THE King's Cabinet opened: OR, CERTAIN PACKETS OF SECRET LETTERS & PAPERS, Written with the Kings own Hand, and taken in his Cabinet at Nasby-Field, JUNE 14. 1645. By Victorious Sr. Thomas Fairfax; Wherein many mysteries of State, tending to the Justification of that CAUSE, for which Sir Thomas Fairfax joined battle that memorable day are clearly laid open; Together, with some Annotations thereupon. Published by special Order of the Parliament. LONDON, Printed for Robert Bostock, dwelling in Paul's churchyard, at the sign of the Kings-head, 1645. IT were a great sin against the mercies of God, to conceal those evidences of truth, which he so graciously (and almost miraculously) by surprisal of these Papers, hath put into our hands; nor dare we smother this light under a bushel, but freely hold it out to our seduced brethren, (for so in the spirit of meekness labouring to reclaim them, we still speak) that they may see their errors, and return into the right way: For those that wilfully deviate, and make it their profession to oppose the truth, we think it below us, to revile them with opprobrious language, remembering the Apostle St. Jude, and that example which he gives us in his Epistle. They may see here in his private Letters what affection the King bears to his people, what language and titles he bestows upon his great council▪ which we return not again, but consider with sorrow, that it comes from a Prince seduced out of his proper sphere; one that has left that seat in which he ought, and hath bound himself to sit, to sit (as the Psalmist speaks) in the Chair of the scornful; & to the ruin (almost) of three Kingdoms, hath walked in the counsels of the ungodly; and though in our tenants we annex no infallibility to the seat of a King in Parliament, as the Romanists do to the papal chair, (since all men are subject to error) yet we dare boldly say, that no English King did ever from that place, speak ●…estruction to his people, but safety and honour; nor any that abhorred that Seat and council, but did the contrary. Therefore, Reader, to come now to the present business of these Letters; thou art either a friend or enemy to our cause: If thou art well affected to that Cause o●… Liberty & Religion, which the two Parliaments of England and Sco●…land now maintain against a combination of all the Papists in Europe almost, especially the bloody tigers of Ireland, and some of the prelatical and Court Faction in England: thou wilt be abundantly sati●…fied with these Letters here printed, and take notice therefrom, 〈◊〉 the Court has been Caiolde, (that's the new authentic word now amo●…gst our cabalistical adversaries) by the Papists, and we the more believing sort of Protestants, by the Court. 〈◊〉 thou art an en●…my to Parliaments and Re●…ormation, a●…d made wilful in thy enmity beyond the help of miracle●…, or such revelations as these are, then 'tis to be expected, that thou wilt either deny these papers to have b●…en written by the Kings own hand, or else that we make just constructions and inferences out of them: Or lastly, thou wilt deny, though they be the King●… own, and bear such a sense as we understand them in, yet that they are blameable, or unjustifiable against such rebels as we are. As to the first, know that the Parliament was never yet guil●…y of such forgery, the King yet in all the Letters of his, which have been hitherto intercepted, never objected any such thing, and we dare appeal to his own conscience now, knowing that he cannot disavow either his own hand writing, or the matters themselves here written. All the Ciphers, Letters, all circumstances of time, and fa●…t, and the very hand by which they are ●…igned (so generally known and now exposed to the view of all) will aver for us, that no such forgery could be possible. As to our Comments and Annotations, if there be not perspicuity and mode●…y in them, there is no common justice nor place for credit left amongst mankind: but indeed most of the main circumstances want no illustration at all to the most vulgar capacities: and therefore we affirm nothing necessary to be believed, but what the printed papers will themselves utter in their own language: and yet for that which is not so clearly w●…rranted here, we have other Papers for thei●… warrant, were they not too numerous, and vast, and too much intermixed with other m●…tter of no pertinence for publication at this time. Touching the last objection, if thou art a perfect malignant, and dost not stick to deny, that there is any thing in these letters unbeseeming a Prince, who professes himself Defender of the true Faith, a tender Father of his country, and has been so sanctimoniously engaged with frequent, special vows of affection, candour, sincerity, and constancy to his ●…articular protestant subjects of England and Scotland: Then know, that thou art scarce worthy of any reply, or satisfaction in this point. Our cause is now the same as it was when the King first took up arms, 〈◊〉 as it was when the King made most of these oaths and professions. Our three propositions concerning the abolition of Episcopacy, the settling the Militia of the three kingdoms in good hands, by advice of Parliament, the vindication of the Irish rebels, being all our main demands at the Treaty in February last, and no other than the Propositions sent in June 1642. before 〈◊〉 struck struck, will bear us witness that we have rather straightened then enlarged our complaints. But were our cause altered, as it is not; or were we worse rebels then formerly, as none can affirm which takes notice of our late sufferings, and our strange pa●…ience even now after the discovery of these Paper●…, and our late extraordinary success▪ in the Field, yet still this clandestine proceeding against us here, and condemning all that are in any degree Protestants at Oxford; as also granting a toleration of Idolatry to Papists, indemnity to the murderous Irish, in a close trading way for mere particular advantage, cannot be defended by any, but by the falsest of men, Papists; or the falsest of Papists, Jesuits. Hitherto the English have had commission to chastise the Irish, the Irish have had the like to chastise the English, both have spilled each others blood by the Kings warrant; yet as both have been in part owned, so both have been in part disowned, and the King himself has not appeared with an open face in the business, but now by God's good providence the traverse Curtain is drawn, and the King writing to Ormond, and the Queen, what they must not disclose, is presented upon the stage. God grant that the drawing of this Curtain may be as fatal to Popery, and all Antichristian heresy here now, as the rending of the veil was to the Jewish Ceremonies in Judea, at the expiration of our Saviour. 15. Oxford Ian. 9 Dear heart, SInce my last, which was by Talbot, the Scots Commissioners have sent to desire me to send a Commission to the general Assembly in Edinburgh, which I am resolved not to do; but to the end of making some use of this occasion, by sending an honest man to London, and that I may have the more time for the making a handsome negative, I have demanded a passport for Philip Warwick, by whom to return my answer. I forgot in my former to tell thee, that lental the speaker brags, that Cardinal Maz●…rin keeps a strict intelligence with him; though I will not swear that lental says true, I am sure it is fit for thee to know. As for Sabrian, I am confident that either he or his Instructions are not right for him who is eternally thine. Even now I am advertised from London, that there are three or four Lords, and eight Commons (besides four Scotch Commissioners) appointed to treat, and they have named Uxbridge for the place, though not yet the particular persons. I am likewise newly advertised that General Goring prospers well where he is, and since Monday last hath taken 80. of the rebel's Horse: and upon his advance they have quitted Peterfield and Coudry. POSTSCRIPT. The settling of Religion, and the Militia, are the first to be treated on: and be confident, that I will neither quit Episcopacy, nor that sword which God hath given into my hands. 29. 15 copy to my wife 9 Jan. 1644. By P. A. This is a true copy, examined by Edm. Prideaux. 31. OXford, Sunday 30. March. Dear heart, since my last (which was but 3. days a go) there are no alterations happened of moment, preparations rather than actions being yet our chiefest business, in which we hope that we proceed faster than the Rebels, whose levies both of men and money (for certain) goes on very slowly; and I believe, they are much weaker than is thought, even here at Oxford. For instance, A very honest servant of mine, and no fool, showed me a proposition from one of the mo●…t considerable London Rebels, who will not let his name be known until he have hope that his proposition will take effect; it is this, That fince the Treaty is so broken off, that neither the rebels nor I can resume it without at least a seeming total yielding to the other. The Treaty should be renewed upon thy motion, with a preassurance that the rebels will submit to reason. The answer that I permitted my ●…ervant to give, was, That thou art the much 〈◊〉 person to be the means of so happy & glorious a work as is the peace of this Kingdom; but that upon no terms thy name was to be profaned, therefore he was to be satisfied of the rebels willingness to yield to reason, before he would consent that any such intimation should be made to thee, and particularly concerning Religion and the Militia, that nothing must be insisted upon but according to my former offers. This I believe will come to nothing, yet I cannot but advertise thee of any thing that comes to my knowledge of this consequence. I must again tell thee, That most assuredly France will be the best way for transportation of the D. of Lorraines Army, there being divers fit and safe places of landing for them upon the Western coasts, besides the Ports under my obedience, as Shelsey near Chichester and others, of which I will advertise thee when the time comes. By my next I think to tell thee when I shall march into the Field, for which money is now his greatest want (I need say no more) who is eternally thine, 18. 31. To my Wife 30. March. 1645. by Petit. This is a true copy examined by Edmond Prideaux. 30. Oxford Thursday 27. March. DEar heart, I wrote to thee yesterday by Sakefield, the subject of it was only kindness to thee; which, I assure thee shall ever be visible in all my actions: And now I come to Jermins' account, given me by thy command, which is very clear, hopeful in most particulars, and absolutely satisfactory as concerning thy care & industry. As for the main impediment in the D. of Lorraine's business (which is his passage) why may thou not procure him passage through France? (if that of Holland be stuck at) it will much secure and facilitate the Sea transportation in respect of landing on the Western Coast, which I believe will be found the best, there being not so many places to choose on, anywhere else. But this an opinion, not a direction. The general face of my affairs methinks begins to mend, the dissensions at London rather increasing then ceasing, Montrosse daily prospering, my Western business mending 〈◊〉, and hopeful in all the rest. So that if I had reasonable 〈◊〉 of money and powder (not to exclude any other,) I am confident to be in a better condition this year, than I have been since this rebellion began, and possibly I may put fair for the whole, and so enjoy thy company again, without which nothing can be a contentment unto me. And so farewell dear heart. I intend (if thou like it) to bestow Percies place on the M. of Newcastle, to whom yet I am no ways engaged, nor will be before I have thy answer. As for Jack Barclay, I do not remember that I gave thee any hope of making of him Master of the Wards: For Cottington had it long ago before thou went hence, and I intended it to Secr. Nich. if he then would have received it: and I am deceived if I did not tell thee of it. I desire thee to command Lo. Jer. to read to thee the Ds Letter, which goes herwith, and in it to mark well that part concerning the transportation of the D. Lorraine's Army. 23. 30. To my Wife 27. Mar. 1645. by P. A. This is a true Copy examined by Miles Corbet. 39 OXford, Sunday 4. May. Dear Heart, the Rebels new brutish general hath refused to meddle with foreign Passes, so as yet I cannot dispatch Adri●…n May to thee, by the way of Lon don which if I cannot very shortly, I will send him by the West, and now, if I could be assured of thy recovery, I would have but few melancholy thoughts, for I thank God my Affairs begins to smile upon me again, Wales being well swept of the Rebels. Farrington having relieved itself; and now being secured by Goring's coming, my nephews likewise having brought me a strong party of Horse and Foot, these Quarters are so free that I hope to be marching within three or four days, and am still confident to have the start of the Rebels this year: I am likewise very hopeful that my Son will shortly be in the head of a good Army, for this I have the cheerful assurance of Culpeper and Hyde: Of late I have been much pressed to make Southampton Master of my Horse, not more for good will to him, as out of fear that Hamilton might return to a capacity of recensuring me; wherein if I had done nothing, both jealousy and discontents were like to arise, wherefore I thought fit to put my Nephew Rupert in that place, which will both save me charge, and stop other men's grumblings: I have now no more to say, but praying for and impatiently expecting of good news from thee, I rest eternally thine. 39 To my wife 4 May 1645. By Malin St. Ravy. This is a true copy examined by Edm. Prideaux. 13 Oxford. 2. Jan. Dear Heart, HAving deciphered thine which I received ye●…terday I was much surprised to find thee, blame me for neglecting to write to thee, for indeed I have often complained for want, never missed any occasion of sending to thee; and I assure thee never any dispatch went from either of my Secretaries without one from me, when I knew of it. As for my calling those at London a Parliament, I shall refer thee to Digby for particular satisfaction, this in general; If there had been but two (besides myself) of my opinion, I had not done it, and the Argument that prevailed with me, was, that the calling did no ways acknowledge them, to be a Parliament, upon which condition and construction I did it and no otherways, and accordingly it is registered in the council books, with the counsels unanimous approbation; but thou wilt find, that it was by misfortune, not neglect that thou hast been no sooner advertised of it As for the conclusion of thy Letter, it would much trouble me, if thou didst not know, thy desire granted before it was asked; yet I wonder not at it, since that which may bear a bad construction, hath been presented to thee in the ugliest form, not having received the true reason and meaning of it, the fear of some such mischance made me the more careful, to give thee a full account by Tom Eliot, of the reasons of the D. of R. and E. of S. journey to London, which if it come soon enough I am confident will free thee from much trouble, but if thou hast not the patience to forbear judging harshly of my actions, before thou hearest the reasons of them, from me, thou may be often subject to be doubly vexed, first with slanders, than with having given too much ear unto them. To conclude, esteem me as thou findest me constant to those grounds thou left'st me withal, & so farewell Dear heart. 21. 13. Copy to my wife 2 Jan. 1644/5: by P. A. This is a true copy examined by Edm. Prideaux. 