THE PETITION OF THE MOST substantial INHABITANTS OF the city of London, and the Liberties thereof,  
TO THE LORDS and COMMONS FOR PEACE▪  
Together with the Answer to the same.  
AND The reply of the Petitioners.  
LONDON, Printed for EDWARD HUSBAND, Anno Dom. 1642.   

TO THE RIGHT honourable THE LORDS and COMMONS now assembled in the High Court of PARLIAMENT.  
The humble Petition of divers Inhabitants of the City of London, and the Liberties thereof.  
Showeth, THat the present sense of our miseries, and apprehension of inevitable ruin both of the Church and commonwealth, make us to become humble suitors to this Honourable Assembly (the likeliest means under God for our relief) to consider our distressed estates, and to provide a speedy remedy for our present and future evils, earnestly desiring you to weigh the care and judgement of our Predecessors, who by a known Law, settled and preserved our Protestant Religion, our Liberties, and Properties, with a right understanding between King and Subjects, which produced peace and plenty in our Streets.  
And to reflect with serious thoughts upon our present distempers, violating Religion by Papists and Sectaries, engaging our Nation into a civil, Bloody, and destructive war, invading our laws and Liberties, endangering all our Lives, and utterly disenabling us to relieve our distressed brethren in Ireland: We beseech you likewise to consider the effects of cont●nued Wa●re, as the destruction of Christians, the unnatural effusion of blood; Fathers against sons▪ Brothers by Brothers, Friends by Friends slain; then famine and sickness, the followers of civil war, making way for a general confusion, and invasion by a foreign Nation, while our Treasure is exhausted, our Trade lost, and the kingdom dispeopled. These things weighed and enlarged by your wisdoms, we doubt not will be strong motives in us to desire a speedy Peace, and a happy Accommodation.  
Wherefore we humbly crave, that (not lending an ear to any fomenters of these present wars, under what pretence soever, nor remembering aught that may increase jealousies, or continue divisions between his Majesty and his Houses of Parliament) you will speedily tender His Majesty (according to His royal intimations) such Propositions for Accommodation, as He may with Honour and Safety to the whole kingdom accept. For effecting whereof, we shall be ready to assist you with the best and utmost of our abilities, and whilst you endeavour Peace, we shall send up our Prayers to Heaven for the blessing of peace upon you, and all those that desire it.   

An Answer to the London PETITION.  
You Gentlemen and Citizens,  
BOth you and your request are welcome to us, and cannot fail of a kind reception here, where your former merits, and your present good intentions are so well known. It is natural in the Patient to seek cure of his disease, and to move the physician to use his best skill, and it is commendable in you under your sufferings to apply yourselves to us for ease; and we hope it is not mere impatience urges you to seek things impossible, or unjust: your prayers for Peace are Honourable, so was Jacobs' wife for children, yet when she cried, give me children or I die, she was to blame▪ for she sought that of Jacob, which Jacob had no power to give, and she sought the same with such violence, as Jacob ought not to have heard. But we will only conceive, that without all impatience, you seek of us Peace, so far as we can procure it, and not absolutely, for it depends not so much upon us, as the King, and it is not in us to draw the King to a Peace, except His Majesty be as inclinable to it, as we are. And we will conceive also that you seek not Peace nakedly, except it come along with Truth, righteousness, and Honour, and of such a Peace we are as zealous as you can wish us to be; and for other Peace, if we should wholly submit to the King's party, without all conditions for future security, such a submission to that Party would be no redress but an increase of your present sufferings. We are entrusted in this by the whole kingdom, and that trust we must not break upon the solicitation of any part of the kingdom: you are a considerable part of London, but you are not whole London, and London is a considerable part of this kingdom, but it is not the whole kingdom, and we, according to our trust, must look upon the whole kingdom: but it may be, that you see more than the whole kingdom, and may out of that sight offer some thing to us for the ease and relief of the whole kingdom; in this we will not gainsay you, it is possible that some clear way & form of a just, safe, and honourable Accommodation may be opened, and discovered to you, which hath not yet been found out by us; if this be so, we desire you cordially, and in a friendly manner to communicate your apprehensions, and understandings of this affair to us, and by our sudden and full embracement thereof, you shall soon find how dear, and precious the face, the very name or sound of Peace is to us: in the mean time we desire you to rest assured, that if there