HIS majesty's ANSWER, To a Book, entitled, The Declaration, or Remonstrance of the Lords and Commons, The 19 of May 1642.  
Printed by his majesty's special command At CAMBRIDGE, By ROGER DANIEL Printer to the famour university. 1642.   

 royal blazon or coat of arms   

His majesty's Answer to a Book entitled, The Declaration, or Remonstrance of the Lords and Commons, of the 19 of May.  
IF We could be weary of taking any pains for the satisfaction of our people, and to undeceive them of those specious mischievous Infusions which are daily instilled into them, to shake and corrupt their loyalty and affection to Us and Our Government, after so full and ample Declaration of ourselves and Intentions, and so fair and satisfactory answers to all such matters as have been objected to us by a major part present of both Houses of Parliament, We might well give over this labour of Our Pen, and sit still, till it shall please God so to enlighten the Affections and Understandings of Our good Subjects on our behalf (which We doubt not but that in his good time he will do) that they may see Our sufferings are their sufferings. But, since in stead of applying themselves to the Method proposed by us, of making such solid particular Propositions as might establish a good Understanding between Us, or of following the advice of Our council of Scotland (with whom they communicate their affairs) in forbearing all means that may make the breach wider and wound deeper, they have chosen to pursue us with new reproaches, or rather to continue and improve the old, by adding & varying little Circumstances and Language, in matters formerly urged by them, and fully answered by us, We prevailed with ourselves, upon very mature and particular consideration of it, to answer the late printed Book, entitled, A Declaration or Remonstrance of the Lords and Commons, which was ordered the nineteenth of May last to be printed and published, hoping then that they would put us to no more of this trouble, but that that should have been the last of such a nature they would have communicated to Our people, and that they would not, as they have done since, thought fit to assault us with a Newer Declaration, indeed of a very new Nature and Learning, which must have another Answer. And We doubt not but that Our good Subjects, in short time, will be so well instructed in the differences, and mistakings between us, that they will plainly discern, without resigning their reason and understanding to Our Prerogative, or the infallibility of a now major part of both Houses of Parliament (infected by a few malignant spirits) where the fault is.  
Though We shall with humility and alacrity be always forward to acknowledge the infinite Mercy and Providence of Almighty God, vouchsafed so many several ways to ourselves and this Nation, yet since God himself doth not allow, that We should fancy and create dangers to ourselves, that we might manifest and publish his Mercy in Our deliverance, We must profess We do not know those deliverances mentioned in the beginning of that Declaration, from so many wicked Plots and designs since the beginning of this Parliament, which, if they had taken effect, would have brought ruin and destruction upon this kingdom. We well know the great labour and skill hath been used to amate and affright Our good Subjects with fears and apprehensions of Plots and Conspiracies, the several Pamphlets published, and Letters scattered up and down full of such ridiculous contemptible Animadversions to that purpose, as (though they found, for what end God knows, very unusual countenance) no sober man would be moved with them: But We must confess, We have never been able to inform ourselves of any such pernicious formed design against the Peace of this kingdom since the beginning of this Parliament, as is mentioned in that Declaration, or might be any warrant to those great Fears both Our Houses of Parliament seemed to be transported with, but we have great cause to believe more mischief and danger hath been raised and begotten to the disturbance of this kingdom, then cured or prevented by those Fears and Jealousies: And therefore however the rumour and discourse of Plots and Conspiracies may have been necessary to the designs of particular men, they shall do well not to pay any false devotions to Almighty God, who discerns whether Our dangers are real or pretended.  
For the bringing up of the Army to London, as We have heretofore (by no other direction than the testimony of a good conscience) called God to witness We never had, or knew of any such Resolution, so upon the view of the Depositions now published with that Declaration, it is not evident to Us there was ever such a design, unless very loose Discourse or Argument be instance enough of such a design: And it is apparent, that what was said of it, was near three months before the discovery to both Houses of Parliament, so that if there were any danger threatened that way, it vanished without any resistance or prevention, by the wisdom, Power, or Authority of them.  