21 OXford 19 Feb. old stile. Dear heart, I cannot yet send thee any certain word concerning the issue of our Treaty, only, the unreasonable stubbornness of the Rebels, gives daily less and less hopes, of any accommodation this way; wherefore I hope no rumours shall hinder thee from hastening all thou may, all possible assi●…tance to me, and particularly that of the D. of Lorraines; concerning which I received yesterday, good news from Dr. Goffe, that the P. of Orange will furnish Shipping for his transportation, and that the rest of his Negotiation goes hopefully on, by which, and many other ways, I find thy effection so accompanied which dexterity, as I know not whether (in their several kinds) to esteem most; but I will say no more of this, lest thou may think that I pretend to do this way, what is but possible to be done by the continued actions of my life; though I leave news to others, yet I cannot but tell thee, that even now I have received certain intelligence of a great defeat given to Argyle by Muntrose; who upon surprise, totally routed those Rebels, killed 1500. upon the place. Ye●…terday I received thine of 27. Jan. by the Portugal Agent, the only way (but expressed) I am confident on, either to receive Letters from thee, or to send them to thee; indeed Sabran sent me word yesterday, besides some compliments of the Emba●…y of the rebels ships in France (which I likewise put upon thy score of kindness) but is well enough content that the Portugal should be charged with thy dispatches. As for trusting the rebels either by going to London, or disbanding my Army before a peace, do no ways fear my hazarding so cheaply or foolishly: for I esteem the interest thou hast in me at a far dearer rate, and pretend to have a little more wit (at least by the sympathy that is betwixt us) then to put myself into the reverence of perfidious rebels. So impatiently expecting the express thou hast promised me, I rest eternally thine I can now assure thee, that Hertogen the Irish Agent, is an arrant knave, which shall be made manifest to thee by the first opportunity of sending Pacquets. 11. 21 To my Wife 19 Feb. 1644/5 by P. A. This is a true Copy examined by Edmond Prideaux. 20. Dear heart, the expectation of an express from thee (as I find by thine of the 4. Febr.) is very good news to me, as likewise that thou art now well satisfied with my diligence in writing. As for our treaty, there is every day less hopes than other, that it will produce a peace. But I will absolutely promise thee, that if we have one, it shall be such as shall invite thy return. For I avow, that without thy company I can neither have peace nor comfort within myself. The limited days for treating, are now almost expired without the least agreement upon any one Article. Wherefore I have sent for enlargement of days, that the whole treaty may be laid open to the world. And I assure thee, that thou needst not doubt the issue of this treaty; for my Commissioners are so well chosen (though I say it) that they will neither be threatened nor disputed from the grounds I have given them; which (upon my word) it according to the little Note thou so well remembers. And in this not only their obedience, but their judgements concur. I confess in some respects thou hast reason to bid me beware of going too soon to London: for indeed some amongst us had a greater mind that way than was fit; of which persuasion Percy is one of the chief, who is shortly like to see thee, of whom having said this, is enough to show thee how he is to be trusted, or believed by thee concerning our proceedings here. In short, there is little or no appearance but that this Summer will be the hottest for war of any that hath been yet: and be confident, that in making peace, I shall ever show my constancy in adhering to Bishops, and all our friends, and not forget to put a short period to this perpetual Parliament. But a●… thou loves me, let none persuade thee to slaken thine assistance for him who is eternally thine, C. R. Oxford 15/25. Feb. 1644/5. 3. 20. To my Wife 15. Feb. 1645. by P. A. This is a true copy examined by Edmond Prideaux. 22. DEar heart, now is come to pass what I foresaw, the fruitless end (as to a present peace) of this treaty; but I am still confident, that I shall find very good effects of it: for besides that my Commissioners have offered, to say no more, full measured reason, and the rebels have stucken rigidly to their demands, which I dare say had been too much, though they had taken me prisoner, so that assuredly the breach will light foully upon them. We have likewise at this time discovered, and shall make it evidently appear to the world, that the English Rebels, (whether basely or ignorantly, will be no very great difference) have as much as in them lies, transmitted the command of Ireland from the Crown of England to the Scots, which (besides the reflection it will have upon these rebels) will clearly show, that reformation of the Church is not the chief, much less the only end of the Scotch Rebellion; but it being presumption, & no piety: so to trust to a good cause, as not to use all lawful means to maintain it, I have thought of one means more to furnish thee with for my assistance, than hitherto th●…u haste had: It is that I give thee power to promise in my name (to whom thou thinkest most fit) that I will take away all the penal laws against the Roman Catholics in England as soon as God shall enable me to do it; so as by their means, or in their favours, I may have so powerful assistance as may deserve so great a favour, and enable me to do it. But if thou ask what I call that assistance, I answer, that when thou knowest what may be done for it, it will be easily seen, if it deserve to be so esteemed. I need not tell thee what secrefy this bu●…ines requires; yet this I will say, that this is the greatest point of confidence I can express to thee; for it is no thanks to me to trust thee in any thing else but in this which is the only thing of difference in opinion betwixt us: And yet I know thou wilt make as good a bargain for me, even in this. I trusting thee, (though it concern religion) as if thou wert a protestant, the vi●…ible good of my affairs so much depending on it, I have so fully entrusted this bearer Pooly, that I will not say more to thee now, but that herewith I send thee a new cipher (assuring thee, that none hath or shall have any copy of it but myself, to the end thou mayst use it, when thou shalt find fit to write any thing which thou wilt judge worthy of thy pains to put in cipher, and to be deciphered by none but me; and so likewise from him to the●…, who is eternally thine. 20. 23▪ To my wife the 5. March 1645. by Pooly. This is a true copy examined by Edm. Prideaux. 4 33: The little that is here in cipher is in that which I sent to thee by Pooly. Oxford, Wednesday 9 April. 1645. Dear Heart▪ THough it be an uncomfortable thing to write by a slow Messenger, yet all occasions, of this (which is now the only) way of conversing with thee, is so welcome to me as I shall be loath to lose any; but expect neither news or public business, from me, by this way of conveyance; yet judging thee by myself even these nothings will not be unwelcome to thee, though I should chide thee, which if I could I would do, for thy too sudden taking Alarms; I pray thee consider, since I love thee above all earthly things, & that my contentment is unseperably con●…oyned with thine, must not all my Actions tend to serve and please thee? If thou knew what a life I lead, (I speak n●…t in respect of the common distractions) even in point of conversation, which in my mind, is the chief joy or vexation of one's life, I dare say thou would pity me; for some are too wise, others too foolish, some too busy, others too reserved, many fantastic. In a word, when I know no●…e better (I speak not now in relation to business) then 359 8. 270. 55: 5: 7: 67: 18. 294: 35: 69: 16: 54: 6: 38: 1: 67: 68: 9: 66: thou may easily judge how my conversation pleaseth me. I confess thy company hath perhaps made me in this, hard to be pleased, but not less to be pitied by thee, who art the only cure for this disease. The end of all is this, to desire thee to comfort me as often as thou can with thy letters, & dost not thou think, that to know particulars of thy health, & how thou spendest the time, are pleasing subjects unto me, though thou hast no other business to write of? Bel●…eve me, sweet heart, thy kindness is as necessary to comfort my heart, as thy assistance is for my affairs. To my Wife 9 April. 1645. by Bin●…on. This is a true Copy examined by Miles Corbet. Oxford Thursday 20. March. Dear Heart: UPon Saturday last I wrote to thee by Sabran (but this I believe may come as soon to thee) and I have received thine of the seventh upon Monday last, which gave me great contentment both in present and expectation, (the quick passage being likewise a welcome circumstance) and yet I cannot but find a fault of omission in most of thy latter Dispatches, there being nothing in them concerning thy health. For though I confess, that in this no news is good news, yet I am not so satisfied without a more perfect assurance; & I hope thou wilt by satisfying me confess the justness of this my exception. I am now full fraught with expectation (I pray God send me a good unlading) for I look daily for some blow of importance to be given about Taunton or Shrewsbury, and I am confidently assured of a considerable and sudden supply of men from Ireland, likewise the refractory Horse (as the London Rebels calls them) may be reckoned in, for yet it is not known what fomenters they have, or whether they have none, if the latter, there is the more hope of gaining them to me; howsoever I doubt not, but if they stand on't (as it is probable) good use may be made of them. Of this I believe, to give thee a perfecter account next week, having sent to try their pu●…●…es; Petit came yesterday, but he having at London thrust his Dispatches into the state's ambassador's Paquets I have not yet received them, and I would not stay to lengthen this in answer of them, nor give thee half hopes of good Western news, knowing of an opportunity for writing to thee within these three or four days; only I congratulate with thee for the safe arrival of thy tin-adventure at Calais and so farewell sweet heart. Thine of the 10 I have newly received, whereby I find tha●… thou mu●…h mistakes me concerning Ir. for I desire nothing more than a Peace there, and never for●…a●… thy commerce there; only I gave thee warning of some Irish in France, whom I then thought, and now know to be knaves. To my Wife 20. March 1644/5. by P. A. This is a true Copy, examined by Edm. Prideaux. Droit Wiche. Wednesday 14. May. Dear heart: MArching takes away the conveniency of sending my Letters so safe and quick to thee, as when I was at Oxford, however I shall not fail to do what I can to send often to thee; there is so little news for the present as I will leave that subject for others, only upon Saturday last I received a Dispatch from Montrose, which assures me his condition to be so good, that he bids me be confident that his Countrymen shall do me no great harm this year; and if I could lend him but 500 horse, he would undertake to bring me 20000 men before the end of this Summer. For the general state of my affairs we all here think to be very hopeful; this Army being of a good strength, well ordered, and increasing; my sons such that Fairfax will not be refused to be fought with, of which I hope thou wilt receive good satisfaction from himself. It's true that I cannot brag for store of money, but a sharp Sword always hinders starving at least; and I believe the Rebels Coffers are not very full (and certainly we shall make as good a shift with empty purses as they) or they must have some greater defect, else their levys could not be so backward as they are, for I assure thee that I have at this instant many more men in the Field than they. I am not very confident what their Northern Forces are, but expect they are much stronger than I am made believe. I may likewise include them. Now I must make a complaint to thee of my son Charles, which troubles me the more, that thou Mayst suspect I seek by equi●…ocating to hide the breach of my word, which I hate above all things, especially to thee: It is this he hath sent to desire me, That Sir John Greenfield may be sworn Gentleman of his Bedchamber, but already so publicly engaged in it, that the refusal would be a great disgrace both to my son and the young Gentleman, to whom it is not fit to give a just distaste, especially now, considering his father's merits, his own hopefulness, besides the great power that Family has in the West: Yet I have refused the admiting of him until I shall hear from thee. Wherefore I desire thee first to chide my son for engaging himself without one of our consents; then, not to refuse thy own consent; and lastly, to believe that directly or indirectly I never knew of this while yesterday at the delivery of my son's Letter. So farewell, Sweet heart, and God send me good news from thee. To my Wife, May 14. 1645. This is a true Copy, examined by Miles Corbett. Dear Heart: I Know thy affection to me so truly grounded, that thou wilt be in as much (if not more) trouble to find my reputation, as my life in danger: therefore lest the false sound of my offering a Treaty to the Rebels upon base and unsafe terms should disturb thy thoughts, I have thought it necessary (to assure thy mind from such rumours) to tell thee the ways I have used to come to a Treaty, and upon what grounds. I shall first show thee my grounds, to the end thou may the better understand and approve of my ways; Then know (as a certain truth) that all, even my party, are strangely impatient for peace, which obliged me so much the more (at all occasions) to show my real intentions to peace; And likewise I am put in very good hope (some holds it a certainty) that if I could come to a fair Treaty, the Ring-leading Rebels could not hinder me from a good Peaee: First, because their own party are mosis weary of the War, and likewise for the great distractions which at this time most assuredly are amongst themselves, as Presbyterians against Independents in Religion, and general against general in point of command: Upon these grounds a Treaty being most desirable (not without hope of good success) the most probable means to procure it was to be used, which might stand with honour and safety, amongst the rest (for I will omit all those which are unquestionably councelable) the sound of my return to London was thought to have so much force of popular rhetoric in it, that upon it a Treaty would be had, or if refused it would bring much prejudice to them, and advantageous to me; yet 〈◊〉 foolish or malicious people should interpret this as to proceed from fear or folly, I have joined conditions with the Proposition (without which this ●…ound will signify nothing) which thou wilt find to be most of the chief ingredients of an honourable and safe Peace. Then ob●…, 〈◊〉 a 〈◊〉 at London with Commissioners for both sides may be had without it, it is not to be used; nor, in case they will treat with nobody but myself, so that the conditions saves any a●…pertion of 〈◊〉, and the Treating at London the malignity which our ●…actious spirits here may infuse into this Treaty upon this subje●…. This I hope will secure thee from the trouble which otherwise may be caused by false malicious rumours, and though I judge myself secure in thy thoughts, from suspecting me guilty of any baseness, yet I held this account necessary, to the end thou may make others know, as well as thyself, this certain truth, That no danger of death or misery (which I think much worse) shall make me do any thing unworthy of thy love. For the state of my present affairs I refer thee to 92. concluding (as I did in my last to thee) by conjuring thee, as thou 〈◊〉 me, that no appearance of Peace (and now I add) nor hopeful condition of mine, make thee neglect to haste succour for him who is eternally thine. Copy to my Wife, Decemb. 