DIVI BRITANNICI: BEING A REMARK Upon the LIVES of all the KINGS Of this Isle, FROM THE YEAR OF THE WORLD 2855. UNTO THE YEAR OF GRACE. 1660. By Sir WINSTON CHURCHILL K t.  
Divus Habebitur Augustus Adiectis britanius Imperio Horat. Ode 5. Lib. 3   Engraved allegorical depiction of Father Thames and Britannia (attended by three putti) sitting either side of a column topped with a crowned eagle; the masts of ships are visible in the background. 
LONDON, Printed by Tho. Roycroft, to be sold by Francis Eglesfield, at the Sign of the S in St. Paul's Churchyard. MDCLXXV.   


DIEV ET MON DROIT  
HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE   Woodcut headpiece depicting a royal coat of arms within a decorative border. TO HIS MOST Sacred Majesty CHARLES II. By the Grace of GOD KING OF Great Britain, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, etc.  
GREAT SIR,  
IF the Reading of History in General, be not only a Recreation, but a Restorative, and such, as by which some Princes have recovered the Health of their Bodies, others the Distempers of their Mind, many have learned to settle, and most to preserve the Weal of their Estates; meeting therein with divers Occurrences, which (as Demetrius Phalaris once hinted to the first Ptolomey of Egypt) none of their Friends or Followers would, or perhaps durst mind them of, then certainly the Records of those stupendious Works performed in almost all Ages, by those DIIFORMES your Great Progenitors (many of whose Words were taken as Oracles, their Actions as Examples, and their Examples as Laws) cannot but be a Subject worthy your Royal Regard: and possibly not less pleasant than useful, whilst in comparing Glory, it will appear how happy you are made by their Virtues, how much happier by your own, in which theirs, drawn by various Lines, seem to concentre, or rather are represented to Admiration; not unlike those Pictures of some Illustrious Personages, which containing divers Figures, do one way show the Faces of sundry of their Ancestors, but another way that of their own only, in the Circumference whereof all the former are very plainly comprehended.  
In this Confidence I have taken a Pattern of Duty from the Ancients, whose Custom it was, Adi●● Cesarem per Libellum, presuming the more upon your Majesty's gracious Acceptation of the Work; in that it was designed to be a Monument of my own Gratitude, as of your Greatness, and the only Instance of Duty I could give at that which was indeed the worst of Times; being begun when every Body thought that Monarchy had ended, and would have been buried in the same Grave with your Martyred Father: when those Parricides who gloried in having banished you like Tarqvinius (for so they blasphemously called you, though they could not add Superbus) resolved to Extirpate all Goodness as well as all Good Men; when none of Us that had served that Blessed Prince, had any other Weapon left us but our Pens to show the Justice of our Zeal, by that of his Title; when for want of Ink black enough to Record the Impieties that followed, we designed to write them in Blood: Writing and Fight being alike dangerous, and necessary. When lastly, we had no good Omen but what seemed the worst of all, to see your Majesty like the good Emperor Mauritius heretofore (who is said to have been carried up and down, in his Swadling-bands, by an Empusa, or Familiar Spirit, but without taking any hurt) hurried from one Country to another, in the Infancy of your Power, by a Devil in no measure so Innocent as that, who though he was able to do you no more hurt, intended questionless the same Violence to your Sacred Person, as was offered to that of your Fathers, had not your Tutelar Angels, like those which are said to have preserved Lot from the Sodomites, shut the Door of Government upon him, and baffled his Ambition by the Revolt of those whom himself first taught to Rebel: the blasting of whose Grandeur, as it was a happy Presage of the Establishment of yours (whose Empire, after you lost your Country, was preserved entire in the Hearts of your People) so it raised our Faith to the Expectation of those happy days, which (blessed be God) we have since seen; wherein your Majesty having by your Clemency charmed our Fears, as by your Power commanded our Obedience, and by your Justice secured our Affections, we now stand bound with a threefold Cord of Allegiance, that cannot easily be broken, it being no less impossible for your Dominions to cease, than our Desires to serve you; and since 'tis known you are as well Entitled to your Father's Virtues, as his Kingdoms, what have we more to wish, but that you may prove as like the Second, as he was to the first Caesar, Et ut Nomine SECUNDUS, sic Majestate AUGUSTUS: So prays,  
Great SIR, Your Majesty's Most Loyal Subject, and most humble, faithful, and obedient Servant, WINSTON CHURCHILL.   

 Woodcut headpiece with an angel against a decorative pattern of grapes, vines and flowers. Divi Britannici.  
THERE have not been wanting in all times, some faithful Ministers of Fame, who rescuing out of the jaws of Time, the memory of such renowned Persons, whose Names have been less mortal than their Bodies (their Honour continuing like the Perfume in their Ashes, uncorrupted in the midst of Corruption) have obliged the latter, by the knowledge of the glory of former Ages, and given occasion of a modern fiction, not inferior to any of the Ancients, viz. 
(a) Vid. Vis. Verulam. Instaur. Mag.  That there is a Medal hanging at the thread of every man's life, wherein his Image is stamped; which Time (waiting on the fatal Sisters) catches up as soon as the thread is cut, and carrying it a little way, throws it out of his bosom into the River Lethe, where many little Birds flying about the Banks, catch it up, and bearing it a while longer in their Beaks, either through weariness or negligence, let it fall into the River again, where certain Swans swim up and down, and as oft as they find a Medal with a Name in it, carry it to the Temple of Immortality, there to remain a Monument to succeeding Generations The Mythology whereof appears in that continued account we have had throughout all Ages, from the very time of those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so much admired in the infancy of the World, called in holy Writ Nephilim, i. e. 
(b) From 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nascor, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Terra.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Sons of the Earth, which our Vulgar Translation renders Giants, of which rank I take the three famous Sons of the Patriarch Noah to be the most renowned in their Generations, amongst those that were called the 
(c) Gen. c. 6. v. 7.  Sons of God: but the principal in story amongst those that were styled the Sons of Men, I take to be Titan, Saturn, and Typhon, the last of whom in the life of Apolonius is styled the terrible Giant.  
2. These 
(d) Ovid. Metamorph.  Giants we read had a design to take Heaven itself; a fiction that answers the Story of Babel, and though they failed in the attempt, yet the Poets (who were the Trumpeters in that War) gave them not long after the title of Gods, and from thenceforth brought the Empire of the whole Creation to fall under the Government of 
(e) Vid. Laciant. de falsa Relig. lib. 1. cap. 11.  three only (by which number some take the Trinity to be darkly represented, whereof Trismigistus and the Philosophers coeval with him might have some imperfect Glimpse, by their acquaintance with the Books of Moses, of which there were false Copies enough to fill all the World with Fables.) The first of these Gods was 
(*) Euhem. Messen.  Jupiter, who being the great Emperor of the East, from whence the day first opening made it seem the lightest, as well as the highest part of the Hemisphere; he was styled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the God of Heaven. Pluto who was the Second, having the great Monarchy of the West, his Territories pointing towards the fiery descent of the Sun and night, he was termed 
(†) Diagoras.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the terrible God, or the God of Hell. The last of the three was Neptune, who having no certain Province assigned him, was allowed to be Lord of the Seas, which (Figuratively speaking) was as much as Lord of the whole Earth. 
Plutarch. in Themist.  It being from that time believed, that who so ruled the Seas must by consequence have the dominion of the Land, whereupon 
(f) Homer Iliad. 15. seu 0.  Homer salutes him by way of Sanction with the Attribute of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which we may english, Sovereign of the Seas; And accordingly the first Writers of our History have been willing the World should believe, that old Albion who first gave name to this Isle, was himself Surnamed Mareoticus, for that he did by right of his descent from Neptune 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (as 
(g) Is. Causah. Com. Polyb. in p. 209.  Polybius expresses it) i. e. claim the dominion of the Sea; but in Process of time the number of these 
(h) Cicer. de Nat. Deor. Lucan lib. 7. deriveth the Custom of making Gods.  Dii populares came to be numberless. Eusebius reckons out of Hesiod no less than Thirty thousand, and St. Augustine brings the number to three hundred thousand; so that 'tis probable that that ancient History of the Gods written by Euhemerus Messenus was very voluminous, and we are little beholding to the chief Priests of Jupiter that imbezel'd it, to the end (as 
(i) Lact. de fals. Relig. L. 1. Cap. 11.  Lactantius tells us) that the vanity of their Theology might not be detected.  
3. In the next period called the Historical Age of the World, beginning with the 
(k) A. M. 3174.  Olympiads, there were several Tutelares, things something less than Gods, yet esteemed to be more than men, whereof there were as many as there were Nations in the World, each having its proper and peculiar Demagogues: The Germans followed Mars, the Cimbrians Apollo, the Iberians were governed by Hercules, the Romans had almost as many Tutelares as Families, but 
(l) Vide Hollingshed Descript. Brit. Fol. 22.  some are of opinion that every Nation had its Saturn, Jupiter and Hercules, in the first place he that had the Kingdom in possession being styled Saturn, his eldest Son and Heir apparent Jupiter, his Nephew or Heir presumptive, Hercules.  
4. After these came in play those they called Conditores, that were the first great Landmarks to the most ancient Chronologers, as Agis amongst the Phrygians, Herodotus with the Bithinians, Endymion the Arcadians, Achilles amongst the Epirots, Hector the Trojans, etc. Of every one of these the first Historians give the like description, as the old Geographers of the unknown parts of the World, fancying nothing but impossibilities in Nature. Of which sort we find no less than six eminent amongst our own Historians, which we may term our Divi Britannici, some of them famed from the most early beginnings of any Records; whose ambition whilst they lived, though it were not to be bounded within the limits of such a Portion of the Earth, as was sometimes called another World; yet being dead, their memory is confined within the narrow bounds of a homely distichon, as unpolished as his Genius that wrote it.  

Dr. Vilvin Medic.  Celta BRUTUS' 1, CESAR 2 Romanus, Saxonus ENGIST 3  
KNUTE 4 Danus, VICTOR 5 Normannus, Scotusque JACOBUS 6.  

THE ANTIQUITY OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE.  5. From hence some begin the Epoch of our British Empire, making it little short in point of Antiquity, of any of the four great Monarchies of the East (perhaps the Assyrian only excepted, and that by the Chaldee not the Persian computation) which need as much the support of Tradition to ascertain their Age, Alterations, and Successions as ours; for as Solon was upbraided by an Egyptian Priest with the ignorance of his own Countrymen, for that they were but Babes (as he termed them) in the knowledge of the first state and original of their Country; whereof they of Egypt (as he affirmed) could give a better account than the Grecians themselves, however then esteemed the most learned people of the World; So the very best as well as the 
(m) Thucydides. Zenophon. Herodian. Herodotus.  first of their Writers, were not ashamed to confess that they groped in the dark, and took up many things 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, upon trust from others; neither have the Roman Historians both of the 
(n) Varro. Pliny. Diocles. Fabias Pictor.  first and 
(o) Maximus. Silenu●. Tymaeus. Marcelinus.  second file been less modest in acknowledging that they did come saeculo secutire, the truth of whose errors being so fatal to those that copied after them, that they brought themselves under a mistrust. Several of our own 
(p) Gildas. Ninius. Bede. Gerald. Cambr.  Writers have chose rather to wrong the Age they lived in, by seeming to detract from the Reverence due to Tradition, then to offer the least violence to their own Credits, by ransacking the Treasury of Time, for that which would not pass for current Truth, approved by the Touchstone of universal consent; and hence it is that the whole Period betwixt Brute and Cesar passes rather for a Monastic Revelation, than any authentic Revolution, having but a single 
(q) Jeoffry of Monmouth.  Voucher, who (like Alexander the Great when he looked into the Sanctum Sanctorum) seems to have seen nothing but a Cloud, and was (say some) the more confident in imposing what he pleased on the easy faith of that age he lived in, because he found them delighted with the vanity of being so abused.  
6. Take we then the Aera of our Monarchy with as much modesty as truth, from the better known Government of that Janus of our Isle Cunobeline, who first bid adieu to the barbarity of that darker Age he lived in: a Prince that had the most glorious Landmark to his Chronology that ever nature knew. The first appearance of that Sun 
(r) Chr. Jesus.  of Righteousness (born in the latter end of his Reign) whose Beams enlightened 
(s) Nicephorus lib. 2. c. 20.  his Territories, whilst most of the Kingdoms in the World were obscured with universal darkness. 
(t) Tertullian.  Tertullian that lived not long after, taking thence occasion to upbraid the unbelieving Jews, by telling them that the Britain's whom the Romans could not conquer, were yet subject unto Christ; and to say truth, their obedience to the Cross, was the chief cause of humbling themselves under the Fasces; Lucius being the first King that stipulated for the enjoyment of his own Laws at the price of a Tribute, which if it were some diminution of his Majesty, was made up with advantage by his Successor Constantine the Great, whom therefore the 
(u) In M. Ant. In Arc. Cott.  Panegyrist not unfitly styles Divus Orbis (Britanniae) Liberator.  
7. However in respect the Romans had some holdfast here for near a hundred years after Constantine's death, it may be by some perhaps thought more reasonable to begin our Computation from Vortigern, who having neither Competitor nor Compartner in the Government (there being not one Roman left in the whole Isle to control or contend with him) was without doubt the first that (as Tacitus speaks of Augustus) Nomine Principis sub Imperium accepit, circa An. Chr. 440. At what time all the Neighbour Princes round about him were under the common yoke of Servitude. The French themselves, who stand so much upon the Antiquity of their Monarchy, falling short of this Account near four hundred years; who being governed by Dukes till the year 420, had not in almost thirty years after, any more of France in their Entire possession, than that Canton which the Romans called Belgicum, which was the more inconsiderable, by being parcelled out into many Petty 
(w) As were Burgundy, Lorraine, Guien, Aquitain, Normandy, Champagne, F●ix, Orange, etc.  Royalties, that could not unite till the time of Charlemagne, who lived about the latter end of our Heptarchy; after whose death, the whole fell into five pieces again, four whereof ceased to be French, which gave so great disturbance to all their Kings of the Second and third Race, that they were so far from being Masters of that little that they had, that they were scarce 
(x) Vide Du Serres in Proem. Hist.  Lords of themselves; being forced to pawn the best part of their Inheritance to enable them to keep the rest; none of their Successors being in condition to redeem any considerable part, till Lewis the Eleventh, who happily having recovered the Earldom of Provence and Duchy of Burgundy, made his boast that he had brought his Kingdom Horse de Page. Much more distorted was the Empire of the Spaniards, if so be we may allow them to have any thing like absolute Sovereignty, till this very last Age, when Ferdinand the Second, worthily reputed their first Monarch, happily united Castille and Arragon, with their Appendices; their Predecessors till then being so inconsiderable, that the Kings of Scotland took place of them. In how obscure a condition all the Northern Kings were (for by that common appellation those of Muscovy, Sweadland, Denmark and Norway, past undistinguished till about the year 800) I need not say: Since by being thought not worth the conquering, there was not much more notice taken of them, than of the rest of the barbarous Nations their Neighbours, who may be rather said to be ancient then honourable, the Germans only excepted, of whom to speak slightly, were to defile our own nest, since by them we derive ourselves from Kings as great before the Flood as since.  

The Precedence of the Kings of This Isle.  8. Now as the Monarchy of this Isle is (as Lanquet the Chronologer expresses it) ancienter then the Records of any time, so the Kings thereof having held out a Succession of an hundred thirty nine Kings (where as France reckons but sixty four, taking in First, Second, and third Race) have by the right of Custom (as our particular Law expresses it) Du temps dont memorie ne cúrt a le contrary, and by the consent of all Nations (which is the Law universal to Ratify and Regulate all respects) taken and been allowed the 
(y) As appears by the old Roman provincial.  second place; inter Super Illustres (for by that term Civilians make a great distinction and difference in point of Majesty, even amongst Kings themselves) A term which who so understands not, may see the difference plainly in that old Formular printed at Strasburgh, Anno 1519, where there is set down a Quadrupartite Division of Supreme Principality, the first place allowed by them (as reasonably they ought) to their own Sovereign Kesar, i. e. the Germane Emperor: the Second to Romischin Koning, i. e. the King of the Romans his Successor, and their Countryman too. The third place they gave to the Vier Gesalbt Koning, i. e. the four anointed Kings. In the last place came the Mein Koning or Ordinary Kings. The difference betwixt these last and the Quatuor Vncti (which were the 
(z) Javin. Theatramundi.  Kings of France, England, Jerusalem, and Sicily) was this, that with the holy oil they received the Title and Adjunct of 
(a) Rhivallus ap took in Carism. Sanct. Cap. 6.  Sacred, being therefore anointed In Capite, to signify their glory, above the other Princes of the same Rank. In Pectore to denote their Sanctity; In Brachiis to Emblematize their power: this appears by the Styles of the Literae Formatae, the ancient forms of Addresses, and the Frontispicians to the ancient Counsels, where we find the various Styles of Sanctio, Sacrietas, and Divinitas, applied to these; to those were given only that of Dominatio, and sometimes Celsitudo Regia; conformable to this were all the phrases of the ancient Laws of this Realm, which Style the Crown-Lands 
(b) Cook sur Littleton Sect. 4.  Sacra Patrimonia, the Prerogative Royal Sacra Sacrorum, the Laws themselves (in respect they take their life and being from the King) 
(c) Fortescu. Leg. Aug. fol. 8.  Sanctae Sanctiones. The King's presence was held so Sacred, that if a 
(d) Ploughed. Com. 322.  Villain heretofore cast himself ad Sacra Vestigia (as they phrased it) his Lord could no more seize him than if he had been in the Sanctuary, before the Altar; it being upon the same Ground as great a crime to strike in the Court as in the Church: and as if this were not enough, they ascribe unto the King, as unto God, Infallibility, 
(e) Edw. 4. 25. & 24.  Rex non potest errare, Immortality, 
(f) Crompton Jurisaic. fol. 134. Plowd. 177. B. 1 Ed. 5.  Rex non potest mori (for in all Plead they never mention the death of the King, but call it the Demise) Justice in perfection, Rex non quam injuriam fecit; Omnipresence, in so much that he cannot be nonsuited in any of his Courts, because he is supposed to be always present; and for the same reason all Persons are forbid to be covered in his Chambers of presence, though he be not there. Lastly, they give to him, as to God, the Issues of Life and death, Jus Vitae & Necis.  

The Kings of this Isle, the First Anointed Christian Kings.  9 And as the Quatuor Vncti were before all other Kings, so I take it that the Kings of this Isle ought to have the preference amongst them, for that they were the first 
(g) Rhivallus ap took in charism. Sanct. Cap. 6.  anointed Christian Kings, as appears by the undeniable Testimony of the learned Gildas in his Book De excidio Britanniae, written above a thousand years since, which I take to be beyond any Remain of the like Extant in any Records of the Eastern or Western Empire. 
(h) De Comitiis Imperat. Cap. 2.  Onuphrius would have that Ceremony to begin in the East, with the Emperor Justin, circ. Ann. 525, but most of the learned Writers upon this Subject differ in opinion from him; supposing he was more beholding for that honour to the gratitude of the Orthodox Clergy (whom he always favoured) then to any real truth or Certainty in the thing. The vulgar Historians will have it to begin in the West, with the Merovignian line, amongst the French; but neither does Du Hailan, Tilly, nor those of the best Authority agree to it: Regino and Sifridus go no higher than King Pepin, who they say was the first anointed by Boniface Arch Bishop of Ments, Ann. 750, which mistake may possibly be better understood, by distinguishing betwixt the Ceremonies of the Regal, and those of the Ecclesiastical Unction, the last being no more but a sacred compliment used in those times, as a preparatory designation to an expected Regality; whereof our own History is not without some Instances, in which we find that Egbert Son to the great Mercian Offa, was anointed in the life time of his Father, Ann. 780, which was twenty years before Charlemagne, who is supposed by most Writers to have been the very first King of the Francs anointed, by Leo the Fourth Ann. 800. The like we read of Elfred the Son of Egbert, anointed by the same Pope, near about the same time, in the presence of his Father; but taking it to be as early in use with them, as they themselves would have it thought to be, yet falls it short of the times of our King Arthur, affirmed by J. of Monmouth to be a King anointed, 
Cirea Ann. 505.  and perhaps with sufficient Reputation, if his be considered with the concurrent Testimonies of Bede and Malmesbury, who prove the frequent use of it hear not long after: as likewise that of St. Oswald the most Christian King, Ann. 635, that was two hundred years before Pepin. As for the Kings of Jerusalem and Sicily, however reckoned in the Rank of the four, yet were they not in being for near five hundred years after; the honour they had therein, being by composition with the Pope, to whom they humbled themselves for this advancement, so far, as to declare themselves content to hold their Kingdoms of the Church: whereas both Ours and those of France, claimed only by divine Right, confirmed (if the Traditions of that age might be credited) by manifestations from Heaven: the Oil that consecrated those of France, being brought down by a Dove in a Golden Viol, and continued many hundred years after unwasted at Rheims; that of ours being said to have been confirmed to be celestial by three distinct manifestations, in three different Ages, which certainly were as much abused themselves, as they abused us, if they conspired to transmit an untruth to us no more to their own advantage. The first in the time of St. Oswald before mentioned, when 'tis said that there descended a great Quantity of holy Oil like Dew from Heaven, and fell upon him, by the sight and scent whereof (for it perfumed the place) divers People were converted to the faith, as 
(i) Bede Hist. Aug. lib. 3. c. 3.  Bede affirms. The Second was at the time when the English Line were cut off by the Danes, beyond any hope of Recovery, the Danes being in quiet Possession of the Throne, when St. Peter appearing to the holy Monk Brightwold, assured him that England was God's Kingdom, for whose Successors he would take due care; and at the same time gave him a little Cruise of Oil, telling him further, that whomsoever he anointed therewith, that man should be King, and have power to heal the People by his Touch; which was accordingly performed in the Person of Edward the Confessor, on whom the Monk privately bestowed the holy Unction; with which he received likewise the gift of healing that disease called by Physician's 
(k) Now called the King's Evil, See Polidor. Virgil. Hist. 8.  Scrofula, continued to our Kings in a wonderful manner to this very day, insomuch that 'tis notoriously known how a Maid at Deptford, born blind by reason of that distemper, was cured by no other visible means but the Touch of a Cloth dipped in the blood of the late King Charles the Martyr. The Third Manifestation was in the time of Henry the Second, who having banished St. Thomas Beckett, the Virgin Mary appeared to the holy Exile, as the Clergy of that age styled him, and delivering into his hands another Golden Viol, in form of an Eagle, assured him that all the Kings who were anointed with the oil therein, should be Patronizers of the Church, and as long as they kept that Sacred Viol, this Blessing should rest upon them, that if any of their posterity should happen to be beaten out of their Kingdom, they should be peaceably restored again; Which Oil Walsingham (an Author of unquestionable Credit) affirms to have remained unwasted, to the time of Henry the Fourth, who (saith he) was anointed therewith; but amongst other the dismal mischiefs attending the fatal War of the two houses of York and Lancaster, this was not the least, that it gave opportunity to some Sacrilegious hand unknown, to convey this Viol away, who stealing the Gold, could not yet rob us of the Blessing, which hath been miraculously made good to us, in the happy Restauration of our present Sovereign Charles the Second, of whom we may say, with respect to this providence as the Poet in another case, 
(l) Horace.  Hic posuisse gaudet.  
In him likewise we find that other blessing confirmed, in the gift of healing that noisome disease afore mentioned, which by long continuance of time, having become Hereditary, hath now got the known name of the Kings-Evil, so called because it is hardly to be cured by any other human means, but by the Kings touch only, whereof we have every day so many and great Examples, that I shall forbear to say what might perhaps be pertinent enough to this Subject.  

The Kings of this Isle the First Christian Kings in the World.  10. But besides that of their Chrism, there hath been a further Circumstance of personal Excellence peculiar to the Kings of our Nation, above most (not to say all) other Princes, in respect to the Sanctity of their blood, as deriving their 
(m) Bale. lib. 2. Gildas. lib. de victor. Au. Ambrosii.  descent from the first Christian 
(n) Marc. Sabel. in Anead. 7. lib. 5. Bale lib. 2.  King, and the first Christian Emperor of the World, and so allowed by the two great Counsels of 
(o) The first Anno 1335. the last, Anno 1414.  Bazil and Constance; for however the King of France would be thought Fills aisne de l'Eglise, and accordingly styles himself Christianissimus, i. e. (as they themselves interpret it) Primus Christianus; yet it is notorious that our first Christian King Lucius was three hundred and five years before their first Christian King Clovis; and Constantine our first Christian Emperor, no less than 466 years before Charles their first Christian Emperor. And it is as evident that the very Title itself of 
(p) Bede vit. Oswaldi.  Christianissimus, take it in what sense they please, was in use with us above two hundred years, before any of their Kings took upon them to usurp it; add to this, that the Kings of England deduce a 
(q) Bed. Hist. Eccles. Angl.  Lineal descent from the Loins of Christian Princes, for the space of near one thousand and three hundred years together, without any Interruption, or breaking of the Line, which no other Princes of the World besides can pretend to, or scarcely have been Christians half that time (those of France only excepted) but then 'tis further noted, that there have been more Princes out of our Royal Stock, Priests, Confessors, Martyrs, and Saints, than of any 
(r) Vincentius.  other Royal Stock in the World, those of France not excepted.  
11. 
The Excellence of the British Empire upon a Threefold Account.  The next thing considerable after the natural Dignity inherent in the Person of our Kings, is that honour which may be said to be peculiar to them, resulting from the Topical Excellence of their Dominion, which as it is now branched into three Kingdoms, so it may be said to have ever been thrice famous, 

1. For being disjoined from all the World.  
2. For having no need of the rest of the World.  
3. For being itself esteemed another World.    
Though there seems to be no great matter in that remark of the Poet, when speaking of us, 
1. In being disjoined from all the World.  he saith that we were Toto divisos Orbe Britannos, but what may be as applicable to any other Islanders in the World, as to Us; yet there is an Emphasis in the Conceit, that shows he intended it for an Elegy, as did our Countryman Mr. Waller by that quaint Paraphrase of his.  
'Tis not so hard for greedy Foes to spoil  
Another Nation, as to touch our Soil.  
Which agrees with that we find in old 
(s) De excidio Jerus. l. 2. c. 9  Hegesippus, who personating King Agrippa speaking to Claudius of the Britain's, concludes much like Florus speaking of the Ligurians, Major erat Labor invenire quàm vincere; as if the difficulty of conquering lay in the difficulty of finding them out: hereupon the Isle was called by the Ancients 
(t) In Catalect. Virgil. de Sabino.  Insula Ceruli, the Isle of the Sea. So Lucan speaking of Cesar's conquest here, saith 
(u) Lucan. Pharsal. 3.  Vincula dedit Oceano. Now the reason why they called this the Isle of the Sea, more than any other Island was, because that Britain (saith the 
(w) Paniger. Maximian. Dict. Si mihi.  Panegyrist) did not seem as the rest, to be comprehended by the Sea, but to comprehend the Sea itself; the Ancients taking this Isle to be the very utmost bounds of Nature, beyond which there was no day or light: which when Agricola had detected, by compassing it with his Fleet, Tacitus saith of him, that he did Aperire maris secretum, enter into the very Closet of the Sea; and hence it was that 
(x) Emeritae apud Gionhernon. p. 49.  Augustus claiming the Dominion of this Isle, in right of his Uncle Julius, whose Heir he was, as Claudius after him in his own right, looked upon themselves to be by a Parasiopesis, Lords of the Sea; the first giving thereupon for his Symbol a Dolphin, the last a Ship; and from them our Kings have ever since, with no less reason, but more right, prescribed to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, being in this more properly like Gods (as Holy Writ styles Kings in General) than any other Princes whatever: For that they do Incubare Aquis (as a 
(y) T●. Dun. Serm. 43. on the Anniverse of the 5th. of Novemb. alluding to the 1. Gen. 2.  Divine of great Eloquence has expressed it) Move upon the Waters with such mighty Fleets as seem to give Laws to that Indomitable Element itself.  