be any defect in us, it must needs be in point of understanding, it cannot be in point of affection. No men living can be in affection more devoted to safe Peace than we are. And further, we desire you not to censure us of any defect at all, no, not so much as in understanding, except you can reveal to us some better way, than we have hitherto assayed. No Accommodation can be, but we must leave something to the King upon trust, and if the Accommodation be even, the King will not deny some trust to us; but in this, help to advise us how far we shall trust the King, and how far we shall trust the King's party; were the King utterly disengaged from all parties, perhaps we would wholly trust the King, and desire no trust at all to be left in us from His Majesty: but we see in the King's party, some that have a strange power in His affection, yea a greater power far than we have, and yet they are known to be deeply enraged Papists, violently engaged Delinquents, and if you would wholly put yourselves and the kingdom into the trust of such a party, we are bound to withstand it, as much as we can. The King protests to hate Popery, and disavows all thoughts of Arbitrary Rule, yet we know all, how far He is addicted to Papists, and malignant haters of Parliaments: and since we cannot submit to the King, but we must submit to His Party, who He prefers before us, what advantage is it to us, whether He be in heart the self same, as His party is, or not? The truth is, we and the King's party are so diametrically opposite in Religion and State both, that he cannot protect both, if they are His friends, we are his enemies; if we are his friends, they are questionless his enemies; if he shield them from our justice, he must expose us to their injustice; either they must judge us, or we them, no middle way can be safe, nor deserve the name of Accommodation; it must prove inevitable confusion in the end. Many years we have already struggled together, and they have all the while found more favour from the Court than we; but now we are more implacably exasperated by blood, one against the other, and they will not lay down arms before us; nor ought we before them; and if both lay down arms together, yet little safety will be to us; for our religion and profession will bind us truly to perform, but theirs will bind them to betray us; and since they are greater in the King's favour, and are loose from Oaths, when we are discountenanced, and our hands are tied from defence, what equality of Treaty is there? We will speak now to you, as we would to the whole body of England; if you prefer their cause and being before ours, speak it out more plainly: if you wish better to us, and think better of us, be wary of such Accommodation, as may render us upon unequal terms into their hands. You will say we have received other Petitions with more favour, when they have more concurred with us in their Votes, we confess and justify it: for when the people have encouraged us by Petitions, answering to our Votes, and have invited us to be more hardy in searching their wounds, fearing our too much tenderness in their own case, we could not but resent a better disposition and capacity of cure, than now we take notice of in such contrary Petitions, as seem to express a distrust of us, though indeed your professions be clean contrary. Yet to deal plainly with you, and all other Petitioners: we love not to be solicited at all by the people in any case whatsoever, except when we do manifestly fail of our Duty, either out of too much fear, or too much presumption. Howsoever for the present go peaceably home, and if you think us worthy of that trust which you have hitherto reposed in us, leave to us to consider of this your Petition with all its circumstances, and assure yourselves, we will condescend to the more hazard, and depart something the more from our own due in our demands from His Majesty, for your sakes. And if you prefer your own judgements before ours, proceed to advertise us lovingly and fairly, wherein we may do you more good, or how we may draw nearer to a prudent Accommodation, and impart more particularly your open sense thereof. Howsoever we desire you to address yourselves to His Majesty, in the same manner as you have done to us, unless you condemn us as more indisposed to peace then His Majesty is; and let your request be, that in this valuation of His Party, and His Parliament, He would be equally pleased to condescend, and depart from His former rigor of terms, as you expect from us, or else we must pronounce you in this unequal. And for the sum of all, let your desired Accommodation be such, as shall maintain us to be the King's legal Parliament, and a legal Parliament to be the Kings highest Court of judicature, and the highest judicature of the King fittest to determine all public disputes, and best disposed to mercy, as well justice; and policy, as well as Law: and without more ado your wished Accommodation is perfected, and agreed upon.   

The REPLY of the London Petitioners to the late Answer to their PETITION.  