1644. by Tom. Elliot. This is a true Copy, examined by Edm. Prideaux. Oxford, 13. March, Old-Style. Dear Heart: WHat I told thee the last week concerning a good parting with our Lords and Commons here, was on Monday last handsomely performed, and now if I do any thing unhandsome or disadvantageous to myself or friends, in order to a Treaty, it will be merely my own fault, for I confess when I wrote last, I was in fear to have been pressed to make some mean overtures to renew the Treaty, (knowing that there were great labouring to that purpose:) But now I promise thee, If it be renewed, (which I believe will not, without some eminent good success on my side) it shall be to my honour and advantage, I being now as well freed from the place of base and mutinous motions (that is to say, our mongrel Parliament here) as of the chief causers, for whom I may justly expect to be chidden by thee, for having suffered thee to be vexed by them, Wilmot being already there, Percy on his way, and Sussex within few days taking his journey to thee, but that, I know, thou carest not for a little trouble to free me from great inconveniences, yet I must tell thee, that if I knew not the perfect steadiness of thy love to me, I might reasonably apprehend that their repair to thee would rather prove a change then an end of their villainies; and I cannot deny, but my confidence in thee, was some cause of this permissive trouble to thee. I have received thine of the third of March, by which thou puts me in hope of assistance of men and Money, and it is no little expression of thy love to me, that (because of my business) Festivals are troublesome to thee, But I see that Assemblies in no Countries are very agreeable to thee, and it may be done a purpose to make thee weary of their companies, and excuse me to tell thee in earnest, that it is no wonder, that mere Statesmen should desire to be rid of thee, therefore I desire thee to think whether it would not advantage thee much to make a personal friendship with the Queen Regent, (without showing any distrust of her Ministers, though not wholly trusting to them) & to show her, that when her Regency comes out (and possibly before) she may have need of her friends, so that she shall but serve herself by helping of thee; and to say no more, but certainly, if this Rebellion had not begun to oppress me when it did, a late great Queen had ended more glorious than she did. In the last place I desire thee, to give me a weekly account of thy health, for I fear least in that alone thou takest not care enough to express thy kindness to him who is eternally thine. The Northern news is rather better than what we first heard, for what by Sir Marmaduke Langdales, and Montross's victories, Carlisle and the rest of our Northern Garrisons are relieved, and we hope for this year secured, and besides all this, the Northern Horse are already returned and joined with my Nephew Rupert. To my wife, 13. March. 1644/5. By P. A. This a true Copy examined by Edm. Prideaux. Daintrey, Sunday 8. June. Dear Heart: OXford being free, I hope this will come sooner to thee then otherwise I could have expected, which makes me believe, that my good news will not be very stale, which in short is this, Since the taking of Leicester my marching down hither to relieve Oxford made the Rebels raise their siege before I could come near them, having had their Quarters once or twice beaten up by that Garrison, and lost four hundred men at a●… assault before bostol-house; at first I thought they would have fought with me, being marched as far as Brackley, but are since gone aside to Brickhill, so as I believe they are weaker than they are thought to be; whether by their distractions, (which are certainly very great, Fairfax and Browne having been at Cudgels, and his men and Cromwell's likewise at blows together, where a Captain was slain, or wasting their men, I will not say: besides Goring hath given a great defeat to the Western Rebels, but I do not yet know the particulars; wherefore I may (without being too much sanguine) affirm, that (since this Rebellion) my affairs were never in so fair and hopeful away, though among ourselves we want not our own follies, which is needless, and I am sure tedious to tell thee, but such as I am confident shall do no harm nor much trouble me: Yet I must tell thee, that it is thy Letter by Fitz Williams, assuring me of thy perfect recovery with thy wonted kindness, which makes me capable of taking contentment in these good successes; For as divers men proposes several recompenses to themselves for their pains and hazard in this Rebellion; so thy company is the only reward I expect and wish for. To my Wife 9 June 1645. This is a true Copy, examined by Miles Corbett. Dear Heart: SUnday last I received three Letters from thee; one a Duplicate of the 30. Decemb. another of the 6. Jan. & the last of the 14. Jan. and even now one Petit is come with a Duplicate of the last; wherein, as I infinitely joy in the expressions of thy confident love of me, so I must extremely wonder, that any who pretend to be a friend to our Cause, (for I believe thou wouldest not mention any information from the other side) can invent such lies, that thou hast had ill offices done to me by any; or that they care for my assistance hath been the least suspected, it being so far from truth, that the just contrary is true. For I protest to God I never heard thee spoken of, but with the greatest expressions of estimation for thy love to me, and particularly for thy diligent care for my assistance: But I am confident that it is a branch of that root of knavery which I am now digging at, and of this I have more than a bare suspicion: And indeed, if I were to find fault with thee, it should be for not taking so much care of thine own health as of my assistance, at least not giving me so often account of it as I desire; these three last, making no mention of thyself. Now as for the Treaty (which begins this day,) I desire thee to be confident, that I shall never make a peace by abandoning my friends, nor such a one as will not stand with my honour and safety; of which I will say no more, because, knowing thy love, I am sure thou must believe me, and make others likewise confident of me. I send thee herewith my directions to my Commissioners, but how I came to make them myself without any others Digby will tell thee, with all the news, as well concerning Military as cabalistical matters. At this time I will say no more, but that I shall in all things, (only not answering for words) truly show myself to be eternally thine. The Portugal Agent hath made me two propositions, first, concerning the release of his Master's Brother, for which I shall have 50000. l. if I can procure his liberty from the King of Spain; the other is for a marriage betwixt my Son Charles and his Master's eldest daughter: For the first I have freely undertaken to do what I can, and for the other, I will give such an Answer, as shall signify nothing. I desire thee not to give too much credit to Sabrans' Relations, nor much countenance to the Irish Agents in Paris, the particular reasons thou shalt have by Pooly, (whom I intend for my next Messenger.) In the last place I recommend to thee the care of Jersey and Gernsey, it being impossible for us here to do much, though we were rich, being weak at Sea. To my wife▪ 30. Jan. 1644/5. By leg. This is a true Copy, examined by EDM. BRIDEAUX. Ormond; THe impossibility of preserving my Protestant Subjects in Ireland, by a continuation of the war, having moved me to give you those powers and directions; Which I have formerly done for the concluding of a Peace there, and the same growing daily much more evident, that alone were reason enough for me, to enlarge your powers, and to make my Commands in the point more positive. But besides these considerations, it being now manifest that the English Rebels have (as far as in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) given the Command of Ireland to the Scots; that their aim is at 〈◊〉 all subversion of Religion and regal Power, and that nothing less will content them, or purchase peace here. I think myself bound in conscience, not to let slip the means of settling that kingdom (if it may be) fully under my obedience, nor to lose that assistance which I may hope from my Irish Subjects, for such scruples as in a less pressing condition might 〈◊〉 be 〈◊〉 at by me For their satisfaction, I do therefore, command you to conclude a Peace with the Irish, whatever it cost, so that 〈…〉 Subjects there may 〈◊〉, and my regal authority preserved, but for all this you are to make me the best bargain you can, and 〈…〉. And though I leave the managing of this great and necessary work entirely to you, yet I cannot but tell you, that if the suspension of Poining's Act for such Bi●…s as 〈◊〉 be agreed upon between you there, and the present taking away of the Penal●… Laws 〈…〉: I shall not think it a hard bargain, so that freely and vigorously they engage themselves in my 〈…〉 my Rebels of England and Scotland, for which no 〈◊〉 can be too hard, not being against 〈…〉. 〈…〉 A True Copy, Zouch Tate. To Ormond. Oxford 16. Febr. 1644. ORMOND, I should wrong my own service and this Gentleman Sir Timothy Fetherston, if I did not recommend him and his business to you; for the particulars of which I refer you to Digby: And now again▪ cannot but mention to you the necessity of the hastening of the Irish Peace, for wh●…ch I hope you are already furnished by me, with materials sufficient: But in case (against all expectation and reason) Peace cannot be had upon those terms, you must not by any means fall to a new rupture with them, but continue the Cessation (according to a Postscript in a Letter by Jack Barry (a copy of which Dispatch I herewith send you.) So I rest. Postscript. In case upon particular men's fancies, the Irish Peace should not be procured, upon powers I have already given you, I have thought good to give you this further Order (which I hope will prove needless) to seek to renew the Cessation for a year, for which you shall promise the Irish (if you can have it no cheaper) to join with them against the Scots and Inchequin; for I hope by that time my condition may be such, as the Irish may be glad to accept less, or I be able to grant more. A true copy Zouche Tate. To Ormond. Oxford 7. Ian. 1644/5. ORMOND, upon the great rumours and expectations which are now of Peace, I think it necessary to tell you the true state of it, lest mistaken reports from hence might trouble my affairs there. The Rebels here have agreed to Treat; and most assuredly, one of the first and chief Articles they will insist on, will be, to continue the Irish war; which is a point not Popular for me to break on; of which you are to make a double use: First, to hasten (wit●… all possible diligence) the Peace there; the timely conclusion of which will take off that inconvenience which otherways I may be subject to, by the refusal of that Article, upon any other reason. Secondly, by dextrous conveying to the Irish, the danger there may be of their total and perpetual exclusion from those favours I intend them, in case the Rebels here clap up a peace with me, upon reasonable terms, and only exclude them; which possibly were not councelable for me to refuse, if the Irish peace should be the only difference betwixt us, before it were perfected there: These I hope are sufficient grounds for you to persuade the Irish diligently to dispatch a peace upon reasonable terms assuring them that you having once fully engaged to them my word (in the conclusion of a peace) all the earth shall not make me break it. But not doubting of a peace, I must again remember you to press the Irish for their speedy assistance to me here, and their friends in Scotland: My intention being to draw from thence into Wales (the peace once concluded) as many as I can of my Armed Protestant subjects, and desire that the Irish would send as great a body as they can to land about Cumberland, which will put those Northern Counties in a brave condition; wherefore you must take speedy order to provide all the shipping you may, as well Dunkeirk as Irish bottoms; and remember that after March it will be most difficult to transport men from Ireland to England, the Rebels being masters of the Seas: So expecting a diligent and particular account in answer to this Letter, I rest Your most assured constant friend, CHARLES R. A true copy. Zouche Tate. To Ormond. 15. Decemb. 1644. ORMOND, I am sorry to find by colonel Barry the sad condition of your particular fortune, for which I cannot find so good and speedy remedy as the peace of Ireland, it being likewise to redress most necessary asfaires here; wherefore I command you to dispatch it out of hand, for the doing of which I hope my public Dispatch will give you sufficient Instruction and Power; yet I have thought it necessary for your more Encouragement in this necessary work to make this addition with my own hand. As for Poining's Act I refer you to my other Letter: and for matter of Religion, though I have not fund it fit to take public notice of the paper which Brown gave you, yet I must command you to give him my L. Musgray and Plunket particular thanks for it, assuring them that without it, there could have been no peace; and that sticking to it, their Nation in general and they in particular shall have comfort in what they have done, and to show that this is more than words, I do hereby promise them, (and command you to see it done) that the penal Statutes against Roman Catholics shall not be put in execution, the Peace being made, and they remaining in their due obedience; and further, that when the Irish gives me that assistance which they have promised, for the suppression of this Rebellion, and I shall be restored to my Rights, than I will consent to the repeal of them by a Law; but all those against appeals to Rome, and praemunire must stand, all this in cipher you must impart to none, but those three already named and that with injunction of strictest secrecy: so again recommending to your care the speedy dispatch of the peace of Ireland, and my necessary supply from thence, as I wrote to you in my last private letter, I rest. A true copy. Zouche Tate. The Earl of Glamorgans' Instructions to me, to be presented to your Majesty. THat (God willing) by end of May, or beginning of June, he will land with 6000 Irish. That the Gentlemen of the several Counties of Monmouth, Glamorgan, Brecknock, and Carmarthen, will very speedily for your majesty's service in securing these Parts, raise and a●…e four thousand men. That the Ships which shall bring over the Irish, his Lordship designs to block up 〈◊〉 Haven, at which time he doubts not to draw these Welsh Forces into Pembrockshiere. That to advance these his undertakings, he hath thirty thousand pounds ready, ten thousand Muskets, two thousand case of Pistols, eight hundred barrels of Powder; besides, his own Artillery, and is ascertained of thirty thousand pound more which will be ready upon his return. That he hath intelligence from his Ships, that divers Hollanders and Dunkirkers come in daily to him. In Order to this service, he commanded me humbly to put your Majesty in mind of his Commission, and that he may in fitting time have such command in these Counties as may be suitable to his employment, and conducing to the service in hand: These being Counties in which (if other designs of Landing fail) he can land in: And that your Majesty will seriously consider the services he hath done you in composing the distractions of the County of Monmouth: And that you will be pleased to countenance Sir Thomas Lunsford, and graciously relieve the country in such things as without prejudicing your service may ease them. Concerning the County of Monmouth only. That by his lordship's means (who hath now raised two Regiments himself;) Sir Thomas Lunsford's Forces will be one thousand eight hundred foot, and seven hundred horse which horse is intended to be quartered in the forest of Deane in places of secure quartering, as Langot attempted to have been taken by Sir John Winter, a place of great conce●…ment, both for the reducing the forest, and securing monmouth-shire. That by his lordship's intervention and endeavours, your Majesty really sees he hath much qualified the sense of the grievances of the County, and moderated their complaints by subducting the intended Petition, and therefore hopes your Majesty will so specially commend their humble suit to Prince Rupert, as it may be successful. That though the prayer of their Petition is to reduce the contribution to the proportion set by the Parliament at Oxford, yet his Lordship hath so wrought, as these Petitioners have under their hands obliged themselves to continue the double payment for two Months more, and doubts not but in rela●…ion to the exigence of your majesty's service to prevail for further time. His humble suit is, that I may carry with me into the country your majesty's Order, that the Forces of Sir Thomas Lundford may not be removed, but upon urgent occasion, until his retuine: And that only upon your Majesties or Prince Rupert's special Order, otherwise it will be a great obstruction and discouragement in raising or continuing the number proposed. That your Majesty will be pleased in their favour, to write your Lette●… to Prince Rupert, and that the Country may have the honour to present it, to the end, they may be eased of Free Quarter, exactions above their contribution, and unnecessary Garrisons, that Chepstow and Monmouth may be the better strengthened. That Sir Thomas Lundsford may be qualified with Authority, to protect them according to such order as the Prince shall make, March 21. 