2. In having no need of the rest of the World.  12. The next Excellency ascribed to this Isle was, that it had no need of any other part of the World; Quae toto vix eget Orb: The reason whereof is plain from what has been said before, Nam qui mare teneat cum necesse est rerum potiri, saith Cicero: He that possesses the Sea must necessarily command all things, but to recite the benefits of the Sea, were to enter upon a Subject as profound as that is, and give occasion to our next Neighbour the Dutch (who can give a better Account thereof than ourselves) to upbraid our glory, with the shame of having so long suffered their depredations, who with indefatigable Patience penetrate the Womb of that dark Element, to seek for Treasure, which we either know not how to find, or how to value. Pass we then to the consideration of the Land only, on which Charles the Great (who was wont to call it the Storehouse of the Western World) made this observation, that it not only stands in no need of any other part of the World, but every Nation else stood in need of it: Cujus totus indiget Orbis , Nature and Providence having placed us so advantageously, as to supply the whole World out of our Superfluities, being stored with all sorts of Grain (saith Zosimus) with all sorts of  (saith Tacitus) with all kind of Timber (saith Cesar) with all kind of Minerals (as Strabo) with all kind of Gems, but especially Pearl (as Suetonius testifies) indeed with so much variety of all things necessary, profitable and delightful; that without vanity we may conclude as 
(z) Ad An. 1246.  Matthew Paris doth, that England is the Lady, Queen, and Mistress of the Sea.  
13. 
All Nations have been ambitious to make themselves Masters of this Isle.  A Mistress that has had many Suitors of almost all Nations, to whom the ROMANS, that exacted Homage from all others, willingly paid Homage themselves; there having been no less than twenty of their Emperors to Court her here in Person, the Canine appetite of whose insatiable Ambition (having before devoured all other honours) was not to be Satisfied with any other Title, but that of Britannicus.  
Divus habebitur Augustus,  

Horace Od. v. lib. 3.  Adjectis Britannis Imperio.  
Less ambitious but not less amorous, was the Sanguine SAXON, who bewitched with the beauty and fertility of the place, quit the certain profits of his old Inheritance at home, for the uncertain hopes of new here, purchasing with the loss of their Lives, a Title as mutable and frail as their fortune. The DANES their Successors esteemed the Conquest of this Country worth the unpeopling their own; Invading the Invaders with such incredible numbers, as left their Wives and Children without defence there, whilst they strove to Captivate those here; surprising the Saxons, as the Ichneumon does the Crocodile, which finding his Jaws open to devour his prey, leaps into his mouth, and makes a passage through his Bowels. The NORMANS and they, like little Torrents, hastening to lose themselves in the fathomless depth of our British Ocean, which changed their Natures as well as their Names, and gave them another Spirit, fit for another World; for so was this Island esteemed, and accordingly is to be considered in the next place, as the third and last Instance of its glory.  

3. In being itself esteemed another World.  14. It was a great advance of Cesar's name, and made no small noise through all the Streets of Rome, when they heard he had past the danger of that dark Ocean, Qui geminos interluit Orbs:  
When he had shot that dismal Gulf, which ran betwixt two Worlds, under the Arch of Heaven; and as it was scarce credible that he could e'er return, so upon his Return, they looked on him as come from the Gods, and with a suitable adoration he was saluted by the Senate, with that Title of Divus, never given to any b●fore, but whom they thought Immortal; but this glory of his like that of Lightning frighted them, at the same time it shined in their faces, to that degree, that the horror continued in their apprehensions to the very time of Caligula, who designing to transport his Army out of Holland into Britain, was on the sudden surprised with such a Panic Fear, at the Sight of our dark Sea, that as one deprived of all sense of honour, he contented himself with having only looked towards us, and returned Laden with no other Spoils than a few Cockle shells gathered in the Belgic Shoar. The like apprehensions had those Legions in Gallia, whom Claudius sent to attend him in his expedition here, mutining against their Officers, and crying out with one voice, that they would not make War in any other World, but their own. This conceit of Britain's being another World, held to the middle times, as appears by that Title given to our Countryman Constantine, styled by the Panegyrist, Divus Vrbis & Orbis, &c, (meaning Britain) and accordingly 'tis reported that when the British Soldiers saluted him Emperor at York, they presented him with a Tufa, or Golden Ball, as a Symbol of his Sovereignty over the World of Britain's; upon which (being the first of that kind) he after his Conversion to Christianity, placing a Cross; it is since become the usual Ensign of Majesty, and usurped (I will not say how improperly) by all other Christian Princes, being reckoned amongst the Regalia, as the Crown and Sceptre: neither hath this conceit of Britain's being another World been so antiquated, but that Vrban the Second had respect thereto, when in the Council of Clerimont, he caused the Arch Bishop of Canterbury to sit at his Feet, and Decreed that he should take the same place in all future Councils, Tanquam alterius Orbis Pontificem. The Reason of this Conceit, came not from the distance of the place, so much as the greatness of the Isle, the greatest, saith 
(a) Tacit. vit. Augusti.  Tacitus, ever known to the Romans, the greatest, saith 
(b) Java, Borneo, Sumatra, and Madagascar being not discovered at that time.  Dionysius, ever known to the World; and truly if we make our Computation (as the Ancients did theirs) from the Limits of the Sea, which (as I noted before) they thought to be comprehended by Britain or within it; the bounds thereof will appear to be boundless, extending to those far distant Regions (now become a part of us and growing apace to be the bigger part) in the Sunburnt America.  

c Grotius, Silvar. lib. 2.  Finis hic est, qui fine caret. Quae meta Britannis,  
Littora sunt aliis, Regnique accessio tanta est,  
Quòd ventis velisque patet.  
15. But I am loath to lessen our greatness by Extending it, 
The Geometrical Greatness of the British Empire.  since the Isle itself without Consideration of any of its Appendices, Contains Ground enough within the Integral Limits of its Terra firma, to keep up the Repute of being styled, as we find it in Aristides by way of Excellence, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the great Island; for by the narrowest Computation of our modern Geographers, 'tis not less than 
(d) Dion. in Ser. reckons h 891 miles.  eight hundred Italian miles in length, and above four hundred broad, but taking in the 
(e) By the Greek Writers called the Hesperideses.  Sorlings, at the South west Cape of the Land, and the Isle of Schetland (generally supposed to be the ancient Thule (that was always reckoned a part of Britain) at the utmost North cast point with the lesser Islands thereunto belonging, it is little less than 1500 miles long, the breadth since the addition of Ireland, bearing a due proportion by the present scale; and therefore 'tis no marvel that upon the Division of Christianity into Nations, at the two general Counsels of Constance and Pisa (the first the very greatest that ever was, the last not the least) England gave voice as one fourth part of Christendom, the other three being France, Germany, and Italy, which being Iberia Major contained Spain as Iberia Minor.  
16. 
The Land for●e of this Isle.  Others there are that take the measures of our greatness from the number of those Forces this little spot of Earth hath maintained in all ages; the Reputation of whose Victories both at home and abroad, hath added so much more to the Opinion, Strangers have had of our Grandeur, by how much they find their own Historians more faithful Witnesses to our Glory, than any born amongst ourselves. How far famed were those 6000 Tribelius Max. carried hence to strengthen Otho's Faction in Germany, neither was there a less value put upon those 8000 transported away by Honorius Flac. to make good Vitellius' party. More famous but less fortunate were those 10000 (for they were no less) that were tempted by Claud. Albinus, to partake of his Fate in France. Numberless were the numbers on which Constantine founded his greatness, as appears by that 
(f) Little Britain in France, called b●fore Armorica.  Province (whereof a remnant only peopled) that thereupon took its name from us. Constantine the Second carried away no less than 30000, to maintain the hope he had conceived of being Lord of the greater as well as the lesser World. These were extraordinary Levies, yet perhaps not exceeding those ordinary Forces, kept in standing pay to supply every Quarter of the Empire; there being scarce any Governor of a Province, that had not a Guard of Britain's to attend about his Person, such was the Reputation of their faith and courage. At Constantinople the Greek Emperors had a Guard of 2000 (as Bodinus computes them) which they called the Barangi. The Praefect of Rome had for his standing Guard two Bands of them more, called Invicti Juniores Britannitiani. The Western Emperors had their Praesentales or lifeguard besides, styled Exculcatores Jun. Britan. 500 The Praefect of Gaul had a Horse Guard called britons Magistri Equitum Galliarum. The Proconsul of Spain had a Foot-Guard of about 500 called Invicti Juniores Britoneses; besides these we find in Germany the Cohort called Ala Britannica Milliaria, containing about 1105 footmen, and 132 Horsemen: In Illyricum, another called britons Seniores; in Egypt Ala FOUR Britonum, nay they were dispersed to the furthest parts of the East: for we find in Armenia Cohors XXVI. Britonum, besides Cohors III. and Cohors VII Britannitiani sub Magistro Peditum in Panonia, Cohors Prima, Aelia Britonum; and several others mentioned in the Notitia Provinciarum, to the number of not so little as fifty or sixty thousand: all these were abroad, whilst at home there were no less than 190000 Foot, and 17000 Horse, as appears by Constantine's Establishment, set forth by pancirol.  
17. Less known was the Militia of the Saxons than that of the Romans, in respect they had no Invitations to any Action abroad, excepting only that single Undertaking in Barbary, Ann. 905, when they unpeopled the City and Country round about Arzilla, contenting themselves with that Insulary glory they had gotten here, by conquering a Nation who had so long disputed with the most powerful People in the World. So that the best measures of their strength is to be taken from that of their Weakness, having lost (if their own Historians tell Truth) no less than 200000 men before they had half finished that great work; yet some thought it strange they lost no more, considering how those Bloodthirsty Heptarchs' their Masters accounted the Lives of their Subjects the least part of the Price of their Victories, being so prodigal of blood, that they fought no less than 
(g) Malmesbury, Vit. Elfredi.  nine set Battles in one year, wasting their strength to that degree, that by subduing they became subdued. The Danes falling in upon them before they could recover their spirits, oppressed them with greater Numbers than they the Britain's before, vying with them both in fame and force, till there were as many engaged on either side, as would have reduced far greater Territories than those they came from, had not divine Justice made use of them as a Scourge to each other.  
18. What the number and strength of the Norman was, may be nearly computed by what he did abroad in that holy, and what he suffered at home in that unholy War commonly called the Baron's War: The first for Religion, the last for Liberty. The one having consumed as many lives as there were stones in the Walls of the holy City they fought for; The other not so fatal, because poised with a more equal force, but altogether as formidable; there being at least 50000 always ready to do Execution on either side. So stood the Case for the first two hundred and fifty years after the Entrance of W●lliam the First. The Computation of the middle times must be taken from the Preparations of Edward the Third when he took two 
(h) Jo. King of France. Dav●● King ●f Scots.  Kings, and missed but little of taking two Kingdoms at once, engaging himself in a double edged War, that ended not with his own life nor theirs; wherein though it is supposed he exhausted as much of the Force as the Treasure of the Kingdom, yet he did not so weaken his Successor Richard the Second; but that he was able to take the Field with 300000 Foot, and 100000 Horse, attending him (as 
* Walls ngham Vit. R. 2.  Walsingham tells us) whose Testimony has the more Credit, by how much it is Seconded by 
(i) Emil. vit. Car. 6.  Emilius the French Historian, who had no cause to magnify the number of the English at that time. Later Computations may be taken from the Preparations of Henry the Eight at Bullen, and of Q. Elizabeth at Tilbury, at either not so little as 185000 foot, and 40000 Porse in readiness for present Service; for I am willing to pass by the consideration of those vast numbers, which supported that unnatural Quarrel betwixt the two fatal Houses of York and Lancaster, & much rather to forget the late War betwixt K. Charles the First, and the Republican faction; wherein 'tis believed there were no less than 300000 Foot, and near 100000 Horse actually engaged in Arms; it is almost incredible to tell what numbers appeared in Arms at the Reception of King James, when he made his first Entry into England: but what we saw with our own eyes at the happy Restauration of our Sovereign that now is must not be concealed, whose Lifeguard at his Landing, were no less than 50000 of the best Horse in the World: not reckoning those appointed for the defence of the Realm. However all the Computations of our Land Forces fall so short of our Maritime, that as there is no Comparison to be made betwixt them, so we may say that we have rendered ourselves more formidable at Sea by our Canon Law, than any other People by any Law of Arms whatsoever.  

The Kings of this Isle are absolute Princes.  19 The last instance of the superexcellent Majesty of the Kings of this Isle is, that they hold of 
(k) Bracton lib. 5. Tr. 3.  God to themselves and by their Sword, not Ex foedore contracto, as anciently the Kings of France, nor Ex formulâ fiduciae, as yet the Kings of Spain; neither yet Jure restricto, as the Kings of Hungary, and the Kings of the Romans; much less Ad placitum populi, as those of Poland; Nec Jure plebiscit●, as anciently those of Sweden, Denmark, and Norway, who till of late, were as precarious, as those of Poland. But as those who succeeding the Caesar's (to whom this of 
(l) All other Provinces were Praesidial, and subjected to the Senate.  Britain whilst it was under the Romans was particularly appropriated) became by their voluntary resignation of the Government, repossessed of the premier right of their Ancestors,  pro derelicto (as the 
(m) Amifaeus de jure Majest. lib. 1. c. 2.  Civilians express it) or by way of Remitter (as our own Lawyers term it) being absolutely independent and supreme, as any of the Roman Emperors their Predecessors were; Qui tot & tantas obtinuere Libertates quot Imperatores Imperia (saith M. Paris) and therefore when the Emperor Sigismond came over hither, to mediate a peace betwixt our Henry the Fifth, and the French King; he was stopped before he Landed by the Duke of Gloucester, and divers of the chief Nobility, who coming into the very water with their Swords drawn in their hands, stayed his Boat, and suffered him not to Land, till he had declared, Nil se contra Regis Superioritatem praetexere. So likewise when 
(n) Sir Hen. Wotton State Observations 208.  Baldwin the Greek Emperor came hither, to pray aid of Henry the Third (being beaten out of his Country) the King sent him a Check instead of a Compliment, for Landing in his Territories before he had leave given him so to do; being Jealous lest it might be thought that he had pretended to something as an Emperor that might be Interpreted Superiority, he himself being Monarcha in Regno suo, as we find in the old Lawyer Baldus, and descended from Ancestors, that had the Imperial Style of 
(o) See the Charter of the Abbey of Malmesbury MCCCCLXXIV.  Rex Regum, not only in respect of their having 
(p) Beauchampe King of the Isle of Wight. The Kings of Man. etc.  Kings to their Subjects, but in regard to their enjoyment of all those fundamental rights, which make up the whole Systeme of Supreme power, by the Feudists indifferently termed Jura Regalia, and Jura summi Imperii, by the Civilians Sacra Sacrorum, by our own Lawyers sometimes Prerotiva, sometimes 
(q) As being so Inseparable that they cannot be dissolved by any humane power.  Inseparabilia, which that they may be the better understood, I shall consider them as I find them 
(r) Clapmarus lib. 1. de Arean. Imper. Cap 11.  divided into ten parts, reducing those ten (like the Decalogue of old) into two General Heads of Power.  
i e. 

Leges Ponere.  
Legibus Solutum esse.    
20. For the First, 
The Kings of this Isle have ever been the Lawgivers.  it is to be understood that however the Kings of this Isle have been pleased for the better and more equal Administration of Justice, to Indulge the three Estates of the Kingdom (who were heretofore called their Great Council, but since the Parliament) with the privilege of making, enlarging, diminishing, abrogating, repealing and reviving all Laws, and Ordinances, relating to all Matters, whether Ecclesiastic, Capital, Criminal, Common, Civil, or Maritime: yet it must be understood after all, that neither houses of Parliament, now both joined together, have in themselves no power as of themselves, to do any thing without him (much less 
(s) That is not only to be understood to his This nherison but the Diminution of his Prerogative. Cook 4. Part. Institut. fol. 25.  against him) no more than the body can make use of any of its members longer than it is actuated by the Soul. For from him they have their life and motion,  Caput principium & finis (as the Lawyers express) it is he that gives them their Inchoation, Continuation, and Dissolution. 'Tis true that each Law receives its form Ex traduce Parliamenti, that is (as our vulgar Statutes express it) by advice and consent of the Lords and Commons, who sit with the resemblance of so many Kings, but they find but the grosser substance, or the material part, 'tis the Royal Assent that Quickens and puts the Soul, Spirit, and Power into it. A Roy's avisero, only much more A Roy ne veult, makes all their Conceptions abortive, when he pleases; So that they can be but the Lawmakers, but the King only is the Lawgiver; and therefore Styled in the old Books, The Life of the Law, and The Fountain of Justice.  

The Kings of this Isle how far above Law.  21. This prerogative (I speak it out of a great Statesman's observation) consists in this, not that Kings need not observe their Laws (for that were a Brutal Tyranny insupportable in the most barbarous States) but that they may change them. And therefore St. Augustine made that a reason why the Emperors of old were not Subject to their own Laws, because (saith he) they might make new when they pleased. Now if the King of England should exceed the bounds of his own Laws, which if it were lawful were no way convenient for him (it being that becomes the wisdom of Princes (saith Cicero) to consider not how much they may do, but what they ought to do) in which sense 
(t) Senec. de cons. lat. cap. 6.  Seneca is to be understood when he said that divers things were not lawful for the Emperor himself who might do all which he pleased; It might be rather said in that Case (as Grotius excellently distinguishes) that he did not rightly, then that he went beyond his right: The Restraint by his Coronation Oath being like a Silken Cord, that may be stretched without breaking upon any extraordinary force and violence offered, as we see it happens upon the discovery and for the prevention of any public mischief or Inconvenience: Where our Kings have, De proprio Jure, suspended the Laws for a time; that is, until by advice with his Parliaments he might formally alter, or totally repeal them. Add to this, that every Custom (which is a Branch of the Common Law) is void, Si exultat se in Prerogativam Regis, which I suppose is to be understood of the lesser Concerns of his Prerogative in points of Pre-eminence relating to civil Actions or Privileges personal; for as the Learned in the Laws tell us, no Sale of his Goods altars his Propriety, no Occupancy bars his Entry into his own Lands, no Laches in point of time prejudices him as it does private men: Again in doubtful cases (say they) Semper presumitur pro Rege, No Estopel binds him, nor Judgements final in Writs of Right. These and many more such as these there are which we may call Minima Inseparabilia, but in all cases where his Prerogative in point of Government is prejudiced, there our great Gownmen hold that he cannot be restrained, no not by an Act of Parliament; nor is he to be restrained as I take it in lesser cases, unless named. And to this it was questionless that the Sage Bracton and the Learned Plowden had respect when the one said the King was above Law, tother that he was not bound by Law, and if it were not so, there would be no power left in him to grant any special Charter; that in its proper nature is no other than a Dispensation with the positive Laws, which can be understood to be binding to the King no otherwise than according to the natural Rule of Order, as they are essential to the support of his Government. In which Case Kings like good Husbands may be said to be Subjectis suis Subjectos, moved by a Principle of Affection that voluntarily limits itself according to Rules of Prudence, which upon all Emergencies of State on extraordinary occasions are wrested or broken as he himself only sees cause, there being a necessity upon which the common safety depends, that at such times Princes should be absolute, and that no less perhaps for the Subjects sake than their own: 
(t) Plin. vit. Trajan.  Nil majus à te Subjecti animo factum est, quam quod Imperari Coepisti; and the learned Grotius gives the genuine reason for it in his Treatise of Sovereignty; because (saith he) as no man can be limited but by something superior to him; 
Seven Imperial Rights Inherent in the Kings of this Isle.  so no man can be superior to himself. But in respect that I find Seven general Topics of absolute Sovereignty agreed by all the Feudists; We will examine the Prerogative of the Kings of this Isle with relation to each of those Particulars apart.  

1. Census nummorum.  22. The first I take to be that unlimited power of giving the form, weight, allay, and value to all Moneys, which as it hath been always and in all Nations esteemed a Prerogative purely Imperial, so it hath been as ancient in use here as the knowledge of Money itself, and so uncontrolled that we find some of our Kings (I speak it not to their honour, since the abasement of Coin is certainly an abasing of Majesty, as betraying a necessity that shows a defect in Government) have imposed upon us Copper, others Tinn, and 
(u) Hen. 8. at Boulogne.  One once Leather Money, making it as currant as Silver or Gold; neither have any of our Kings at any time Communicated this Privilege to any of their Subjects (though some of them have had the Title of King conferred on them) but have kept that power in their own hands, as one of the great Inseparabilia, not to be parted with: Whereas the Kings of France, who have been more pressed and less provident in that point, have thereby given occasion to those Allodiarii, that enjoyed that privilege, to esteem themselves (as indeed they were) absolute and free Princes, styling themselves accordingly, Dei gratia, to publish they owned no Subjection.  

2. Jus Vectigalium.  23. The Second Prerogative styled Jus Vectigalium (which I take to be that 
(w) Seld. Dissertat. ad Flet. 478 479.  Jus Caesarium first brought in by the great Lawyer Papinian Temp. Imp. Severi) is diversely understood; sometimes comprehending all those Duties which the ancient Feudists place under the heads of Angariae and Parangariae; by some extended to Plaustrorum & Navium praestationes; by others to those Jurafisci, under which our Civilians comprehend almost all kind of Impositions and Services Pecuniary and Personal. Under all or either of these considerations, we find the Kings of this Isle, as well entitled as any other Princes of the World, both De facto, and de Jure; whereof there needs no other proof in the time of our primitive Kings the Britain's, than the Impresses on their Coins, stamping sometimes an Ox or Sheep, sometimes a Blade of Corn, other while Instruments of Husbandry, or perhaps an Armed man, or Chariot and Horses, denoting (as the skilful in that Science tell us) the several Tributes and services to which those Moneys had respect, or for which they were paid. Then passing by the Romans, we find amongst the Saxons (the next to them) this Prerogative exercised by several Names, as first by that of 
(x) Fitzherbert Nat. Brev. 226.  Thol or Tol, a Tax pro libertate vendendi & emendi. Secondly by the names of Bordland, Drofland, Burland, and Drinkland: Names given according to the several Natures of the Duty they related to, being generally called in Cromton's Translation of Canutus' Laws, Firmae adjutorium, that held all the Danes time, and was by the Normans comprehended under the common name of 
(y) Mat. Paris Edw. 1. Cap 35. Ed. 3. H. 4. H. 5.  Curialitas: The Common Lawyers have taken it in several Senses; when it respects Relief for War, they term it 
(z) 25 Ed. 1.  Aides; when it is related to a civil supply, they style it Loane-money; which however latter times have familiarly called Benevolence, yet we find by the Stat. of the twentieth of Hen. the Sixth, The King demanded it in right of his Sovereignty, and by Law, and accordingly appointed Commissioners for gathering it, who extorted it with Penalties: so in the seventeenth of the said King, the same was demanded upon pain of Imprisonment and Confiscation of Goods. 'Tis true that Statute of H. 6. seems to be branded by a Repeal in the third of Queen Mary: But that Law that Repealed it being afterwards itself Repealed, the King seems now in Remitter to his ancient Right, a Right so ancient, that it suffers more perhaps by its Antiquity, than any unreasonableness in the thing.  
24. Touching that called Jus Comitiorum, I need say nothing; 
3. Jus Comitiorum.  it being so well known that no man can be an officer of this Realm, that holds not of the King, whether it be Jure Magistratus, or per Deputationem; either as being Commission'd by a Writ, or by Patent from him, Et sine Warranto Jurisdictionem non habent, saith Bracton; neither can any of them so much as appoint a Substitute under him, but is bound to Officiate, propria Persona, the Justice in Eyre only excepted, and that by a particular Statute, for Reasons therein expressed: So that by consequence the King must have also in him that.  