It seems the intention of that Declaration (whatsoever other end it hath) is to Answer a Declaration they received from us, in Answer to that which was presented to Us at Newmarket the ninth of March last; and likewise to Our Answer to the Petition of both Houses, presented to us at York, the twenty sixth of March last. But before that Declaration falls upon any particulars of Our said Declaration or Answer, it complains, That the heads of the Malignant Party have with much Art and Industry advised us to suffer divers unjust Scandals and Imputations upon the Parliament, to be published in our Name, whereby they might make it odious to the people, and by their help destroy it: But not instancing in any one scandal or Imputation so published by us, We are still to seek for the Heads of that Malignant party. But Our good Subjects will easily understand, That if We were guilty of that Aspersion, We must not only be active in raising the scandal, but passive in the Mischief begotten by that scandal, We being an essential part of the Parliament: and We hope the just defence of ourselves, and Our Authority, and the necessary vindication of Our Innocence and Justice, from the Imputation laid on us by a major part, then present of either, or both Houses, shall no more be called a scandal upon the Parliament, than the opinion of such a part be reputed an Act of Parliament: And We hope Our good Subjects will not be long misled by that common expression in all the Declarations (wherein they usurp the word Parliament, and apply it to countenance any Resolution or Vote) some few have a mind to make, by calling it, The Resolution of Parliament, which can never be without Our consent; Neither can the Vote of either, or both Houses, make a greater alteration in the Laws of this kingdom (so solemnly made by the advice of their predecessors, with the concurrence of Us and Our ancestors) either by commanding or inhibiting any thing (besides the known Rule of the Law) than Our single Direction or Mandate can do, to which We do not ascribe the Authority.  
But that Declaration informs our People that the Malignant party hath drawn us into the Northern parts far from Our Parliament. It might more truly and properly have said, That it hath driven, then drawn us hither. For We confess, Our Journey hither (for which We have no other reason to be sorry, then with reference to the cause of it) was only forced upon us by the true Malignant Party which contrived and countenanced those barbarous Tumults and other seditious Circumstances of which We have so often complained, and hereafter shall say more, and which indeed threatens so much danger to Our Person, and laid so much scandal upon the whole privilege and dignity of Parliament, that We wonder it can be mentioned without Blushes or Indignation: But of that anon. But why the Malignant Party should be charged with causing a press to be transported to York, We cannot imagine, neither have any Papers or Writings issued from thence, to Our knowledge, but what have been extorted from us by such provocations, as have not been before offered to a King. And no doubt it will appear a most trivial and fond Exception, when all Presses are open to vent whatsoever they think fit to say to the people, (a thing unwarranted by former custom) that We should not make use of all lawful means to publish Our just and necessary Answers thereunto. As for the authority of the great Seal (though We do not know that it hath been necessary to things of this nature) the same shall be more frequently used hereafter, as occasion shall require, to which We make no doubt the greater and better part of Our Privy council will concur, and whose Advice We are resolved to follow, as far as it shall be agreeable to the good and welfare of the kingdom.  
Before that Declaration vouchsafes to insist on any particulars, it is pleased to censure both Our Declaration and Answer, to be filled with harsh Censures, and causeless Charges upon the Parliament, (still misapplying the word Parliament to the Vote of both Houses) concerning which they resolve to give satisfaction to the kingdom, since they find it very difficult to satisfy us. If, as in the usage of the word Parliament, they have left us out of their thoughts; so by the word kingdom, they intend to exclude all Our people, who are out of their walls: (for that's grown another Phrase of the Time, the Vote of the major part of both Houses, and sometimes of one, is now called, The Resolution of the whole kingdom) We believe it may not be hard to give satisfaction to themselves; otherwise We are confident (and Our confidence proceeds from the uprightness of Our own Conscience) they will never be able so to sever the affections of Us and Our kingdom, that what cannot be satisfaction to the one, shall be to the other. Neither will the Style of Humble, and faithful, and telling Us, That they will make us a Great and Glorious King, in their Petitions and Remonstrances, so deceive Our good Subjects, that they will pass over the reproaches, Threats, and Menaces they are stuffed with, which sure could not be more gently reprehended by us, then by saying, Their expressions were different from the usual Language to Princes, which that Declaration tells you, We had no occasion to say. But We believe, whosoever looks over that Declaration presented to us at Newmarket, to which Ours was an Answer, will find the Language throughout it, to be so unusual, that, before this Parliament, it could never be paralleled, whiles under pretence of justifying their fears, they give so much