1644. These presented by your loyal Subject Edward Bosdon. This a true Copy. Zouche Tate. colonel Fitz-William humbly prays and propounds as followeth. THat your sacred Majesty will vouchsafe to prevail with his Majesty to condescend to the just demands of his Irish subjects the Confederate Catholics in his majesty's kingdom of Ireland, at least in private. That upon the consideration thereof colonel Fitz-William humbly propounds and undergoeth (with the approbation of Mr Hardegan now employed Agent for the said Confederate Catholics in France) to bring an Army of ten thousand men and more of his majesty's subjects in his kingdom of Ireland, for his majesty's service, into England. That colonel Fitz-william undertakes for the sum of ten thousand pound sterl. to levy, ship, and arm, the said ten thousand men, and so proportionably for more or less; and that the said money may be put into such hands as may be safe for his Majesty as well as ready for the colonel when it shall appear the said Army shall be in a readiness to be transported into England. That upon the landing the said men, there shall be advanced to the colonel one months pay for all the Army, according to the Muster, for the present support of the Army. That colonel Fitz William may be Commander in chief thereof, and dispose of all the Officers, and only be commanded by his Majesty, his highness the Prince of Wales, and Prince Rupert, and qualified with such Commissions as hath been formerly granted to his majesty's generals, that have Commanded bodies apart from his majesty's own Army, as the marquis of Newcastle, the Earl of Kingston, and others, hereby the better to enable him in the levys as well as in the general conduct of the business; and that in respect the Parliament gives no quarter to his majesty's Irish Subjects, therefore that the said Forces shall not by any Order whatsofover be divided. That the colonel may be supplied with a body of horse, of at least two thousand, to be ready at the place of landing. That the colonel may be provided with ammunition and Artillery, or with money requisite for himself to provide necessary proportions for to bring with him. That the Army shall be paid as other Armies of his Majesties. Having taken these Propositions into consideration, We have thought fit to testify our approbation and agreement thereunto under our sign manual assuring what hath been desired of us therein, shall be forthwith effectually endeavoured, and not doubting to the satisfaction of the Confederate Catholics of his majesty's Kingdom of Ireland, and to the said colonel Fitz-William, so that we may justly expect an agreeable compliance and performance accordingly from all parties in these several concernments. This is a true Copy of the original sent by her Majesty to the King, May 16. 1645. A: Lowly, Secretary to the right Honourable the Lord Jermine. A true copy. Zouche Tate. To my Wife, 14. Jan. 1644/5. by Choquen. Dear Heart, POoly came the 12/22. Jan. to whose great dispatch, though for some days I cannot give a full answer, I cannot but at this opportunity reply to something in thy Letter, not without relating to something of his Discourse. As I confess it a misfortune (but deny it a fault) thy not hearing oftener from me, so excuse me to deny that it can be of so ill consequence as thou mentions, if their affections were so real, as they make show of to thee; for the difficulty of sending is known to all, and the numbers of each Letter will show my diligence, and certainly there goes no great wit to find out ways of sending, wherefore if any be neglected more, than our wits are faulty; but to imagine that it can enter into the thought of any flesh living, that anybody here should hide from thee what is desired, that every one should know (excuse me to say it) is such a folly, that I shall not believe that any can think it though he say it: And for my affection to thee, it will not be the miscarrying of a Letter or two that will call it in question; but take heed that these discourses be not rather the effect of their weariness of thy company, than the true image of their thoughts; and of this is not the proposal of thy journey to Ireland, a pretty instance? For seriously of itself, I hold it one of the most extravagant propositions that I have heard, thy giving ear to it, being most assuredly only to express thy love to me, and not thy judgement in my affairs: As for the business itself, (I mean the peace of Ireland) to show thee the care I have had of it, and the fruits I hope to receive from it: I have sent thee the last dispatches, I have sent concerning it, earnestly desiring thee to keep them to thyself, only thou Mayst in general let the Q. Regent and Ministers there understand, that I have offered my Irish Subjects so good satisfaction, that a peace will shortly ensue, which I really believe. But for God's sake, let none know the particulars of my dispatches. I cannot but tell thee, that I am much beholding to the Portugal Agent (and little to the French) it being by his means that I have sent thee all my Letters, (besides expresses) since I came hither, though I expected most from Sabran. I will not trouble thee with repetitions of news, Digby's dispatch which I have seen being so full, that I can add nothing; yet I cannot but paraphrase a little upon that which he calls his superstitious observation: It is this, nothing can be more evident, then that Straffords innocent blood hath been one of the great causes of God's just judgements upon this Nation by a furious civil war, both sides hitherto being almost equally punished as being in a manner equally guilty; but now this last crying blood, being totally theirs; I believe it is no prefumption hereafter to hope that his hand of justice must be heavier upon them, and lighter upon us, looking now upon our Cause, having passed by our faults. This is a true Copy examined by Edmund Prideaux. XXIII. Copy to the D. of R. RIchmond, I thank you for the account you sent me by this Bearer, and have nothing of new to direct you in, but only to remember you that my going to West. is not to be mentioned but upon probable hopes of procuring a Treaty with Com. there or there abouts, and that you mention the security I ask with my coming to West. And I hope I need not remember you to Cajole well the Independents and Scots; this Bearer will tell you how well our Western and Northern Associations goes on to whom I refer you for other things. I rest. This a true Copy. Zouche Tate. Memorials for Secretary Nicholas concerning the Treaty at Uxbridge. Oxford Feb. 1644. FIrst for Religion and Church government I will not go one jot further than what is offered by you already. 2. And so for the Militia more than what ye have allowed by me, but even in that you must observe that I must have free nomination of the full half; as if the total number Scots and all ●…e be thirty, I will name fifteen; yet if they (I mean the English Rebels) will be so base as to admit o●… ten Scots to twenty English, I am contented to name five Scots and ten English, and so proportionably to any number that shall be agreed upon. 3. As for gaining of part cular persons besides security, I give you power to promise them rewards for performed services, not sparing to engage for places; so they be not of great trust, or be taken away from honest men in possession, but as much profit as you will: with this last you are only to acquaint Richmond, Southampton, Culpeper, and Hide. This is a true Copy. Zouche Tate. XXIIII. Directions for my Uxbridge Commissioners. First concerning Religion. IN this the government of the Church (as I suppose) will be the chief question wherein two things are to be considered, Conscience and Policy. For the first, I must declare unto you that I cannot yield to the change of the government by Bishops; not only as I fully concur with the most general opinion of Christians in all ages, as being the best, but likewise I hold myself particularly bound by the Oath I took at my Coronation, not to alter the government of this Church from what I found it. And as for the church's patrimony, I cannot suffer any diminution or alienation of it, it being without peradventure sacrilege, and likewise contrary to my Coronation Oath but whatsoever shall be offered, for rectifying of abuses if any hath crept in, or yet for the ease of tender conscences (so that it endamage not the foundation) I am content to hear, and will be ready to give a gracious answer thereunto: For the second, as the King's duty is to protect the Church, so it is the Churches to assist the King, in the maintenance of his just authority; wherefore my Predecessors have been always careful (and especially since the Reformation) to keep the dependency of the Clergy entirely upon the crown; without which it will scarcely sit fast upon the King's head; therefore you must do nothing to change or lessen this necessary dependency. Next concerning the Militia. After conscience, this is certainly the fittest subject for a King's quarrel; for without it the Kingly power is but a shadow; and therefore upon no means to be quitted, but to be maintained according to the ancient known laws of the Land: (yet because to attain to this so much wished peace by all good men) it is in a manner necessary that sufficient and real security be given for the performance of what shall be agreed upon. I permit you either by leaving strong towns or other Military force into the rebel's possession (Until Articles be performed) to give such assurance for performance of conditions as you shall judge necessary for to conclude a peace: provided always that ye take (at least) as great care by sufficient security, that conditions be performed to me: And to make sure that the peace once settled, all things shall return into their ancient Channels. Thirdly for Ireland. I ●…onfesse, they have very specious popular Arguments to press this point, the gaining of no article more conducing to their ●…nds then this: And I have as much reason both in honour and policy to take care how to answer this as any: all the world knows the eminent inevitable necessity which caused me to make the Irish Cessation, and there remain yet as strong reason for the concluding of that peace; wherefore ye must consent to nothing to hinder me therein, until a clear way be shown me how my Protestant subjects there may probably (at least) defend themselves; and that I shall have no more need to defend my conscience and crown from the injuries of this rebellion. A true Copy. Zouch Tate. At Uxbridge on Wednesday the 29. of january, 1644. the Protestation under written was unanimously consented unto, and taken by all his majesty's Commissioners appointed to treat there, touching a well-grounded peace. IA. B. being one of the Commissioners assigned by his Majesty for this present Treaty at Uxbridge, do Protest and promise in the sight of Almighty God, that I will not disclose nor reveal unto any person or persons whatsoever (who is not a Commissioner) any matter or thing that shall be spoken of during the Treaty by any one, or more of his majesty's Commissioners in any private debate amongst ourselves, concerning the said Treaty; so as to name or describe directly or indirectly the person or persons that shall speak any such matter or thing, unlefse it be by the consent of all the said Commissioners that shall be then living. Memorandum, That it is by all the said Commissioners agreed that this shall not bind where any ten of the Commissioners shall agree to certify his Majesty the number of Assenters or Dissenters, upon any p●…rticular result, in this Treaty, not naming or describing the persons. This is a true copy, examined by Zouch Tate. XXVI. The Q. to the K. from York, March 30 1644. Also April. MY dear heart; I need not tell you from whence this bearer comes; only I will tell you, that the Propositions which he brings you are good, but 260. I believe that it is not yet time to put them into execution: therefore find some means to send them back, which may not discontent them (and do not tell who gave you this advice. Sr. Hugh Cholmely is come with a Troop of horse to kiss my hands: the rest of his people he left at Scarborro●…gh, with a ship laden with Arms, which the ships of the Parliament had taken and brought thither, so she is ours; the rebels have quitted Tadcaster upon our sending forces to Whetherby, but they are returned with twelve hundred men: we send more forces to drive them out, though those we have already at Whetherby are sufficient, but we fear lest they have all their f●…rces there about, and lest they have some design; for they have quitted Selby and Cawood, the last of which they have burnt: Between this and to morrow night we shall know the issue of this business; and I will send you an express: I am more careful to advertise you of what we do, that you and we may find means to have passports, to send: and I wonder that upon the Cessation you have not demanded that you might send in safety: this shows my love: I understand to day from London, that they will have no Cessation, and that they Treat at the beginning of the two first Articles, which is of the Forts, Ships, and Ammunition, and afterwards of the disbanding of the Army: certainly, I wish a peace more than any, and that with greater reason: But I would the disbanding of the perpetual Parliament, first: and certainly, the rest will be easily afterwards: I do not say this of my own head alone: for generally both those who are for you and against you in this country, wish an end of it; and I am certain, that if you do demand it at the first, in case it be not granted, Hull is ours, and all Yorkshire, which is a thing to consider of: and for my particular, if you make a peace and disband your Army, before there is an end to this perpetual Parliament, I am absolutely resolved to go into France, not being willing to fall again into the hands of those people, being well assured, that if the power remain with them, that it will not be well for mein England; remember what I have written to you in three precedent Letters, and be more careful of me than you have been, or at the least dissemble it; to the end that no notice be taken of it. Adieu: the man hastens me, so that I can say no more. York this 30. of March. XXVII. THis Letter should have gone by a man of Master Denedsdale, who is gone, and all the beginning of this Letter was upon this subject: and therefore by this man it signifies nothing but the end was so pleasing, that I do not for bear to send it to you: You now know by Elliot the issue of the business of Todeaster, since we had almost lost Scarborough, whilst Cholmly was here, brown Bushel would have rendered it up to the Parliament: but Cholmley having had notice of it, is gone with our forces, and hath retaken it; and hath desired to have a Lieutenant and forces of ours to put within it; for which we should take his; he hath also taken two pinnaces from Hotham, which brought 44. men to put within Scarborough, 10. Pieces of Canon, 4. Barrel●… of Powder, 4 of Bullet. This is all our news; our Army marches to morrow to put an end to Fairfax's Excellency. And I will make an end of this Letter, this third of April. I have had no news of you since Parsons. 