and relief shall be given towards supply of the losses, and necessities of the Scots, and that in due time this House will take into consideration the measure and manner of it.   

The Scottish Commissioners Answer.  
AS we do with all thankfulness receive the friendly, and kind resolution of the Parliament concerning our sixt Demand, And do therein acknowledge your lordship's noble dealing, for which we may assure that the whole kingdom of Scotland will at all occasions express themselves in all respect, and kindness, So do we entreat your Lordships to represent to the Parliament our earnest desire, that they may be pleased, how soon their conveniency may serve, to consider of the proportion, wishing still, that as we expect from our friends the Testimonies of their kindness and friendly assistance, So the justice of the Parliament may be declared, in making the burden more sensible to the prelates, and Papists (our enemies, and Authors of all our evils) then to others, who never have wronged us; Which will not only give unto us, and the whole kingdom of Scotland, the greater satisfaction, But will also (as we do conceive) conduce much to the honour of the King's Majesty and Parliament. We do also expect that your Lordships will be pleased to report unto us the Answer of the Parliament, that we may in this, as in our former Articles, give account to those who sent us.   

The peers Demand upon the above written Answer.  
We desire to understand, since (as we conceive) the particulars are like to require much time, whether we may not from you let the Parliament know, That (Whilst they are debating of the Proportion, and the ways how their kind assistance may be raised) you will proceed to the agreeing of the Articles of a firm and durable peace, that thereby both Time may be saved, and both sides proceed mutually with the greater cheerfulness and alacrity.   

The Scottish Commissioners Answer to the preceding Demand.  
AS we desire a firm peace, so it is our desire that this peace may be with all mutual alacrity speedily concluded. Therefore let us entreat your Lordships to show the Parliament from us, that how soon they shall be pleased to make the proportion known to us, that we may satisfy the expectation of those who have entrusted us, (which we conceive may be done in a short time, since they are already acquainted with all the particulars of our Demand) we shall stay no longer upon the manner and ways of raising the assistance, which may require a longer time: And yet we trust will be with such conveniency determined, as may serve for our timous relief, But remitting the manner and ways to the opportunities of the Parliament, shall most willingly proceed to the Consideration of the following Articles, Especially to that which we most of all desire, a firm and blessed peace.  
Ianuar. 16.   

Resolved on the Question?  
THAT this House doth conceive, that the sum of three hundreth thousand pounds is a fit proportion for that friendly assistance and relief, formerly thought fit to be given, towards the supply of the losses and necessities of our Brethren of Scotland. And that this House will, in due time, take into consideration the manner how, and the time when, the same shall be raised.   

Answer of the Scots Commissioners.  
We entreat your Lordships, whose endeavours God hath blessed in this great work, to make known to the Parliament, that We do no less desire to show our thankfulness for their friendly assistance and relief, than We have been earnest in demanding the same. But the thankfulness which We conceive to be due, doth not consist in our affections or words at this time; but in the mutual kindness, and real demonstrations to be expected from the whole kingdom of Scotland in all time coming: and that not only for the measure and proportion, which the Parliament hath conceived to be fit; and which (to begin our thankfulness now) We do in name of the whole kingdom cheerfully accept of, but also for the kind and Christian manner of granting it unto us, as to their Brethren, which addeth a weight above many thousands, and cannot be compensed but by paying their reciprocal love and duty of Brethren. And for the resolution to consider in due time of the raising of the same for our relief, which also maketh the benefit to be double. This maketh us confident that God (whose working at this time hath been wonderful) hath decreed the peace and amity of the two kingdoms, and will remove all ●ubbes out of the way, that our enemies will at last despair to divide us, when they see that God hath joined us in such a fraternity. And that divine Providence will plentifully recompense unto the kingdom of England, this their justice and kindness, and unto Scotland all their losses, which shall not by these and other means amongst ourselves be repaired, but by the rich and sweet blessings of the purity and power of the gospel, attended with the benefits of an happy and durable peace under his majesty's long and prosperous reign, and of his royal posterity to all generations.   
FINIS.