4. Jus Armorum.  25. Jus Armorum, which our Lawyers call the defence of the Force of Arms, and all other force against the peace of the Kingdom, which the Civil Law brings under those two heads, Bellum decernere, & Foedera inire. This is so inherent a right in our Kings, that it seems to have been always lodged in Scrinio Pectoris, in the Shrine of his own breast, as appears by the practice of all Times; but it may suffice to look no further back than that Address of the Parliament to King 
(a) In the fifty fourth year of that King.  Edward the Third, where they humbly beseech him to enter into League with the Duke of Brabant, and those Addresses in the eighteenth and forty fifth year of the said King, which I should have first mentioned, in the first whereof they desire him to break the peace with Flanders, in the other to declare against the Easterlings. So in the fiftieth year of the said King, praying some alteration of the Articles of peace made with the Hollanders; The King's answer was, he would do what seemed meet to himself. The same Answer was given in Terminis by Richard the Second his Grandson, on the like occasion; So by Henry the Fourth, in the second year of his reign; Henry the sixth, in the II. of his, upon Petitions against Merchant's Strangers, that related to Violations of a Peace concluded. And as by the Julian Law Lib. 3. it was deemed Capital for any man without leave of the Emperor to take upon him to denounce War, so it is declared Traitorous by our Law, and void in itself, if any Subject shall presume to do the like without the King's Commission: Neither is it so in the Case of a particular Person only, but if the whole Body of the people of this Nation should take upon them to do the like, absque assensu Regis; The Judges holding that where a War shall be so declared against any in League with the King, without his consent and allowance, the League is not thereby broken: The like holds in all cases of Confederacies and Combinations, which forced the late Rebels in the time of Charles the First, to declare this Kingdom a Commonwealth, before they could prevail with any Foreign Princes to treat with them, and very few did it then: Wherefore it is recorded as a wise answer of that Parliament in the Seventeenth of Richard the Second, who when that King out of a necessitous compliance with the People, offered them leave to take into their consideration some concerns of War and Peace; Replied, It did not become their Duty, neither in Truth durst they presume, ever to Treat of matters of so Transcendent Concernment.  
No doubt then can there be of that Jus Foecialis, 
5. Jus Foecialis.  or right of Legation in directing, sending, and receiving all Embassies, which Curtius calls Jus Regium, a Power so Singular and Absolute, that, as 
(b) Bod. de Repub.  Bodin and 
(c) In State Christ. printed Anno 1657.  H. Wotton, both men of sufficient Authority affirm, divers of our Neighbour Princes (who yet call themselves absolute) as the Kings of Hungary, Poland, Denmark, Bohemia, etc. have nothing like it, being bound up to consult with their People about all public concerns, before they can make any Conclusion of Peace or War: Whereas all Addresses of State are made to Our Kings (as I shown in part before) without any Obligation of their parts, to communicate any thing to any of the Members of their great Council, Privy Council, or Common Council, much less to either of the Ministers of State, whether Secretaries or others, however sworn to Secrecy and Trust. Nor needs there a more pregnant Instance of the King's inherent and determinate Prerogative in this point, than that verbal Order of King Henry the Eight to the Lord Grace Governor of Bullen, who upon a dispute about demolishing a Fort the French were then erecting, by the name of Chastilons' Garden, contrary to the Sense of all the Lords of his Council, expressed, in Scriptis, and which was more, the formality of his own Letters, confirming their Order; did by a verbal Commission only, privately whispered to him, Justify him in flinging down that Work, which was a manifest breach of the Peace with the French, and consequently a Capital crime in the Governor, had not the same breath that made him forfeit it, given him his life again; which Precedent as it was very remarkable, so it proves that which follows.  

6. Jus Vitae & Necis.  26. Jus Vitae & Necis, that highest power of Life and Death, to be only in the King, being signalised by the Ceremony of carrying the Sword before him in all public Processions; and is in truth so ancient and undoubted a Right of the Crown, that upon this Account only, we find all the Pleas touching life and member to be called by the Lawyers, Placita Coronae, and all Capital Offences of high treason are termed Crimina Laesae Majestatis; in proceeding whereon, no Original Writ is necessary as in civil Causes, but every Constable (as the King's Deputy) may, Ex Ossicio, without any Process, seize on any Murderer, Traitor, or Felon: and till the Statute of Magna Charta 17 of King John, it is manifest that every man's Person was so subjected to the King by his Oath of Allegiance, from those words De vita & de membro, that the 
(d) Vita & Membrasunt in Potestate Regis. Bracton l. 1. fol. 6. & Cap. 5. Sect. 18.  King at his pleasure might Imprison any man without process of Law, or giving any cause for it; and however the King has been pleased to circumscribe himself by Law since for the greater assurance of his Grace to his People; yet the Judges have still so far respect to the King's honour in this particular, that upon the Commitment of any person by the King's Command, or by Order of the Lords of his Council, they do not take upon them (as perhaps by strictness of Law they might) to deliver the Person, till the Cause be first shown; and then expecting a Declaration of the King's further pleasure, bind him to answer what may be objected in the King's behalf.  

7. Jus Rerum Sacrarum.  27. The last and highest Prerogative (as being purely Spiritual) is that Jus Rerum Sacrarum, to which no Princes in the World had a fairer Pretence than those here, if considered as the only Christian Kings, fostered with the milk of a distinct National Church, 
The Kings of great Britain the only Kings of a distinct national Church.  that may as properly be called the Sister, as those of France, Germany and Italy are called the Daughters of Rome; and therefore the Pope when he naturalised (as I may say) all the Christian Nations within the bosom of the Church, he declared the Emperor to be Filius Major; the French King Filius Minor; but our King Filius Adoptivus: neither matters it much though they prove our Church to be the younger Sister, that disparagement (if any it be) being abundantly recompensed by being (as indeed she is) the most innocent, the most beautiful, and perhaps the most fruitful Parent of the two: having Matriculated no less than eight Nations (now as great almost as herself) in the first Ages of Christianity, and been the Foster-Mother to as many more in this last and most knowing age, 
The Protestant Religion more properly called the Catholic Religion than that of Rome.  whereby the Reformed Religion (as it is now vulgarly called to difference it from that of Rome) is become as universal as that they call (with so much Ostentation) Catholic; which if confined within the Range of the Church of Rome is not above a 
(c) Purchas Pilgrim. cap. 13. lib. 1.  fourth part of Christendom, if so be the Computation of our modern Geographers be not mistaken, who put Sweden in the Scale against both the Iberia's, Italy and Spain; and England, Denmark, and the Hans Towns against France (which yet we know is Chequered in their Religion, having divers Towns of the Reformed Judgement, besides those Lesser Congregations in Poictou, Gascony, Languedoc, and Normandy) and take out of Germany (supposed to be the third part of Europe) two entire parts (the whole being divided into three) that at this day are integrally Protestant; that is to say, in the East, Poland, Lithuania, Livonia, Podolia, Russia minor, with divers Parts of Hungary, and Transilvania, even to the Euxine Sea; in the West, the Cantons of Swizzerland, the United Provinces, with the Grisons, and the Republic of Geneva; the South and North parts being yet more entirely Protestant, and the heart of it every whit as sound as the exterior parts: Witness the free Cities, and those large Countries, the Patrimonies of the Psaltzgrave, the Dukes of Saxony, Brandenburg, Wittenburg, Lunenburg, Brunswick, Mecklen, Pomerania, Sweburgh, Newburgh, and Holst; with those other under the Prince of Anhalt, the Marquis of Baden, the Landgrave of Hesse, and in fine almost all the Princes of Germany (I think we may except only the Dukes of Austria and Bavaria, in whose Countries yet are many Protestant Families of note) to all which joining those out-lying Plantations in the furthest part of the less known World, containing many a Sunburnt Saint (those of the Reformed Religion there, being infinitely more extensive and Populous than those of the Popish Persuasion) and all these with Universal consent acknowledging our King as Head of the League within the Protestant Pale; as it will extend the Borders of our Church beyond what is commonly apprehended, so it so far magnifies the Majesty of the King of England, whether considered as Propagator fidei in the Protestant Phrase, or Defensor Fidei, in the Pope's stile; that it may as truly be said of him, as of Claudius, when he was Lord of Britain, 
(f) An●nimi Epigra. vet. Lib. 2.  Oceanus medium venit in Imperium.  
Now because the Supremacy, in Ecclesiasticis, is so nice a Point, as the Popish Faction render it, many of whom not comprehending the Legality, much less the necessity of its being Entrusted with the King only, have been more obstinate in the defence of their Allegations than their Allegiance; it may be reasonable to examine the matter of Right by the matter of Fact, as that by Common Usuage, which our Common Lawyer's Date 
(g) Bracton fol. 314. Cook sur Lit. l. 2. Sect. 170.  Du temps il ny ad memoire de Contraire, from the Authority of which Age, we may conclude the practice (whatever it has been) to have gained the form and effect as well as the honour and repute of a Law, according to that known Maxim, 
(h) Cook sur Litt. lib. 3. Sect. 659.  Quod Prius est Tempore, potius est Jure.  
Pass we then through those four noted Periods: 1. From the time of Lucius, the first Christian King of the Britain's, to that of Constantine, the first Christian King or Emperor of the Romans, reckoned about a hundred and fifty years. 2. From that Time till the Conversion of Ethelbert the first Christian King of the Saxons or English, supposed to be three hundred and sixty years more. 3. From thence to the time of the first King of the Norman here, which was not so little as five hundred years more, at what time the Pope first put in his Claim. 4. From thence to the time he let go his hold again, which being about the beginning of Queen Elizabeth's Reign (whose Ambassador he refused to treat with) makes up near five hundred years more, and if in all that long series of Christianity, it shall appear by consent of all Ecclesiastical Writers, in all times, that the King has ever been deemed to be Papa Patriae, Jure Proprietatis; & Vicarius Dei in Regno, Jure Possessionis; I hope then the Imputation of Heresy and Schism laid upon Henry the Eight by Paul the Third, for taking upon him to be the Supreme head of the Church within his own dominions, will vanish as a Result of Passion, and Our present Kings be Judged in Remitter to their ancient Right, or (as the Law-books Express it) Enson 
(i) 25. Assis. pl. 4.35 Ass s. pl. 11.23 Edw. 3.69.11 H●n. 4.50. Tit. Remit 11.  melior Droit.  
Lucius and those claiming immediately from, by, and after him, I take to be stated in a double right; Ratione Fundationis, & ratione Donationis. For (as the Lawyers have it) cujus est dare ejus est disponere: Now that all the Bishoprics of this Isle were of his Foundation and Donative, appears by all our books (saith the 
(k) Sur Lit. Cap. Discontinuance, Sec. 648.  Lord Cook.) The first Canons receiving Sanction Ex Divinitate Principis (as the Canonists express it) till such time as that Foundation laid by him was buried in the Rubbish of Dioclesian's Persecution. After which we have no Constat of any Ecclesiastical Polity till the time of Constantine, who having recovered the Church out of its Ruins, and laid a new Superstructure of his own upon the Old Found, is upon that Account both by Eusebius, and Socrates styled the Great (and it is well they called him not the Universal) Bishop: His Power being no less extensive than his Dominions; the 
(l) Euseb. vit. Constant. Cap. 24. L. 4.  first of them pointing at his power in General, calls him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; The 
(m) Socrat. Hist. Eccles.  last referring to his more immediate power over the Clergy (for to say truth he precided even in Rome itself) styles him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. e. Pontifex Maximus.  
From the time of this Constantine the Great till that of Pope Gregory the Great, neither heard those here any thing of the Church of Rome, nor they of Rome any thing of the Church here: That Pope being so little known to, or knowing any thing of the concerns of this Isle, that when accidentally he saw some little 
(n) Some it seems of the Pagan Saxons then newly planted here.  Children who had been brought from hence, he asked whether they were Christians or no, and it being as Ignorantly answered him, That all the Natives here were Pagans, he out of his singular Zeal to Christian Piety sent over Austin the Monk to bring them under his Apostolical Obedience: By which we may rather Understand a subjection to the Roman Faith than to the Roman Church; for that Rome being at that time but a private Diocese, had not Credit enough to give Laws to all the Churches of Italy, much less to Impose upon those further off; for every body knows how they of 
(o) Sygonius lib. 9 de ●eg. Italiae dicit, non debere Ambrosianam Ecclesiam Rom. ●egibus subjicere.  Milan (not to mention any other) contested with them for the Precedence many years after: And for the Independency of the Churches in 
(p) Baronius An. 1059.  Spain and France, there needs no other Proof than what we have from that Magisterial Monk's own Relation before mentioned, who as he passed through France in his way hither, observing how different their Forms of Divine Service were from those at Rome, and how repugnant their Discipline to any thing he had been before acquainted with, was so surprised with the Novelty that he could not forbear 
(q) Cum una sit fides, cur sunt Ecclesiarum consuetudines alterum missarum consuetudo in Sanct. Rom. Eccles. atque altera in Galliarum etc.  Expostulating the Reason with his Ghostly Master, whose pious Answer (yet to be seen at the end of his Printed Works) is worthy Notice, who after an excellent discourse upon that Subject concludes, that as their Liberty did not offend him, so neither did he desire that his Authority should offend them: but as soon as this Austin came hither he found yet more matter of Amazement. For part of the Isle being Pagans and part Christians, these last seemed to him to be more inhospitable than the other; at least they were so far from submitting to his Legatine Authority after the Ignorant Pagans had owned it, 
1 Cor. 14.1.11.  that (as St. Paul expresses it) by not understanding one another, each seemed to the other alike Barbarian; whereby it so fell out that they fell from Arguments to Arms, and he having no probability of Subjugating them under his Jurisdiction, Baptised almost as many of them in 
(r) He caused 1200 Monks of the Britain's to be murdered at one time.  Blood as he did in Water; but as it appeared that he brought them no new Faith, so neither would they suffer him to bring in any new Law amongst them, defending their own Church so well with their own Cannons, that neither he, nor any of the Roman community could break in upon them, or infringe their liberty in the least for the space of near five hundred Years, when Henry the Second, reducing both State and Church under like Paction of Servitude, forced them by the laws of Conquest to part as well from their Ecclesiastical as Civil Rights, and at the same time they became no Church, to become no People, being so Cantonized with England, that they were no longer considerable; which had yet been Impossible for him to have Effected, had he not at the same time he set up his own, declared against the Pope's Supremacy.  
But to proceed from that of the Britain's to consider the Primitive State of the English Church, it may yet be allowed for good Prescription (and that we know is a 
(s) Lit. Sect. 170.  Title implies a long continued and peaceable Possession derived ab Authoritate Legis) if it can be made out that any of the Saxon Kings, converted by the aforesaid Austin from the time of the Proto-Christian King Ethelbert himself, until the Norman Conquest, did at any time so far Agnize the Pope's Authority, as to forbear the Exercise of any part of that Spiritual dominion which they challenged Proprio Jure. For as it is evident that they did constrain as well ecclesiastics as Laics to submit to the final determination, as well of Spiritual as Civil Pleas in their temporal Courts, so they not seldom made the Ecclesiastical Censures without, and sometimes against the Consent of the Bishop, if it displeased them, even after Excommunication pronounced; and did they not 
(t) Leg. Alfred. cap. 8. p. 25.  dispense even with the Offences themselves, if they were only 
(u) As were Priest Marriage, Basterdy, Nonresidency, Pluralities, etc.  Mala per accidens, and not mala in se (as the Casuists distinguish.) Nay did they not permit even Nuns to marry against the usual practice of those Times, and the Judgement of the Church, doing many other things of the like nature, which whoso reads M. Paris Florentius Eadmerus etc. will find more at large than becomes the brevity I design; and all this they did without any Exception or Scandal, or (to use 
(w) Baronius Tom 3. Anno 312. N. 100  Baronius his own Phrase) Sine ullâ Ecclesiarum Labe.  
Indeed such was the plenitude of their Ecclesiastical Power, that each King of them was (as the Priest prayed at their 
(x) See the old formula▪ continued till H. 6. time.  Coronation that they might be) Sicut Aaron in Tabernaculo, Zacharias in Templo, Petrus in Clavae; as appears by their several Edicts yet Extant; Some for the better Observation of the 
(y) Leg. Alured. C. 39 P. 33.  Lords day, Some for the due keeping of 
(z) Bede lib. 3. Cap. 8.  Lent, Others for the right administration of the 
(a) Jornal. l. 761. C. 2.  Sacraments, the Regulation of 
(b) ●eg. Canut. C. 7. p. 101.  Matrimony, and ascertaining the degrees of 
(c) Leg. Alured. u● sup●a.  Consanguinity, Some for permitting Divorces, others for perfecting Contracts; in fine they did whatever might become the wisdom and honour of such as had the sole care of the Church, all Christian Obedience being enforced Providentiâ & Potentiâ Regis (as 
(d) Hoveden fol. 41●.  Hoveden expresses it) or as we find it in some 
(e) 2 H. 4. N. 44.  Records, Justitiâ & fortitudine Regis; for however the Bishop was always joined in Commission with t●e Lay Magistrate, as having in him Jus Ordinis (as some 
(f) Bellarm. Pontif. lib. 4.  Divines call it) yet this was not so much in affirmation of his Ecclesiastical as for Prevention of his disputing the Regal Authority, and to take off all clashing 
(g) Treisden Eccles. Juris. Regis.  Inter Placita Regis & Christianitatis Jura, that is to say in M. Paris' own words, ne contra Regiam Coronam, & dignitatem aliquid statuere tentaretur Episcopus, who was to the King as the Archdeacon to him Tanquam Oculus Regis, as t'other was tanquam Oculus Episcopi.  
But the greatest Instance of all was, that of the 
(h) Jan. Anglor. lib. 1. Pag. 85.  Investiture of the Bishops by the King; who gave them the Ring and the Pastoral Staff, the ancient Emblems of Supreme dignity and Authority, which he himself had accepted at his Coronation: the first signifying the Power of Joining such an one to the Church; the last denoting the Jurisdiction Ecclesiastical, in Foro interiori, or as some term it, in Foro animae; but he kept the Sceptre in his own hand as the proper Ensign of that Jus Potentiae, or Sovereign Power, by which he stood particularly obliged to defend the Church; to which King Edgar doubtless Referred when he told his Bishops at a general Convocation, Ego Constantini, vos Petri gladium habetis in manibus; and as Christ commanded Peter, as soon as he had drawn his Sword to put it up again; so did he (as Christ's Representative) forbidden St. Dunstan (who would be thought St. Peter's) to sheathe his weapon when he began to draw upon the Lay Magistrate, and would have been meddling with those things that were 
(i) as Socrates expresses it.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, forbidding any Inquity to be made, de peccatis subditorum: Add to this that in all general Councils the King himself presided, Tanquam Papa Patriae; Thus Ina (for I choose to begin with him, because Baronius styles him Rex maxime Pius) presided in the great Synod at Winchester, An. 733. by the Title of 
(*) Tom. 9 Anno 740. N. 14.  Vicarius Dei. 
(k) Jornal. Lib. 761.  Edgar at another meeting gave the Law to all the Clergy, Tanquam 
(l) Vide Tit. Gar. Edgar.  Pastor Pastorum; The like did Ethelred under the stile of 
(m) Eadmer. 146. 16. Eadmer. 155. 6.  Vicarius Christi; after him again Canute presided in another Council at Winchester by the Title of 
(n) Leg. Canut. l. 26. p. 106.  Dei Praeco once, and another time at Southampton, under the stile of Divini Juris Interpres; neither was Edward the Confessor behind any of them, when he made his Ecclesiastical Laws by the Title of 
(o) Leg. Ed. Confess. C. 17. p. 142.  Vicarius Summi Regis. These Titles I have the rather mentioned to show what divine Office was esteemed to be in the King properly, who having a mixture of the Priest and Prophet with that of his Kingship, was obliged to be solicitous, tam de 
(p) Leg. Inae. in prefat. p. 1. apud Jorvalens. Col. 761. 41.  Salute animarum, quam de Statu Regni, as Jorvalensis expresses it; and however, our wise Lawmakers heretofore (not to say Law-masters) who were very nice in wording all the ancient Statutes relating to the Supremacy, have not thought fit to style the King a Spiritual Person (although they knew him to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) but Persona mixta cum Sacerdote.  
And accordingly it is well Argued by a Modern 
(q) Vid. Lib. Intit. Animadver. upon the Book Intit. Fanaticism Fanatically Imputed to the Catholic Church by Dr. S.  Writer of no mean note, That his Authority must be Equivalent with any of those Popes, at least, who were Laics at the time they were chose ●o that Supreme Dignity. For whilst there is no Qualification in their Office of Papacy to render them so far Ecclesiastical as to consecrate any Bishop personally, but that of Necessity they must do it (as he notes) by their Bull; it must necessarily follow, that that Bull (being a deputation granted to some Bishop to do the Office for him) differs very little if any thing from that of the King's Commission in the like Case. And if it had been otherwise Understood in former times, it had been in the power of his unholiness to have extinguished the Function of Bishops in any Prince's Dominions whatever.  
The first Pope who found out a way to supplant the King's Authority in Ecclesiasticis, by seeming to support it, was Nicholas the Second, one of the most subtle of all the Roman Prelates, Contemporary with Edward the Confessor, one of the weakest of our Kings; who created a Title to himself by Implication, whilst he persuaded the King to accept of a Bull of Confirmation from him, whereby granting him 
(r) Vide Twisden ut supra.  Plenam Advocationem Regni & omnium totius Angliae Ecclesiarum; he made that seem to be of grace only from him, which before was of right in the King: Of which Artifice his Successor Gregory the Seventh took not small advantage, when he put in for a share of the Supremacy with William the Conqueror, making that single Precedent the Found to Claim 1. The Investiture of Bishops, which I take to be that directum Dominium held by the King, Jure Patronatus; in acknowledgement whereof, the Clergy pay him their first fruits. 2. The benefit of the Annates, which was a Chief Rent out of all the Spiritualities. 3. The Power of Calling Synods, by which he might Impose upon the Government. 4. The Right of Receiving Appeals to Rome, which overthrew all the King's Courts. 5. The sole power of disposing and translating Bishops, which made them his Homagers and Feifes. 6. The Power of altering and dispensing with Canons. 7. The Privilege of Sending a Legate to reside here; as a Spiritual Spy to detect all the Secrets of State, and be a kind of Checkmate to the King himself.  
But William the Conqueror, as he was a Prince that was apt to invade other men's Rights than to part with any of his own, so finding his prerogative sufficiently guarded by the ancient Laws of the Land, than called the Laws of King Edward (which was not the least Reason he continued so many of them as he did) would by no means yield to him so long as he lived: his Son William Rufus continuing yet more obstinate, who after the death of the aforesaid Gregory surnamed Hildebrand, would admit of no Pope, but what himself approved of: So that for eleven years together there was no Pope acknowledged here in England; which may be a good precedent for any that shall hereafter hold (as some of their Catholic Doctors have as far as they durst affirm) that there may be Auseribilitas 
(s) See Dr. Dun 43 Ser. preached on the 5 Nou. at Paul's cr●ss.  Papae; neither would he permit appeals or any Intercourse to Rome; which when Anselme Archbishop of Canterbury (being a natural Italian) attempted to bring about, he first rifled him and then banished him: neither was his brother Henry the First less tenacious of his Right, as appears by those Instructions given to his Bishops when they went to meet Calixt the Second at the Council of Rheims; whom he forbade in the first place to appeal to the Pope upon any grievance whatever, for that himself (he said) would be sole Judge betwixt them. 2. He commanded them to tell the Pope plainly; if he expected his ancient Rent here, he would expect a Confirmation of his ancient Privileges. 3. He directed them to salute the Pope and receive his Apostolic Precepts, Sed superfluas Inventiones regno meo inferre nolite. The Contest betwixt the Archbishop Becket, and Henry the Second shows what temper he was of: for he opposed both the Pope and the Bishop so long that they had undoubtedly cast him out of the Church, but that they feared he would not come in again: only King John (who therefore stands a singular example of Infamy) designing to make himself higher than any of his Predecessors, by stooping so much lower, quit his being King to make himself a Tyrant; in order whereunto he voluntarily laid down his Diadem at the feet of Innocent the Third's Legate, becoming thereby guilty of such an unparalleled vileness and abjection of spirit, that nothing can excuse but the known distraction that was upon him, when wracked betwixt two Extremes of hate and fear (his Enemies pressing hard upon him, whilst his Friends forsook him) he to avoid the being split upon either Rock, cast himself upon the Quicksand of the Pope's protection, submitting to an act of Penance that showed the weakness of his Faith more than of his Right, his renouncing the Supremacy at that time being no more to be wondered at than his renouncing Christianity itself at another time; but his Son recovered the ground his Father lost, when he brought the whole Kingdom to resent the Indignity so far, as to Join with him in demanding satisfaction of the same Pope, and not content with a bare Disclaimer, forced the insolent Legate to fly the Kingdom, timens pelli sui (as the Record hath it) neither stopped they there, but voting that submission of his Father a breach of his Coronation Oath, entered so far into the Consideration of the whole matter of the Pope's Usurpation, as to make that Statute of Provisoes, which after brought in those other 27 and 38 Edw. 3. and that brought on the Treaty betwixt that King and Gregory the Eleventh, which after two years' debate ended with this express Agreement, 
(t) Walsingham Hist. 1374. Page 184.  Quod Papa de caetero reservationibus beneficiorum minime uteretur, which Dignities Henry the Fourth made no scruple to collate to his own use, notwithstanding his being anointed with that Oil which came from Heaven, the virtue whereof was to incline all the Princes that were inaugurated therewith to be favourable to the Church: His Son Henry the Fifth (for his exemplary Piety styled the Prince of Priests) thought fit to demand of Martin the Fifth several Ecclesiastical Privileges, which his Predecessors had got from the Kings of England at several times, and his Ambassadors finding the Pope to stick at it, and give them no ready answer, told him plainly, That the King their Master intended to use his own mind in the matter, whether he consented or no, 
(u) In vit. Hen. Chichley Pag. 56, 57 Edito Anno 1617.  Vtpote quae non à necessitatis sed honoris causa petat.  
Thus the Papal power as it was interrupted in all times, so from this time it sensibly languished, till it received its fatal blow from Henry the Eight, who (if I may so say) did as it were beat out the Pope's Brains with his own Keys; and had he not afterward used violence to himself, by referring the point of his Supremacy to the Parliament, to be confirmed by Statute Law, that was sufficiently firmed before by the Common Law, that cannot change; he had undoubtedly been more absolute Lord of himself than any Christian Prince whatever, and acknowledged Head of the Church, nullis Exceptionibus (as Tacitus expresses it in another case:) but laying the burden of that weighty Question of the Supremacy upon the Shoulders of Divines, which had been better supported by those of the great Lawyers; he was perplexed with many Scruples, and in the end forced to enter the List in Person, and fight the 
(w) Antiqu. Brit. Eccles. p. 384. 37.  Pope at his own weapon, the Pen; wherein (by great good fortune, being a great master of defence that way) he had the better of it, and by the Authority of his Example drew many to Second him; his Supremacy being afterward Justified by the whole Convocation of Divines in both the Universities, and most of the Monastical and Collegiate Theologues of the whole Kingdom, whilst only four adventured to assert the Pope's Right to be de Jure divino.  
29. And now to conclude this whole discourse, 
The Government of this Isle always Monarchial.  it may perhaps be thought a Point of glory not unworthy our Remark, to observe that the Government of this Isle was never clothed in any other form, but what appeared Monarchial, notwithstanding the many chances and changes (I cannot say alterations) which Time conspiring with Fate hath brought forth, wantonly disposing the Sceptre of these Isles, not only to several Persons, and Families, but different People and Nations. The Genius of the very first Natives, the Aborigines (as Caesar observes of their Ancestors the Gauls) being always inclinable to be ruled by one single Person, affecting Monarchy as Naturally as the Greeks did Aristocracy, the Romans Democracy, or the Germans, and indeed all the Northern Nations Oligarchy; and however we read of no less than four Kings in Kent, by which may be guessed a proportionable number of the like kind in other Provinces, which Cesar had no Knowledge of; yet it appears by those who wrote after him with more certainty, That all these Reguli were under one Chief, 
Tacitus.  to whom it matters not what Title was given by themselves, 
Speaking of Caraciacus.  since Tacitus calls him (more Romano) Imperator Britannorum. After the Romans got the Government into their hands, though there was a seeming Pentarchy, yet the Emperor (saith Herodian) reserved to himself all Appeals from the Precedents and Lieutenants, not excepting the Caesar's themselves here. During the Saxon Heptarchy, when each of those Royteletts had a distinct Legislative power within his own Kingdom, striving like Twins in the Womb of their Conquest, which should be born first; yet one (saith Bede) was saluted by common consent with the stile and Title of Rex Anglorum. So during the stillborn Tetarchy of the Danes, Knute was not only Primus, but Princeps; Uniting the Trine Power of his Predecessors in his single Person. Neither did the Genius of the Normans affect any other form, notwithstanding the intestine Feuds betwixt divers of those Kings and their Nobles (these striving to recover what they had lost, those resolving to keep what by advantage of time and sufferance they had got) engaged them in desperate Resolutions; for however the Populacy prevailed against King John, Henry the Third, Edward the Second, and Richard the Second, taking the boldness to commit so many Insolences as sullied the memory of those times, and gave Strangers occasion to brand the whole Nation with one of the basest Characters that malice could invent (Les mutins Anglois) yet was not their ill disposition heightened to that degree of madness, as to follow Providence in the pursuit of their Liberties, beyond the bounds of Magna Charta; for though they left succeeding Ages a Precedent they never found, in deposing the two last (acts no less dishonourable to themselves than them) yet they admitted the Son of the one, and the Uncle of the other to succeed: Nor was it want of power to do otherwise; Vox Populi being at the same time Preached up by no meaner a man than the Primate of England, to be Vox Dei, and passed for as good Divinity as Policy. The like may be observed in those disorderly times, when the two fatal houses of York and Lancaster justled one another out of the Throne with such alternate success as gave advantage to the Plebiscitum, to Elect which they pleased; the Sovereignty being so weakened by the blood lost on either side, that the people had it in their power, not only to turn the Scale as they thought fit, but to break the Beam of Majesty, on which the weight of that destructive Quarrel hung; and so by taking away the Cause have prevented the Occasions of ensuing mischiefs; yet still we find they kept within the Circle of their Allegiance, and though they directed it variously to several Lines, yet all tended to supporting the main Nave of the Monarchy, continuing the Government (as it had ever been) in a single Person: which Devotion to Monarchy was (as St. Hierome observes in one of his Epistles) rewarded from Heaven with this great blessing upon the Incolae in general of this Isle, That by their Obedience to one Prince, they were the more easily brought to the belief of One God, who blessed their early Faith with the Honour of having the First Christian King, and Emperor of the World amongst them.  
30. But This last Age of ours, I confess, hath brought forth an unnatural Race of Men, who inspired with the discipline of Daring beyond any of their Ancestors, put out the Laws first (as 
(*) The Author of the Book called the Modern Politician.  one observes the Lights use to be in such Case) and after committed a Horrid Rape upon the Body Politic, begetting such a Brood of Monsters as made all the World (and themselves at last) afraid; whilst they spurned at all Authority with such resistless fury, as raised the Dust of their Errors to such a portentous height, that it not only endangered the putting out the Eyes of Justice (half blind before) but darkening the very lights of Nature and Piety: The two Houses of Parliament first dividing from the King; after, from one another. So that the Commonwealth appeared like the Germane Eagle with two heads pecking at the main Body. Yet even during this fatal Confusion, the Government under these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, may be said to be as that under the Ephori, which Plutarch calls 
(†) Sufficiently Monarchical.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; there being one 
* Cromwell.  who (like the Beast mentioned in the Revelation) having power above the rest, played the State Juggler, and revived Monarchy (as Chemists do plants) out of the Salt of its own Ashes, making himself more than a King by the same principles with which he destroyed Kingship, anointing himself with Blood instead of Oil; the date of whose Rage (I cannot call it Reign) holding no longer than to show the World the Vanity of his Usurpation, the Curse of his Ambition descended upon his Son; who distempered with the Fumes of his ill-gotten glory (like the Drunken Tinker, that by an Artificial Metempsychosis was made believe he was a Prince, and dreamed of nothing but power and greatness, till translated by the help of a second Nap into the Ditch out of which he was first taken, his grandeur forsook him with his Sleep) quickly fell out of his Throne and broke his Neck; after which Catastrophe the abused populace (like Water, which heated contrary to its nature returns to its first Condition, and becomes so much the colder) submitted themselves to their lawful Sovereign, with like Zeal as they fell off from him in the first place; their affections returning like the Tide (of which there can be no reason given) moved by the hidden force of an unwritten Law within their Nature, which turning round (like that Rota the Usurpers would have fixed) showed that it was not agitated by the Power of Intelligences (as some think) but by the immediate hand of Providence: from the Constancy of whose motion, every good man expected that Revolution (which, blest be Heaven, we have since seen) long before, although (being oppressed with the weight of those great Concerns that depended on it) it mo●'d a while but slowly.  