30. March. 3. April. A true copy. P. W. XXVIII. The Queen to the King from Bath. April. 21. 1644. MY dear heart, Fred. Cornwallis will have told you all our voyage as far as Adburie, and the state of my health: since my coming hither, I find myself so ill, as well in the ill rest that I have, as in the increase of my rheum. I hope that this day's rest will do me good: I go to morrow to Bristol, to send you back the Carts; many of them are already returned; My Lord Dillon told me, not directly from you, though he says you approve it; that it was fit I should write a Letter to the Commissioners of Ireland to this effect, That they ought to desist from those things for the present, which they had put in their Paper, and to assure them, that when you shall be in another condition than you are now, that you will give them contentment. I thought it to be a matter of so great engagement, that I dare not do it without your command; therefore if it please you that I should do so, send me what you would have me write, that I may not do more than what you appoint: And also that it being your command, you may hold to that which I promise: for I should be very much grieved to write any thing which I would not hold to, and when you have promised it me, I will be confident. I believe also, that to write to my Lord Muskery without the rest will be enough; for the Letter which I shall write to him shall be with my own hand: and if it be to all your Commissioners, it shall be by the Secretary. Farewell my dear heart, I cannot write any more, but that I am absolutely Yours. A true copy. Zouch Tate. The Q. to the K. from Paris. January 1644/5. parish, January, I have received one of your Letters, dated from Marleborow of an old date, having received many others more fresh, to which I have made answer: I will say nothing concerning this but only concerning the affair of (Gor.) If it be not done, it is time, being very seasonable at this time, which I did not believe before. I understand that the Commissioners are arrived at London; I have nothing to say, but that you have a care of your honour; and that if you have a peace, it may be such as may hold; and if it fall out otherwise, that you do●… not abandon those who have served you, for fear they do forsake you in your need. Also I do not see how you can be in safety without a Regiment of Guard; for myself I think I cannot be, seeing the malice which they have against me, and my Religion, of which I hope you will have a care of both; but in my opinion Religion should be the last thing upon which you should treat; For if you do agree upon strictness against the Catholics, it would discourage them to serve you: and if afterwards there should be no peace, you could never expect succours either from Ireland, or any other Catholic Prince, for they would believe you would abandon them after you have served yourself. I have dispatched an express into Scotland, to Mountrosse, to know the condition he is in, and what there is to be done. This week I send to Mr. of Lorraine and into Holl. I lose no time: if I had more of your news, all would go better. Adieu my dear heart. A true Copy. Zouch Tate. My Wife 6/27 Decem. Ian. 1644/5. The Q. to the K. Paris, Ian. 27. 1644/ 5. Also March 13. parish January; 10/27 my dear heart, Tom. Eliot two days since hath brought me much joy, and sorrow: the first, to know the good estate in which you are: the other, the fear I have that you go to London. I cannot conceive where the wit was of those who gave you this counsel, unless it be to hazard your person to save theirs: but thanks be to God, to day I received one of yours by the ambassador of Portugal dated in January, which comforted me much to see that the Treaty shall be at Uxbridge: For the honour of God trust not yourself in the hands of these people. And if you ever go to London before the Parliament be ended, or without a good Army, you are lost. I understand that the Propositions for the peace must begin by disbanding the Army; if you consent to this, you shall be lost, they having the whole power of the Militia, they have done and will do whatsoever you will. I received yesterday Letters from the Duke of Lorraine, who sends me word if his service be agreeable to you, he will bring you ten thousand men: Dr. Goffe whom I have sent into Holland shall treat with him in his passage upon this business; and I hope very speedily to send good news of this, as also of the money. Assure yourself I will be wanting in nothing you shall desire; and that I will hazard my life, that is, to die by famine, rather than not to send to you: send me word always by whom you receive my Letters, for I write both by the ambassador of Portugal and the resident of France. Above all, have a care not to abandon those who have served you, as well the Bishops as the poor Catholics. Adieu, You will pardon me if I make use of another to write, not being able to do it; yet myself in cyphers show to my Nephew Rupert, that I entreat you to impart all that I write to you, to the end that he may know the reason why I write not to him; I know not how to send great Packets. My wife, 27/17, Ian. 16644/5 A true copy, Zouche Tate. XXXI. parish this 13 of March, My Dear heart, since my last, I have received one of your Letters marked 16. by which you signify the receipt of my Letters by Pooly, which hath a little surprised me, seeming to me that you write as if I had in my Letter something which had displeased you: If that hath been, I am very innocent in my intention. I only did believe that it was necessary you should know all: there is one other thing in your Letter which troubles me much, where you would have me keep to myself your dispatches, as if you believe that I should be capable to show them to any, only to Lord Ier. to uncypher them, my head not suffering me to do it myself: but if it please you I will do it, and none in the world shall see them; be kind to me or you kill me: I have already affliction enough to fear, which without you I could not do, but your service surmounts all: farewell my dear heart; behold the mark which you desire to have to know when I desire any thing in earnest ✚, and I pray begin to remember what I spoke to you concerning Jack Barkly for Master of the Wards; I am not engaged nor will not be for the places of L. Per. and others, do you accordingly. 13 March 1644. Newarke the 27. of June. MY dear heart, I received just now your letter by my Lord Savile, who found me ready to go away, staying but for one thing, for which you will well pardon 2. days' stop, it is to have Hull and Lincoln, young Hotham having been put in prison by order of Parliament, is escaped: and hath sent to 260. that he would cast himself into his arms, and that Hull and Lincoln should be rendered, he is gone to his Father, and 260 writes for your answer, so that I think I shall go hence Friday or Saturday, and shall go lie at Werton, and from thence to Ashby, where we will resolve what way to take, and I will stay there a day, because that the march of the day before, will have been somewhat great, and also to know how the Enemy marches: all their forces of Nottingham, at present being gone to Leicester, and Darby, which makes us believe, that it is to intercept our passage, as soon as we have resolved, I will send you word: at this present I think it fit to let you know the state in which we march, and what I leave behind me for the safety of Lincolnshire, and Nottinghamshire: I leave 2000 foot, and wherewithal to arm 500▪ more, 20. Companies of Horse, all this to be under Charles Cavendish, whom the Gentlemen of the Country have desired me not to carry with me, against his will, for he desired extremely to go, The Enemies have left within Nottingham 1000 I carry with me 3000. Foot, 30. Companies of Horse and dragoons, 6. pieces of Cannon, and 2. Mortars, Harry Germyn commands the forces which go with me, as colonel of my guard, and Sr. Alexander Lesley the foot under him, and Gerard the Horse, and Robin Legg the Artillery, and her she majesty Generalissima, and extremely diligent, with a 150▪ wagans' of Baggage to govern, in case of battle, have a care that no troop of Essex his Army incommodate us, for I hope that for the rest we shall be strong enough, for at Nottingham we have had the experience, one of our troops having beaten 6. of theirs, and made them fly. I have received your Proclamation or Declaration, which I wish had not been made, being extremely disadvantageous for you, for you show too much fear, and do not what you had refolved upon. Parewell my dear heart. The Queen to the King, 27. June, 1643. CHARLES Rex, IT is not unknown both to the French King and his Mother, what unkindnesses and distastes have fallen between my wi●…e and me, which hitherto I have borne with great patience, (as all the world knows) ever expecting and hoping an amendment, knowing her to be but young, and perceiving it to be the ill crafty counsels of her servants, for advancing of their own ends, rather than her own inclination: for at my first meeting of her at Dover, I could not expect more Testimonies of respect and love, than she showed, as to give one instance, her first suit to me was, that she being young, and coming to a strange country, both by her years and ignorance of the customs of the place, might commit many errors, therefore that I would not be angry with her for her faults of ignorance, before I had with my instructions learned her to eschew them, and desired me in these cases to use no third person, but to tell her myself, when I found she did any thing amiss, I both granted her request, and thanked her for it, but desired that she would use me, as she had desired me to use her, which she willingly promised me, which promise she never kept, for a little after this, Madam St. George taking a distaste because I would not let her ride with us in the Coach, when there was women of better quality to fill her room, claiming it as her due, (which in England we think a strange thing) set my wife in such an humour of distaste against me, as from that very hour to this, no man can say that ever she used me two days together, with so much respect as I deserved of her, but by the contrary, has put so many disrespects on me, as it were too long to set down all, some I will relate: As I take it, it was at her first coming to Hampton Court, I sent some of my council to her, with those Orders that were kept in the Queen my mother's house, desiring she would command the Count of Tilliers, that the same might be kept in hers, her answer was, she hoped that I would give her leave to order her house as she list herself, (Now if she had said that she would speak with me, not doubting to give me satisfaction in it, I could have found no fault with her, whatsoever she would have said of this to myself, for I could only impute it to ignorance, but I could not imagine that she affronted me so, as to refuse me in such a thing publicly) after I heard this answer, I took a time (when I thought we had both best ●…easure to dispute it) to tell her calmly both her fault in the public denial, as her mistaking of the business itself , she instead of acknowledging her fault and mistaking, gave me so ill an answer that I omit, not to be tedious, the relation of that discourse, having to much of that nature hereafter to relate. Many little neglects I will not take the pains to set down, as her eschewing to be in my company, when I have any thing to speak to her, I must means her servant fir●…t, else I am sure to be denied, her neglect of the English Tongue, and of the Nation in general, I will also omit the affront she did me, before my going to this last unhappy assembly of Parliament, because there has been talk enough of that already, &c. the author of it is before you in France, to be short, omitting all other passages, coming only to that which is most rescent in memory: I having made a commission to make my wi●…es jointure &c. to assign her those lands she is to live on, and it being brought to such a ripeness that it wanted but my consent to the particulars they had chosen: she taking notice that it was now time to name the Officers for her Revenue, one night when I was a bed, put a paper in my hand, telling me it was a list of those that she desired to be of her revenue, I took it, and said I would read it next morning, but withal told her, that by agreement in France I had the naming of them, she said, there were both English and French in the note, I replied, that those English I thought fit to serve her, I would confirm, but for the French, it was impossible for them to serve her in that nature, than she said, all those in the paper had brevetts from her Mother, and herself, and that she could admit no other: Then I said it was neither in her mother's power, nor Hers, to admit any without my leave, & that if she stood upon that, whomsoever she recommended, should not come in; then she bad me plainly take my lands to myself, for if she had no power to put in whom she would in those places, she would have neither Lands nor House of m●…, but bade me give her what I thought fit in pension; I bade her then remember to whom she spoke, and told her, that she ought not to use me so, than she fell into a passionate discourse, how she is miserable, in having no power to place servants, and that businesses succeeded the worse for her recommendation, which when I offered to answer, she would not so much as hear me; Then she went on, saying, she was not of that base quality to be used so ill, than I made her both hear me, and end that discourse. Thus having had so long patience, with the disturbance of that that should be one of my greatest contentments I can no longer suffer those that I know to be the cause and fomente●…s of these humours, to be about my wife any longer, which I must do if it were but for one action they made my wife do, which is, to make her go to Tyburn in devo●…ion, to pray, which action can have no greater invective made against it, than the relation. Therefore you shall tell my Brother the French King, as likewise his Mother, that this being an action of so much necessity, I doubt not but he will be satisfied with it, espec●…ally since he hath done the like himself, not staying while he had so much reason: And being an action that some may interpret to be of harshness to his Nation, I thought good to give him an account of it, because that in all things I would preserve the good correspondency and Brotherly affection that is between us. His majesty's instructions given me at W●…nsteede, the 12●…h of July, 1626.. signed 24. A true copy, 〈◊〉 Tate. Oxford Jan: 1644/5. Dear heart, I r●…ceive it as a good augur thus to begin this new ye●…re, having newly received thine of the 30. Decemb. which I cannot stay to decipher, for not losing this opportunity, it likewise being a just excuse for this short account: This day I have dispatched Digby's Sec: fully relating