We perceive, those Arts which first caused, are the fittest means to continue this common calamity. If the People (of honest affections generally, but weak reason, and so easily abused, and made to advance private ends with a public conscience,) yet at last faithfully instructed by the sense of miseries, begin to grow wiser, the great contrivers of these sad divisions, evidently discern, the Kingdom is in danger to be restored to happiness, unless their long exercised malice, can still prevail under specious pretences, to keep up that unfortunate misunderstanding between King and Subject.  
No sooner had we, being the most considerable persons in the city (after too long patience, and a most just apprehension of pressures hourly growing upon us, so that of late, every new Vote hath been looked upon as a new affliction,) taken such courage to ourselves, as humbly to express our unwillingness to be longer active in our own unhappiness, and to sue unto you for remedy, being desirous to receive those great blessings of Peace and Plenty, and true Religion established by Law, from no other hand: but presently under-agents are employed to continue (if it be possible) the distractions of this Kingdom, and stifle our honest intentions in the womb. Alderman Penington seizes upon our Petition, and commits one to Prison, (because it seems he was better affected to the quiet of his Country, then was convenient for his ends,) notwithstanding not any thing in the matter of it, was against any known law, and the manner of it had been so often countenanced by both your Houses. Out of these considerations, we the Citizens animated by innocency, and a necessary care to prevent our otherwise unavoidable destruction, with sober courage, and honest stoutness recover our Petition.  
Next the Lecturers undertake the work, and turn all the spiritual militia into weapons of the flesh, exhorting us to fight against the King in the fear of God, and under the mask of Religion preaching down peace and holiness. Yet these virulent declamations prevail not with us, who were more conscionably instructed, then to believe, we cannot express our love to God, unless we maintain enmity with men; and who by sad experience have found the bitter fruits of their so much cried-up reformation; wherein the sons of peace are become the loudest Trumpets of war.  
This policy being now worn out, and the journey-men-Rebells at a stand, it concerns the Masters to take the ruin of the commonwealth into their own managery. An answer is cast out, which seems to carry in it the authority of the House, but presents really the subtlety of those, who have hitherto craftily abused the people's affections into those miserable distempers. Their words are softer than oil, but poison of asps is under their lips; for the design of it is by a seeming meek compliance with us, who from our soul's desire and sue for peace, to send us away, contented to engage ourselves in a most unnatural war. It is full of Sophistry, and such eloquence, as is described in Catiline, (the firebrand of his Country) which was first to disturb a state, unable to compose and settle it.  
We and our request is said to be Welcome. Certainly both aught to be so really, and deserve to be entertained with the greatest thanks and alacrity by all honest men, as aiming at the public interest, and common good of the kingdom. What ever Astronomers fain of the celestial bodies, 'tis to be feared, many inferior orbs in a State have particular contrary motions to that of the whole. If a kind reception were truly meant, what can be the cause, we should meet with such opposition, such difficulties in the access? It requires no deep understanding to look through the matter: it costs nothing to give good words, and you manage this affair very prudently, if instead of a grant, you can satisfy us with a compliment. But your Petitioners are wiser, then to desist upon empty Courtship, when our suit is of so high concernment, as the kingdom's preservation.  
It is commendable in us, to come as patients to their physician.] What do they deserve then, who hinder us from seeking a remedy for our distempers? He who forces sickness upon us, may thereby hasten his own death. We must not out of impatience seek things impossible, or unjust.] Our request is neither vain, nor wicked; it desires both what can, and what ought to be done. It is very easily effected: if you withdraw the fuel, a fire is soon extinguished; so if you, I do not say, correct, but even not foment ill humours, the Wound will heal of itself. The Subject is in so ready a way of recovery, do but apply the Great Charter, and the Petition of Right, and he is restored to Health and Strength; that is, take not our estates from us by force, and without our Consent, and we ask not Peace, engage the Kingdom in war if you can. We expect not physic from you, only prescribe us a good diet, that is, let us live by certain and known rules, and we shall not want letting blood. If Peace be to be compassed by these means, the desire of it cannot be unjust.  