countenance to the discourse of the Rebels of Ireland, as if they had a mind Our good Subjects should give credit to it: Otherwise, being warranted by the same evidence, which they have since published, they would have as well declared, That those Rebels publicly threaten the rooting out the name of the English, and that they will have a King of their own, and no longer be governed by us, as that they say, That they do nothing but by Our Authority, and that they call themselves, The Queen's Army. And therefore We have great reason to complain of the absence of Justice and Integrity in that Declaration; besides the unfitness of other expressions. Neit her did We mistake the Substance or logic of the Message to Us at Theobald's, concerning the Militia, which was no other, and is stated to be no other (even by that Declaration which reproved Us) than a plain threat, That if We refused to join with them, they would make a Law with out us: nor hath the Practice since that time been other which will never be justified to the most ordinary (if no partial) Understandings, by the mere averring it to be according to the fundamental Laws of this kingdom, without giving any direction, that the most cunning and learned men in the Laws may be able to find those foundations. And We must appeal to all the World, Whether they might not with as much Justice, and by as much Law, have seized upon the estate of every Member of both Houses, who dissented from that pretended Ordinance (which much the major part of the House of Peers did two or three several times) as they have invaded that Power of Ours over the Militia, because We (upon Reasons they have not so much as pretended to answer) refused to consent to that Proposition: And if no better effects than loss of Time and hindrance of the public Affairs have been found by Our Answers and Replies, let all good men judge by whose default, and whose want of duty such effects have been: For as Our end (indeed only end) in those Answers and Replies hath been, The settlement and composure of public Affairs, so We are assured, and most men do believe, That if that due Regard and Reverence had been given to Our Words, and that Consent and Obedience to Our counsels, which We did expect, there had been before this time a cheerful Calm upon the face of the whole kingdom, every man enjoying his own, with all possible Peace and Security that can be imagined, which surely those men do not desire, who (after all those Acts of Justice and Favour passed by us this Parliament, all those Affronts and Sufferings endured and undergone by us) think fit still to reproach us with Ship-Money, Coat and Conduct-Money, and other things so abundantly declared (as that Declaration itself confesses) in the general Remonstrance of the State of the kingdom, published in November last, which We wonder to find now avowed to be the Remonstrance of both Houses, & which We are sure was presented to us only by the House of Commons, and did never, and We are confident, in that time, could never have passed the House of Peers; the Concurrence and Authority of which was not then thought necessary. Shall We believe those reproaches to be the voice of the kingdom of England? That all Our loving Subjects cased, refreshed, strengthened, and abundantly satisfied with Our Acts of Grace and Favour towards them, are willing to be involved in these unthankful expressions: We must appeal to the Thanks and Acknowledgements published in the Petitions of most of the Counties of England; to the testimony and thanks We have received from both Houses of Parliament, how seasonable, how agreeable this usage of us is to Our merit, or their former expressions.  
We have not at all swarved or departed from Our Resolution, or words in the beginning of this Parliament: We said, We were resolved to put ourselves freely and clearly upon the Love and Affection of Our English Subjects, and We say so still, as far as concerns England. And We call almighty God to witness, all Our Complaints and Jealousies, which have never been causeless, nor of Our Houses of Parliament (but of some few schismatical, Factious, and Ambitious Spirits, and upon grounds, as short time, We fear, will justify to the world) Our denial of the Militia, Our absenting ourselves from London, have been the effects of an upright and faithful Affection to Our English Subjects, that We may be able (through all the inconveniences We are compelled to wrestle with) at last to preserve and restore their Religion, Laws, and Liberties unto them.  
Since the proceeding against the Lord Kimbolton, and the five Members, is still looked upon, and so often pressed, as so great an advantage against us, that no retractation made by us, nor no Actions since that time committed against us, and the Law of the Land, under pretence of vindication of privilege, can satisfy the Contrivers of that Declaration, but that they would have Our good Subjects believe, The Accusation of those six Members must be a plot for the breaking the neck of the Parliament, (a strange Arrogance, if any of those Members had the penning of that Declaration) and that it is so often urged against us, as if by that single casual mistake of Ours (in form only) We had forfeited all Duty, Credit, and Allegiance from Our people: We must, without endeavouring to excuse that, which in truth was an error (Our going to the House of Commons) give Our people a clear and full narration of the matter of fact, assuring ourselves that Our good Subjects will not find Our carriage in that business such as hath been reported.  