Horace Ode 34. lib. 1. — valet ima summis  
mutare, & insignem attenuat Deus  
Obscura Promeris.   

THE FIRST DYNASTY OF BRITAIN'S.  

 Woodcut headpiece with an angel against a decorative pattern of grapes, vines and flowers. OF BRITAIN'S.  
TO endeavour to find out the Original of the Britain's, I take to be as hard a Task, as that put upon the two Centurions, who were commanded by 
* S●n c. Na●ur. Quest.  Nero to find out the Head of Nile. Neither can it reasonably be supposed, that I should further go into the Wild of this History, than I find vetustatis & veritatis vestigia; the tract of some that have gone before me: since we have no Landmarks to guide us, but what have been set up by Strangers, whilst all the Natives have kept themselves out of sight, and all the Treasures of Knowledge were locked up in the Druids 
† i e. in scrin●o p●ctoris. An expression scophically used by my Lord Bacon, in respect they used no Books.  Library; from whom, neither the awe of Caesar's Majesty, nor the dread of his Legions, could extort any other discovery, then what could be made out of the Observation of their Manners and Customs, which being congenial with those of their next Neighbours the Gauls, gave him, and from him most other Writers, cause to believe them a Branch of the same Stock; who being situate in the same Zone, under the difference of little above two C●imes, as they could not but have one Complexion, so Utriusque sermo haud multum diversus, saith Tacitus. Neither were their Names less consonant than their Language, the one called 
* Cymber deriv●d Kimber, vel Kimper. i e. miles Britannic.  Cymbri, the other 
† Cambri 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. e. nebul● à nebulosis sedibus.  Cambri, both indifferently 
‖ A Colt Rege Galliae Lugduneus, A. M. 2125. quo temp●re Joseph venditus in Aegypt●.  Celti, which Bochartus derives from the Chaldee Chelta, originally given by the Phoenicians (as he says) that called this Isle Barat-Anae, which by contraction (he might have said corruption) came to be afterward Britannae, whence the Greeks in the Age following had their BPETANNIKH.  
Lay we then aside those Vulgar Etymas of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by which some modern Philosophers have laboured to prove the Britain's the only men of Metal (if I may so say) from the very time of Strabo, whose Authority they urge, to prove this Isle most famous for the great quantities of Lead and Tynn, that was exported hence. Neither can we but reject those exploded denominations, or (as the learned Camden quaintly calls them) Divinations, or Dreams of 
* Hispanorum Regio.  Bretta, 
† E f●rma candida stuyd.  Bridcaine, or Prid-caine, 
‖ Libera Dania G●wpus beccanu●.  Bridania, 
* E Bruto & Brito.  Brutaneia, Britonia, and I know not what more of the same stamp, which have passed for current but a little while: Of all which I shall only say thus much, That they were fancies which showed a wantonness of Wit, that may perhaps be more reasonably excused then defended: The vanity of Invention being an Epidemical Disease, that hath infected most of the Sons of Mercury in all Ages and all Nations, there being something in it that looks like Piety: Nam mentiri clarorum imagines est aliquis virtutum amor (saith Pliny) which Error, whilst some of our graver Authors have with no less affectation attempted to correct, they themselves (like great Physicians in the time of great Plagues) have been overtaken with the general Infection; as that renowned Precedent of Antiquaries Mr. Camden before mentioned was, who excusing his weaker Brethren with a Detur venia Antiquitati ut miscendo falsa veris, etc. did not suppose he had so prophetically apologized for his own Brith-Tania; which being delivered as an Origination of Celtic and Greek, upon further inquiry proves to be no part of either Speech, at least not in that sense he uses it. For taking the h out of Birth to accommodate the word (as he designed) to Brittannia, it than becomes Brit, which is no word of any signification in the Welsh Tongue, and consequently by the razing out that single Letter, all the varnish of his fancy comes off, and spoils the painting that lay under it. But if the principal reason of his leaving out the h (which might be the more excusable in respect it has been taken to be an ominous letter to this Nation) were to make that Sibylla lingua (as he calls the Welsh Tongue) more smooth and polite, why then did he not leave out the two it's also? the continuance whereof makes his Etymology subject to an unanswerable objection in point of Novelty: for that there is no ancient word any where to be found that has a double t in it, as his Brittannia has. Now if both the tts and the h had been omitted, it had then been Bri-tannia; which as it is less constrained, so it is more acceptable to every common Reader, but especially to those that are Natives. For that Bri, linguâ vernaculâ, signifies Honos, and so the name of Britain's would have employed as much as the Honourable Nation: in which sense I could be content to rest myself, without farther search, if the Critics would have allowed his Tania to have been Greek for Regio: but this being modestly doubted by the learned Spelman, and utterly denied by the famous Causabon (who took it so ill to have a Greek word obtruded upon him, that he never heard of before, that amongst his excellent Epistles yet extant, there is one letter purposely, not to say passionately, written to Mr. Camden upon this subject, by which he requires him to prove it Greek if he could) I must conclude, as by his returning no answer to that bold Challenge, I suppose he himself did, that it was not the least of his learned mistakes. However, the Greeks were beholding to him for the honour intended them: whilst by that single termination of Tania, he endeavours to prove them the only Godfathers to many other great Nations, besides this of ours: viz. those of Aquitania and Turditania, no mean People: and those of Lusitania yet greater; with those of Mauritania and Turgitania, more famous than they: and yet there is another Kingdom (which it seems he forgot) that could more certainly have proved their Denomination from the Greeks, that is the great Kingdom of Batania, which before the Greeks possessed it, was called the Kingdom of Bastian, in the Land of Palestine. Neither has he made mention of another greater perhaps than all these put together: to wit, that mighty Empire of the Chynenses, who in their native Tongue call their Country Taine, which comes as near Tania in sound as may be, but nearer yet in the sense: Taine importing as much as the Realm or Region, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: Take we then Tania to be heathen Greek, as he puts it, yet it will seem strange that a people so rich in words as the Greeks were, should borrow half an Etymology of such a barbarous People as they took the Britain's to be: and stranger 'tis, that the Britain's (if we suppose they gave themselves the name) should call themselves Blue Noses, though they were so: as well might they have named themselves Cornuti, from their custom of wearing the skins of Beasts with the Horns upon their heads, after the fashion of their Neighbour's (not to say their Ancestors) the Germans. And in like manner, and for like reason, might the Germans have been called Brittanni, upon the account of Painting: it being as much in use with them, as with those here; with this difference only, that they painted the skins of the Beasts they wore, these their own skins.  
That the Original Names of Nations have been derived from some observation or remark of the first Nomenclators, upon the Natures and Customs that seemed to them most singularly notable, will, I think, be agreed by every body, as that the Galeates or gaul's were so named from their 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Milk-like Complexions, in like manner as the Moors were, from their black and swarthy Visages 
† 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. . The Sarmatians (under which denomination passed those of Poland, Russia, Muscovy, and the hither Tartary) took their names from their 
‖ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Lizard-like Eyes: As the Numidians anciently called Nomades, from their being generally Herdsmen or Feeders of Cattle: The Tuscans and Sabins were indebted for their names to the Time of their Sacrifices, as the Artotyritae to the 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in respect they offered Bread and Cheese to their Gods.  Infamy of theirs: The Persians were so called with respect to their Habits or Garments: as the Saxons, our Ancestors, from their Seaxes or Skeens. Some have been denominated from what they usually eat or drank: as the Pharmacotrophi in Asia from their feeding on venomous Creatures; and the Cremyones from their drinking broth made of Onions: And why may not the Britain's be as well supposed to have taken their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; a Drink known to be peculiar unto them, and so singularly famous, that Aeschylus, Sophocles, Archilocus, Aristotle, Theophrastus, Helannicus, Athinaeus, and all the Classic Greek Authors have made more or less mention of it: the last of which being the first Author wherein we find the express word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, his Authority (being a known Critic) may go far in the matter: Now he calls this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. e. Vinum hordeaccum, Barley Wine: which Sophocles renders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, cervisia, which word may indifferently be taken for Ale or Beer: and Archilocus tells us, that no People in the World but the Trojans (whom some will have to be Ancestors to the Britain's) ever used the same, or any kind of drink like it. Caesar affirms that all other Nations of the known World drank Wine or Water only; but the Britain's, saith he, (who yet have Vines enough) make no other use of them, but for Arbours in their Gardens, or to adorn and set forth their houses, drinking a high and mighty liquor, different from that of any other Nation, made of Barley and Water, which being not so subtle in its operation as Wine, did yet warm as much, and nourish more, leaving space enough for the performance of many 
* Efficit egregios n●bilis Ala viros.  great Actions, before it quite vanquished the Spirits: Now as the Britain's were famed for this Ale of theirs, so the Ale ●t self was afterwards no less renowned (as Theophrastus and Helannicus both affirm) for a certain Root that they usually put into it: from whence 'tis supposed it took its Denomination, as the Britain's theirs from it. This Root was called by the Greeks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (which sounds something better than Brith-Tania) by the La●ins called after their manner Britannia (as 
† Nat. Hist. lib. 25.3.  Pliny tells us) who cries it up as the most approved Drink in the World against those Diseases called by the Greeks Stomacace and Scelotyrbe, p●oceeding from a Scorbutical Distemper (which therefore we may venture to English Scurvy-grass-Ale) the most excellent and ancient Drink of this Isle. But however our Antiquaries do differ about the name of the Isle, they all agree in the descent of the first Inhabitants; affirming them, as most of the Inhabitants on this side the World, to be the offspring of 
(a) Josephus & Zonares vocant Gallos' & Cimbros 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Gomari.  Gomer, whose truly unlucky name (if so be Melancthon interpret it rightly) carried in it the Fate of his Posterity; ominously denoting the disadvantages under which Nature and Providence had placed them: amongst whom none were yet greater sufferers than the poor Britain's, who in respect of their extreme remoteness from all the rest of the World (there being none beyond them Westward but those of Ireland, which Ptolemy makes to be a part of them) unless that Terra Incognita, mentioned by St. Brandon, where the Souls of the just Saints touch in their way to Purgatory, known by the name of O Brazil, beyond the Isles of Arran (so often discovered and lost again) could never meet with any opportunities of glory to give them the least repute amongst their Neighbours in the Continent, nor indeed any invitements of Ambition, to show they understood any Particle of Honour; In so much that when the Romans (those great Monopolizers of Fame) came first hither, they not only despised them as rude Barbarians; but after better acquaintance with them, took so little notice of any thing they did, or suffered, as not to think it worth recording to Posterity, whereby it so happens that we have not one brave Example to copy after, but what is deciphered in so small Characters, that it is scarce legible at this day. Witness those gallant Resistances of Arviragus and Galgacus, the one General of the South, t'other of the North of this Isle, when they first Invaded it; whose actions, though they possibly transcended, whatever passes for wonder in our days, are so slightly and confusedly delivered by the most exact of their Writers, that it hath been doubted by some whether there were ever any such Men; at least that the one is mistaken for Prasugatus, t'other for Marius. Neither have we much better account of that Freeborn Sylurian Caractacus (who was not inferior to any of their great Captains, saving in Fortune only) of whom we hear nothing beyond the bravery of his captivity, which they set forth with that varnish of Ostentation, on part of the Victors, as shows they designed to record their own, rather than his Glory. None of them acknowledging any of the circumstances of Dishonour under which Caesar twice suffered; once at Land, when he was disarmed by 
(b) Which the British Historians confidently affirm.  Nennius, fight hand to hand: afterwards at Sea, when he was routed by a private Captain: Neither had we ever known it, had it not suited with the design of one of their own 
* Lucan.  Poets, to bring in Pompey upbraiding him with it, in that well known Verse: Territa quasitis ostendit Terga Britannis. But that which discovers a more intense prejudice and scorn of the Britain's, was the calling their Innocence, Ignorance: judging their Courage to be no other than an effect of Despair; deeming their temperance, stupidity; their hardiness of Body, brutishness. A silly sort of People, saith Diodorus Siculus: because not so skilful in the Art of Luxury as they his Countrymen. Naked Barbarians, saith Dion: the more shame their armed Legions were so baffled by them. 
(c) In conjurat. Catilinari. Genus huminum agriste sine legibus, sine Imperio libe 'em atque solutum.  An obscure People, not known to any of the Civil part of the World, saith another: yet we find mention made of their Fame in the Greek 
(d) By no means an Author than Polybius, who testifies that they drove a great Trade with the Grecians.  Annals, from the very beginning of the first Olympiad, A. M. 3720. which was 200 years before Christ, at what time they themselves were not known to the Greeks (if we may credit 
(e) Contr. App●●n. lib. 1.  Josephus) at least not so well known as that Thucydides, Herodotus, or any Historians of the first Class, thought them worthy of any mention by them, it is true, Strabo takes some notice of them, but he reckons them (as we find St. 
(f) Epist. Roman.  Paul did many years after) amongst the Nations that were esteemed Barbarous.  
Now whether we consider the Britain's, as deriving themselves from Phoenitian, Greek, or  Stock; or whether we allow them the privilege of the most ancient Nations in the World, to deduce a finespun Series from the Gods, and so leave them as Aborigines: either way they have the consent of Antiquity to support the Reputation of their being not only not obscure, but as noble a Race of People as any other Gentile Nation whatsoever; perhaps more than the most, if we examine the Testimony of their Laws, Language, or Lineage ('tis pity I cannot say their Liberties) untainted to this day, Maugre the Tyranny of Time and Chance: the Body of our 
(g) Co●●'s Preface to his Thi●d Book of Reports.  Common Law being composed of such Elements as were taken first by Brute out of the ancient Greek and Trojan Laws, as one of the most Sagest in that profound Science tells us, whose testimony is confirmed by the learned 
(h) Jan. Angl. lib. 1. pag 17.  Mr. Selden, in that place where he proves that London had its Municipal Laws as soon, if not 
(i) Languet.  before Rome itself. Now how excellent those Statutes must be, that have stood the shock of so many Ages, and yet continued useful, I need not labour to prove; but will content myself with the Authority of 
(k) Pag. 39 Lib. Leg. A●gl. He was Lord Chief Justice of England under H. 6.  Sir John Fortescue, proves the same by Reason: Quod si non optimae extitissent aliqui Regum novissimorum Justitia, ratione, seu affectione concitati, eas mutassent, aut omnino delevissent. Now as the wisdom of any People is to be measured by that of their Laws, so is their Nobility to be judged by the measure of their Wisdom: for however we seem to be partakers with the rest of the world in the common Fate of being a Conquered Nation (there being no Country in the whole Universe that have not been subdued, as well as we, by others, or by themselves 
(l) Seneca Epist. Ita fato placuit nullius rei eodem semper statu stare fortunam. : Yet our Ancestors had this to say in their behalf, which perhaps no other conquered Nation can say, That as they disputed their Freedoms as long as ever any did, having spent above a million of lives before the Romans could prevail to cohabit with them; so after all, they made so good Conditions for themselves, as to keep their own Kings, and their own Laws, being not obliged (as all their Neighbours were) to be manacled by the Civil or Roman Law; so that in this, their shame became their glory, whilst being a mixed, they yet continued a mighty People, and gave the Rule to those that ruled them.  
Neither was their Discipline in War inferior to their Government in Peace: Witness the long resistance made against those, that having conquered almost all the World before, never wanted fresh Supplies to reinforce their Losses: So that the Britain's in fight them, 
v. Oresius l. 6. cap. 7. out of the best Copy of Suetonius.  encountered upon the matter all those numerous and potent Allies, that were obliged to take part with them. Yet we see, upon the very first dispute betwixt them and the Romans (their own Writers being Judges) they acquitted themselves so well in point of Conduct and Courage, that there needs no further Argument to prove they had the better of Caesar, than the routing his Horse in the first Expedition, and all his 
‖ Dion.  Foot in the second: And after they were overpowered, one private Prince, with the assistance of nine Provinces only, kept all the Legions at a Bay for some years, which shows that to be true whereof we had had no proof, had not 
(m) Cic. A●t. L. 4. Epist. 17.  Cicero thought fit to take notice of it in his Letters to his Correspondent Atticus, telling him that they had very good Fortifications and Works in the most considerable parts of the Isle, which must be understood according to the practice of that time. And though he did much, yet a Woman did more, who rallying up as many of her Countrymen as durst die, taught them the way to live, by putting them upon the slaughter of 70000 of their chief Veterans, reckoned by Dion to be the greatest loss the Empire ever felt, under that effeminate Tyrant Nero; and so much the greater, by how much Dux Faemina Facti. In fine, no People disputed their Liberties with less encouragements, or more courage; and therefore 
(n) Certè populi quos ille timorum Maximus haud urget leti metus—— indetuendi Inferrum mens prona viris, &c Lucan. lib. 1.  Lucan could not forbear giving them that testimonial. And when they yielded, 'twas rather (as I noted before) by Composition then Compulsion, being, as Tacitus reports of the Germans, Magis triumphati quam Victi.  
And had the Pen been as much in use as the Sword, doubtless they had given as good proof of the one as the other, having had the start, even of that proud Nation the Romans, that undervalved them, in that point of Glory so much insisted on, their Learning, the truest Badge of their so boasted Civility; for except it were their Poetry in the beginning, and their Oratory in the last place, what had the Romans to boast of. Can they show us (saith the Learned 
(o) Seld. Poliolb. 166.  Selden) any steps of the first, before Salinator, Navius, Paccuvius, Actius, and some few others, who did not much precede Caesar: or any Constat of the last, before Fabius, Pictor, Valerius, Annius, and some such, whose Names yet survive their Works. Or what Records had they of the more useful parts of solid Knowledge, as Physic, Mathematics, Metaphysics, etc. for which the Britain's were so famed: 'tis true, there was one Book of Physic very early extant amongst them, which was said to have been written by Celsus, but suspected to be a Translation out of Greek; but of the latter sort we find not any. Now if they had neither the true knowledge of Nature, nor Numbers, of Mathematics, nor Metaphysics, as by the confession of some of their 
(p) Livy Decad. 1. Lil. 6. Lucan, who makes a scoff at the Immortality of the Soul, and mocks the Britain's for holding that Opinion.  best Writers, 'tis plain they had not, how much than had the Britain's the start of them, especially if it be true which 
(q) ●●ld. Poliol●. 166. Bales Century.  some have endeavoured to prove, That 
(r) Translated by Cornelius Nepes, and dedicated to Sallust.  Dates (however surnamed Phrygius) the very eldest Historian of all the Gentiles, was a Britain; and if not by birth (as 
(*) Joseph of Enon.  Joseph of Exeter would infer) yet certainly by Education; to which Testimony is added that of 
(s) Lib. 7. c. 5.  Pliny cited by Diogenes Laertius Vit. Philosoph. to prove that the Greeks themselves (who were Schoolmasters to the Romans) had their first Rudiments of Knowledge from hence. For as the Letters Cadmus brought to Thebes, were supposed to have been first brought him from the Galeates or 
(t) As V●rr● de ling. Latin. lib. 17.  gaul's, who (as Caesar affirms) were but the Britain's Scholars: So those Timagines carried to Athens, are by 
(u) Lazz. l. 6. de Gent. migrat.  Lazzius more confidently affirmed to have been had from hence, which may be something of the cause perhaps why the wise Masters that governed that State, were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or (as we find it in 
(x) Lib. de Tranquil. c. 3.  Seneca) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Against this, I know, may be objected the Authority of Caesar, to prove the Britain's understood not the Greek Tongue; the Objection being grounded upon a Letter of his to Q. Ciser (than closely besieged) which was written in Greek Characters, Nè interceptâ Epistolâ (as himself gave the reason) ab Hostibus cognoscerentur; which can be understood no otherwise then either of some particular cipher, which none but Quintilis had a key to, or possibly some such kind of Cryptography, as 
(y) De occulia literarum significati●ne. Epist. Caii.  Probus Grammaticus tells us he frequently used, when he wrote to such of his intimate Friends as Caius Opius, and Balbus Cornelius, which was by way of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or transposition of Letters, commuting the fourth Letter for the first, etc. after which manner he sometimes wrote likewise to the Senate; many of which tricks are in use to this day, and may puzzle those of the same Language to find out the meaning: How else can Caesar be reconciled to himself, who tells us, that all the Accounts and Reckon of the Britain's were in Greek Ciphers; and if he did not, yet the Testimony of 
(a) Strab. l. 4.  Strabo clears the point, who assures us there was a great Trade driven betwixt them and the Grecians; which could not be if they understood not one another. But besides this, we have some 
(b) Plato in C●●●id.  Authority to induce us to believe, that those great Masters, Chilo, Thales, Periander, and the profound M. Trismigistus himself, were beholding to the Druids, for their reputation in the Mathematics: For till their arrival in 
(c) Circ. A. M. 3560.  Greece, the Grecians (saith Plato) were but Children in that Science. But what need we other proof of their great Learning, than what the Romans themselves unwittingly give us: doth not Caesar testify to their knowledge in Astrology; Tacitus to their exquisite skill in 
(d) The Art of Inspection into the entrails of Beasts  Extispacy (the Metaphysics of those times); Pliny to their Judgement in Physic; Suetonius and divers others to their perfection in Magic, both Onomantical and Pneumatological, in both which they were very famous: The 
(e) Camden's Anagr. fol. 168.  Onomanty was a Mystery something like, if not the same, with that the Jewish Rabbins called Bresith, and affirmed to be first revealed by God himself to Moses, and after by him communicated to the LXX. but by what means transmitted to the 
(f) The Phoemetans spoke the Language.  Druids, is not certain, unless by Correspondence with the Magis of the East: For that they were acquainted with the Books of Moses, and (as he) were learned in all the Learning of the Egyptians, is not to be doubted: In this was lodged all the 
(g) Vid. Archangel. in Dogmat. Cabalist. cap. 19  Learning of Numbers, whereby they took their Measures of good and bad Omens, and accordingly to direct all their great Actions; as believing there was in the Mystery of Numbers, a Power predominant over all Persons and Things: And accordingly we find they preferred one Number above all the rest, as believing the Fate of their Nation lay concealed in the womb of it; this was the Number 6, which was the just measure of the most ancient name of the Isle AABION, as likewise of their Common Progenitor MESECH, and of his Sire JAPHET, to whom he was the 6th Son; accordingly they divided the whole Isle into 6 parts, that is to say (following the British Historians) Loegria, since properly called England, which they divided into two parts; i e. (as we find in Dion) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the higher and the lower part; this latter called afterwards by the Romans, Pars Maritima; the other, Pars Interior. The second Division was Albania, since called Scotland; divided likewise into the High-land and Low-land; the Inhabitants of the Low-land were those the Romans called Caledonii, and we properly Scots: Those of the High-land were the famous Picts. The third Division was that of Cambria, since called Wales, divided into the South and North Country; i. e. Demetia and Venedotia, as the Romans called it, or as we find it 
(h) Vide Seldens Book of Tithes, cap. 9 pag. 149.  elsewhere, Dextralis and Sinistralis Britannia. Now what the reason was that they pitched upon an even Number (since all the Numbers that were of old esteemed Sacred were odd) is not certainly known: But some think it was because this of all others was the most perfect Number, being the true measure of Time; there going just 60 times 6 days, and 6 over upon the whole, to make up a complete Year, as we have since learned by the Julian Account, which probably Caesar had first from their Scholars the Gauls. Others conceive they had some respect to the Geometrical Form of the Isle itself, which is a Triangle that hath three Sides, and three Angles: but most like it is, that they were herein guided by the number of their Gods, whereof they worshipped 6 only. But be the reason what it will, we find by Observation since, that the Energy of this Number hath been more predominant in all the Changes and Alterations that have happened in the various disposal of the Sceptre of this Isle, than any other. For taking the whole time in pieces, since there hath been any mention of Kings here, and you will find just 6 Periods or Intervals of Time, that the Aboriginal Natives ruled here; each Space containing only 6 Descents. The first Space made up of those the Romans called BRITANNI, or unmixed Britain's; being those that had the first and entire Rule without Interruption, till their Arrival. The second Sort were those whom they styled BRITANNICI, i. e. Roman Britain's, such as were made up of their own Nation, either born here, or that had made some great Atchieument here. The third Sort were called BRITONESES, which were properly the Camber Britain's: then taking a general view of the whole Series of Succession, from that to our Times, and it will appear there hath been just 6 Dynasties of 6 several Nations; that is to say, Britain's, Romans, Saxons, Danes, Normans, Scots: And some have been so curious as to observe that each of their several 
(i) Brutus, Caesar, Eugist, Ca●●te, Victor, Jaacob.  Chiefs had but just 6 Letters in his Name: which 6 Master-Builders (like those Politic Creatures the Bees, who make up their Cells with Poligons of 6 sides) have reared their Empire upon 6 great Pillars; i e. ¹ Rex, ² Prelati, ³ Proceri, ⁴ Nobiles, ⁵ Milites, ⁶ Civites; and adorned it with 6 different kinds of Law; i. e. ¹ Common Law, ² Statute Law, ³ Civil Law, ⁴ Canon Law, ⁵ the Law of Merchants, ⁶ Martial Law: And observing the same Rule in the Structure of the Church as of the State, have ordained 6 Orders of Priesthood (as a Medium betwixt the Greek Church that have but 5, and the Roman that hath 9) These were ¹ Clerks, ² Subdeacons, ³ Deacons, ⁴ Priests, ⁵ Bishops, ⁶ Archbishops, who in the Primitive and purer times of Christianity, are supposed to have taken their turn● to officiate daily in the Church's Service, dividing the Natural day into 6 parts, whereof each had four hours for his Devotion. The Pneumatilogical Magic was that which was more properly called the Doctrine of 
(k) Picard. in Ciltopaedia.  Spirits, because it was performed by secret Intelligences, enforced with unusual Conjurations; Sometimes drawn from the mouth of a Teraphius, a way much in use amongst the Jews, and by them taught to the People of 
(l) Melancthon Camar●●. fol. 422.  Asia, and from thence brought, as 'tis conceived, by the Phoeni●iam hither: Sometimes by the advantage of 
(m) Divination ●er Speculum.  Catoptromantical Inspection, in imitation, as 'tis thought by the Learned 
(n) Poliolb. l. 1.  Selden, of the Caballistick Doctors, when they consulted the Urim and Thummim: By this Faculty they could disclose, it seems, the greatest Secrets of Nature, and deduce the knowledge of hidden forms to strange and wonderful effects, beyond what the Natural Chemistry of humane Understanding could ever extract out of the choicest Elements of Reason. Of this kind the Roman Historians Record wonderful Instances; but amongst the rest I take that to be the most notable Example, when in the beginning of 
(o) Su●t●nius.  Vespasian's reign, at such time as Civilis raised the Rebellion amongst the Batavi, the Druids foretold the Removal of the Romans out of this Isle (who then had but begun to settle their Possessions here). They foretold likewise the Translation of their 
(p) Tacitus.  Empire to the Trans-Alpine Nations, which has a conceit so remote and seemingly then so extravagant, that it was altogether slighted by Tacitus, as a thing ridiculous to believe; the first part of which Prophecy was not fulfilled in near 400 years after, when Victorinus, that governed here under Honorius, was recalled to the defence of Italy, who drawing off all his Countrymen, An. Ch. 407. left not so much as a single man of his whole Nation in the Isle: the last was not accomplished till 800 years after, when Charlemagne was crowned Emperor of the West in Rome, An. Ch. 800. Another Prediction they had more ancient and more strange, and so much indeed the more wonderful, by how much it seems little less than Evangelical; for they foretold that a 
(r) Cl. Alexand. Stro●. lib. 1. p. 117.  Virgin should bring forth a Son, as you may find by Cl. Alexandrinus, Postellus, and other 
(s) Dr. A●drews in his Exposition of the Commandments out of the testimony of ●●stlius.  Authors of undoubted Credit: and this was so far believed both by them and the Gentiles, that as these last had an 
‖ The ruins of which are yet to be seen in Cumberland, as the learned Camden tells us.  Altar upon the Banks of the Garrone dedicated to the Mother, so the Britain's had another dedicated to the Son, by the name of Belinadri, or the Golden 
(t) Or King.  God (for so Camden interprets it) or as we find it elsewhere, Belintucadri, that is (by 
(u) Solinus m●kes mention of an Altar in Caledonia dedicated to the first begotten Son of God.  Solinus his Exposition) Omnia Sanans, or the All healing God; which as it could not properly and truly be applicable to any but Christ, so 'tis not against reason to think they might have some dark Discoveries of him, if we consider how semblable a Prefiguration they had of his Birth, in the Offerture of their Panchreston, or Misselto, described to be 
(x) By the Sibyl in Lactantius Fermianus.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a Medicine to heal all Diseases; which they gathered in no other Month but that of December only, the Month in which he was born, and of all others most Sacred amongst them: Nor had they a less probable Signature of his Death and Passion, in the Peristerion or Vervain that adorned their Priests Caduces, which as it was twined about the Staff, after the same fashion as Moses his Serpent about the Pole, so who knows but it might have the same signification to them, as t'other to the Jews; that as Moses lifted up the Serpent in the Wilderness, so the Son of Man should be lift up for them: the Priests observing the Ceremony of crossing themselves when they gathered this holy Plant (as the Italians yet call it) Dextra manu sinistra Superposita modo furcae (saith Pliny.) I omit what some others have further noted upon the nature of this Herb (being therefore called by the Greeks Peristerion, from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. e. Columba, quod columbae unice hâc herbâ delectentur) with reference to the Holy Ghost, that afterward appeared in that shape: Neither shall I make any descant upon their Ritual use of Bread and Wine in their Sacrifices, as answering to our Sacraments: though the learned Selden be of opinion they thereby imitated those of the Order of Melchisedec, the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the Messiah: For since he that was the Messiah did himself declare, it was hard to find faith upon the Earth, even after the time that he was revealed from Heaven, it may seem strange that these poor Islanders should see his Day so far off, by no other Light but that of Nature: But considering how strangely they attained to that sublime Knowledge of the Immortality of the Soul, which so amazed the Romans themselves, that, as we may find by 
* Longae (eanitis si cognita) vitae mor● media est. Lucan. lib. 1.  Lucan, they could not understand how Death, the ever before supposed end of life, should be but the middle part, as he calls it; we may so far extend our Charity towards them, from what we find in the Prophet 
† Isa. 40.9.  Isaiah, as to believe they might be directed by the Secret Conduct of some Divine Intelligence, to apprehend some transcendent Notions, not unlike those of St. Paul in his Vision, which were not more lawful, nor perhaps possible for them, then for him to utter in words, much less commit to writing. For we know they were prohibited the use of Books, with relation to 
(y) Solis nosse Deos, & coeli numina vobis, aut solis noscire datum. Lucan.  Secrecy in Sacred Affairs; neither was it any scandal to their Religion to be written in their Hearts only; however it put St. Origen no less to it, to find out a Reason for their so early Faith, than Caesar and the rest of the Romans were, to find a foundation for their so early Reason; it being much more a wonder that they should appear so pious without the Knowledge of the true Deity, then that they should be found so learned without any acquaintance with Letters; Tradition proving a better School-Mistress to them, than Philosophy was to any other Nation, which doubtless had rendered them sufficiently glorious, had Posterity taken the same care to preserve, as they did to transmit to them the excellent Relics of their Knowledge, which now being lost in the Deluge of Time, and become (as a 
(z) Lord Ba●●as Inst. mag.  wise man expresses it) Tanquam Tabula naufragii, are so battered and defaced, that most men have thought them overvalued at the price of a private Belief; for which cause, as I am not pressing to impose any thing herein discoursed upon any man's Faith, much less to quarrel with his diffidence: So on the other side, I would not be thought guilty of such an Indifferency, as might offer the least occasion to any one to doubt of the Testimony I have given, but by no means to condemn it. For in search of Sceptical Truths, every man should preserve a Philosophical Liberty to himself, as in the acceptation of those that are Historical, he may challenge a Dogmatical freedom; the reason for justification of Matter of Fact in the Case of Antiquity, being so like that of Opinion in point of Novelty, both in respect of the uncertainty, and the inconvenience, that I shall not be ashamed to confess and conclude with my Friend Curtius, 
Plura equidem Transcribo quam credo.  
Nec etenim affirmare ausus sum qua dubio.  
Nec subducere sustineo quae accepi.    