Your Prayers for Peace are Honourable, so was Jacob's wife for Children, yet when she cried, give me Children, or I die, she was to blame, for she sought that of Jacob, which Jacob had not power to give.] There is great difference between rachel's impatience, and our humble request, addressed to you as the fittest means under God to convey unto us the fruits (not of the womb, but) of good Government, Peace and Plenty. That we live, it is the bounty of God, that we are destroyed, may be the fault of men. We desire no more, then what good Patriots may, and aught to perform, that you would be pleased, not to neglect those means, which most probably will conduce to the kingdom's preservation.  
And she sought the same with such violence, as Jacob ought not to have heard.] There was not any thing in our addresses, which could make this observation pertinent. But the doctrine is so reasonable, we could wish, you had declared it sooner, as being forced to take notice, the contrary position was once taught, and made the rule of former actions; That some things must be done to satisfy the People. We cannot be ignorant of the many tumults, dismissed with thanks, though they (as Jacob with God) did even wrestle with you for blessings. This clear opening yourselves against violent Petitioners, will satisfy the world in the innocency of those Members, who absented themselves from the House out of this consideration.  
Peace depends not so much on us, as the King, and it is not in us to draw the King to a peace:] We humbly desire you not to be wanting in your duty; and we have had frequent testimonies of His majesty's peaceable inclinations. His withdrawing His forces from our City, after great advantages, clearly demonstrates, He came up to London with an army, not so much to fight, as to appear in such a condition, as you might without loss of Honour consent to a peace. We must remember with what cheerfulness He entertained the Messengers of peace at Colebrook, how gracious a Reply He returned to the Message, without any mention of former unkindnesses, and such indignities, as private men could hardly have digested. After this, though provoked with new injuries, and most unreasonable imputations of breach of Faith, and delight in blood; as if He were only sensible of our misery, He seeks to continue the Treaty by a message from Reading, ending with the same gracious close as that from Colebrook. This as yet hath not been thought worthy any answer.  
We will conceive also that you seek not Peace nakedly, except it come along with truth, righteousness and Honour. With truth;] we readily embrace this limitation, as being persuaded the breach of peace in the Church, by Sectaries unpunished, we wish, we could not say countenanced and encouraged, hath begot and nourished war in the State. Therefore to deal plainly, if you mean by truth the Protestant Religion established by Law, (to which you know His Majesty conforms in constant practice even beyond the strictness of most Subjects,) let the Penalties by Act of Parliament appointed be indispensably exacted from all offenders: If you mean some of your own private opinions, speak them out clearly, and I doubt not but the Kingdom will entertain peace, without that which you call truth. With righteousness, with Honour.] It is very obvious, how Peace and righteousness may kiss each other, but how without forfeiture of this, any can take up arms against their sovereign, (to whom they have sworn allegiance) we cannot comprehend. It is no diminution of your honour to provide for the Kings, (as you are obliged by oath) and to yield Him all those rights, with which the Law hath invested Him. These are no hard conditions: If you like them, you will have no reason to prolong our miseries by civil dissensions; if they displease, confess it roundly, and we are confident, we shall have no long war.  
If we should wholly submit to the King's party, without all conditions of future security.] You are required to submit to the King, not to any of your fellow Subjects. There cannot be greater security, than the laws of the Land, (and such only your Ancestors claimed) the benefit of which you shall enjoy, and by which only you are to be tried. If you challenge security of any higher nature, and think not yourselves safe, till you have all the power in yourselves, we make no doubt all well-affected People will clearly discern, this is nothing else, but under the name of free Subjects, to take upon you the Power of Kings. We humbly desire you to inform us plainly, what provisions you will have made for your safety, and to open yourselves in this point, whether there can be any possible security in Monarchy. Under this form much must of necessity be committed to the trust of one. If therefore you will not entertain peace, as being unsafe to you, because there is a possibility this one may fail in performance of trust, you clearly tell us, this kingdom shall not be quiet, till you have changed this ancient, and well founded Monarchy into a popular State, and till the supreme disposal of all is placed in you. By this the people will understand at last what it is they fight for.  