When We resolved upon such grounds, as when they shall be published will satisfy the world, That it was fit for Our own Safety, and Honour, and the Peace of the kingdom, to proceed against those persons, though We well know there was no degree of privilege in that case, yet (to show Our desire of correspondency with the two Houses of Parliament) We chose, rather than to apprehend their persons by the ordinary Ministers of Justice (which, according to the Opinion and Practice of former times, We might have done) to command Our attorney general to acquaint Our House of Peers with Our intention, and the general matters of Our charge (which was yet more particular than a mere Accusation) and to proceed accordingly, and at the same time sent a sworn Servant, a Segeant at Arms to Our House of Commons, to acquaint them, That We did accuse, and intended to prosecute the five Members of that House for high Treason, and did require that their persons might be secured in custody: This We did, not only to show that We intended not to violate or invade their privileges, but to use more Ceremony towards them, than We then conceived in Justice might be required of us; and expected at least such an Answer as might inform Us, if We were out of the way; But We received none at all; only in the instant, without offering any thing of their privileges to Our consideration, an Order was made (and the same night published in Print) That if any person whatsoever should offer to arrest the person of any Member of that House, without first acquainting that House therewith, and receiving further Order from that House, That it should be lawful for such Members, or any person to assist them, and to stand upon his or their Guard of Defence, and to make resistance according to the Protestation taken to defend the privileges of Parliament: And this was the first time that We heard the Protestation might be wrested to such a sense; or that in any Case (though of the most undoubted and unquestionable privilege) it might be lawful for any Person to resist, and use violence against a public Minister of Justice, armed with lawful Authority; though We well knew, that even such a Minister might be punished for executing such Authority. Upon viewing this order We must confess We were somewhat amazed, having never seen or heard of the like, though We had known Members of either House committed without so much Formality as We had used, and upon Crimes of a far inferior nature to those We had suggested; and having no course proposed to us for Our proceeding, We were upon the matter only told, That against those Persons We were not to proceed at all; That they were above Our reach, or the reach of the Law, it was not easy for us to resolve what to do: If We employed Our Ministers of Justice in the usual way for their apprehension (who without doubt would not have refused to execute Our lawful commands) We saw what Resistance and Opposition was like to be made, which very probably might cost some blood; If We sat still and desisted upon this terror, We should at the best have confessed Our own want of power, and the weakness of the Law: In this strait We put on a sudden Resolution, to try whether Our own presence, and a clear discovery of Our Intentions (which haply might not have been so well understood) could remove those doubts, and prevent those Inconveniencies which seemed to have been threatened; and thereupon We resolved to go in Our own Person to Our House of Commons, which We discovered not till the very minute of Our going, when We sent out, That Our Servants, and such Gentlemen as were then in Our Court, should attend us to Westminister; but giving them express command (as We have expressed in Our Answer to the Ordinance) that no Accidents or Provocation should draw them to any such Action as might imply a purpose of force in us, & ourselves (requiring those of Our Train not to come within the door) went into the House of Commons, the bare doing of which We did not then conceive would have been thought more a breach of privilege, then if We had gone to the House of Peers, and sent for them to come to Us, which is the usual custom. We used the best expressions We could to assure them how far We were from any Intention of violating their privileges, That We intended to proceed Legally and Speedily against the persons We had accused, and desired therefore, if they were in the House, that they might be delivered to Us, or if absent, that such course might be taken for their forthcoming as might satisfy Our just Demands; and so We departed, having no other purpose of force, if they had been in the House, than We have before protested, before God, in Our Answer to the Ordinance. You have an account of Our part of this Story fully, let Our people judge freely of it: What followed on their part (though this Declaration tells you, It could not withdraw any part of their Reverence and Obedience from Us; it may be any part of theirs it did not) We shall have too much cause hereafter to inform the world.  
There will be no end of the Discourse, and upbraiding Us with evil councillors, if upon Our constant denial of knowing any, they will not vouchsafe to inform Us of them; and after eight months amusing the kingdom with the expectation of a discovery of a Malignant Party, and of evil councillors, they will not at last name any, nor describe them: Let the Actions and Lives of men be examined, who have Contrived, counselled, Actually consented to grieve and burden Our people, and if such be about us, or any against whom any notorious malicious Crime can be proved; if We shelter and protect any such, let Our Injustice be published to the world, but till that be done particularly and manifestly, (for We shall never conclude any man, upon a bare general Vote of the major part of either, or both Houses, till it be evident that major part must be without Passion or Affection) We must look upon the charge this Declaration puts on us, of cherishing and countenancing a discontented Party of the kingdom against them, as a heavier and unjuster tax upon Our Justice and Honour, than any We have, or can lay upon the Framers of that Declaration.  