 Woodcut headpiece with an angel against a decorative pattern of grapes, vines and flowers. I. CLASS OF BRITANNI, 

Brute, A. M. 2855.  
Malmude, A. M. 3522.  
Belin, A. M. 3562.  
Ludbelin, A. M. 3880.  
Cassibelin, A. M. 3995.  
Tubelin, A. M. 3921.    
BRUTE date of accession 2855  
 Attributed coat of arms of the legendary Brute of Troy: a lion statant guardant. THough there be many Modern Writers 
(a) Polidor. Bocace. Vives. Camd. Seld. &c  doubt, many of the Ancients do 
(b) Caesar. Tacit. Bede. Girald. Camd. Malmesbury.  not confirm, and many both Ancient and Modern, do utterly 
(c) William of Newburgh, G●n●b● the Abbot of Whethamsted, Daniel, etc.  deny the Story of Brute, and indeed the whole Contents of this first Class; yet forasmuch as there are some found (and those of sufficient Credit) that boldly 
(d) Nenius, Faliesin. Leland. R. of Glocest. Huntingdon. Jeo. of Monmouth.  affirm it, and none can make any other but a conjectural disproof; I conceive Antiquity may reasonably be excused, in claiming a Prerogative to uphold, at least for not rejecting so received an Opinion, wherein though there may appear some defects, yet (like those of an aged Parent) they ought to be concealed by the Sons of Wit, lest Novelty should take advantage to put a Scandal upon Time, by calling Truth his Illegitimate Daughter. What Nation is there whose Originals are so clear, but that there remains matte● enough to dispute the Authority of their first Writers, and Writings? How unreconcilable are many passages in Herodotus, Helanicus, Josephus, and almost all the best Historians of the first Age of the World? How inextricable are the Intricacies in the Fasti Consulares, the Catalogue of the Roman Consuls themselves? notwithstanding the great care they took to render their Annals certain: The like may be said of the Assyrian, Persian, Egyptian, and Grecian Dynasties: neither need we much to marvel at it, since we find that a great part, not to say most of the Historical part, even of Holy Writ itself, is so hard to digest without a grain of Salt (as we say) that the quitting our Reason, is made the merit, as well as the Foundation of our Faith: Much more tolerable is it then, that the Actions, Order, and Successions of Brutus' Posterity should be so dark and dubious, in the Revolution of so many Ages, since the destruction of 
(e) From whence 'tis said he came.  Troy; the Circumstances of which Action are so different, both in respect of the time, and the manner of it, that the whole Story, with its Dependencies, stand vehemently suspected of being fabulous. Yet I do not take the Antichronismes to be such as that we should thereupon blow off sixty Kings at one blast (as Lewis the Reformer of the British History taxes Camden to have done) the memory of some whereof hath been continued by divers ancient Towns, which bearing yet their Names, gives us cause to believe they might be the first Founders; as York supposed to be built by Eborac; Caerlile by Leyle; Leicester by Leire; Ludlow by Lud. Others there are whose memory seems to be perpetuated by their 
(f) Cook's Preface to his third Report. Forteseu● Lib. Aug. p. 32.  Laws and Constitutions, as those of Malmude, the famous Martia, Belin the first, and Ludbelin. Some remain Superstites by the continuation of their Names to this day in sundry Families of Note, derived for aught we know from them, as Morgan, Eliot, Belin, Llhuyd, Ludlow, Blackdon, Price, Syltilt, etc. To divers others of whom there is no less doubt than of Brute, many Authentic Foreign Authors give sufficient testimony: thus we find Brennus mentioned by Livy, Cassibelin by Caesar, Cunobelin by Suetonius, Arviragus by Juvenal, Caractacus by Tacitus, Coell by Utropius, Lucius by Eusebius; not to mention Belgus in Pausanius, and Belguis in Justine, both supposed by Selden to be mistaken for Belinus, who, as we know, is elsewhere misnamed Branus; neither know I how it came to pass, that Jeoffery of Monmouth (the first Discoverer of Brutus' History) lost so much reputation by it, if either the Authority of the 
(g) Walt. Archdeacon of Oxford, a grave and learned Author.  Person be considered from whom he had it (a Prelate of great Gravity and Repute) or the Wisdom and Credit of those that 
(h) Girald. Cambr. White, Verumnius, Selden, Lanbert.  followed him (one whereof affirms that he saw the Original which was brought out of the Abbey of Bee in Normandy) or last his own Authority, being Bishop of St. Asaphs under King Stephen, and for his Eminence after made a 
(i) Alphons. Gatto de Gest. Pontific.  Cardinal; of whose Book, to speak freely, we may say as Cicero did of Caesar's, Quantum Operibus suis detrahet 
(k) Taken from the Opinion of Varro, who esteemed all things as fabulous, which were writ before the first Olympiad, whereas we see Plutarch began his Lives with Theseus, 2716. and Diodor. Siculus his Bibliotheca from the destruction of Troy, 2783. the first at least 450, the last about 200 years before that time.  vetustas, tantum addit laudibus. The greatest, if not the only Objections to it being the Incoherence of the Chronology, which most men make the Touchstone of History, whereas there is nothing more disceptious: For we see Figures frequently mistaken by the most accurate and diligent Penmen of our own Times, who stick not to screw up or let fall a year or two, nay sometimes ten, as it serves to their purpose, to adjust their Reckon, being the bolder with that Liberty, upon experience that few men think it worth their while to examine their falsehood, in respect 'tis a trouble that seldom makes the Reader wiser in the business, who in actions of this distance, scarcely look any further than to be informed (not persuaded) of the thing done. And so far I presume Brutus' Story will make itself good, with the hazard of as few absurdities as any of the same date; in which confidence I leave it to the free Censure of each Reader, with this Remark on●y, that 
If it be true that every little Star 
Vid. in Vet. Script.   
Is bigger than the Globe we tread on, far,  
If distance can so much abuse the Sense,  
Which chief doth inform th' Intelligence:  
No marvel that such Antic Gests as those  
Of Brute, and Trojans (scarcely fit for Prose)  
Gain little credit, since there's few allow  
Virtue to be the same thing then, as now.  
Some doubt of Troy, others think Brutus' a Fable,  
'Cause that Age did, what this hath not been able.  
Succeeding Times, if they allow our Story,  
Will yet as much Demur upon Our Glory.   

MALMUD date of accession 3522   Attributed coat of arms of Malmud: three crowns in pale. HAving pretermitted the Particulars of the Story of Brute, and the Seventeen Kings his Successors, as things so remote and uncertain, that no just measure can be taken either of the Persons they lived with, or the Times they lived in: The next that appears worthy of note is this Malmud, surnamed Dunwald, or, as the English Chronicle hath it, Donebant, who was to the Britain's (as Numa to the Romans) the first Law giver, and the Chief Priest, from whose Reign they dated the Knowledge of all Civil, but more especially all Sacred Rites, which being kept in the Cabinet of the Druids Breasts, tanquam in absconditis, as Gold and Jewels are in a Mine, were cast into no certain form or fashion, till the use of Letters was imposed upon them by the Romans, as a Badge of Subjection. Some thence concluding all to be fabulous that happened before that time, without considering, what violence they offer to the credit of those illegible Tables of Noah, that comprehended the primitive Laws of Nature, which (however not understood) were yet admitted by the Old World, as Relics of so unquestionable Authority, that there is no less to be imputed to the virtue of the Faith of that Age, then to the Patriarch's care, that they perished not in the universal Deluge: The Britain's having perhaps a better Constat of 
(l) Girald. Camd. Matt. Westm. Whites Hist. Brit. Lib. 3. N. 14.  these, than the Jews had of those (yet either derived from the Authority of Tradition) by how much they were left as a Legacy to succeeding Ages, and lost nothing of their value in many hundred years af●er they were first delivered, being the Original after which the great Legislator of the Saxons, King Elfred, copied his Breviary of Statues (as the learned 
(n) Lamb. de Leg. Anglic.  Lambert acknow●edges) or (which is of more Authority) as himself confesses in his Title Page: which very Breviary is said to be the Foundation of that we call our Common Law at this day; however, by reason of frequent Transcriptions, Additions, and Amendments (like that of the Ship at Argos) it seems to be new and another thing. Now for the rest of the Acts of this King, though perhaps they are not to be justified, as those written by Thucydides, Zenophon, Polybius, or Caesar, who were themselves Actors of the things, as well as in the times they wrote: Yet they have the Testimony of some Relics, which (like those two 
(o) Procop. de b ll. Vandelic. Lib. 8.  Pillars erected at Tingis, that showed there had been some Colonies of the Jews there, although no mention be made thereof in any of their own Writings) support the honour of his memory beyond contradiction: Such were those stupendious Works of his, commonly called the four great Causeys, that crossed the whole Isle, erroneously supposed to be first undertaken by the Romans, whereas they were begun by 
(p) Caxton, Polichronicon, Hollinshed.  him, and only finished by them. The first, by him named Fordd-y-Brenin, or The King's Highway, leading from the Corner at Totnes in his own Country, passed through the whole County of Devon, the Counties of Somerset, Gloucester, Warwick, and Leicester, and ending at Lincoln; this the Romans called the Fosse. The second, anciently called Guthelin-street, because it was reported to have been finished by that King; beginning at Dover, running out as far as Worcester, and from thence was carried to Cardigan in Wales: this the ancient Britain's called Peunguys; the Romans, Via Consularis; those of later times, Watlin-street, or Werhem-street. The third called 
(q) See Hollinsheds' Description, fol. 113. cap. 19  Ermingstreet by the Saxons, or rather 
(r) i e. Mercurii Columna.  Irmanhull-street, began at St. David's in Wales, and crossed over all the Countries betwixt that and Southampton, where it ended; this the Britain's called Croesfordd, and the Romans, Via Praetoria. The fourth began a little of one side of Worcester, and passed on by York to Tinmouth, called Kikeneldis, or Icknild-street, which I take to be its primitive denomination. And to these that Reverend 
(s) Seld. Poliolb. Cant. 8.  Monument (aged now above 2080 years, the shame and glory of the present Age) dedicated by him to the 
(t) Attae Rhwyscoll, i. e. All power, M. S. in archive Oxon.  Destinies, or Holy Powers that ruled the World, and by the Romans, at the arrival of Claudius, consecrated to the honour of the great Goddess Diana, and by King Lucius, upon the first entertainment of Christianity, to that great Apostle of the Gentiles St. Paul. To this King likewise is ascribed the honour of Founding those, rather ancient, then great Foundations of 
* Fabian.  Blackwell and Guildhall, heretofore parcels of his Court; the first continued (perhaps ever since) as the great Mercatorium or Staple for Trade; the last, as the great Orseddfaine, or Tribunal of Justice, both for City and Country. He has the repute likewise of being Founder of those two ancient Buildings in the West, Malmesbury and the Vies, the first having the stamp of his Name yet upon it. But if the Reader be not disposed to believe any part of this, or the other King's Legend, I shall conclude as I find a very reverend Author doth, in the like case; 

(u) Malmesbury de Oest. Reg. Aug. Lib. 5.  Mihi debetur Collectionis gratia;  
Sibi habeat electionis materiam.   

BELIN. date of accession 3562   Attributed coat of arms of Belin: a sun in splendour. THE next Dynast in order of Fame, as well as in repute of Order, was this King, whom the Britain's make the common Root of that great Stock that hath adorned their Pedigrees with so many flourishing Branches, being the most Splendid of all their Princes, in that he was in like manner esteemed by them to be a Representative of Apollo, as Apollo was by the Ancients thought to be a Type of Christ: This appears by the stile they gave him, which I take to be one of the Attributes of that God, calling him Belin Tucadre, i. e. The Healing King, or Healing God. For it was a Policy much in fashion in elder times, and as it seems, as well understood by the British as any other Gentile Princes, to take the advantage of assimulating themselves to that Deity, which was most adored by their People, to beget the greater reverence to their Majesty; and accordingly, in honour of the memory of this man, who by some Writers is called 
(f) The Golden Belin.  Belin, or Pelinor, and by others 
(g) Belin the Great.  Belinvaure, all the successive Kings were styled 
* As appears by the Names of the following Kings.  Belin, as the Egyptian Kings were styled I harach, and the Roman Emperors Caesar. The Vulgar turned Belin into Bren, and the Latin Writers following that mistake, changed Belinus into Brennus, whereby it hath so happened, that he is by many Historians supposed (and as they think with sufficient probability) to be the same Brennus that was so terrible to the Romans. Amongst those that deny it, some doubt whether there were ever any such Persons, as the one or the other: Others take the word Bren or Belin to be only terms of Majesty, and not Names, which is an Opinion that calls in question all the best Pedigrees of Wales. And some there are, who from the difference of the Names, infer a difference of Persons, taking advantage thereby to discredit the Authority of Jeffery of Monmouth, by seeming to uphold it; who makes Brennus and Belinus to be two Brothers, and Sons of Malmud; but those that support the Credit of the Personality of Belinus, and are willing he should be the same with the famous Brennus that Sacked Rome, suppose there needs no better 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to illustrate the matter, than that account we have from the Oracle of Delphos, which saith that the same Brennus came 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from the very farthest parts of the West, which Catullus explains Britain; and whether he meant 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the greater or the lesser Britain, according to that Division made by Ptolemy, either makes good the conjecture, as being 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, even Westward of the West; especially the latter, which from thence (saith Bochart) got the Name of Ebernia, now corruptly Hibernia, which in the proper signification (as Melancthon tells us) is Ultima habitatio. Now for the different sound of the Names of Belinus and Brennus, it is no more than what we usually find in almost all Histories, whereof divers 
(h) Seld. Poliolb. ●●lid. Virg. Gi●nan. Villani.  Learned Authors, and amongst the rest the Famous Selden himself gives us several Instances: But there is nothing of fuller proof than that Verse in Eusebius; Sol & Osiris idem, Dionysius, Orus, Apollo. Nor is it less a Question, Whether he that fired Rome, be the same that troubled Greece, then whether either of them were Britain's. But since it is admitted by 
(i) T. Livy.  divers Historians abroad, that they (if so be they were two) were both of Celtic Extraction, and so positively asserted by so many Historians of our own, that this Belinus was the man, I shall not make it more doubtful by showing myself over-industrious in the proof of it; but conclude with like modesty as the Poet in this, as in all things of like uncertainty: 
Si quid novisti rectius istis,  
Candidus Imperti, si non, his utere mecum.   

LUDBELIN. date of accession 3880   Attributed coat of arms of Ludbelin: a tree and beast. BEtwixt the last and this King's Reign, I reckon near about 330 years, by the Vulgar account, in which Jeffery of Monmouth places a Succession of about 44 Kings: But Hollinshed making a digression of 180 years (which cuts of 33 from the number) leaves him, and Fabian, and the rest that follow them, to make out their Catalogue through this dark Period as well as they can, wherein they could not (it seems) discern Men from Trees, otherwise they would not (as they have) denominated the Isle of Ely from Holy, the supposed Father of this King (which rather was Belly the corruption of Belin) whereas the true derivation was from Helig a Willow, with which sort of Trees that Isle abounds. That which illustrates the name of this Eliod, or as he is commonly called by contraction, Lud, or rather Lluid, i. e. the brown Belin, is that Urbicarii honour given him by consent of a most all Writers, of being the Founder of the West wall, as the first Belin was of the East wall of the City of London, to which the Gates yet bearing their Names, give probable Testimony of their memory. However there are those that object against both, and will have that of Belins-gate to be no more but as if one should say, the King's Gate; so called, because the King's Toll and Customs was ever paid and brought in there; and Ludgate to be no more but Portus Populi, changing Lud into Leod, which in the old Saxon Tongue signified (as Verslegan tells us) the People's Gate; a conceit as applicable to the Gate of any other great City, as to this; wherein if private Criticisms might be admitted to derogate from the authority of Antiquity, yet the Etymology Hermoldus Nigellus gives of this Name, deriving it from Hludo, i. e. Preclarus, with whom the learned Camden concurs, sufficiently repairs that Indignity, and excuses the good Will of the good old 
(k) Robert of Gloucester.  Monk, that for the same reason would have London to be quasi Ludstowne; a conceit as allowable as that of Rome, from Roma, Romus, Romanus, or Romulus, all averred by several Historians to be Founders of that City, out of respect to the consonancy of the Names only, and would doubtless have passed for currant, had it not lately been exploded by a better Authority, which hath informed us that it was rather London quasi Lhondine, i. e. the City of Shipping, with which agrees that of Huntingdon (one of as good credit as any of his Time) who turns this Lud, or Lhuid, into Lond, to render him the Prince of Shipping: All that we hear of him in the British Story is, That he left two Sons under Age, at the time of his death; the elder called by the Romans, Androgius, the younger Theomantius; either of whom being unfit to succeed in the Government, by reason of their Minority, the Britain's (after the manner of most Nations at that time) chose the nearest in Merit, as well as in Kin, to succeed, which was their Uncle Cassibelin, or Belin the Yellow.  