the State of our affairs, therefore I shall only now tell thee, that the rebels are engaged into an equal treat, without any of those disadvantages which might have been apprehended when Tom. Elliot went hence, and that the distractions of London were never so great, or so likely to bring good effect as now hastily that assistance was never more needful, never so likely as now to do good to him who is eternally thine. Copy to my wife, 1. Jun. 1644. by P. A. This is a true copy examined by Miles Corbett. Oxford, thursday 24. April. HArry lest my wife should not yet be fit for any business, I write this to you; not to excuse my pains but ease hers, and that she may know but not be troubled with my kindness, I refer to your discretion, how to impart my letter to her or any other business, that so her health in the first place be cared for, than my affairs: And now I must tell you that undoubtedly if you had not trusted to digby's sanguine Complexion (not to be rebated from sending good news) you would not have found fault with him for sending mistaken intelligence, for if he should strictly tie himself to certain truths in this kind you must have nothing from him but my Proclamations or Ordinances from the pretended houses, but tell me can you not distinguish between what we send you upon certainty and what upon uncertain reports without making an oath the mark of distinction, and are you obliged to publish all the n●…es we send you: seriously I think news may be some times too good to be told●… in the French court: and certainly there is as much dexterity in publishing of news, as in matters which at first sight, may seem of great●…r difficulty: for as I would not have them think that all assistance bestowed upon me were in vain so I would not have them believe that I needed no h●…pe, lest they should underhand assist any 〈◊〉 to keep the balance of dissentien amongst us equal. For matter of news and present State of my affairs I refe●…re you to Digby only this in general that if it shall please God to assist us this year but half so miraculously as he did the last (my present State compared with what it was this time twelve month) I am 〈◊〉 hopeful to see a joyful harvest before next Winter; nor do I think this in any human probability, possible; except my wife can procure me considerable assistance both of men and money; of which I conceive little reason to despair, your last giving me good hope, concerning Lorraine, and though I say not, that, ●…or the other, I have so good an Author as 196. yet I hope you will not much blame my confidence, when 149. in hers the 10. of March, says, jay une affair assures que vous donnere 40000 Pistols que Je vous eussi envoyé si J'eussi lu mon navi●…r revenu avecl'estain. In the last place I will impose that upon you, that is not reasonable to expect from my wife, which is to give me a continual account, what letters she receives from me and what miscarries or comes slowly, to which end ●…ke notice, that all my letters to her are numerarily marked on the top as this with 37. and likewise I now begin the same with you: so farewell. In your next let me know particularly how my wife is which though it be not as I would have it, yet the perfect knowledge, will hinder me to imagine her worse th●…n she is, if well then every word will ple●…se me. I have Commanded Digby to write to you freely concerning Will Murry, which I hold to be necessary as concerning Muntrosse business. To the L. Jermin 24. April, 1645. concerning France. A true copy, Zouche Tate. Dear heart, Since my last by S●…oquen I have had no means of writing, and as little new matter: that which is now, is the progress of the treaty, of which these enclosed papers will give thee a full account: but if thou have them sooner from London then me, thou hast no reason to wonder, considering the length and uncertainty of the way, I am forced to send by, in respect of the other: for the business itself, I believe thou wilt approve of my choice of Treaters, and for my propositions, they differ nothing in substance (very little in words) from those which were last: wherefore I need to say nothing of them, and for my instructions they are not yet made, but by the n●…xt I hope to send them: Now upon the whole matter I desire thee to show the Q. and Ministers there, the improbability that this present Treaty should produce a peace, considering the great strange difference (if not contrariety) of grounds that are betwixt the Rebe'ls propositions and mine, and that I cannot alter mine, nor will they ev●…r theirs, until they be out of hope to prevail by force, which a little assistance, by thy means, will soon●… make them so; for I am confid●…nt, if ever I could put them to a defensive (which a reasonable som●… of money would do) they would be easily brought to reason. Concerning our intrges here at Oxford I d●…sire thee to suspend thy judgement, (for I believe f●…w but pa●…tiall relations will co●…e to thee) until I shall send some whom I may trust by word of mou●…h; it being too much trouble to us b●…th to set them down in Paper. Copy to my wife. 22. Ian. 1644. This is a true copy examined by Miles Corbett. Dear heart, I never till now knew the good of ignorance, for I did not know the danger that thou wert in by the storm, before I had certain assurance of thy happy escape; we having had a pleasing false report, of thy safe landing at Newcastle which thine of the 19 Ian. so confirmed us in, that we, at least were not undeceived of that hope, till we knew certainly how great a danger thou hast past, of which I shall not be out of apprehension, until I may have the happiness of thy Company, for indeed I think it not the least of my misfortunes, that for my sake thou hast run so much hazard; in which thou hast expressed so much love to me that I confess it is impossible to repa●…, by any thing I can do, much less by words; but my heart being ●…ull of aff●…ction for thee, admiration of thee, and im●…tient passi●… of gratitude to thee, I could not but say some thing, leaving the re●…t to be read by thee, out of thine own noble heart. The intercepting of mine to thee, of the 2 Feb. has bred gre●…t discourse in several persons, and of several kinds as my saying I was persecuted for places, is applied to all and only tho●…e that I there name to be suitors whereas the truth is: I meant thereby the importunity of others▪ whom at that time, I had not time to name as well a●… some there mentioned, for I confess●… 174. and 133. are not guilty of th●…t fault, some finds fault as too much kindness to thee (thou may easily voate from what constellation that comes) but I assure such that I want expression, not will, to do it ten times more to thee on all occasions, others press m●…e as being brought upon the Stage, but I answer that having professed to have thy advice it were a wrong to thee to do any thing before I had it. As for our Treaty (leaving the particulars to this enclosed) I am confi●…ent th●… wilt be content with it, as concerning m●… part in it, for all the soldiers are well pleased with what I have done, but expect no cessation of Arms, for the lower house will have none without a disbanding and I will not disband till all be agreed, lastly for our Military aff●…ires, I thank God that here and in the West they prosper well as for the North I refer thee to 226. 14●…. informati●…n so daily expecting and praying for good news from thee▪ &c. Copy to my Wife, 13. Feb. 1643. Oxford 13. Feb. 1643. a true copy Zouche Tate. Instructi●…ns to colonel Cookran t●… be pursued in his negotiation to the King of Denmark. YOu are to in●…orme the King of D●…nmarke, that by his Majesti●…s command, as to t●…e nearest ally of his crown, his uncle, and whom he believes will not be unconcerned in his af●…aires, as well in Interests as aff●…ction, you are sent to give a p●…rticular account of the State of his majesty's affairs, to renew the ancient Leagu●…●…nd amity that hath been between the two kingdoms, and Families royal▪ and to reduce it to m●…re exact particulars, such as might be useful to the present affairs of England, and all occurrences in the fut●…re of those of Denmark. That t●…e present a●…air of your negotiation, is to demand an assistance from his Matie▪ such a one as the present State of the affairs of England requires, against a dangerous combination of his Maties subjects, who ha●…e not only invaded his Matie in his particular rites, but have laid a design to dissolve the monarchy and frame of Gov●…rnment, under pretences of liberty and Religion, becoming a dangerous precedent to all the Monarchies of Christendom to be looked upon with success in their design. That the nature of their proceedings hath been such as hath not admitted any foreign treaty to be interessed in suppressing their design, without giving them advantage of scandaling his Maties intentions, and drawing away universally the hearts of his people, whom they had insinuated under pretence of reformation of particular abuses of Government, and Ministers of Estate, to concur generally with approbation of their proceedings, and in which (though the dangerous consequence ●…nd design were visible to his Matie) a present compliance was necessary lest any public opposition on his Maties part, that might seem to defeat the great expectations which they had raised in the Commons in those plausible particulars might have occasioned a gener●…ll revolt, throughout the kingdoms, great jealousies being dispersed and fomented amongst them o●… his Maties foreign treaties and force, to be used to oppose and suppress those their desires and the moovers therein. Upon the credit they had ●…erewith built on the people's opinions, they proceeded under pretence of Reforma●…ion of Religion to dissolve the Government of the Church, according to its constitution in England a chief column and support to that Monarchy and crown. They lastly invaded his Matie in all the Prerogatives of his crown, and under pretence of ill Ministers and counsellors of Estate, whom they pretended to remove endeavoured to invest in themselves in all times for the future the Domination of all Ministries of Estate, and of his Maties family; withdrew all his revenues into their own hands, and ●…o confirm themselves in an absolute power of disposing his estate, en●…red upon possessing themselves of the Militia of the kingdom, his Navy and magazines, in which his Matie. being forced to appear in opposition, dangerous tumults were raised against him, so that he was forc●…d to fo●… sa●…e London, for preservation o●… his Person, his Q●…eene and Children. That since for the safety of the Queen he hath be●…n forced to send her ●…nto Ho●…and, to retire himself to the best affected party of his Subjects, from whence by declarations setting forth the sinister proceedings of that faction, discovering their designs of innovating the government, and falsifying the scandals they had imputed to him, he hath had the advantage generally to undeceive his people, to draw to him universally the Nobility and Gentry of the Kingdom. But the other faction still keeping up some interest and credit with the Commons, in the desperate estate they find themselves begin to make head against him, have appointed a General, and are levying Forces to maintain their party, committing divers acts of hostility, violence and rebellion. That his majesty having great encouragements given him by the exceeding numbers of Gentry and Noblemen that resort to him, is already advanced near them with 6000. Horse, and 10000 Foot. That the States of Holland have condescended to give her majesty the Queen a convoy of the greatest part of their Fleet now at Sea, for her return into England. That divers Forts and Counties upon his majesty's personal app●…arance, have declared for him, so that his affairs at home grow daily into a better estate, as he likewise expects and hopes, that all his neighbour Princes and Allies, will not look upon so dangerous a precedent to their own Crowns and Monarchies, without contributing to suppress this so pernicious a design, begun within his Kingdom. That to give his Majesty the juster ground to reflect upon the dangerous consequences, in relation to his own interest, of their success. It hath been by them publicly moved in the Commons House long since, to interpose in the accommodation of the Dutch and to set out a fleet, to take away his customs of the Sound. That they have since imputed to his Mtie. as a ground to scandal him with his people, that he did negotiate, the introducing by his Uncle the King of Denmark a foreign power to settle his affairs, and under that pretext have given large Commission, and particular instructions to the fleet, to visit, search, and intercept all such Danish ships, as they should meet, and to fight with, sink or destroy, all such as should resist th●…m, not permitting the same, or to take and detain them, having any arms or Ammunition on board; according to which they have searched, visited, and detained divers, to the great prejudice and interrup●…ion of the Norway trade driven commonly in this kingdom, in their own bottoms: And that they did prepare force against others, whom they permitted not to water, nor any other accommodation being bound for the West-Indi●…, and put in by stress of weather in the West of England▪ Th●…t in pursuance of their great design of extirpating the royal blood, and monarchy of England, they have endeavoured likewise to lay a great blemish upon his royal family, endeavouring to illegitimate all derived from his Sister, at once to cut off the interest and pretensions of the whole Race, which their most detestable and scand●…lous design they have pursued, examining witness●…s, and conferring circumstances, and times to colour their pretensions in so great a fault: and which as his sacred majesty of England in the true sense of honour of his Mother, doth abhor, and will punish, so he expects his concurrence, in vindicating a Sister of so happy memory, and by whom so near an union, and continued league of amity, hath been produced between the Families and Kingdoms. That the particulars in which his majesty doth desire his assistance, are, in the loan, and raising of men, money, arms, and Ships, all or such of them as may consist best with the convenience of his own affairs: And of such in the first place as may be most requisite and a wanting to his Majesty. That to set his levys on foot, and put him in a posture to protect his subjects in all places that adhere to him, and receive their contribution; 100000. li. will be necessary for him, which his Majesty desires way by way of loan. And for the restitution of it, besides his Kingly word, and solemn engagement upon this treaty, he is contented of such his crown Jewels as are in his disposure, to leave his royal pledge, if it shall be desired. The particulars of arms that he desires, are 6000. Muskets, 1500. Horse-armes, and 20. pieces of field Artillery mounted. Assistance of men, he desires only in Horsemen, and to know in what time they may be ready, and how many. That the Holy island, or Newcastle are designed for the landing of the said Horse, and M●…gazin of the said provisions, for reception likewise, anprotection of such his Ships as he shall think fit to employ for the countenance and security of those his Subjects that shall trade upon these Coasts; and for ascertaining the correspondence, and intelligence between the two kingdoms; in which the number is left to be proportioned as may best sort and agree with his own affairs. And for which the Holy island is conceived one of the aptest Harbours in his majesty's Dominions, being capable of any Ships whatsoever, in a very great proportion, an excellent ro●…de at the entrance, a ready out let, and a strong fort under his M●…jesties command. That in Lieu of his assistance contributed by the King of Denmark, his majesty will oblige himself, and ratify in express articles to restore