And now, to countenance those unhandsome Expressions, whereby usually they have employed Our connivance at, or want of Zeal against the Rebellion of Ireland, (so odious to all good men) they have found a new way of exprobration: That the Proclamation against those bloody traitors, came not out till the beginning of January, though that Rebellion broke out in October, and then by special Command from us, but forty Copies were appointed to be printed. 'tis well known where We were at that time when that Rebellion broke forth, in Scotland. That We immediately, from thence, recommended the care of that business to both Houses of Parliament here, after we had provided for all fitting supplies from Our kingdom of Scotland, that after Our return hither We observed all those Forms for that Service, which We were advised to by Our council of Ireland, or both Houses of Parliament here: And if no Proclamation issued out sooner (of which for the present We are not certain, but think that others before that time were issued by Our directions) it was, because the Lords Justices of the kingdom desired them no sooner; and when they did, the number they desired was but twenty, which they advised might be signed by us; which We, for expedition of the Service commanded to be printed (a circumstance not required by them) and thereupon We Signed more of them than Our Justices desired: All which was very well known to some Members of one or both Houses of Parliament, who have the more to answer, if they forbore to express it at the passing of this Declaration; and if they did express it, We have the greater reason to complain, that so envious an Aspersion should be cast on us to Our People, when they knew well how to answer their own Objection.  
What that Complaint is against the Parliament, put forth in Our Name, which is such an evidence and countenance to the Rebels, and speaks the same language of the Parliament, which the Rebels do, We cannot understand. All Our Answers and Declarations have been, and are owned by us, and have been attested under Our own Hand, If any other had been published in Our Name, and without Our Authority, it would be easy for both Houses of Parliament to discover and apprehend the authors: And We wish, that whosoever was trusted with the Drawing and Penning of that Declaration, had no more Authority or cunning to impose upon, or deceive a major part of those Votes by which it passed, than any man hath to prevail with us, to publish in Our Name any thing but the Sense and Resolution of Our own Heart: Or that the Contriver of that Declaration could with as good a Conscience call God to witness, that all His Counsels and Endeavours have been free from all private Aims, personal Respects, or Passions whatsoever, as We have done and do, That We never had or knew of such Resolutions of bringing up the army to London. And since this new device is found out in stead of Answering Our Reasons, or satisfying Our just Demands, to blast Our Declarations and Answers, as if they were not our own (a bold senseless imputation) We are sure that every Answer and Declaration published by us, is much more Our own, than any one of those bold, threatning, and reproachful Petitions and Remonstrances are the Acts of either, or both Houses. And if the Penner of that Declaration had been careful of the trust reposed in him, he would never have denied (and thereupon found fault with Our just Indignation) in the Text or margin, that We had never been charged with the intention of any Force, and that in their whole Declaration, there is no word tending to such a reproach; The contrary whereof is so evident, that We are in express terms charged in that Declaration, That We sent them gracious Messages, when, with Our Privity, bringing up the Army was in agitation. And even in this Declaration, they seek to make Our people believe some such thing, to be proved in the Depositions now published, wherein, We doubt not, they will as much fail, as they do in their Censure of that Petition showed formerly to us by Captain Legg, and subscribed by us with C. R. which notwithstanding Our full and particular Narration of the substance of that Petition, the circumstances of Our seeing and approving it, this Declaration is pleased to say, Was full of scandal to the Parliament, and might have proved dangerous to the whole kingdom. If they have this dangerous Petition in their hands, We have no reason to believe any tenderness to usward hath kept them from communicating it; If they have it not, We ought to have been believed: But that all good people may compute their other pretended dangers by their clear understanding of this, the noise whereof hath not been inferior to any of the rest, We have recovered a true Copy of the very Petition We signed with C. R. which shall in fit time be published, and which, We hope, will open the eyes of Our good people.  
Concerning Our warrant for Master Jermins' passage, Our Answer was true and full; But for his black satin Suit, and white Boots, We can give no account.  
We complained in Our Declaration, and as often as We have occasion to mention Our return and residence near London, We shall complain of the barbarous and seditious Tumults at Westminster and Whitehall, which indeed were so full of scandal to Our Government, and danger to Our Person, that We shall never think of Our return thither, till We have Justice for what is past, and security for the time to come. And if there were so great a necessity, or desire of Our return as is pretended in all this time upon so often pressing Our Desires, and upon causes so notorious, We should at least have procured some Order for the future. But that Declaration tells us, We are upon the matter mistaken, The resort of the Citizens to Westminster, was as lawful as the resort of great numbers every day in the term to the ordinary Courts of Justice. They knew no Tumults. Strange! Was the disorderly appearance of so many thousand people with Staves and Swords crying thorough the streets, Westminster Hall, the passage between both Houses (in so much as the Members could hardly pass to and fro) No Bishops, Down with the Bishops, no Tumults? What Member is there of either Houses that saw not those numbers, and heard not those cries? And yet lawful Assemblies: Were not several Members of either House assaulted, threatened, and ill entreated? And yet no Tumults: Why made the House of Peers a Declaration, and sent it down to the House of Commons, for the suppressing of Tumults, if there were no Tumults? And if there were any, why was not such a Declaration consented to and published: When the attempts were so visible, and the threats so loud to pull down the Abbey at Westminster, had not We cause to apprehend, That such people might continue their work to Whitehall? Yet no Tumults. What a strange time are We in, That a few Impudent, Malicious (to give them no worse term) men should cast such a strange mist of error before the eyes of both Houses of Parliament, as that they either cannot, or will not see how manifestly they injure themselves, by maintaining these visible untruths? We say no more; By the help of God and the Law, We will have Justice for those Tumults.  