CASSIBELIN. date of accession 3995   Attributed coat of arms of Cassibelin: three crowns in bend. THIS King, as he was the first of all the British Princes that showed himself upon the Stage of Action, so being not content to be Chief unless he were absolute, he made so good use of the Accidental part of his Fortune, the minority of his two Nephews, that he took the confidence (having first justled them out of all hopes of succeeding their Father) to quarrel with all that stood near him in the Government. Two there were more eminent than the rest, of whom it was doubted whether their Malice or their Power were the greater; Comoc Prince of the Attrebatii, and Imanuence Prince of the Trinobantes; the first a sullen subtle man, the last more open, very rash, but Popular; neither of them so confident in his Power, as affected with his merit; yet being united by the concord of their Discontents, they began to swell and be tumultuous: but as Wisdom when it wants Integrity (like Salt when it hath lost its savour) is not only as insignificant, but oftentimes more hurtful than Folly itself: so their public Pretensions being tainted with private Malice and Ambition, lost so much of the efficacy that was expected from so smart a beginning, that their Forces not answering their forwardness, the one was compelled to submit to be a Prisoner, the other an Exile. Comoc applied himself to Caesar, then in the higher part of Gallia; and to make himself the more acceptable, presented to him the young Prince Androgeus, as a Pledge for the homage of the whole Isle: This gave that great Son of Fortune the first prospect of the greatest design Humanity was capable of at that time, and so much the more worthy the thoughts of him, who would be esteemed nothing less than a God, by how much the Transports of his invincible Spirit, carried his Resolutions to the conquest of another World, altogether unknown to his Countrymen, and scarce probable to have been discovered by him, had not their fatal Ambition, destined to be so officious to his, raised his Fame upon the Ruins of their own: Easier it was for Concoct to prevail with Caesar to take the Sea, then for Caesar to prevail with his Legions to quit it; who finding the Britain's all in Arms, ready to oppose their landing, refused to set foot on shore, till Mandubrace Son of Imanuence (whose head Cassibelin took off upon his departure with Conioc) having changed his Nature with his 
(l) For the Romans called him Scaeva in respect of the cruelty he showed to his Countrymen.  Name, leapt first into the Water, and by the fierceness of his Example urged them to quit their Ships, who could not yet quit their fears. Now began the Battle on which the Fate of Britain depended, which was so bloody beyond any that the Romans had ever seen or felt before, that doubting the protection of their Gods in a cause so injurious, they betook them to their Ships again, as dishonourably as they left them, exposing Mandubrace to the mercy of his Countrymen (once his only Friends, now his only Foes) who like a Tiger in a toil, finding that the Tide forsook him as well as the Romans, fought it out from Rock to Rock, till, with the loss of their blood who pressed upon him, he had raised it again to such a propitious height, as served to carry him off unto the Fleet: The experience of his single Courage gave the Romans such a Test of what they were to expect from the collected Forces of his Countrymen, that had not Caesar himself afterwards done the same thing that Mandubrace did before (who catching up his Standard, leapt into the Ocean with it, as if resolved to begin the second Fight, swimming like a true 
(m) As descended from Venus, whom A●s●nius describes to be Orta Salo, etc.  Son of the Sea) he had only come and seen, but not overcome: But this Onset of his had a Success so much greater than that of Scaeva, as was his Fortune, which always made the way where he could not find it. The Britain's demanded a Parley; Caesar accepted it as an instance of Submission; but it proved only a Trap to catch the Renegado Comoc, who coming to them as Ambassador from the Romans, to persuade them out of their Liberty, lost his own: Neither proved this a single loss to Caesar; for about four days after, his Fleet being distressed with a terrible Storm, that risen upon the back of a Spring Tide, at the time of a Full Moon, was driven out to Sea, and for want of advice of such a Pilot as he, was broken all to pieces; which accident broke off the Treaty, encouraging the Britain's so far, that they who had before the care of a defensive, began now an offensive War, Invading their Invaders; but their Skill being no way answerable to their Courage, Caesar found a way first to divide, and after to dissipate their Forces, putting their distressed King, forsaken by his People, as soon as by Fortune, to the worst of Extremities, to release an old Enemy, that he might compound with a New, purchasing by the Freedom of Com●t, a Peace that he knew would enthral his Country.  
'Tis hard for Kings to yield, but harder far  
When he gives rules for Peace, that raised the War.  
Who buys his freedom seldom ever thrives,  
They make their Markets best that sell their lives.  

TUBELIN. date of accession 3921   Attributed coat of arms of Tubelin: a winged dog sejant. ANDROGIUS, the eldest Son of Lud, proving as false to his Country, as to his own Blood, was, after the death of his Uncle Cassibelin (who died Childless) put besides the privilege of his Birth, and his younger Brother 
(n) i e. The pious King.  Tudorbelin, or as they called him vulgarly, Tubelin, and the Romans Theomantius, was preferred to the Succession. A Person less active than his Predecessor, and less known than his Successor; but his Government falling ut in such a juncture of Time, hen the Romans, having enough to do at home, went not much abroad, he had the good bap to preserve the freedom of himself and his People, without any great necessity of giving proof of his Fortune or Parts. Britain being then, by the Tripartite Division of the Empire after Caesar's death, become the Lot of Octavius, not yet grown up to be Augustus, he either distrustful of the Fate of his own Greatness, or his countrymen's Ambition (both alike dangerous whilst boundless) left it out of the Provincial Roll, as being indeed out of the World (for so saith Dion it was esteemed to be) determining to confine his Empire within the limits Nature had set it, by the Danub Northward, Mount Atlas Southward, the River Euphrates East, and the British Ocean Westward: But this moderation of his not agreeing with the activity of that rough Age (made up for the most part of men, that whilst they were Children, seemed to have been nourished with blood rather than milk) it was not long ere their magnanimity, or the flattery of those nearest about him, prevailed with him to enlarge his thoughts, as well as his Empire, and to found his Glory (more majorum) in the pursuit of new Discoveries. So that having before subjected all that lay within his view, nothing appeared to his Imagination to be so near 
(o) Horace. Od. 5. l. 3.  Divinity as the Conquest of the Britain's, to which the Ambition of his Predecessors having only pointed out the way, but not at all showed the method, he thought it no allay to his Courage, to proceed with a circumspection suitable to the greatness of the design; spending more Time and Treasure in the preparation to, than the pursuit of his purpose: and having made choice of the most eminent Persons to attend him, and accommodated all things suitable to that choice, as if he had intended to bring another World to the conquest of this, he began his March towards Gallia: The Britain's though they naturally disdained Servitude, frighted it seems by the noise of his approach (the Fame whereof broke out like Thunder before a Storm) thought it no indignity to submit to the tender of a 
(p) Dion. l. 53.  Tribute; which (however it was blanched under the Title of a 
(q) Strab. l. 4.   Offering to the Roman Gods) was exacted with that severity, that Tubelin was fain to send his own Son Cun●belin to remain as a Hostage at Rome, for performance of the Conditions; who living long there, partook so much of their fashions and manners, that he is worthily reckoned the first of the Britannicis, or civilised Britain's; by whom his Countrymen understanding that they were marked out for Conquest, omitted no occasion of Compliment after his Return, whereby they might express themselves obsequious to the Romans, even to a degree of Flattery, till they found their Liberty in danger by an 
(r) Temp. Tiberii.  Injunction sent them to admit Colonies amongst them; from which time they were deaf to all Treaties, and prepared to make so obstinate a Defence against any Invasion, that the Report thereof so frighted Caligula, whilst he was on the other side of the Water, that he returned home content with a piece of 
(s) Causing his Soldiers to gather their Casks full of of Muscle and Cockle shells, carried them to Rome as a Trophy of his British Expedition.  Pageantry, instead of a Triumph, which as it was the most Sordid, so it seems to have been the most Ridiculous of any that we meet with in Story.   

 Woodcut headpiece with an angel against a decorative pattern of grapes, vines and flowers. II. CLASS OF BRITANNICI, 

Cunobelin, A. M. 3934.  
Guithbelin, An. Ch. A. M. 17.  
Belinarvirag, A. M. 0050.  
Meriobelin, A. Ch. 0098.  
Coelibelin, A. Ch. 0129.  
Cymbelin A. Ch. 0156.    
CUNOBELIN date of accession 3934  
 Attributed coat of arms of Cunobelin: a Janus face. CUNOBELIN, or the Yellow King, so called from the Emication of that Golden Age he lived in, to wit, at the time of the birth of that beautiful 
(a) Christ Jesus.  Child, which Tully dreamed he saw let down from Heaven, in a golden Chain, which was verified in the 18th Year, or as some think in the 23 Year of this King's Reign, at which time the Temple of Janus being shut up in Rome, in token of an universal Peace throughout the World: Some have supposed (and not improbably) that be took thence occasion to make use of this Device which we find on his Money, and elsewhere. But some others that have lately dived deeper into the Mysteries of Antiquity, conjecture that he did hereby rather denote a farewell to Barbarity; Janus being the Person that is said to have first civilised the World (as this King did the Britain's) and therefore painted with two Faces, as bringing one shape out of another: a conceit tolerable enough, and to me so much the more acceptable, by how much the same 
(b) Canden.  Author (whose Authority may bear it ot) admits Cunobelin to be as Critical as himself: most certain it is, that moved by an Emulation of the Roman Majesty, whereof he had been an eye witness, when his Father, under pretence of sending him to congratulate Augustus his success against M. Anthony, left him an Hostage at Rome: he did endeavour by his own Example, to bring his Countrymen into the Roman fashion of living; imitating them in the manner of their Houses, eating, drinking, and : Coining money in 
(c) In A●chiv. Londin.  Gold and Silver, instead of their rusty Iron and Copper Ring●, valued by weight, making their Money (More Romano) in Medals or Plates, in the one side whereof, was some device quaint enough for the invention of those Times; on the other the face of the King; some whereof have been preserved to the glory of this King's memory, to this day, which being under a form so rarely found amongst those of any other Nation, to wit, the device of the 
(d) Jun. Nomensi.  Toruma engraved in the Concavity of the Reverse, entitles the Nation to a distinct Epoch, more renowned then most other States in the World can pretend to. We find many different devices of this King; but this of Janus I take to be the principal, and without doubt had some signal meaning, which the Critics have not yet light upon, possibly to denote the Isle under two Heads at that time, Caesar and himself, who ruled (as we may say) with a kind of double faced Supremacy.  
Cunobeline, whilst thou desir'st to be  
Famed for a double faced Supremacy,  
Bringing the Britain's into th' Roman fashion,  
By eivilizing, thou undo'st thy Nation.  
They're Caesars Subjects now, who erst were thine,  
Ere long their Virtue will become their Crime.  
For being true to both, theyare true to none,  
Two Heads may thus prove not so good as one.  

GUITHBELIN.   Attributed coat of arms of Guithbelin: a branch (of laurel or wheat?). 'TIS a question, Whether the last King were more happy in Himself, 
An. Ch. 17.  or in his Children, whereof he left no less than five Sons to succeed him, of which only 
(e) Adminius the Eldest. Guiderius the Second. T●godomous the Third. Carast●●us the Fourth. Arviragus the Fifth.  One miscarried, who endeavouring to betray his Country in the life time of his Father, was after his death put besides the Succession; and this King, his second Brother, set up in his room; to whom there are so many different Names given in different Transcripts, both British and Latin, as hath occasioned many doubts of his Person. His right Name was Caradec, which being too rough for the Roman pronunciation, their Historians call him Caradocus. The Britain's, in respect of his being Prince of the Isle of Wight, which they called in their Language Guith, styled him, after he came to be King, Guithbelin; as much as to say, the King that came out of that Island; and the Romans thereupon, Guiderius. So that ●t is no marvel if those that had no other Guides but Names only, have found themselves misled in the dark places of the British Annals. He began his Reign in the time of Tiberius Nero, for his sottishness nicknamed by his Countrymen, Biberius Mero, who leaving every Province to the protection of its proper Strength, occasioned so many disorders as begot at last a Civil war in his own Breast, as well as his Empire; his Covetousness striving in vain with his Cowardice, to recover the benefit at least, if not the honour he had lost. Britain was the place he always threatened, but with so palpable Irresolution, that taking occasion from every little accident to alter his purpose of Invasion, the Soldiers in scorn called him 
(b) As much as to say in English, Short Legs, meaning he had always one Leg in the Stirrup, but never got up.  Callipedes; this added to the Fortune, more than the same of this King, who all the time of his Government had no occasion given him of Glory, but found the opportunity to learn, by observing that of his Neighbours, how to encounter the dangers which afterwards approached towards him, when his Brother Adminius brought on Caligula to give him that false Alarm from the Holland Coast: Nine years he ruled in peace, till the Ambition of Claudius, which transported him as much beyond the bounds of his Reason, as those of his Empire, broke in like the Ocean with a resistless Torrent, and bore away all before it: The Britain's, who could not withstand their own Fears, being less able to resist his Forces, flying at the first sight of his Elephants, as if they had believed, there could have been no greater a Beast in the World then himself; upon which advantage he made himself Master of the Pass over the Thames, which yet he dreaded more than that over the Sea, and so marched up to London; where the two brave Brothers, Caradocus and Togodomnus gave him Battle, in which the last, scorning to outlive the Liberty of his Country, fell a Sacrifice to the Incensed Gods of the Isle: His Royal Brother, retiring as a wounded Deer (forsaken by the Herd) to seek some shelter in the Neighbouring Woods, resolved to make head against those pursued him, as often as he reflected on his lost greatness; but the danger approaching nearer, his Wisdom prevailed with him to retreat, till he might fight with more advantage.  
So the stall Stagg upon the brink  
Of some smooth Stream, about to drink, 
Waller.   
Surveying there his armed head  
With shame remembers that be fled  
The scorned Dogs; resolves to try  
The Combat next: But if their cry  
Invade again his trembling Ear,  
He strait resumes his wont fear,  
Leaves the untasted Spring behind,  
And winged with fear, outflies the wind.  

BELIN ARVIRAG. date of accession 0050   Attributed coat of arms of Belin Arvirag: a Pegasus springing. FROM the beginning of this King's Reign (if so be we may not rather call it Rebellion) we date the Dominion of the Romans in this Isle. Julius Caesar had the honour of being the first Aggressor: Claudius laid the Superstructure upon his Foundation: Domitian had the good hap (I cannot say 
(c) Being more beholden to the Virtue of his Lieutenants, than his own.  honour) to perfect the Work. The death of the last King, as it was no small discouragement to the Britain's (the brave Caractacus being at the same time taken Prisoner) so it rendered the Romans so insolent, that all the Time of 
(d) Who succeeded Claudius.  Nero's Government, the Story is filled with nothing but Relations of Murders, Rapes, and Rapines; wherein the Virtue of his Lieutenant Suetonius, seems to have contested with his Master's Vices, for the Sovereignty, in suppressing by his Wisdom, or qualifying by his Courage, their Outrage, whom he had commissioned to perpretate all manner of Villainies; being a Person of that excellent temper in War and Peace, that it could not have been expected the 
(e) Having lost in one single Battle with him 80000 men by common compute.  Britain's could long have resisted, had not the flattery of his Countrymen prevailed as much over him at home, as he did over those here: Representing the state of things to that effeminate Tyrant, not according to the Truth, but as they thought most agreeable to his humour. Whereupon he and the Consul Petronius Turpilianus that succeeded him, being both removed, that base Fellow Tribellius Maximus took place, whose unworthiness was such, that it provoked his own Countrymen to rebel, as well as the Britain's; but his Reign ending with his Masters, during, all the time of Otho Galba and Vitellius his Government (whereof he that held longest continued not above Eighth Months) the Roman State was as busily employed in conquering itself, as before in conquering others: so that they wholly pretermitted the thoughts of all Foreign Attempts, till the entrance of Vespasian, who having laid the Foundation of his Greatness here, resolved to give the Britain's the first taste of his Power, by sending over those three excellent Generals, Petilius Cerealis, Julius Frontinus, and Julius Agricola; against whom there appeared for the Britain's, moved by the Example of their Neighbours, no less then by their own desire of Liberty, three men of as great repute; that is to say, Arviragus, whom the Natives, after the manner of the Romans, had saluted Imperator Britannorum, the only Son of Cunobelin left alive; Venutius Prince of the brigants; and Galgacus Prince of the Caledonii: These three divided the Forces of the whole Isle betwixt them, thinking to have singled out the Roman Generals; but they uniting, whilst the other fought by Parties (I cannot call them Armies) routed them as fast as they met with them: upon which Arviragus, after the end of that sharp War, strangely begun and maintained by his Sister Voadicia, which cost near 100000 Roman lives, retired into the North, where some say he died; others that he submitted to a Tribute, persuaded by his Wife Genissa, a Roman Lady, and near Kinswoman to Claudius.  

MERIOBELIN. date of accession 98   Attributed coat of arms of Merio Belin: a double-headed boar. AGRICOLA, having by the death, or recess rather, of the last King (as appears by that piece of Flattery of the 
(f) Juvenal. Regem aliquem Capies, aut I'll Temone Britannorum excidet Arviragus.  Poet to Domitian his Master) cleared his way over the body of the Isle, as far as Sterling in Scotland (the non ultra of those days) and planted Garrisons in the most convenient places betwixt Glota and Bodotria, i. e. the two Arms of the two contrary Seas, that run up into the Land there, now called the Frith of Dunbritton, and the Frith of Edinburgh, the utmost Limits then designed: having neither desire nor provocation to pursue the Britain's any further, he resolved to crown his Victory with subduing the perverseness of those that were already in his power; whereby, whiles he aspired to no less advantage over his Predecessors, in point of Glory, than he had over his Enemies in point of Power, he showed the World that they only knew how to Conquer, but he, how to make good a Conquest. The way he took to do this, was by permitting the People their own Laws and their own Princes; allowing their Kings the Style, State, and Compliments of Majesty, after the rude manner their Ancestors had been served in, himself in the mean time using the Roman fashions: so, as he seemed rather to tempt them by his Example, then compel them by any Law to do the like. The King that then ruled was this Meriadoc (whom the Romans called Marius) supposed to be the Son of the last King, whom to caress, they called Muegan, as much as to say the Freeman, which Compliment so irritated those under his Father's Colleague Galgacus (who were driven into the inaccessible parts of Scotland, and forced to endure all the miseries incident to a barren Soil and unwholesome Air, whilst t'other enjoyed all blessings but that of Liberty) that their Envy turned to as great an Animosity against him and his people, as against the Romans themselves, and from that very time, they wasted one another with alternate Incursions, till an Enemy, that neither of them dreamed of, broke in upon them, and did them more mischief than the Romans. The only Action we find this Marius engaged in, was that Expedition against the Picts (for by that Name continued the custom of going naked, and painting their body like their Ancestors, the Romans distinguished them from the civilised, i. e. the subjugated Britain's) wherein he proved so successful in several Battles, that the Romans, to encourage him and all his Successors, whom they designed as Tacitus tells us, to be Servitutis Instrumenta, erected a Stone as a Trophy of his victorious memory, by the Inscription of Marti Victoria, that hath lasted till of late years; the Glory whereof is denied him by some of our Modern Antiquaries, who with more Envy perhaps then Ignorance, ascribe it to Marius the Roman Consul, with as much reason as Lloyd the British Historian would have him to be that Murigus, on whom he fastens so many wonders; both he and they being confident, that in Relations at this distance, no man is of sufficient Authority to suppress any man's fancy, much less condemn it.  

COELIBELIN. date of accession 129   Attributed coat of arms of Coeli Belin: a crescent. THE good Fortune of Agricola in reducing the Britain's, proved most unfortunate to himself, while the jealous Tyrant his Master, thinking the mock Triumph he had made but a little before in Germany, was upbraided by the Fame of his real conquest here, recalled him out of ours, to send him of an Errand into another World; whereby the Britain's being left to themselves, to contest with the Picts (who had changed their Natures from the time they changed their Names, and become of Friends the most mortal Enemies) knew not how to resist the approaching storm, but were forced to give place, whiles they made themselves Masters of all the Country about Edinburgh: the news whereof being afterward brought to Adrian, when he was Emperor, he sent over Julius Severus, and purposed to follow himself in Person, to chastise the Insolence of the one, and the Cowardliness of the other: But Severus to render himself more grateful to the Britain's, and to show them that he had more of the Julius in his Nature, than the Severus, brought over with him this Coel, the Princeps Juventutis, whom he knew they longed to see, being the next of blood to the last King (some say his Son) whom the Romans called Calius; who under the colour of being sent for Breeding to Rome, had been kept there as an Hostage, from the time of Marius his first entering upon the Government: Long it was not before he had beaten back the Picts; but before he could make ready the Laurel to present to the Old Emperor his Master, he impatient of the Glory, was arrived in Person, who finding the Picts retired into their Fastnesses, very wisely depopulated all the Country round about, and so leaving out that which was not worth the trouble of keeping, he secured the rest by that wonderful Work called the Picts Wall. After this he established Coell in the Government over the Britain's, and appointed the Propraetor Licinius Prisons (whom he had purposely called from the Jewish Wars) to be assistant to him: by whose advice Coel set up a Municipal form of Government in all the Cities and great Towns, something like that of the Romans, and sent abroad Judges into the Country, with Commission of Oyer and Terminer, in all matters Criminal and Civil. Now because the People were of different Nations, and bred under different Laws, part Britain's, and part Romans, they observed this Rule, to punish all Romans by Roman Magistrates, all Britain's by British; only herein they gave respect to the Romans, to submit that all Process should be in Latin, which at first the Vulgar sort of Britain's could not well digest, because they understood nothing of it; but sympathy of Manners and continuation of Commerce introduced at last such an affection to the Language, that they became not only knowing in the Tongue, but very Critical in that knowledge, arriving at a degree of Eloquence and that led them to a perfection in the 
(g) Of which they were wholly Ignorant before.  Liberal Sciences, and in a very little time they were effeminated with all the Arts of that wanton Nation; but as bad causes many times produce good effects, so out of this Dunghill sprung that Flower the Luce, which garnished the Temples of the succeeding King, who meeting with an Age that affected new Notions, suffered himself to be carried away in the Crowd, till happily, and perhaps unexpectedly, he arrived at last at the Doctrine of Christianity.  

CYMBELIN. date of accession 156   Attributed coat of arms of Cymbelin: a cross. THE time ascribed by the British Historians to the 3 last Kings (if there be no mistake in the Computation) could take up no less than the Reigns of Six Emperors, Titus, Domitian, Nerva, Trajan, Adrian, and Antonius; the two first of which were perhaps more unkind to the Britain's then to any other of their Subjects; but the two next permitted them the benefit of their own Kings; the two last the privilege of their own Laws: but more beholding were they yet to the Emperor Aurelius, who, if he were not a real Christian (as some 
(h) H●linshed, lib. 5. cap. 9  Historians believe him to be) was yet (as 'tis reported of King Agrippa) almost persuaded to be so, in that he frankly privileged all those of that persuasion, and permitted this King to be the first professed Believer of any Prince in the World: whereupon his Countrymen changed his name of Cymbelin, into that of Levermawr, i. e. the Great Light, upon which the Romans called him Lucius; a Name that seems to have been written with the Beams of the Sun, to the Intent it might be legible throughout all the Ages of the World: in honour of which Emperor, the said King entitled the first Canons that ere he made, Leges Romanas & Casaris: Now however this was the first Christian King that ever was, not excepting (with reverence to the Writers of their Legend be it spoken) either 
(i) Abdia. Hist. Apost. lib. 9 Euseb. lib. 1. cap. 13.  Gundafer K. of India, converted by St. Thomas, or 
(k) Nicet Choniat. in Andron. Com. l. 2.  Abagar K. of Edessa, converted by Letters (as they say) from our Saviour himself: Yet we must not take the Aera of Christianity within this Isle, from the date of his Conversion: Since Gildas, whose Authority is not to be questioned, deduces it tempore summo Tiberii, which falls out not to be above five years after Christ's Passion; who, by the Dionysian Account, suffered in the eighteenth year of the Reign of that 
l) Whom Tertullian would have be thought a Christian himself, distinct. 80. c. in illis Clem. Prop.  Tyrant: However, those that think not fit to look so far back do yet admit presidenti Arvirago, and to this, even the Roman Historians, that lived near about the same time, give some probable Testimony; for what else can be understood by that strange 
(m) Lipsius interprets it Christianity.  Superstition of the Jews, wherewith 
(n) Sueton. vit. Ner.  Suetonius complains, that Pomponia, the Wife of A. Plantius' Lieutenant to Claudius, here was infected: Judaisme being thought by the Romans to differ from Christianity in Specie only; and most of our 
(o) Oildas, Simon Metaphrastes, Suriu●, Cambden, etc.  Antiquaries of the best Credit, do affirm St. Peter to have been preaching here near about the same time: So that the Conversion of Lucius may be esteemed rather happy then early, who meeting with such a calm season, as did not nip the Bud of his Devotion, before it was fully blown; it was no marvel (having taken root so long before) it sprung up so suddenly, if so be we may call that growth sudden, which yet risen by visible degrees, to that perfection it attained to in his time: for it is worthy the noting, how the Britain's, by Conversation with the Romans, became knowing first in the use of Arms, after in the practice of Arts and Sciences, natural, civil, moral and metaphisical: In Cunobelin's time they refined their Money: In the time of Marius they learned the Art of Fortifications: The last King before this Instructed them in the Rules of Philosophy; This in the Rudiments of Religion, reducing it after into practice, as divers of our Ecclesiastical Writers inform us, by establishing with his Royal Authority A. B. and Bishops in the Church, instead of those Flamens and Archflamins which were before in the Paganish Temples, wherein the British Church had the start of all other Christian Churches in the World, in point of honour, as well as Order: There being no Constat of so high a Title, as that of 
(p) Usher primord. Malmesbury.  Arch-Bish. in any of the Eastern Churches at that time; from whom, those of Rome, and all the Western Churches, had theirs many years after: which shows that his pious purpose was not to suffer Religion to lose any part of that State and Majesty, which might preserve the Reverence due to it, and accordingly he not only purged and prepared the great Pagan Temples, for the Service and Honour of Religion, but erected many particular Seminaries, quae Christianae pietatis extitere primordia, saith Polidor, endowing them at his own proper costs and charges: amongst the rest, I take that of Bangor to be as the first, so perhaps the 
(q) Containing no less than 300 Monks.  greatest Monastery, that ever was (I say not in this Isle only, but) in any part of the World; whose Foundation was laid so deep, that none of the Emperors in the Century following (who for the most part proved bloody Persecutors) could undermine it: The Religious continuing safe in the peaceful Exercise of their Devotions, till the Entrance of those cursed Pagans the Saxons, who sacrificed them all in one day. But as he was the first Christian, so he was unhappily the last King of this Class, who dying without Heir or Successor, left his Orphan Country, not only despairing of future Liberty, but subjected to all the present miseries a dejected people could suffer under the Oppression of a greedy, proud and cruel Nation, who kept faith with them no longer, then till they could find an Opportunity to do otherwise; being not content to command their Purses without they disposed of their Persons also, forcing them to serve in their ambitious Quarrels abroad, and to follow the Fortune of their several Factions, through all the disadvantages, that attended the injustice of their Arms, till wasted & wearied to that degree, as rendered them unable to defend themselves, they were necessitated to implore aid from those, who under colour of coming as Auxiliaries, proved of all others the most fatal Enemies, taking their Country from them, and from their Country its name.    