into the Magazines of Denmark, a like proportion of arms and ammunition, to 〈◊〉 and defray the charges of the money lent, and leav●…es of Horse, ●…nd so soon as his 〈◊〉 sh●…ll be settled, and himself in a condition to do it upon all occasions to contribute the assistance of his Fleet, in maintaining his right and Title to the customs of the Sound, against all persons whatsoever; and to ratify the Treaty that was made last by Sir Thomas Roe, to enter into a league offensive and defensive, against intestine rebellions. In pursuance of which Treaty, while the negotiations and articles may be severally perfected, his majesty doth expect this first supply of moneys, and arms, present affairs, not admitting a delay in the same. That in case the King of Denmark will lend money upon jewels, there is in Holland a great Collar of Rubies, and another of Rubies and pearl, that may be sent to him or delivered to his Agent here: Who may have order to pay the money here: or any other jewels. That there have been in Discourses, several Propositions of accommodation made by them to the King, to which the King hath at all times made more advances on his part, then in reason could have been expected from him, and the difficulties have still risen on theirs. And that whereas his Majesty doth understand, that a Person is addressed to the K. of Denmark from his Parliament, to insinuate misunderstandings abroad with his majesty's Allies, as they have done at home among hi●… People, his Majesty expects that he be neither received, nor permitted to remain within his Dominions, to become an Intelligencer and spy upon the Treaty and Negotiations between their majesty's, but that he be diomist and sent away so soon as ever he shall arrive. Note this Paper concerning Cockram was not intercepted amongst th●… King's Letters, but is otherwise atte●…ted. ANNOTATIONS. Much use may be now made of these precedent Papers, & many things therein will appear very worthy of our Notice. For, 1. It is p●…aine, here, first, that the King's Counsels are wholly governed by the Queen; though she be of the weaker sex, borne an Alien, bred up in a contrary Religion, yet nothing great or small is transact●…d without her privity & consent. See Pap. 38. If the Prince make suit to bestow a place in his own Bedchamber upon a Gentleman of extraordinary merit. The King cannot grant it, to save his son's reputation, already engaged by promise, till He hath sent into France, and begged the Queen grant. See pap. 11. 2. The Queen's Counsels are as powerful as commands. The King professes to prefer her health before the exigence, and importance of his own public affairs. See pap. ●…4, &c.) He avows constancy to her grounds and documents, See pap. 5, &c. 3. The Queen appears to have been as harsh, and imperious towards the King, pap. 34. as she is implacable to our Religion, Nation, and Government. She doth the offices of a Resident in France, to procure imbargoes of our Ships, to raise foreign Forces against us, and in this she is restless to the neglect of her own health, She vows to die by famine, rather than to fail the King in such like negotiations, See pap. She confines not her agency to France, but solicits Lorraine for Men, the Prince of Orange for Shipping. She sends arms for Scotland to Montros▪ speeds colonel Fitz Williams his Commission for Ireland▪ pap 20. 21. The Counsels also in England which she gives the King are of very pernicious consequence, thereby the Parliament must be disbanded, pap. 27. Treaties must be suspected, great care must be had in them of Her, and Her Religion, pap. 30. Bishops and Catholics must be specially provided for, pap. 31. The King must be forewarned, that He cannot be safe longer, than he defends all that have served Him, pap. 31. That peace cannot be safe to Him without a Regiment for his Guard ●…ala mode du France. pap 30. She interposes so in the business of Ireland, that the King is not seen therein, nor obliged to any thing immediately, pap. 29. 4. The King doth yet in many things surpass the Queen for acts of hostility, and covering them over with d●…eper and darker secrecy. He employs colonel Coockrayn to solicit the King of D●…nmarke, making not only Papists our enemies for religions ●…ake, but all Princes though Protestants for Monarchies sake, rather than fai●…e of aid from thence, He stirs rumours about his mother's chastity, He promises to disoblige the Hollander in the business of the Sound; He pawns the Jewels of the crown, pap. 39 He presses the Q●…een beyond her own fiery propension, urges her to make personal Friendship with the Queen Regent, furnishes her with dextrous policies, and arguments to work upon the ministers of State in France. Of his own accord, without entreaty He proposes to the Queen the taking away all penal Statutes against Recusants in England. 'tis true, He doth all by way of bargain for his own particular advantage: but the Papists conditions are better than ours, in regard that the Queen herself is trusted with that merchandise, pap. 8. He prostitutes his pardon and grace to the Irish Rebels, importuning Ormonde, to use importunity to them, that they will accept of indemnity, and free use of Popery, and desire nothing in lieu thereof, but that they will transport six thousand men into England, and some other supplies into Scotland. For this purpose He sends Posts after Posts, and hastens the business the rather because being in Treaty with the two Parliaments of England and Scotland, about prosecution of the Irish, He may be prevented therein, and preingaged not to consent, See pap. 16. 17, 18, 19▪ He only excepts against appeals to Rome, and Pr●…munires. All other things He th●…nkes cheap enough for the Irish. He must not now stand upon scruples ('tis his own word) all things not d●…sagreeable to conscience and honour are to be admitted, & so to g●…ant free exercise of idolatry, though ab●…urd formerly, to the most odious, flagitious murderers in the world, is but a scruple not disagreeable either to conscience or honour. To bargain away our Acts of Parliament by such clandestine engagements, as pass only by papers, and dare not look upon the light, especially such Acts as concern our greatest interests, even those of Religion, supposes us to be slaves of the basest alloy: and 'tis strange that the Irish and Papists should at all rest upon the strength of such assurances, when they see Records and Parliament Rolls are of no virtue at all, either to the English, or Protestants, See pap. 16. 17, 18, 19▪ He calls us a Parliament publicly, yet acknowledge us not a Parliament s●…cretly, He suppresses still his not acknowledgem●…nt, only He enters it in the council Book at Oxford, and so though it be smothered to us, whom it most concerns, yet 'tis registered for our enemy's use, upon all occasions of advantage. This favour we found from the council at Oxford, that the Name, though not the Thing, should be imparted to us: but even this was not willingly and freely allowed by the King, had but two of his Advisers sided with him, all the rest should have balanced nothing at all in this case. This is a sign they sit there to great purpose, for though they are more worthy to be consulted with then Parliaments: yet their votes are but indifferent things, mere formalities, especially if there be any dissent at all amongst them, See pap. 5. He in show seeks Treaties, and wins upon the People by that show, yet chooseth such Commissioners, and binds them up with such instructions, that all accommodation is impossible. His aim is to win upon our Commissioners, and for this purpose gives authority to propose rewards and other allurements, pap. 24. gives avisoes to Caiole the Scots and Independents; as to the Duke of Richmond, pap. 23. presses for foreign Auxiliaries the more eagerly, pap. 12. 35. hopes to cast the odium of the breaking of the Treaty upon our ●…ide, pap. 1. 7, 12, 15, 25, 37. He seems more zealous for Bishops and Papists (Called his, and the Queen's friends) than the Queen herself, and therefore assures her of his resolution therein, without any request of hers, pap. 7. He doth not think fit to treat with the Rebels, only by the Interposition of the Queen or of Ormonde, but he sends particular thanks to Browne, Muskery, Plunket, pap. 19 He pretends sometimes to have the hearts of the major and better part of his Protestant subjects firm to him in this cause, yet trust none but Papists, and therefore is advised by the Queen, pap. 31. by no means to disband for this reason, because all the Militia is generally in the Parliaments hands. We see what opinion the King hath of Wilmot, Percy, Sussex. We see what opinion he hath of the Lords and Commons at Oxford who have discerted their trust here, out of confidence in him: the 13. paper here tells us plainly what use the King makes of them. The King will declare nothing in favour of his Parliament, so long as he can find a partty to maitaine him in this opposition; nor perform any thing which he hath declared, so long as he can find a sufficient party to excuse him from it. And indeed it is a sad consideration to think what unhappy use the King hath ever made of the obedience, and patient loyalty of this Nation; finding always that he might without any opposition or danger at least deny their just liberties, laws, and the very use of Parliaments; or if some urgency, or his own necessities, or advantages had caused him to call a Parliament he might afterwards with as little opposition, deny whatsoever he granted under his own hand; as the Petition of Right obtained with some difficulty, and broken immediately after without any scruple may sufficiently testify. The Pacification with Scotland was not assented to, until the English people showed some averseness to that wicked war; and were loath any longer to fight for their own slavery, nor was that Pacification any longer kept; then till a Party strong enough was found to maintain the breach of it. But without other instances, this Parliament had been happy, the King glorious, and his people flourishing, if the King had found none to side with him against all these; and it is strange that so long experience had not taught them more wifedome. But they are now justly rewarded, and if they will but view the King's Letter dated M●…rch 13. 1644. Where it will be app●…rent to them he calls those, who have deserted their trust in Parliament, and given up their fortunes and consciences to a compliance with his will, by the name of a base, mutinous, and mongrel Parliament, and despises them for retaining some little conscience to Religion, and this Parliament. Lords and Gentlemen, make the right use of this; and if you be not wicke●… enough to serve that purpose fully, to which you are designed: endeavour to repent, and learn so much goodness, as may bring you back to the right side. There will shortly be no Medium left you: whatsoever you thought in the beginning (as our charity may think you were deceived) you will find at last, that unless you think and act the same things, which those unhuman Irish rebels, or the worst foreign enemies to our Religion and State could wish to see done, you are no fit Instruments for that cause, which you have unhappily chosen, unless you return to the right way, you must go as far in the wrong one, as that will lead you. The Chronicles tell us that Henry Duke of Buckingham was dear to Richard the third, whiles he had so much wickedness as to further the deposing or disinheriting of his two nephews: but when he was not bad enough to consent to the murder of those Princes, he was rejected by that King, and afterwards beheaded, if you cannot learn how to go through with wickedness: learn a better lesson to return to goodness; or else perhaps the wrong which you have done your Country in betraying her trust, and by consequence shedding so much innocent blood, may be at last revenged upon you, by them, for whom you did it. The King, who despiseth you by the name of mongrels, as not altogether firm enough to his own design, in another late letter to the Earl of Ormond, gives thanks to Muskeny, Plunket, and Brown, the chief Actors in that horrid Massacre of Ireland. Which may teach the world what kind of men he confides truly in, and who they are that must reap the benefit of his Conquest, if God (for the sins of our English Protestants) should permit it: if Muskeny had been at Oxford, the King had had one man more of his own opinion, in not acknowledging the Parliament of England, for want of such, he is forced to complain. And you may plainly see what a dishonourable use is made of your persons there, as men merely operis secundi, a number only that serve to give countenance and credit to the design of a dearer party, and to persuade your country, not for your own behoofes, what is said to you, may be said to all, that are lead by you, to all those thousands which have followed the King as your train; for the same opinions which render you now contemptible to the King: render you acceptable to the major part of Protestants, which fides with you, and did at first make the King's Power so considerable, as it is, if there be any thing of Protestants, of English men, of men remaining in you, resume that, whatsoever it be, either acknowledge yourselves such, as the King calls you under the Rose, when he opens his breast to the only partaker of his thoughts; or declare yourselves such Patriots▪ such true sons of the Church as the King pretends you to be, when he spreads his Oratory before the people. If we be Rebels at London, because we are not so servile as you are, and you are mutineers at Oxford, because you are not so servile as the King would have you. Let us know by what definition either you or we are measured, and how we are distinguished, and let us see that other third remaining party which the King owns as his loyal faithful party indeed. It concerns you to look both forward and backward, and having now taken the dimention of the King's mind by his secret Letters, turn about awhile and look upon the same in his public Declarations. See if you can reconcile his former promises to his present de●…ignes; for as you have had some representation of the latter in the former part, you shall now be made Spectators and Judges of the former in this latter part. The King (according to Digby's superstitious observation) in his Letter of Jan. 14. last, takes it as evident, that Straffords innocent blood has brought the judgement of this civil war equally upon both sides, both being equally guilty thereof. The King's meaning is, That he and his ●…ide was as guilty in permitting as the Parliament was in prosecuting. But now for Canterbury's blood, that being totally put upon the Parliaments score, he doubts not but the hand of Justice will from henceforth totally lay the weight of this guilt upon the Parliaments side. The truth is, Strafford and Canterbury were the chief firebrands of this war, the two ill councillors that chiefly incensed the King against the Scots, and endeavoured to subject all these three Kingdoms to a new arbitrary Government, and were justly executed for attempting that subversion of Law which the King has perfected since. The King and Digby both adjudged Strafford wor●…hy of death, yet not for Treason, as it was charged, but not being able to save his life, without using force, and finding force very dangerous they left him to the block, against conscience, as is now alleged. Canterbury remains in the same case, and now remorse of Conscience (o●… rather the old project of altering Law) suggests to the King▪ That if no resistance be used. Straffords precedent will cast Canterbury, and Canterbury's all the rest of the Conspirators, and so the people will make good their ancient freedom still. Hereupon discontents break out, the King withdraws into Scotland, during his abode there the Rebellion in Ireland, some attempts against marquess Hamilton and others in Scotland, and some other dangerous machinations in England put us into strange terrors and apprehensions. The King at his return, Decemb. 