From excepting (how weightily let every man judge) to what We have said, that Declaration proceeds to censure us for what we have not said, for the prudent Omissions in Our Answer: We forbore to say any thing of the words spoken at Kensington; or the Articles against Our dearest Consort; and of the Accusation of the six Members: Of the last, We had spoken often; and We thought enough of the other two: having never accused any (though God knows what truth there might be in either) We had no reason to give any particular Answer.  
We do not reckon ourselves bereaved of any part of Our Prerogative, which We are pleased freely, for a time, to part with by Bill; yet We must say, We expressed a great trust in Our two Houses of Parliament, when We devested ourselves of the Power of dissolving this Parliament, which was a just, necessary, and Proper Prerogative: But We are glad to hear their Resolution, That it shall not encourage them to do any thing, which otherwise had not been fit to have been done: If it do, it will be such a breach of Trust, God will require an Account for at their hands.  
For the Militia, We have said so much in it heretofore, and the point is so well understood by all men, that We will waste time no more in that dispute. We never said, There was no such thing as an Ordinance (though We know that they have been long disused) but that there was never any Ordinance, or can be without the King's consent; and that is true: and the unnecessary precedent cited in the Declaration, doth not offer to prove the contrary: But enough of that; God and the Law must determine that business.  
Neither hath this Declaration given us any satisfaction, concerning the Votes of the fifteenth and sixteenth of March last, which We must declare, and appeal to all the world in the point, to be the greatest violation of Our privilege, the Law of the Land, the liberty of the Subject, and the Right of Parliament that can be imagined. One of those Votes is (and there needs no other to destroy the King and People) That when the Lords and Commons ('tis well the Commons are admitted to their part in Judicature) shall declare what the Law of the Land is, the same must be assented to, and obeyed; that is the sense in few words. Where is every man's property, every man's liberty? If a major part of both Houses declare that the Law is, that the younger Brother shall inherit, what's become of all the Families and Estates in the kingdom? If they declare, That by the fundamental Law of the Land, such a rash Action, such an unadvised Word ought to be punished by perpetual Imprisonment, is not the liberty of the Subject, Durante beneplacito, remediless? That Declaration confesseth, They pretend not to a Power of making new Laws, That without us, they cannot do that: They need no such Power, if their Declaration can suspend this Statute from being obeyed or executed, and make this Order, which is no Statute, to be obeyed and executed. If they have Power to declare the Lord Digby's waiting on us to Hampton Court, and thence visiting some Officers at Kingston, with a Coach and six Horses, to be levying of war, and High Treason: And Sir John Hotham's defying us to Our face, keeping our Town, Fort, and Goods against us, by force of Arms, to be an Act of Affection and loyalty, What needs a Power of making new Laws? Or is there such a thing as Law left? We desire Our good Subjects to mark the Reason and Consequence of these Votes, the progress they have already made, and how infinite that progress may be. First, they Vote the kingdom is in imminent danger (it is above three months since they discerned it) from Enemies abroad, and a Popish and Discontented party at home; That is matter of Fact; the Law follows: This Vote hath given them authority by Law (the fundamental Laws of the kingdom) to order and dispose of the Militia of the kingdom, and with this power, and to prevent that danger, to enter into Our Towns, seize upon Our Magazine, and by force, keep both from us: Is not this Our case? First, they Vote We have an intention to levy war against our Parliament; that's matter of Fact: Then they declare, Such as shall assist us, to be guilty of High Treason; that is the Law, and proved by two Statutes, themselves know to be repealed: No matter for that; They declare it. Upon this ground they exercise the Militia, and so actually do that upon us, which they have voted We intend to do upon them: Who doth not see the confusion that must follow upon such a power of declaring? If they should now vote, That we did not write this Declaration, but that such a one did it, which is still matter of fact; and then declare, That for so doing, he is an enemy to the commonwealth; what is become of the Law that man was born to? And if all their Zeal for the defence of the Law, be but to defend that which they declare to be Law, their own Votes, it will not be in their power to satisfy any man of their good intentions to the public Peace, but such who are willing to relinquish his title to Magna Charta, and hold his life and fortune by a Vote of a major part of both Houses: In a word, We deny not but they may have a power to declare in a particular doubtful case regularly brought before them, what Law is; but to make a general Declaration, whereby the known Rule of the Law may be crossed or altered, they have no power, nor can exercise any, without bringing the Life and Liberty of the Subject to a lawless and arbitrary subjection.  