We are entrusted in this by the whole kingdom.] This must be meant of the House of Commons, and by the same logic that the King is denied His Rights, the Lords may lose theirs, and this might breed an under-civil war between Your two Houses. The trust committed to you by the people, who are the third estate, cannot give any power, to entrench upon the other two, or either of them. The performance of this trust is to be regulated according to the laws, so that if You do any thing against Law, you are accountable for such actions, and the people is no way concerned in it, as having no legal authority in such a case. It is not possible, the People should give unto you, what they had not in themselves, a privilege to break the laws.  
You are but a part of London, and London but a part of the kingdom.] It is very true; so the Porters were but a part, the women were but a part, and the beggars were but a part, all which had the happiness to think as you did, and so deserved thanks for it. We challenge no greater privilege than was allowed to them, to present our desires; to approve or disallow belongs unto you, according as the greatest reason shall direct. Yet thus much we shall take the boldness to say, though you chance to affect war, you must give us leave, to love and pray for peace, and not to engage our Estates or Persons, (for such right in this case the Law gives us) if we conceive it an unreasonable war; for we shall be unwilling to contribute a part, only that we may bring the whole in danger. And it may be necessary to tell you, we are much the best part of London, and London much the most considerable part of the kingdom, and we have great reason to presume, that the most to be valued in other parts also, will second our desire, though you perhaps may have different apprehensions of their affections. For indeed the causes of liking and disliking war, are not the same in you, and the rest of the kingdom. You sit in the midst of us encompassed with safety, whereas others are exposed to the hazard. Their Hay, their corn, their householdstuff, their flocks of Sheep, and herds of cattle, and Horses are subject to the plunder, which makes them disrelish those distractions. It is no marvel, if the active men amongst you find in war a more pleasing taste, since they have put themselves into good preferment by several commands, and the kingdom's misery, is become their patrimony. So while their trade flourishes, they have no deep sense of the universal decay of ours in several callings. We do not much wonder, if men that stand upon the shore, delight in tempests, as often as the wrack is to be shared amongst them.  
But it may be that you see more than the whole kingdom.] This is a pretty kind of rhetoric, to endeavour to baffle our reason, by pressing on our modesty. We compare not with others, (though we might tell you, in some things we that are standers by, might perhaps see more clearly, than you, who are playing your game:) whether in this cause our understanding be weaker or not, it concerns not us to determine; since this we know, we are bound to practise, according as that informs us in our duty, and that God (however some undervalue the spilling of Christian blood) will call us to a severe account; and most miserable is he, who shall be found guilty of shedding the blood of his brethren unjustly.  
You shall soon find, how dear and precious the face, the very name or sound of Peace is to us.] Many days are not passed over since the name would not be entertained with patience. You know who said, I like not daubing; and that other expression, I hate the name of Accommodation. Certainly it was less cunningly carried. But it seems, it was believed the people was irrecoverably mad, and that they would never be weary of misery; or at least, that they were so much in your power, that he which should dare to mention Peace, should suffer the injuries of war. This part would have been better acted then: It would have given much more satisfaction, if you had embraced the name of Peace with all cheerfulness, and broken of the thing by perplexed disputes, and sending unreasonable propositions. Now it will be a work of greater difficulty, to overrule our understandings, since we have evident grounds to suspect your affections. We heartily wish, we may prove false Prophets, but we cannot command our fears (which work naturally, and make judgement of the future by what is past,) from presaging, you will keep up the war still, but in a more plausible way; and under a seeming desire of Peace (having perceived the disadvantage of your open error,) use unfit means to effect it, by proposing unreasonable conditions, so hoping to avoid the envy, and yet preserve to yourselves the benefits of these divisions.  
The sense of the following discourse is this, No Accommodation can be, because something must be left to the King upon trust, and something to you.] It will be very easy to assign the bounds of these several trusts. It is done to our hand; for His Majesty requires no new trust to himself, nor will He deny an old trust to you; the laws and customs of this Land determine both. But He must not be trusted, because he is not utterly disengaged from all parties. Here is a plain Declaration, what the issue is likely to be. As long as the King hath any power left, so long you will suspect his Faith, and the people must be miserable, so long as you please to be fearful. Certainly, the meanest understanding can quickly apprehend this to be a most seditious principle, and all true lovers of their Country, will look upon it as the seed-plot of Rebellion to all ages. For all men cannot be preferred, and pretences will never be wanting of a King's engagement to a party, as often as ambitious persons, who think they have equal deserts, find they have not equal preferment. Such men commonly, when they cannot attain to great offices, in the discharge whereof, they promise to the people some extraordinary good, they out of indignation, manifest their abilities in hurting the State. You object to the King, He hath a party. Alas! this is His unhappiness, and your fault. He desires and aught to have the whole. But if you will obstinately persist in this lay-schism, and admit of no condition of Reconciliation, except He will remove those servants, which in His afflictions He hath found honest and faithful to Him, and prefer you in their places, He hath small encouragement to bestow such favours, (not yet deserved by you) and cannot satisfy His conscience in such an ill requital of their tried loyalty.  