THE SECOND DYNASTY OF ROMANS.  

 Woodcut headpiece with an angel against a decorative pattern of grapes, vines and flowers. OF ROMANS.  
THE Romans (as most other Nations) were a People mixed Party per Pale, half Latins, and half Sabins; and so equally Incorporated, that the one gave name to the place they lived in, t'other to the People they lived with. Rome was the name of the City, Quirites the appellation of the Citizens. Some say the City was in the first place called 
(a) Aug. de Civit. Dei.  Febris, after the name of Febra the mother of Mars; Others suppose the Ancient name to be 
(b) Solinus.  Valentia, but 
(c) Pier. Hieroglyph. lib. 36.  Pierrius affirms from the testimony of Gergithias, that the primitive name was Cephalon a Gr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Caput, a name (saith he) occasionally given to it, out of respect to a man's head of incredible magnitude that was found at the digging up the foundation of the Capitol, or rather Prophetically given, as believing it would be the head City of the World. There are who affirm it had 
(d) Erithraeus ind. Virg. l. 11.  three names, the first Sovereign, which was that of Romethe; the Second Sacred, which was 
(e) Plut. Vit. Romuli calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Flore●.  Anthusa, as much as to say Flourishing; the third was Secret, as having never been published by any man (saith 
(f) Pliny lib. 3. Cap. 5.  Pliny) but once by Valerius Soranus, who for his bold Impiety (for so it was then Esteemed) was presently put to death; the Romans superstitiously believing (as all other Gentiles did at that time) that the good fortune of their City was involved in the name, the discovery whereof by the help of some Charms, might be a means to Rob them of their Tutelar Gods; and therefore to show that this name was not so much as to be enquired after, they made the Image of the Goddess Angerona (the presentative of the Genius of their City) with a 
(g) As Mussurius Sabinus, Varro, and others testify  Muffler on her mouth, to show that she might not speak. Something of the same conceit was questionless, the cause that Posterity is left at such a loss in seeking after the right name of this Isle of Ours, which seems to be rather concealed by the Druids, than unknown to them; when Caesar could neither by flattery or force extort the truth from them. Fabius Pictor tells us yet of another name that Rome had; to wit Amarillis, so called from Amaris a Trench to convey water, for that after they had Sacrificed to Vectumnius upon the overflow of the Argean Sea by Tiber, the water returned to his own Channel, and thence by Aquaducts was conveyed to the City.  
Thus it remains uncertain what the Original (not to say principal) name of this great City was, and more uncertain when it took that name. Some fetch the Aera thereof Ab A. M. 2389. others looking back to the year 2336. But most of the Vulgar Chronologers go no further than the year 3211. Some will have it called Rome from Roma, Daughter of Italus, King of the Aborigines; Others from Romanessa better known by the name of Saturn; Some again impute the honour to Romanus Son of Ulysses and Circe; and there are who contend for Romus the Son of Ematheon sent by Dyomede from Troy; but the Vulgar Tradition favours Romulus (which yet Plutarch that wrote his life acknowledges not) making him their Patronimick, who was by Birth a Bastard, and no otherwise a King than by Treachery; having laid the foundation of his greatness in the Blood of his Brother, and slain his Uncle to make way for his Grandfather. Thus these Romans that would be esteemed the most glorious People in the World, had this in Common with the most Barbarous and obscure Nations, that they came from such Springs as (running under ground) were not discoverable in many Ages after their first Rice; insomuch that they who would trace their Originals as far as they themselves could wish, or their Poets Feign, must stop at last at the Non ultra of the utmost bounds of Nature, where the rest of the Universe stands equal with them in all points.  
Now as Rome had its Sacred Name, so had it also its Sacred Number comprehended in that name, which answering to the Influences of those Constellations with which the Genius of their Nation kept Intelligence, actuated all their great designs and undertake. For as the Britain's were principally, if not wholly swayed by the Number Six (as all Nations in the World by some one number or another) so were they by that of Seven, which being of all other most like the Geometrical Square, may be said to be the most proper figure of Regulation. Seven Letters in the 
(h) Anthusa.  Mystical or Sacred name of their City before mentioned, as many in that of Romulus their supposed Founder, who (as Livy tells us) altered his mind seven times touching the place where he would have it Founded, and at last placed it upon seven Hills; afterwards he divided his Principality into seven Tribes, four Local, and three National; and when he came to distinguish betwixt the Nobility, and the Populacy, he differenced them by seven distinct Privileges.  
1. Jure 
(i) Sen●c. de benefic. lib. 3. Cap. 28. Eut. lib. 10.  formali, by the distinction of Habit, of which they had seven Sorts, ¹ Saga, ² Pretextae, ³ Angusticlavia, ⁴ Laticlavia, ⁵ Paludamenta, ⁶ Trabea, and ⁷ Chlamys; of these the Common People wore only the first Sort, which were Coats without Sleeves, the rest were worn only by Gentlemen and Noblemen, differenced according to their respective Dignities.  
2. Jure 
(k) A●l. G●ll. lib. 3. Cap. 16.  Petitionis, by the right of their Offices; for those that were Senators (as afterwards all Noblemen) had their Curules or blue Chariots, with a Chair placed in it to ride through the Streets; the Consuls being differenced by sitting in an Ivory Chair, whereas the rest were wood only.  
3. Jure 
(l) Senec. de benef. lib. 3. Cap. 18.  Imaginum, by the use of Images, which were the same things to them in point of honour and Ornament, as Eschocheons and Arms of Families are to us.  
4. Jure Gentilitiarum, by having names that were hereditary; for from the very time of the first League with the Sabins, it was agreed that the Romans should praefix Sabin Names, and the Sabins Roman, before that of their families names; which Prenomina being hereditary, were therefore called Gentilitia (whence came our word Gentlemen, for at that time no part of the World had taken up that Custom) now Tully tells us that these Gentiles were those Qui eodem inter se sunt nomine, i. e. Men of the same name; for the Common People were not permitted to call their Posterity by their own names, but were obliged to give their Children always new uncouth and unheard of names; which brought them under such contempt as if they had no names, but were (as Livy calls them) Sine nomine turba, a nameless Rabble. The original Gentiles or Leaguers of the Latin Stock, were the Fabii, descended from the Kings of the Aborigines, the Romuli, Julii, Junii, Surgii, Aurelii, Curatii, Horatij, Servitii Priscorum, who were of the Trojan Race, that came in with Aeneas at the Conquest of Italy: those of the Sabin Race were the Tatii, the Issue of King Tatius; the Pompilii (whereof the Pinarii, the Aemuli Mamurcenorum were younger branches) the Ancimartii, Claudii, Regilenses; the Tarquinii, Publicolae, Emilii, Aenobarbi; the Quintii Capitolinorum, and Cincinatorum; the Cornelii Scipiorum, and Lentulorum, these were all the ancient Leaguers: The Families of most note that sprung from them after they united and mixed together, were the Posthumii, Cossii, Survii, Sulpicii, Sempronii (of which the Gracchis were but a younger branch) the Fulvii, Flacci, Octavii, Mutii, Pompeii, etc. These I instance amongst many, because it was 
(m)  pat. per rescript. Dioclesian.  forbid the Common People under a great penalty to name their Children by any of these names, or indeed by any other name that had but a Sound like them, or like any name of a Gentleman.  
5. Jure Suffragii, by the difference of Places in all Public Conventions and Assemblies; where they had by the Law of Fulvia a very formal precedence given them, as we may see at large in 
(n) Lip. de Amphith. c. 14.  Lipsius and 
(o) Senec. de benef. lib. 3. cap. 28.  Seneca.  
6. Jure Connubii, for by the Law of the Twelve Tables it was forbid under the pain of Degradation for any of the Gentiles to match with a Plebeian.  
7. Lastly, they were distinguished, Jure Ordinis, according to their Titles of Honour, wherein they had also Seven gradations of different Styles; the lowest whereof was that of, Egregii, which were such as we properly call Gentlemen or Esquires; next them were the ² Perfectissimi, which were those of the Equestrian Order, as our Knights; then came the ³ Clarissimi, these were the Correctores or Praestas of Provinces much like to our Lord Lieutenants of Counties; the next above these were the ⁴ Spectabiles, a title proper only to Dukes and Counts Provincial; the ⁵ Illustres, such were all that had any voice in Senate, all Praefects, Magistri Equitum & Peditum, the Questores Palatii, the Comites Maritimi, which were as our Lord Admirals, and all Generals and Lieutenant Generals of Armies had the same Style; 
(p) C. Tit. de Feriis Epigr. L. quoniam.  ⁶ Nobilissimi, which some barbarous Lawyers of late (saith 
(q) Alciate dispunct. lib. 3. Com. 4.  Alciate) have changed (and as they think Elegantly) into Super-Illustres, which the modern more refinedly have rendered Serenissimi; this was appropriated only to Princes by birth, as were the 
(r) Seld. Tit. Hon. p. 285.  Caesars, or heirs apparent of the Empire, who were written Principes Juventutis; the Emperors took to themselves that of Divi, or ⁷ Augusti, which we at this day term Sacred. It is further observable that as Romulus was the first of seven Kings, so Kingship was the first of seven Orders of Government in that Commonwealth; for there were ¹ Reges, ² Patricii, ³ Tribuni, ⁴ Decemviri, 5 Dictatores, ⁶ Triumvirs, ⁷ Imperatores; the Last of which Titles cost no less than the Lives of seven times seven thousand Citizens; a Purchase so dear, that it had been impossible for any person to have persuaded them to submit to it, but such an one as had first slaughtered seven times seventy thousand Enemies, and subdued seven times seven Nations, as Caesar did (if they that writ his life say truth) before he offered this Violence to his Country and Friends. Again 'tis noted, that there was just seven hundred years spent betwixt Romulus the first King and Founder, and this Caesar the first Emperor and Confounder of the Commonwealth; and they that have taken the pairs to compute the years altogether from the time of the Birth to that of the Obsequies of this great State, have pointed out just seven Periods, which as the seven Ages of man, they have measured by the ¹ Beginning, ² Increase, ³ Confirmation, ⁴ Continuation, ⁵ Declination, ⁶ Degeneration, ⁷ Dissolution. From the Foundation to the Consulship of Brutus and Tarqvinius Colatinus, is reckoned the first Age, consisting of two hundred and twenty years, or thereabouts, which we may call its ¹ Infancy: the time from thence to the beginning of the second Carthaginian War, which took up two hundred and fifty years more, may be call d its ² Adolescence: the time from that War (which happened in the Consulship of Ap. Claudius the Bold) to the Dictatorship of Caesar, being two hundred and twenty years more, we may call its ³ Youth; Augustus' his Reign passes for its Prime or ⁴ Full Age, continuing so near three hundred years; from the time of Gallenus the thirty third Emperor was a sensible ⁵ Declination, unto the time of Arcadius and Honorius, which was about two hundred and thirteen years more; the time from theirs to the Death of Maximus, who slew Valentinian the Third, looked like its ⁶ Dote Age; in which it laboured with many infirmities, and grew burdensome to its self, languishing so fast, that it was much it could hold out after so many Convulsion fits as it had, unto to Augustulus, in whose time it may be said to give up the Ghost and ⁷ Dissolve.  
Thus lived and died this mighty State, that once was Empress of the World, having brought under its obedience most of the Great and known Nations, forcing them to write the Indentures of their Vassalage in their own Blood: amongst the many whereof that were so unfortunately fortunate as to be at the same time subdued and Civilised, was this of Britain (if so be it may not rather be said to be won than overcome, neither submitting to the Roman People, nor their Laws, as other Provinces that fell under the superintendency of the Senate) which being taken by particular Capitulation, Inter sacra Patrimonia, to be under the dictation of the Emperor himself, they sent for the most part none but Caesar's to keep the Possession of it; which Possession was yet very uncertain, from the time of the Death of Lucius, till the Birth of Constantine (therefore surnamed the Great, because the Britain's Voluntarily submitted to him as their Native Prince) whose Father by his gentle carriage prevailed with the People to stand still (like beasts stroked) till he put that Yoke about their necks, which kept them down, without any possibility of Resistance after; before whose time the Government was rudely divided into 
(s) Dion. Cass. lib. 55.  two parts, i. e. Partem Maritimam discovered by Caesar, and Partem Interiorem subdued by Claudius: these two Constantine divided into 
(t)  pat. notitia.  three parts, or as 
(u) Burt. Ant. I●●n. Brit. pag. 11.  Burton (who affirms Cambden to be mistaken by a false Copy of Sextus Rufus) would have us to believe into four, contrary to the Constat of the Notitia, which reckons but three; to each of which he appointed a Rector, under the Superintendency of one Vicar General, which was the 
(w) Marcelin. lib. 28.  Provost of Gaul; two of these Rectors were Consular, the third Presidial, to whom was committed the care of Civil affairs: the Martial were managed by three 
(x)  Pat. per breviar. Theodos.  Lieutenants Generals, the one entitled Comes Britannicus, who had the Guard of the Northern part of the Isle, against the Picts; the second was Comes Maritimi Tractus, he had the charge of the Sea Ports and Stores, not much unlike Our Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports; or rather as some think Lord Admiral, against the Northern Rovers, that began to be very troublesome about that time: The middle and Western parts were under the Command of one that was styled Dux Britanniae, being indeed Generalissimo over the whole. The Ecclesiastical Polity was suited to that of the Civil, and Military; there being as many Arch-Bishops as Consular Deputies, each having under his Jurisdiction a Competent number of Suffragans or Provincials: and for the better order, the Lawyers were under one Precedent, the Soldiers under one Provost, the Clergy under one Patriarch; this form held near a hundred and fifty years, till the Dukes of Britain (who as I observed before had the General Charge of the whole, under the Emperor) casting off their Allegiance, provoked Flau. Valentinian (who by the care and diligence of his Lieutenant Flau. Theodotius had got the Reins into his own hands) to make some Alteration suitable to his own humour, who cutting one part into two, made five parts of the whole, and new named them ¹ Britannia prima, ² Britannia secunda, ³ Max. Caesariensis, ⁴ Valentia, and ⁵ Flavia. This dividend continued as long as the Romans had any thing to do here, whose Domination holding not above thirty years after, we may account the whole date of their Government to have lasted about four hundred sixty two years, reckoning from the time of J. Cesar's first landing, to the time Honorius by his mandatory letters cleared the land. In which tract of time, 'tis incredible how much they beautified this little spot of Earth, with rare Structures and buildings, not inferior (saith Cambden) to any of those in Italy, France or Spain; 
(y) Bede lib. 1 Cap. 1.  Decorata bis denis bisque quaternis Civitatibus (by which must be understood 
(z) Gildas so calls them.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cities of principal note) praeter Castella innumera, quae & ipsa muris, turribus, portis, ac Seris erant instructa firmissimis (saith Bede.) Add to this, that they repaired those ruinated Causeys, built by the Ancient Britain's, cross the whole Isle, laying the Lines of new Roads in other places through the most fruitful and habitable part of the Country to all the great Towns of Trade, and Cities, avoiding such places as were pestered with savage beasts, or men more dangerous than they; neither spared they any cost in wanton as well as necessary works, building magnificent Thermes, pleasant Aquaducts, Grotts, Tesselated pavements, entire Columns, hierogliphical Obelisks, Pyramids, and structures of all Sorts, that might conduce to ease, ornament, greatness or pleasure; witness the stupendious Ruins of many of those monuments of theirs, not less the wonder than the delight of the beholders to this day; by all which it appears to have been both the Glory and Security of the Britain's, to have had so many Roman Colonies planted amongst them; not only in that 'tis more than probable (by what followed after) that they had been wholly unpeopled, had a ruder and less noble Enemy broke in upon them, but in respect to the advantage of being brought into the Society of a Civil Conversation, by nearer ways, and such as had been impossible for them to have found out: whereby they were led to an affectation of glory, the natural incentive to all virtue, which however some that would be thought Politicians interpret an Effect of their Bondage, and Servitude, was so much the more grateful a loss, by how much the Liberty they exchanged for it, was the worst sort of Licentiousness: but that which Counterpoizes the parting from Life, Liberty, Estate, Reputation, or what ever else might be dear or desirable, was that inestimable Treasure of Christianity (for which they principally, if not only stood indebted to the Romans) which singly and alone weighs down the consideration of any natural, civil or mo●al sufferings; and that which gives us cause to believe that they themselves who lived at that time, were of this opinion, is the reciprocality of affection betwixt the Conquerors and the Conquered, being such, that they who had but a little before mingled blood in the Field, did not long after do the same in their Families, mixing names almost as soon as they had mixed Nat●ons, the Romans glorying more in their British Cognomens' then in those more glorious ones of their own, some being pleased to denominate themselves from the places where they lived, others from the places where they had fought, most from the Charges they had born here; every one taking occasion from some one cause or another to let hi● friends at home know what value he had for his friends here: To say truth, this was the darling Plantation, and that which therefore they would have called 
(*) Prosper. Aquitan.  Romania i. e. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Roman Island, as the Spaniards since have had their nova Hispania, the French their nova Francia, and We Our new England; neither were the Britain's so sullen as not to join in this Sympathy of respect, their Princes changing their uncouth names of Guineath, Arviradoc, Meuriadoc or Meurig, and Levermawr, into Guiderius, Arviragus, Marius, Lucius, etc. And as the Princes, so each great man (Regis ad exemplum) putting himself into the Roman Fashion, Latinized his name to advance the Sound, as appears by the names of many Noble Families yet extant amongst us, possibly derived from those times, as Carry, Lucy, Savill, Constantine, Martin, Pyndar, Crispin, Corbet, Cecil, Gorges, Clode, Flavell, etc. The Britain's generally complying so far, that as if they had really designed to be one Nation with them, they equally engaged in all their unequal fiends, fight for them abroad till they had wasted more Blood, than they had lost in fight before against them at home, whereby they were left so weak, after the Romans left them to themselves, that it is no marvel they were so soon overcome by an Enemy seemingly less Puissant than themselves, falling under a second Conquest, so much worse than the former, by how much those that overcame them, fought not (as the Romans) for Domination, but for their Dominions, thrusting them out as they overthrew them till the mischief became incurable.   

 Woodcut headpiece with a decorative pattern of archers and hunting dogs. I. CLASS OF ROMANS. 

Caesar, I. An. M. 3928.  
Claudius, A. C. An. M. 43.  
Adrianus, An. M. 123.  
Pertinax, An. Ch. 184.  
Severus, An. Ch. 211.  
Bassianus, An. Ch. 214.    
CAESAR I. date of accession 3928   Attributed coat of arms of Julis Caesar: an eagle displayed. 
No sooner was he departed from their Coast, but the Britain's departed from their Faith, probably believing they had so baffled his Expectation, in the meanness of the Spoils he carried hence, that the empty consideration of Glory, would not have been sufficient incitation to have tempted him to repeat the danger of the Seas he had so lately passed: But they found themselves deceived in the measure they took of his Ambition: For the next Spring he returned upon them, with a Countenance of having perfectly recovered his Strength; and by his Presence only, struck such a terror into them, that however Heaven seemed to take part with them, as formerly, and charged him the second time in his Rear, while they stood ready to charge him in the front; notwithstanding, I say, this Encouragement given them by Divine assistance, they had not the Faith (I am loath to say not the Courage) to strike one stroke: But showing their Fears to be as wide dispersed as their Forces, submitted to a perpetual Tribute, which I take to be the first Foundation of his perpetual Dictatorship, the highest honour the Roman State could give him, although the most fatal, in that there was nothing beyond it, but what was immortal, to which the Senate not long after made his great Soul a passage by twenty three wounds: rendering him more glorious (if possible) in death, than life; whilst all the World stood amazed, to see the Fall of the first Emperor, like the fall of the first King of the Romans, given by the hands of those that supported him; herein only had Caesar the better of Romulus, as well as of his Parallel Alexander, that he left his Name to his Successors, which neither of them two did.   Attributed coat of arms of the Emperor Claudius: an eagle displayed.  Attributed coat of arms of the Emperor Hadrian: an eagle displayed. 

PERTINAX. date of accession 184  IT hath been a Question, Whether Fortune be not born with a man as other Qualities; since, like an Inchantation, it overrules his Actions by something, which what it is, is not known unto himself; and there seems to be some Resolve of it in the unexpected greatness of this Emperor, the next that came over in person hither; who was raised out of nothing, to become nothing almost as soon as he was raised: A Person inferior to many in blood, equalled by as many in parts, backed with little or no alliance, qualified but with an ordinary Education; first a Pedagogue, than a Petty fogger; naturally so dull and stubborn that his Father gave him thereupon this Surname of Pertinax, which we may English Blockhead. Yet being called from the Courts where he used to plead, to the Camp, he discovered so extraordinary a Courage, acquitting himself so well in all, but especially the Parthian Wars, that he was sent over as Admiral into Britain; and afterwards called into the Senate by Commodus, then made Governor of Assyria and Asia: And lastly, when the Legions here in Britain began to Mutiny, he was the only man pitched upon by the Tyrant to curb their Insolence; wherein as he proceeded more like a Pedant then a Prater, causing divers of the Principal Officers to be whipped, as if they had been his Boy's, and he their Schoolmaster, so he incensed them to that degree, that they fell upon him (as Boy's often do upon those unreasonable Corregidores) and without any reverence had to his Authority or Age, knocked him down dead (as they supposed) from his Horse; whence recovering again by a strange Resurrection (Fortune having reserved him for more honourable Adventures) he prevailed so far over most of the men that would have taken away his, as to bring them to lay down their lives, against the Common Enemy, making them instrumental, whiles they became their own Executioners, to put into his hands a notable Victory over the Picts, who had by this time broke down part of the great Wall, and entering at the Breach, Sacked the Country round about: The Defeat he gave then, got him the Title of Britannicus, and made him so Popular ever after, that the Conspirators, who plucked his Master from the Throne, designing to defend that bad action by a better choice, set him up in the room. However, he either not trusting their groundless kindness, or distrusting rather the Power of those that were to come next after him, made it his first work to break down the stairs by which he ascended: But by the same way he thought to preserve, he lost his Life and Empire; for they whom he intended to fling down, laying hold (as I may say) on him, plucked him down with them, and so perished all together.   Attributed coat of arms of the Empreror Septimus Severus: an eagle displayed.  Attributed coat of arms of the Emperor Caracalla (Bassianus): an eagle displayed.  

 Woodcut headpiece with a decorative pattern of archers and hunting dogs. II. CLASS OF ROMANS. 