We complained (and let the world judge the Justice and necessity of that Complaint) of the multitude of Seditious Pamphlets and Sermons. And that Declaration tells us, They know We have ways enough in Our ordinary Courts of Justice to punish those: So we have to punish Tumults and Riots, and yet they will not serve Our turn to keep Our Towns, Our Forests, and Parks from violence. And it may be, though those Courts have still the power to punish, they may have lost the skill to define what Riots and Tumults are; otherwise a Jury in Southwark, legally impanelled to examine a Riot there, would not have been Superseded, & the Sheriff enjoined not to proceed, by virtue of an Order of the House of Commons; which, it seems at that time, had the sole power of declaring. But it is no wonder, That they who could not see the Tumults, do not consider the Pamphlets and Sermons, though the Author of the Protestation protested, be well known to be Burton (that infamous Disturber of the peace of this Church and State) and that he preached it at Westminster, in the hearing of divers Members of the House of Commons: But of such Pamphlets, and seditious Preachers (divers whereof have been recommended, if not imposed upon several Parishes, by some Members of both Houses, by What Authority We know not) We shall hereafter take a further account.  
We confess, We have little skill in the Laws, and those that have had most, We now find are much to seek: Yet We cannot understand or believe, That every ordinary Court, or any Court, hath power to raise what Guard they please, and under what Command they please; Neither can We imagine what dangerous effects they found by the Guard We appointed them, or (indeed) any the least occasion why they needed a Guard at all.  
But of all the Imputations so causelessly and unjustly laid upon us by that Declaration, We must wonder at that charge so apparently and evidently untrue, That such are continually preferred and countenanced by Us, who are Friends or Favourers, or related unto the chief authors and actors of that Arbitrary power heretofore practised and complained of: And on the other side, That such as did appear against it, are daily discountenanced and disgraced. We would know one Person that contributed to the Ills of those Times, or had dependence upon those that did, whom We do, or lately have countenanced or preferred; Nay, We are confident (and We look for no other at their hands) as they have been always most eminent assertors of the public liberties, so if they found us inclined to any thing not agreeable to Honour and Justice, they would leave us to morrow: Whether different Persons have not, and do not receive countenance elsewhere, & upon what grounds, let all men judge; & whether We have not been forward enough to honour and prefer those of the most contrary opinion, how little comfort soever We have had of those preferments; in bestowing of which, hereafter We shall be more guided by men's Actions than Opinions: And therefore We had good cause to bestow that Admonition (for We assure you it was an Admonition of Our own) upon both Our Houses of Parliament, to take heed of inclining, under the specious shows of Necessity and Danger, to the exercise of such an Arbitrary power they before complained of: The Advice will do no harm, and We shall be glad to see it followed:  
And are all the specious Promises, and loud Professions, Of making Us a Great and Glorious King, Of settling a greater Revenue upon Us, than any of Our ancestors have enjoyed, Of making Us to be Honoured at home, and Feared abroad, resolved into this, That they will be ready to settle Our Revenue, in an Honourable Proportion, when We shall put ourselves in such a Posture of Government that Our Subjects may be secure to enjoy Our just Protection for their Religion, Laws, and Liberties? What Posture of Government they intend We know not, nor can We imagine what Security Our good Subjects can desire for their Religion, Laws, and Liberties, which We have not offered, or fully given. And is it suitable to the duty and dignity of both Houses of Parliament to Answer Our particular weighty expressions of the Causes of Our remove from London (so generally known to the kingdom) with a Scoff, That they hope We were driven from thence, not by Our own Fears, but by the Fears of the Lord Digby, and his Retinue of Cavaliers? Sure the Penner of that Declaration inserted that ungrave and insolent Expression (as he hath done divers others) without the consent or examination of both Houses; who would not so lightly have departed from their former professions of duty to Us.  