The next is a stale calumny against Papists and Delinquents. Though reason be not less concluding, because old and often repeated, yet slanders lose their credit by time, because most men can confute them by experience. His Majesty hath fully satisfied the world in this point; and the most considering part even of the people, having long time in vain expected proofs, are now grown more stayed in their belief, then to be led away by a bare confidence, and boldness of defaming.  
we and the King's party are so diametrically opposite in Religion and State, that He cannot protect both.] The same justice may govern both, if you will return from whence you are swerved, and submit to the common rule of Law, which ought to be the measure of our actions. We most earnestly beseech you, (that we may not perish, while we are detained in generals,) you would be pleased to tell us, what Religion you would have. If the public form of worship, established already, and sealed with the blood of many Martyrs herein can be no ground of difference; they profess and practise it, and will become suitors to you, that you will severely punish all persons whatsoever that transgress against it: If you mean some other Religion, (as you do, if there be any real disagreement amongst us) let us know what it is, perhaps the kingdom will renounce their old faith, and like your Creed better. However, let not the people be blindly engaged to fight against their King in defence of their own, and His Religion, and to maintain that, which He and they approve off, and only you dissent from.  
If they are His friends, we are His enemies; if we are His friends, they are questionless His enemies.] It becomes not us to decide, who are His friends, who His enemies, nor to publish our thoughts, which may perhaps be guided by that common notion, to fight for, or against; to endeavour to preserve, or destroy. Friendship and enmity here are not to be taken for affections, but for a civil virtue orvice, and to be understood in a law notion. They only are to be esteemed His friends, who are obedient to laws; & transgressors, His enemies. So that a King is enemy to none, as not punishing out of hatred, but justice. That some men have found more favour than others▪ (we may guess at the cause of your discontents, by this frequent complaint) can be no just ground to disturb a State. The kingdom will never be free from Rebellion, if Subjects may be allowed to give law to the Prince's courtesies.  
Either they must judge us, or we them, no middle way can be safe.] The trial of this Land is well known, which is per judicium parium, by verdict of Pears, it being a way of proceeding equally indifferent to all; where none have cause to fear wrested explications, or obscure consequences, verdicts being brought in, in capital causes, according to evident and known law. We make no question all uninterested persons will quickly be satisfied in the present difference, in case of Treason, which can be the only sub●ect of this debate, (and yet this seems to be the main ground of distance.) For certainly our laws have provided for the trial of it, and the House of Commons never heretofore challenging a power of judicature, and the Lords not using to censure any in this nature under the degree of Baron, therefore it undeniably appears, they are to be referred to the ordinary trial of the Kings Bench.  
They will not lay down arms before us, nor ought we before them.] Clear satisfaction hath been offered you by His Majesty in this point, that the arms should be returned to those hands, in which they are by law entrusted. The King is invested with the sole power of training, arraying, and mustering, it being most consonant to reason, as well as grounded on law, that he which is bound to Protect, should be enabled to compass that end.  