2. 1641. complains of these Jealousies, Frights, and Alarms, with this profession▪ I am so far from repenting of any Act done this Session for the good of my people, that if it were to do again I would do it, and will yet grant what else can be justly desired. He concludes with a recommendation of the business of Ireland, and finding the preparations for the same slow, again on the 14. of Decemb. he is pathetical in quickening them thereunto. All this notwithstanding the Parliament finds the old faction at Court to grow strong, and daily to attain to more prevalence with the King, which besides other causes of jealousy makes them lay open the indisposition of the whole State in a plain and sharp Remonstrance, Decemb. 15. with the Remedies thereof proposed. The King as to the business of Religion answers, For preserving of the peace and safety of the kingdom from the designs of a Popish Party, we have and will concur with all just desires of our people in a Parliamentary way. For Ireland we thank you for your care and cheerful engagement for the speedy suppression of that Rebellion, the glory of God in the Protestant Profession, the safety of the British there, our Honour, and this Nations so much depending thereupon, &c. Your promise to apply yourselves to such courses as may support our royal estate with honour and plenty at home, and with power and reputation abroad, is that which we have ever promised ourself, both from your loyalties and affections. Here are words that sound nothing but grace, and here is a clear testimony from the Kings own mouth, concerning the merit of this Nation to this day; But notwithstanding these promises and testimonies, the King discovers daily more and more regret for Straffords execution, sticks closer to the counsels of the same faction, and instead of harkening to his Parliament, he commands a charge of Treason to be framed against six Members, the most eminent and active in both Houses. Also upon the fourth of Jan. the King comes in person with a great train armed into the House, and missing the five Members there, tells the rest that he must have them wheresoever he found them. Here was the fatal commencement of the war, for the next day the House declares, that they cannot sit in safety any longer at Westminster, and therefore they adjourn for some days, and retire into the City. Decemb. 31. they petition for a Guard out of the City, under command of the King's Lord Chamberlain the Earl of Essex, which is denied, yet with these expressions: We are ignorant of the grounds of your apprehensions, but protest before Almighty God, had we any knowledge, or belief of the least design in any of violence, either formerly, or at this time against you, we would pursue them to condign punishment, with the same severity and detestation as we would the greatest attempt upon our crown; and we do engage solemnly the word of a King, that the security of every one of you from violence, is, and shall be ever as much our care, as the preservation of us and our Children. These words were sweetly tempered, but won no belief, nor could overpower contrary actions, wherefore the Major, Aldermen, and common-council of London, seeing nothing but symptoms of war in the Court, frame a Petition, praying the King that the Tower of London may be put into the hands of persons of trust, that by removal of doubtful and unknown persons from about Whitehall and Westminster, a known and approved guard may be appointed for the safety of the Parliament, and that the accused Members may not be restrained or proceeded against, otherwise then according to the privileges of Parliament. The King grants nothing, but answers, That his reception of such an unusual request, is a sufficient instance of the singular estimation he hath of the good affections of the City, which he believes in gratitude will never be wanting to his just commands and service. Hitherto the King speaks nothing, but in justification both of the Cities, Parliaments, and people's loyalty. The tumults about Whitehall, &c. amounted to no war, are imputed by the King to the Rabble, and by us to the King's Party; the Parliament is acquitted except the six Members, and the prosecution of them also is after declined by the King, yet the King departs from the City, as unsafe, seeing plainly it could not be ●…verted from the Parliament. Upon the 20. of Jan. the King sends a Message to the Parliament, to state the differences on both sides, promising that when they are digested into a body, fit to be judged of, it shall appear what he will do. In answer hereunto, the Commons House (the Lords refusing to join) only petition for the raising up unto them and the State a sure ground of safety and confidence, that the Tower of London and the Militia of the kingdom may be put into such persons hands as they should recommend. The King replies; That the Militia by Law is subject to no command but his own, which he will reserve to himself, as a principal and inseparable flower of his crown, professes to take care of Peace, and the rights of the Subject, equally with his life, or the lives of his dearest Children: He further also conjures them by all acts of duty and favour received, by hopes of future mutual happiness, by their love of Religion, the Peace both of this kingdom, and Ireland not to be transported with fears and jealousies. The Parliament could not believe themselves secured by these professions or asseverations, & the King would not understand, that the settling the Militia at this time in confiding hands, to prevent civil war, was any other, than the taking the crown from his head. Hin●… ill●… lachrymae; the King nevertheless persists to declare his abhorrence of the Irish Rebellion, frequently inciting the Parliament to send succours. He also strangely abjures any privity to plots or designs against the laws, &c. and further makes strict Proclamatlon, March 16. for putting laws in execution against the Papists. The Parliament seeing cause to suspect that the King and Queen did still favour Digby & others flying from the justice of Parliament, and appearing to be Incendiaries by Letters intercepted, knowing also that the Queen was going into Holland to pawn the jewels of the crown for arms; and having divers other grounds of further apprehensions, again Petition concerning the settling of the Militia, and the Kings return but are denied in both. Thoughts of Peace are now laid aside, and Hull being a strong town, and a Magazine of arms, as also Newcastle being the public Magazine of fuel, and a rich place, are looked upon with solicitous eyes but as the Parliament prevents the King in Hull, the King prevents the Parliament in Newcastle: Yet the war being so far advanced, is scarcely avowed on either side, nor is it agreed which part was put to the defensive, and therefore on the 2. of June, 1642. before any blood shed, another assay is made for Peace, and the Parliaments Cause stated fully in 19 Propositions, are dispatched to the King; the main things desired were Reformation in Church Government, that power military and civil might be put into confiding hands; That justice of Parliament might pass upon Delinquents, but the Answer returned is, That if these things were granted, the King should remain but the out side, but the picture, but the sign of a King. This, though it was the Trumpet of war and the sound of defiance in effect, yet was not so owned, for still the King says, He intends not to fix any disloyal design upon both or either House of Parliament, he is rather most confident of the loyalty, good affections, and integrity of that great bodies good intentions: but the malignity of the des●…gne (he says) hath proceeded from the subtle informations, mis●…hievous prac●…ises, and evil counsels of ambitious turbulent spirits, not without a strong inf●…uence upon the very actions of both Houses. This was the utmost charge of Treason, that could be then brought against the Parliament▪, and the Propositions of the Parliament treated lately at Uxbridge, in Febr. 1644. being no other in effect, than these of ●…une, 1642. this inference may be truly made, that the King hath no cause to look upon us now, otherwise then as he did then; and if he have varied since from those Vows and Asseverations which he made then, the blame will not remain on this side, but on his; so that the very calling to mind what hath been said by the King, will be now sufficient for our purpose. 1. Wherefore, as to the taking up of arms at all against the Parliament, June 3. 1642, the King in his Declaration to the Freeholders of Yorkshire, renounces any intention of war, his words are, To the end this present posture, wherein we meet, should not affright you with the distempers of the times, we wish you to look into the composition and constitution of our Guard, and you will find it so far from the face or fear of war, that it serves to secure you as well as us from it, &c. Also June 16. in his declaration at York, he useth these words; we again, in the presence of Alusighty God our Maker and Redeemer, assure the world, we have no more thought of making war against our Parliament, then against our own Children. To the fame purpose he made all his Lord's sign a testimonial with their own hands, in affirmance of his profession. 'tis true, afterwards when he took the field with his increased Guard, and became the assailant at Hull, (having also possessed himself of Newcastle) he was driven to save himself by distinctions, for he had not disclaimed all war in general, but all invasive war, and if the siege of Hull had some show of invasion, yet indeed it was but in order to his defence, and this was a subtlety that all the sub●…igning Lords and others, it is thought, had not foreseen till now. 2. As to the waging war against the Parliament, June 16. The King disclaims all thoughts of war against his Parliament, and in July, after the date of the Earl of Essex his Commission, he abhors the like, Desiring no longer the protection and blessing of Almighty God upon himself and his posterity, than he and they shall solemnly observe the laws in defence of Parliaments. Also on Aug. 12. after He acknowledges that the King and Parliament are like the twins of Hippocrates, which must laugh and cry, live and die together. So this guides us to more distinctions, that the King may defend himself against a Parliament, yet not fight against it, or he may assail a Malignant party in Parliament, yet not touch the Parliament itself: These distinctions hold good on this side, not on that: but by what distinction will the King put a short period to this perpetual Parliament without violence? or how can he deny it the name of a Parliament without hostility? Examine the Letters further about this. 3 As to the waging of War by Papists. The King August 4. when the Earl of Essex his Army was in forming, in his Speech to the Gentry of Yorkshire avers, That he had taken order that the power of the Sword should not come into the hands of Papists. And Aug. 10. He makes strict Proclamation, That all Papists presuming to list themselves under him as Officers or soldiers, should be punished, and a way by Oath was prescribed for discrimination of them. Also Aug. 29. The King gives Instructions to his Commissioners for Arrays to disarm all Papists. So Octob. 27. after the battle at Edge-hill the King thinks it worth his excuse, That he had some few Popish Commanders in his Army, taken in of great necessity, he concludes thus; We shall never forget our several oaths in our several Declarations, we are too much a Christian to believe that we can break those Promises and avoid the justice of Heaven. 'tis true, afterwards a new distinction came to light, for upon a Petition from the Lancashire Papists, the King did avow, That Papists were by Law prohibited arms in time of Peace, not in time of war; and therefore he did not only authorise but require them to arm themselves, servants, tenants, and use the same arms, &c. This distinction bore date long after the war begun, but that was want of invention only. 4. As to managing the war by Irish Papists, he had never before named them but with a bleeding heart: His words once were, We hope the lamentable condition of Ireland will invite us to a fair intelligence and unity, that we may with ●…ne heart intend the relieving and recovering of that unhappy kingdom, where those barbarous Rebels practise such inhuman and unheard of Outrages upon our miserable people, that no Christian ear can hear without horror, nor story parallel. At an other time thus: We conjure all our Subjects, by all the bonds of love, duty, or obedience that are precious to good men to join with us for recovery of that kingdom. In July, at the Siege of Hull, he conjures both Houses as they will answer the contrary to Almighty God, to unite their force for recovery of Ireland. In October, from Ayno, in his Proclamation, he excuses the taking of Clothes and some Draught-horses sent for Ireland, as done of necessity and against his will. In December the King answers some Irish Protestants thus: Since the beginning of that monstrous Rebellion I have had no greater sorrow then for the bleeding condition of that kingdom. Nay, since the Treaty at Uxbridge, the King in public washes his hands of all countenance given to the Rebels, and turns the blame upon the Parliament, though in private he had been (as it were) a suitor to them for Peace, and some assistance from them by private Letters to Ormond. Quere how this may be reconcilable, &c. 5 As to the granting of a toleration. The King March 9 1641, in answer to the Parliaments Declaration, uses these words, Our faithful and zealous affection to the true Protestant Profession, and our resolution is to concur with our Parliament in any possible course for the propagation of it and suppression of Popery. In April 1642. he calls God to witness, with this assurance, That he will never consent (upon whatsoever pretence) to a toleration of the Popish Profession, or abolition of Laws now in force against Recusants. Also April 25. He has no other end but to defend the true Protestant Profession, &c. God so deal with us, as we continue in these Professions. So in his Speech in the head of his Army, Sept. 19 So in his Proclamation of pardon to London, October 29. All the professions we have made in our several Declarations for suppression of Popery and maintenance of Religion, the Laws, &c. shall be as inviolably observed by Us, as we expect a blessing from Almighty God, and obedience from our Subjects. Quaere then how this may be confistent with taking away Statutes in England and Ireland made for suppression of Popery, and that by the arms of Papists. 6 As to the bringing in of foreign Force, The King March 9 1641. in his Declaration from Newmarket, saith, Whatsoever you are advertised from Rome, Venice, Paris, of the Pope's nuntioes soliciting, Spain, France, &c. for foreign Aids, We are confident no sober honest man can believe Us so desperate or senseless to entertain such designs as would not only bu●…y this our kingdom in sudden destruction and ruin, but our Name and Posterity in perpetual scorn and infamy. Also March 26. 1642. about solicitation suspected of the King of Denmark, his words are, We have neither so ill an opinion of our own merits, or the affections of our Subjects, as to think ourself in need of foreign Force. Also August. 4. the King in his Speech to the Gentry of Yorkshire acknowledges, He is wholly cast upon the affections of his people, having no hope but in God, his just cause, and the love of his Subjects. What distinction can now satisfy us, that neither Irish, French, Lorrainers, Dutch, Danes, are foreigners? The concealing of this by sealing up the lips of the Queen and Ormond, and Cockram must supply all distinctions. FINIS.