Whether the way to a good Understanding between Us and Our people hath been as zealously pressed by them, as it hath been professed and desired by us, will be easily discerned by those who observe, that We have left no public Act undone on Our part, which, in the least degree, might be necessary to the Peace, Plenty, and Security of Our Subjects, and that they have not dispatched one Act which hath given the least evidence of their particular Affection and kindness to us: But on the contrary, have discountenanced and hindered the testimony other men would give to us of their affections: witness the stopping and keeping back the Bill of Subsidies granted by the clergy, almost a year since, which though Our personal wants are so notoriously known, they will not, to this time, pass: So not only forbearing to supply us themselves, but keeping the Love and Bounty of other men from us, and afford no other Answers to all Our Desires, all Our Reasons (indeed not to be answered) then, That We must not make Our understanding or Reason the Rule of Our government, but suffer ourselves to be assisted (which We never denied) by Our great council. We require no other Liberty to Our will, than the meanest of them do (We wish they would always use that Liberty) not to consent to any thing evidently contrary to Our Conscience and understanding: and We have and shall always give as much estimation and regard to the Advice and counsel of both Our Houses of Parliament, as ever Prince hath done: But We shall never (and We hope Our people will never) account the contrivance of a few (Factious, Seditious persons, a Malignant Party, who would sacrifice the Commonwealth to their own fury and ambition) the wisdom of Parliament; and that the justifying and defending such persons (of whom, and of their particular sinister ways to compass their own bad ends, We shall shortly inform the world) is not the way to preserve Parliaments, but is the opposing and preferring the consideration of a few unworthy persons, before their Duty to their King, or their care of the kingdom. They would have us remember that Our Resolutions do concern kingdoms, and therefore not to be moulded by Our own Understanding: We well remember it; But we would have them remember, That when their Consultations endeavour to lessen the Office and Dignity of a King, they meddle with that which is not within their determination, and of which We must give an account to God and Our other kingdoms, and must maintain with the sacrifice of Our life.  
Lastly, that Declaration tells you of a present desperate and malicious Plot, the Malignant party is now acting, under the plausible Notions of stirring men up to a care of preserving the King's Prerogative, maintaining the Discipline of the Church, upholding and continuing the Reverence and solemnity of God's Service, and encouraging Learning, (indeed plausible and honourable Notions to act any thing upon) and that upon these grounds divers mutinous Petitions have been framed in London, Kent, and other Places. Upon what Grounds would these men have Petitions framed? Have so many Petitions (even against the Form and Constitution of the kingdom, and the Laws established) been joyfully received and accepted? And shall Petitions framed upon these Grounds be called Mutinous? Hath a multitude of mean, unknown, inconsiderable, contemptible Persons about the city and Suburbs of London, had liberty to Petition against the Government of the Church, against the Book of Common Prayer, against the freedom and privilege of Parliament, and been thanked for it: And shall it be called mutiny in the gravest and best Citizens of London, in the Gentry and commonalty of Kent, to frame Petitions upon these grounds; and to desire to be governed by the known Laws of the Land, not by Orders and Votes of either, or both Houses? Can this be thought the wisdom and Justice of both Houses of Parliament? Is it not evidently the work of a Faction within or without both Houses, who deceive the Trust reposed in them, and have now told us what mutiny is, to stir Men up to a Care of preserving Our Prerogative, maintaining the Discipline of the Church, upholding and continuing the Reverence and solemnity of God's Service, encouraging of Learning, is mutiny? Let Heaven and Earth, God and Man, judge between us and these Men: And however such Petitions are, there, called Mutinous, and the Petitioners threatened, Discountenanced, Censured, and Imprisoned: If they bring such lawful Petitions to us, We will graciously receive them, and defend them and their Rights against what power soever, with the uttermost hazard of Our being.  
We have been the longer (to Our very great pain) in this Answer, that We might give the World satisfaction, even in the most trivial Particulars which have been objected against us; and that we may not be again reproached with any more prudent Omissions. If We have been compelled to sharper Language than we affect, let it be considered, how vile, how insufferable Our Provocations have been; And except to repel Force be to assault, and to give punctual & necessary Answers to rough and insolent Demands, be to make invectives, We are confident the world will accuse us of too much mildness; and all Our good Subjects will think, We are not well dealt with, and will judge of us, and of their own happiness and security in us by our Actions; which We desire may no longer prosper, or have a blessing from God upon them and us, than they shall be directed to the glory of God, in the maintenance of the true Protestant Profession, to the preservation of the property, and the liberty of the Subject, in the observation of the Laws, and to the maintenance of the Rights and freedom of Parliament, in the allowance and protection of all their just privileges.  
FINIS.