Little safety will be to us, for our Religion and our profession will bind us truly to perform, but theirs will bind them to betray us.] Of all men living we should least have expected, you should make advantage of this argument; the breach of Faith in your soldiers being most infamously notorious. Witness Farneham Castle, where after hands shaken with two of your captains, and time given upon the reputation of Gentlemen and soldiers, to draw up Propositions of surrender, the Commanders being retired, and the soldiers forbid to shoot, you brook in upon them against the laws of Truce, took them all Prisoners and plundered them, not affording any benefit of the former agreement▪ witness Winchester, where after composition set down in writing, you against it, robbed them, stripped them and killed many in cool blood, insomuch that some of your Commanders, more sensible of honour, openly exclaimed against your barbarous cruelty, scarce to be paralleled amongst the stories of Germany. witness Yorkshire, where, after the Gentry had very prudently settled a peace and security in that County, by mutual covenant not to injure each other, the Lord Fairefax is bitterly reproved for breaking your privileges, by presuming to agree to the happiness of His Country, when the House, or rather the Committee had resolved to engage the whole kingdom in misery, and he is accordingly commanded not to regard his promise. The truth is, (and you have declared it to the world in print) that you might persuade him not to be honest, you tell him plainly he was not wise, and therefore enjoin him not to stand to that Covenant which was made with so much disadvantage: witness Mr Martial, and Dr Downing. The King in extraordinary mercy pardoned and dismissed 300 prisoners (though guilty of high Treason, and taken in actual hostility against him,) only taking security (at least as he then thought it was, having not yet learned, that the Religion of that party, is not capable of laying any obligation against Interest) for their future innocency by oath, they swearing, never after to bear arms against His Majesty. These being returned are satisfied in conscience, they swore unlawfully, as binding themselves not to advance the good cause, and for this consideration, as also it being taken in their own defence, their lives being endangered upon refusal, (so that being now safe they were again free) they are formally absolved from their Oath by these two City Popes, and preached into new and perjured rebels. Good God that these men in so short time, should be guilty of so many public violations of Faith, (one of which, even amongst the ancient Heathen, would have stained an age,) and yet that all the people are not yet undeceived! It cannot be, but all such as have any sense of true piety▪ will upon full information detest these foul proceedings, and abhor that Religion, which is made but an Art to dispense with honesty.  
Certainly you cannot believe, that you Religion binds you truly to perform: men of such persuasions could not so grossly equivocate themselves into disloyalty, and raise an Army to desttroy their King in His own defence.  
If you prefer their cause and being before ours, speak it out more plain●y.] We most humbly thank you, and shall (if necessity require it) make use of this freedom. The rule by which our liking will be guided, is this, we shall acquit that party, which doth not entrench upon Our Liberty, by imprisoning any of us without cause, and maintaining the Legality of it, and professing to measure it according to pleasure, so that, if they think it convenient to do so, it shall be a crime to question it; Our property, by taking our Estates from us without our consents; our Religion, by committing our most painful and conscientious Professors, and public thwarting our long believed Preachers by new Sectaries, with great care and cunning planted in our several Congregations.  
We love not to be solicited by the People in what case soever, except when we do manifestly fail in our duty.] Your minds are much changed of late▪ you did love it dearly. And such care hath been taken, to entertain you with this your delight, that, least good affections should not be able to show themselves for want of understanding, (as commonly your well meaning friends were defective in that part) your sense hath been put into their papers, and you have lent them a head, that they might express their good hearts. It cannot be so suddenly forgotten, that when reason formerly hath gainsaid proposals, the affections of the people have been judged the fittest measure of votes.  
Here is yet a possibility of failing by this confession, and so you have overthrown the strongest, and most popular argument of your innocence, the authority of the doer. If we, or any part of the kingdom shall conceive you fail of duty to your sovereign, you have by this granted us full liberty to solicit you when we think fitting.  
We desire you to address yourselves to His Majesty, in the same manner as you have done to us, unless you condemn us, as more indisposed to peace then his Majesty is.] We have had frequent evidences of His majesty's peaceable inclinations, in His many Messages continually by you rejected, and we have observed how long and how much he hath suffered formerly, that He might have prevented (if malice could have been wearied) this unnatural war. We thought a Petition to Him for Peace not so seasonable, because He out of His detestation of the effusion of His Subjects blood, had himself (in His Message from Nottingham) even sued to you for it. We extremely wonder, We should now be put upon this course, for which formerly you have punished others. It was then a crime to think of making any addresses to His Majesty, and the authors have suffered for it, before it was known what they meant to have desired.  
Concerning the matter of the Petition you would frame for us, (that art hath formerly done good service, and must not now be forgotten) that He would depart from his former rigor of terms, we must freely acknowledge, we have not yet met with any harsh proposals from His Majesty, and we believe, if any such were, they would have been named, you not using to dissemble any advantages, nor to be over nice in respect to His regal dignity. What ever conditions have come to our hands, seem as reasonable in sense, as mild in language. Notwithstanding he hath been frequently tempted to use harsher expressions, by that freedom you have taken of accusing him, in such words, as we should count it incivility to use towards our equals. Too oft they were so below the respect due to a King, that they were unfit to be given to a Gentleman.  
Inbriefe, that you may not flatter yourselves with an opinion, we shall easily be put off with generalities, which signity nothing, we shall take some pains in this business, which so highly concerns us, and with our utmost care, and all due respects, descend to particular Propositions, such as we according to our apprehensions shall conceive reasonable.  
And that we may (as much as in us lies) remove all those rubs out of the way to an happy accommodation, which some with design and study purposely cast in; we shall for the present make one Proposition, which carries in it much equality, and (if we mistake not) will take off all exceptions, which seem to stand betwixt us and happiness in this agreement: That is, that as His Majesty doth readily consent to all the rights, which belong to both Houses; so you would with as much forwardness, grant what ever rights belong unto him: and that time may not be wasted in doubtful disputes, while the kingdom lies at stake, that you would make the reign of Queen ELIZABETH (acknowledged by all to be happy and glorious) the measure by which to determine them. This we conceive a more equal way, then for two of the Estates (especially when the major part by fear of tumults and Armies is absent) to judge by no rule but their own votes of the Rights of the third: to whom if it may be allowed to be sole arbitrary judges both of justice and Policy, both of what is due to you, and fit for you, both from King and Subjects, the accommodation that is left can only be this; that, so you may have all that yourselves desire, you are contented to endure peace, and such an one indeed you had hard hearts, if you would not accept.  
If this appear more reasonable, we shall not need to trouble ourselves with those involved conditions by you prescribed, the meaning whereof we doubt in some, the truth in others.  
That you are the King's legal Parliament. That the two Houses are distinct parts of the Parliament, we acknowledge, and the King never denied it. That you have not the power of the whole in right (though it hath been executed upon us in fact) you yourselves must confess, unless you will say, that you can make an Act of Parliament without the King. Wherein we desire you to declare your sense plainly. If you shall not pretend to this, we request the Subject may not suffer under illegal names, that is, that an Ordinance of either or both houses, may not have the virtue or power, since you will not justify the name of Law in it.  
That you are the Kings highest court of judicature.] We conceive, the House of Commons, and much more the Committee, hath power of accusing only, not of judging; This belongs to the House of Lords (an appeal being made from an inferior Court, and writs of error being legally exhibited) who are presumed to pass sentence according to the known Law, and not according to reason of State, Because this would place an arbitrary power in them, and enable them to overthrow (the birthright and inheritance of every English man) our laws by Policy. Since there cannot be imagined a more absolute power, and government according to bare will, then to determine the same action right or wrong, as they shall please to call it necessary or convenient.  
That you are fittest to determine all public disputes.] If it be understood in relation to laws, the only allowed rules of decision, it is granted without any inconveniences. If you will maintain it in the largest sense, which the words may seem to bear, we are confident, the people will abhor the Doctrine; for by this rule you must maint●ine, it is in your power to depose not a King only, but Monarchy itself, if this chance to be the subject of your disputes.  
That you are best disposed to mercy, as well as justice.] We desire you to express these words in plain English, and to tell us clearly, whether you do challenge to yourselves a right of pardoning whom you please (which yet hath been acknowledged this very Parliament a prerogative only belonging to the King.) But if this be the meaning, we shall less wonder, that persons highly corrupt, and most known offenders in public offices, have been protected from your justice, by the Prerogative of your mercy, and that Policy should so far overrule Law, that it should be delivered, for sound State Doctrine, that former faults ought not to be looked upon, if the party accused hath done good service for the present.  
If this free opening our apprehensions find a gracious acceptance, and (as is by us infinitely desired) prosperous success, we shall render you our most humble and hearty thanks; if our further endeavours shall be necessary, we will not be wanting to our own and the kingdom's preservation.  
FINIS.