Constantius Chlorus, An. Ch. 304.  
Constantinus Mag. An. Ch. 308.  
Constantinus II. An. Ch. 381.  
Clemens Max. An. Ch. 401.  
Gratianus, An. Ch. 401.  
Constantinus III. An. Ch. 401.    
CONSTANTIUS CHLORUS date of accession 304   Attributed coat of arms of the Emperor Constantius Chlorus: an eagle displayed. 
During his Government (whether we may ascribe it as a good effect of a bad cause, to the continued troubles for so many years before, that had quite tired out both sides; or to the more peaceable inclinations of the Picts, become less turbulent, since they became Christians; or to the universal contentment of the Britain's, who were well pleased to see one appointed to rule over them, that had some of their own blood in his veins, I know not) it so fell out, that there was no great occasion of Action: so that those that writ his Life, have chose rather to transmit to us a Character of his Person, than set down any Constat of his Government, leaving us by the excellency of his temper, to guests at that of the times, who though he was himself not Christian, and which was more, Colleague with one that was a great persecutor of them, did not only this good, that he did them no hurt, but was so far a positive benefactor to them, as to permit, if not encourage, the open profession of their Faith: Testified by many notable works of piety, that were reared under his permission, giving the World a true measure of his own, by what he took of others virtue, in that excellent Apothegm of his, That whosoever was false to his God, could not be true to his Prince. This benign clemency of his being crowned with this blessing, above all the Emperors that were before him, that he only died a dry death, and with this, above all that came after him to be so superlatively beloved, that he seemed to live even after he was dead, the Britain's endeavouring to eternize his memory, by preserving his ashes in a Cell, that was for many hundred years after famed for a burning Lamp, made (as some think) of liquid Gold, artificially dissolved into an unctuous substance, which (not without great wonder, or perhaps a miracle) continued its light even to latter Ages, to denote to posterity to whom they were first beholding for that sacred light, which hath continued ever since, whereof his own Son was the first professed adorer.   Attributed coat of arms of the Emperor Constantine the Great: a double-headed eagle displayed, a Chi-Rho on an escutcheon. 
Being now Lord of no less than one hundred and twenty Provinces, each large enough to make a Kingdom, he reduced them into fourteen Dioceses (as he called them) seven of which were in the East, seven in the West. These were under the Government of four particular Precedents; the first entitled, Praefectus Pratorio Italia, who had under him Rome, Italy, and afric: The second called, Praefectus Praetorio Galliarum, had under him France, Spain, and Britain: The third styled, Praefectus Praetorio Orientis, had Egypt the Orient, properly so called, Asia, Pontus, and Thrace: The fourth was, Praefectus Praetorio Illyrici, who had Illyricum, Macedon, and Dacia. Every one of these Praeiects had particular Governors of Cities under them, which were styled, Defensores Civitatum, and in every City where they resided was a Bishop, and answerable to the Governors of Provinces, or Vicars-General, there were appointed Metropolitans, and for every Diocese where the Praetor kept his Court, there was a Primate residing, from whom there could be no Appeal. The Emperor himself styled himself, Defensor fidei, having in him both the Temporal and Spiritual Power; his Imperial residence was at Byzantium in Thrace, from him called Constantinople, which being so remote from the Western Provinces, that it left them under a sensible declination of their wealth and glory, he neither could settle the incertain obedience of those that owned him, nor check the insolence of those that did not, but was forced to trust all to the fortune and fortitude of his Lieutenants, who regarding their own interests more than his honour, so fought against all revolters, as to leave a continued necessity of fight, as long as there was any thing left to make War for. But amongst those that took his absence most to heart, were those of Britain, who finding themselves unsufferably oppressed by Pacatianus, who was appointed Deputy here to the Praefect of Gallia , set up a Governor of their own, whereof he had no sooner notice, but to make some show of honouring them with a particular regard, as the Country to which he was indebted, if not for his 
(c) Hen. Hunting. hist. lib. 1. in Cistit. Harding Chron. c. 63. f. 50.  own, yet for the birth of his honour, he sent over to them his eldest Son Constantine, whom he had declared Caesar, to whom, upon the division he made afterwards of the whole betwixt his three Sons, he bequeathed this Isle, with the addition of France, Spain, and some part of Germany, as the best Inheritance he could leave to him.   Attributed coat of arms of the Emperor Constantine II: a double-headed eagle displayed.  Attributed coat of arms of the Emperor Magnus Maximus: a double-headed eagle displayed.  Attributed coat of arms of the Emperor Gratian: a double-headed eagle displayed.  Attributed coat of arms of the Emperor Constantine III: a double-headed eagle displayed. 
The hopes conceived of him at his Election were very great, nor was the beginning of his Undertake unsuitable to that Expectation: For in the first place he cleared himself of all his homebred Enemies, the Picts, who though they gave him rather a trouble then a War, yet were more terrible than a Nobler Enemy, in that they were not only ravenous, but restless: like Fleas, which though they sting not as Bees, have yet venom enough to make those insensible wounds they give very visible: and having secured the Country against them, he carried the War beyond the Seas, with so good success, that it was not long ere he spread his Wings from the Rhine to the Mediterranean: And having fixed his Imperial Seat at Arles (which after his own Name was thereupon called Constantina) he gave the Government of Spain to his eldest Son Constance, with the Title of Caesar; making his second Son Julian (styled thereupon Nobilissimus) Lord Lieutenant of Britain, whilst he kept France in his own hands. Thus far Fortune seemed to give consent to the People's choice of this man: but as those who arrive at unusual heights grow giddy, and fearful of falling, not being able to look down the Precipice, over which they stand; so happened it to him, who, however made great for his courage, was by his Greatness made so very a Coward, that upon the first report of the Emperor Honorius his advance against him, he proffered to submit to Mercy, basely excusing his Arrogance, by an Apology that betrayed his Ignorance, pretending he was compelled by his Countrymen to take that honour upon him; by which pretended innocence, as he showed himself more guilty, so he instructed Honorius what he ought to do, by showing him what he might do; or rather by what he might do, betraying what he feared he would do to him: who accordingly first took the Diadem from his Head, and then his Head from his Shoulders; and having a little before surprised his Son Constance, in his return from that Court, he sent Victorinus into Britain to apprehend the other Son Julian, who finding the Picts had been aforehand, having not only killed the young Springal, but overrun the Country, beyond any seeming possibility of being beat out again, did not only retire himself, but by the advice of Gallio, his Lieutenant General, drew off every one of his Countrymen out of the Isle, not leaving so much as one Family (if we may credit Gildas) of all the vast numbers that had been planted here, for the space of near five hundred years, whereby the Britain's were left in so great distress, that for fifty years after they lived the lives of Beasts, rather than Men, in desert Woods and Mountains, where tired with flight, or vanquished with Famine, they languished under the oppression of their boundless liberty, whilst each preyed upon the other with such uncontrolled violence, as made every one as terrible to his Neighbour as his Enemy was to him: This brought them under the necessity of choosing another King, who proving as careless of the common danger, as he was inapprehensive of his own, ruin'd them irrecoverably, by the same means he hoped to have preserved them, trusting to the assistance of a Foreign Nation, that did them more mischief by being their Friends, than it had been possible for them to have done by being (as but a little before they were) their professed Enemies.   

 Woodcut headpiece with a decorative pattern of archers and hunting dogs. I. CLASS OF BRITONESES. 

Vortigern, An. Ch. 446.  
A. Ambrose, An. Ch. 481.  
Uter Pendragon, An. Ch. 498.  
Arthur, An. Ch. 517.  
Constantine, An. Ch. 543.  
Caridic, An. Ch. 586.    
VORTIGERN date of accession 446   Attributed coat of arms of Vortigern: a cross and four lions rampant. 
Great were the hopes conceived of this Prince his Virtue, greater those of his Fortune; whilst being both a Christian and a Chieftain of so high note, no man could doubt his Power that did not distrust his Courage: But standing single and alone, like a high Tree upon a large Plain, it was not in the power of Fate to keep him from being blown down. Neither was it so great a wonder that he should fall (being exposed as he was to such lasting Storms of Hostility) as that his Son VORTIMER should so overtop him, who rising like a dwarfed Plant out of a Thicket of Brambles (for his whole Reign was as one continued Battle of twelve Years) grew so crooked, in making his way out, that it was not likely he should attain to any considerable height; having this necessity added to the rest of his unhappiness, that by the same means he expected to be Great, he was obliged to be Impious: The regard he pretended to have to his Country, being so incompatible with that due to his Father, that nothing but his own could have prevented his Father's death.  
This Vortigern foreseeing by instinct of Majesty (that is, a compound of Fear, Jealousy, and Power) and being naturally prone to fear his Friends more than his Enemies, he took advantage of the common danger to prevent his own, and with like rashness, as that which Court flatterers call Resolution in Princes, he called in Nine thousand Foreigners to his Assistance of the English Nation: A race of People, at that time grown so terrible even to the Romans themselves, that their very Name made them way to Victory: with these he pretended to subdue the Picts, but intended to correct the Insolence and Envy of his Domestic Foes. Their Leader was one Engist, a politic Prince, who to make his conquest sure, brought along with him a fair young Daughter to be partaker of his Glory, by reducing the amorous King under her power, whiles he brought the clamorous People under his; the weakness of both the one and the other being so notoriously known, that he concluded him as little able to stand against her, as they to withstand him; neither was he deceived in the conjecture, the power of her Charms being so resistless, that it was not long before the fascinated King repudiated his Christian Wife, to espouse her that was a Pagan.  
This, as it aggravated the offence generally taken by his People, so it particularly provoked his Son Vortimer to lay aside all obligations of Affection and Duty; who neither respecting him as a Father, not as a King, punished his sin (seemingly against Nature as well as Reason) by a judgement no less strange and inhuman, commanding that he should at once be deprived of life and honour, by putting him into that condition, as made them equally burdensome to him, whiles he was immured betwixt two Walls within the narrow confines of such a dismal Dungeon, as seeming like, was yet so much worse than a Grave, as the present shame and scorn worse than death.  
Thus he continued dying all the time of his Son's life, but he being slain by the Saxons, by a rare accident in the fortune of Princes, he recovered not only his Liberty, and with it his Understanding, but so far repossessed himself of the affections of the People (who naturally incline to pity men in misery, and much more their Prince) that believing him thoroughly sensible of his error, and encouraged by his Example, they set upon the Saxons unanimously, and began a War that every body believed wou●d have ended even when it began, being so merciless and bloody on both sides, that 'tis no little wonder how they found matter for their cruelty, since equal force meeting with equal courage, neither Nation yielding, both must be destroyed.  
So fierce indeed was the execution on either side, that Victory delighting in mischief, seemed to hover over both Armies, as not resolved which deserved best of her. The Britain's strove to shut the door of Invasion; the Saxons fought to keep it open; and as long as they were upon even terms, the Britain's grappled desperately with them: But the Saxons having possessed themselves of several Ports, by which they received continual recruits out of their own Country, they not only tired out all those that lived nearest the danger, but (which was yet more dangerous) by picking one Arrow out of the Sheaf, hazarded the falling out of all the rest: for the gaining Kent made their way into Sussex, the possession of that gave them admission into Suffolk and Norfolk; the loss of those lost the North: And in the end Vortigern too late finding how he was involved in the misery of his own folly, not more confounded with sorrow than shame, retired first into Cornwall, after into Wales, where he died as unpitied as he was miserable.   Attributed coat of arms of Ambrosius: an embattled cross and four crowns. 
This extremity beat Vortigern off from his first confidence, and mortified him so far, that he was content to give up a third part of his Dominions, that he might quietly enjoy the rest. But as the pouring Water upon Fire, if it do not utterly quench, raises the flame higher; so what he gave, contributed so little to the satisfaction of their Avarice, and so much less to that of their Ambition, that it served only to increase their desire of having more; and to draw them on from one Proposal to another, till they had so far wasted and weakened him in Reputation and Power, that another Enemy seemingly less considerable, was emboldened to put in his claim for the rest. This was the present King, who being a Prince of the same stock, I cannot say of the same temper, justled him out of the Throne at the first shock, and finding him reeling, pressed so hard upon him, that his fall made a greater noise than his rise.  
With this Aurelius Ambrose came over his Brother Uter, a Prince very early in action, and for his fierceness surnamed Pendragon: to these the People as willingly opened their Purses as their Ports; so that like two young Eagles, being upon the wing, they took their slight several ways, each to prey for himself, where ere they could find their Quarry. Ambrose set upon the Saxons, whiles Uter sought out Vortigern. This brought a fourth pretender into the list, as forward and fortunate as either of them: who had he been as skilful to keep, as he was to get a Victory, he might possibly by turning Fortune round, have made her so giddy, that she could not in a short time have been able to bear up as after she did, and fix herself upon one side: This was Pascentius the second Son of Vortigern, who moved with like Zeal to preserve his Father, as his elder Brother was to preserve his Country, joined with the Saxons, and set upon Ambrose, to divert Uter, and if possible, to have contracted the War into a narrower room, at that place now called Aymesbury, but in the first place Ambrosebury, in memory of K. Ambrose his being slain there, where they met with so like assurance, and not unlike courage, that the hopes on either side seemed evenly poised: But the Battle ending with the lives of the two great Undertakers, Ambrose and Pascentius, the one just ready to step into the Throne, the other not well fixed in it; who went into the other World, with a sufficient train of Followers to show what rank they held in this. Uter entered not only without resistance, but without a Rival, which added no less to his Greatness then to his Security.   Attributed coat of arms of Uther Pendragon: a leopard rampant reguardant. 
This one would have thought had been sufficient to have unravelled all his Glory, and to have rendered him not only lost to all the World, but to himself too: But as the Palmtree is therefore figurative of Victory, because the more it is depressed, the stronger it bears up against the weight is laid upon it; so he, less sensible of his own, than his Army's weakness, caused himself to be carried in his Litter to them, and that unexpected conquest of his own infirmities, so animated their activity, that finding they must either leave all their Bodies dead upon the place, or his, in case they did not make themselves Masters of the Day, they tarried not to expect the Assault, but gave it: whereby turning the surprise upon the other side, they slew Ten thousand of their best men, and forced the rest to seek safeguard under the protection of their new landed Forces, who taught by the experience of former Battles lost, how necessary 'tis to join to Courage caution, had strongly fortified themselves within an inaccessible Rampart, which he endeavouring to force, lost his Victory as unexpectedly as he got it, and with it his own, amongst many other lives, falling like the fierce Creature from which he took his Name, whose Image 'tis thought he bore upon his Shield, to show his descent from the Roman Emperors, as our Kings since have continued it amongst the Royal Banners of England, to show their descent from him.   Attributed coat of arms of King Arthur: a cross bottony.  Attributed coat of arms of Constantine: 15 bezants in pile.  Attributed coat of arms of Careticus: a leopard rampant reguardant.   

THE THIRD DYNASTY OF ENGLISH.  

 Woodcut headpiece with an angel against a decorative pattern of grapes, vines and flowers. OF ENGLISH.  
SUccessors to the Romans were the English, a People of so ancient an Extract, that he that will trace their Original, must follow it (as Berosus doth) into the Flood; for as they were ever famous by Sea, so they deduce their Pedigree from the Universal Deluge. 
(a) Whom the ●ermans worshipped for their God of War, as the Romans Mars.  Woden their Common Ancestor, being descended in a direct Line from 
(b) From whom the Germane Language is called the Tentonick.  Theutones, the Grandchild or 
(c) Lanquet.  Gambrivius (the first Inventor of good Ale and Beer, which they have loved but too well ever since) he was the third in descent from 
(d) From whom they were called Germans.  Manus, Son of 
(e) From whom the Germane Language came to be called the Twitch or Touch Tongue.  Tuisco, the eldest Son of Gomer, the first Son of Japhet, third Son of Noah, whom Moses remembers by the name of Aschenaz, from whom the Hebrews call the Germans, 
(f) Illust. Poliolb. fol. 70.  Aschenims.  
Thus their own Records will have them to be some of the most renowned Relics of the Old World, however Tacitus (who began to live near about the time Christ died) by what misunderstanding I know not, makes no mention of them, otherwise than under the Common Name of Cimbri: But probable 'tis, that in respect they possessed that part of Germany, which lies betwixt the Rhine and the River Albis, over which the Romans never passed, being by 
(g) Ptol. lib. 5. c. 18.  Ptolomey's Reckoning near a third part of the whole, he had not the good hap to attain to any near acquaintance with them.  
At their first Arrival here, they designed to change the Name of Britain into Nova Saxonia, or rather Saxonia Transmarina, they themselves passing under the general Name of Saxons, so called from their 
(h) Lipsius.  Seai●es, a sort of short Swords, or rather long Knives, that they wore under their Arming Coats. So much more remarkable amongst the unadvised Britain's, in that they made a most fatal Proof of the dangerous use of them, by the loss of no less than three hundred Lives at one Interview, amongst whom were divers of the best Quality of their Nation, who were inhumanely butchered at a Parley, where they met unarmed, in that desert place now called Stonenge in Wiltshire, by some supposed to be the Monument of that days Treachery, for which there can be no excuse but that of the Poet, — Virtus, an dolus, quis in Host requirat? But after they got the entire possession of the whole, they changed their minds, and as some say, in honour of Engist the first Invader, they turned the Name of Britain into Engistland, or as others say, complying with the Angles, (the greatest People amongst them) called it Anglelond, which since we term England.  
They were divided into three distinct Tribes, differing as in Country, so in Name: The first call d JUTES, or (as Bede calls them) VITES; these before they came hither, inhabited the Mountains that divide Germany from Italy in the first place, and afterwards fixed themselves in the Cimbrian Cbersoness, since called Juitland; their portion here was most of the South part of the Isle (being thereupon termed South-sex) toward that Island which from them was called the Isle of Vites or Wight. The second Tribe was called ANGLES, who possessing the South part of the Chersoness, gave name to the Town of Angolen: These were the greatest Scept both for fame and power, who taking up much of the East, all the North, and most of the Northwest part of this Isle, being four parts of seven in the whole; the rest took its denomination from them, and fell under the general appellation of 
(i) Which in the Ventonick Tongue signifies the S●aight or Narrow Land.  Angleland or England. The third Tribe which afterwards devorred the other two, were those most properly called Saxons, and for distinction sake from the rest of their own Country, 
(k) A● Holiz, quod & Silv●● & Lig●●● sig●●ficat.  HOLY SAXONS, in respect of their woody Country: Since the Dukedom of Holstein, in the very neck of the Chersoness, where it joins to Germany: their Territories here in England were the South and West parts of the Isle, whereupon they were termed West- Saxons.  
Now as they arrived not all at once, so neither all at one place, each General waiting till Fortune made him way, by which means landing in several parts of the Isle, they tired out the Natives with frequent slaughters; and to raise the fame of their Conquest the higher, they so timed their ambition, as if they would have posterity believe, they had won a Kingdom for every day in the Week, setting up as many distinct Monarchies, as they had Letters in the 
(l) SAXONIA.  name of their own Country.  
This Heptarchy of theirs was form after the ancient optimical model of Government, used by most of the Northern Nations of the World; amongst whom the right of Sovereignty was not measured by any Line of Descent from Royal Progenitors, but considered according to the primitive 
(m) Virtut● l●●● a●tio.  Rule of virtue, set up by the Stoics, wherein that of Fortirude had the start in point of esteem and reputation of all other good Qualities whatsoever, as being the most useful for those active times, none being admitted to the trust of Governing, but such whose Swords had made them passage to that honour, through the bowels of Fame; these therefore they styled Cyning or Koninghz, each of these titles signifying men of power and spirit, conduct and courage. And as these good Qualities made the people first in love with them, so it made them themselves so far in love with the way of their own preferment, as to prefer it before all other, affecting more adopted than natural Sons, and not seldom nominating such for their Successors, in case of minority as well as deficiency, as were nearer them in proficiency of parts, than proximity of blood.  
This however it seemed most unnaturally natural (for that 'tis observed, inocculated Grafts prove better than those which spring out of the S●ock) introduced such a kind of co-equality betwixt the Kings, and those of the first rank of their Subjects, that they that were nearest to the Throne, often took the boldness to step in first, till by frequent Usurpations, the power of Majesty was so checked, that though there were some one or other all the time of the Heptarchy, who for dignity sake had the Prerogative to be styled Rex Anglorum, (which was no less than Rex Regum at that time) as much as to say, King of all the rest of the Kings, yet not any one of these Monarches were able to effect any such entire Consociation for the security of the whole, as to settle any one form or order of Law currant amongst them, till Alfrid (more Majorum) after the custom of his Ancestors, the Germans, did (as Tacitus testifies of them) Jura per Pagos reddere, every County till his time, holding their Customs apart, as they had received from those Roytelets, their particular Founders, without the obligation to any universal Law but what was Canonical; which was not the least cause they laboured so long in vain, under the various pressures of envy, necessity and chance, being driven to and fro like the Sea, from whence they first came, (the nature of which restless Element is to lose ground in one place as it gets in another) and urged with alternate Revolutions, after they had lost all their Interest in their own Country, to be in hazard of being irrecoverably lost here, whilst they were forced to maintain a War against the Britain's, their common Foe, the Danes, their accidental Foe, and themselves, the intestine Foe, and therefore the most dangerous, by how much they themselves made the breach, at which the other entered, who watching his time (as the Ichnewmon that creeps into the mouth of the Crocodile, whilst he is gaping to devour his prey) made a passage through their bowels, before they could swallow up the Britain's, and gain an entire conquest over them.  
This looked like a judgement inflicted upon them, by that Nemesis, that was the just revenger of the Britain's wrongs; to whom they were of all others the most pernicious enemies; for contrary to the practice and policy of those that were before them, as well as of those that came after them, they refused all commerce, communion, or mixture with them, extinguished their Religion totally, silenced their Laws, rejected their Language, and in conclusion took from them their very Name, as well as their Country. Neither stopped they here, but dissolving all regard, rendered Barbarism wholly triumphant, whilst fury and ignorance met in conjunction. In fine, being irreconcilable to whatever could be called civil or sacred, they not only took from the Men their Lives, from the Women their Honour, from both their Liberty, but defaced all Monuments, devoted to piety or peace; and if they did not wholly demolish them, yet they profaned the holy things, not seldom sacrificing the Sacrificers upon their own Altar. And which made the Persecution the more dreadful, was, that it was not to be pacified by any Offering or prayers, for one hundred and fifty years together, so far as to have the least regard to Sex, Age, Degree, Quality, or Relation whatever, till their brutish spirits were quite tired out with continual slaughters and butcheries.  
But after that light which shineth in darkness, guided them to the knowledge of that blessed Truth, whose meekness miraculously allayed their rough natures, they became so flexible and obedient to the principles of their new Faith, as men that thought they could never expiate their former inhumanities', but by an excess of zeal, they did as immoderately waste themselves in repairing the ruins they had made, raising so many new Structures, that the number as well as the beauty so far exceeded all those of former times, that it might have been said of this Isle as once of Rome, that it seemed but one great Monastery; the piety of their Kings so surmounting their policy, that many of them turned their Sceptres into Crosiers, and exchanged their Crowns for Mitres, their Princes thinking it a greater glory to be made Priests, than their Priests thought it to be made Princes.  
Thus they conquered themselves before they had half conquered the Britain's; and as 'tis observable how by their contention for Heaven, they were happily brought to imitate it, in that wonderful work of the Circulation of the Globe, effected by the power of that truly divine Science, the Art of Navigation, first reduced into practice by them, whereby they had the honour to be the first that resolved the Non ultra of the Ancients, into a Plus ultra, discovering another World, which neither the Greeks nor Romans ever knew: So it is more than probable, that if they had quietly enjoyed the benefit of their Conquest here at home, after it came to be entire and absolute, without that interruption they had from the Danae, (who finding them busied in an intestine War one with another, undermined them by Land, before they could perfect any great matter by Sea) they had not contented themselves as they did, with an Insulary glory; having laid so good a foundation to an universal Empire, and so much more lasting than any that were ever before it, by how much they would have had it in their power, to have secured the obedience of the rest of the World by their ignorance, rendering themselves their Masters, by a mystery of State not to be resisted, because not understood, whereof our Kings their Successors, now absolute Lords of the Sea, have happily made good proof. For as a modern Poet hath well observed: 
Where ere our Navy spreads her Canvas Wings,  
Homage to th' State, and Peace to all she brings.  
French, Dutch, and Spaniards, when our Flags appear,  
Forget their hatred, and consent to fear.  
So Jove from Ida did the Hosts survey,  
And when he pleased to thunder, part the Fray.  

Waller.  Ships heretofore in Seas like Fishes sped,  
The greatest still upon the smallest fed.  
We on the Deep impose more equal Laws,  
And by that justice do remove the cause  
Of those rude Tempests, which for rapine sent,  
Did too too oft involve the innocent:  
Rendering the Ocean (as our Thames is) free  
From both those Fates, of Storms and Pitacy.  
Thrice happy People, who can fear no force,  
But winged Troops, or Pegasean Horse.  But considering (as I said) the difficulties they met with before, without mentioning the dangers they encountered after they were settled, the checks of Fortune whilst they were rising and the counterbuffs of Envy after they were up, and mounted to their height, whereof (as Gildas relates) they were forewarned by their Gods, who being consulted about the Invasion, gave answer, that the Land whereto they went, should be held by them 300 years, half the time to be spent in conquering, t'other half in possessing their Conquest, which agreed with the measure of their Heptarchy. Lastly, Considering the fierceness of the Britain's of the one side, and the fraud of the Danes of the other, those perhaps doing them more mischief by Treaties, than t'other by admitting no cessation: We may conclude with the Poet, Nec minor est Virtus quam quarere parta tueri.   

THE ORDER OF THE KING'S OF KENT. I.  
I. 
date of accession 445 ENGIST having broken in like a Horse (for so his Name imports) and trampled down all that withstood him, made himself King of Kent; and by being the first King, was worthily esteemed the first Monarch of the English: a Title that during the Heptarchy, was appropriated to some one above all the rest of the Kings. He reigned 34 years, and left his Glory to descend on his second Son  II. 
date of accession 448 OESKE, under whose Government the Kentish men thrived so well, that they were contentedly named from him Eskins.  III. 
date of accession 512 OCTA had a longer, but less happy Reign, wasting 22 years without any memorable act, that might render him more renowned than his Successor  IU. 
date of accession 537 IRMERICK, who after 25 years' Reign by Stow 's Account, 29 by Savil's, had nothing to boast, but that he was the Son of such a Father as Oeske, and the Father of such a Son, as  V 
date of accession 562 ETHELBERT, the first Christian King of all this Nation, and the sixth Monarch of the English men: A Prince who was therefore esteemed great, because good; but his happiness ended with himself, for his impious Son.  VI 
date of accession 617 EDBALD was laid in his Bed as soon as he was laid in his Grave, apostatising from his natural Religion, to gratify his unnatural Lust; he had many Sons, but the Succession fell to the youngest.  VII. 
date of accession 641 ERCOMBERT, more like his Grandfather then his Father, a pious public spirited Prince: he was the first divided Kent into Parishes, and commanded the observation of Lent. He was not so good, but his Sons were as bad.  VIII. 
date of accession 665 EGBERT the eldest, made his way to the Crown, by the murder of his two Cousins, the right Heirs of Ethelbert, and Sons to his Father's Elder Brother Ermenred, who being not able to do themselves right, were revenged by his younger Brother  IX. 
date of accession 677 LOTHAIRE, who gave the like measure to his two Sons, putting them besides the Succession, to admit  X. 
date of accession 686 EDRICK, who entered with more Triumph than Joy, being within two years after, deprived both of honour and life, by his own Subjects; upon which his Brother  XI. 
date of accession 693 WIGHFRED assumed the Government, being rather admitted then chosen; or rather gave himself up to be governed by one Swebard, who they put over him, by whose advice he ruled not ingloriously 33 years, and left his Kingdom to his Sons, who alternately succeeded.  XII. 
date of accession 726 EGBERT the Eldest, most like his Father, both in Person and Fortune, reigned 23 years.  XIII. 
date of accession 749 ETHELBERT the second reigned but one year.  XIV. 
date of accession 760 ALRICK the last of the three, and indeed the last of the Royal Line, did only something that made him more notably unfortunate than the two former, in being overcome by the great Mercian Offa, whereby the Kingdom became a prey to whosoever could catch it; the first whereof that got that advantage was  XV. 
date of accession 794 ETHELBERT the third, firnamed Prens, who entered in the Vacancy of the first Occupant, and being disseized by that Wolf, Kenelwolph the thirteenth King of Mercia, he put in one  XVI. 
date of accession 797 CUTHRED, who enjoyed an undisturbed possession eight years, after whom  XVII. 
date of accession 805 BALDRED stepped in, who being little regarded abroad, was less beloved at home, fearing his People might leave him, he first left them, and flying over the River Thames, as soon as Egbert the West-Saxon entered his Territories, left all to the Conqueror, who without more trouble made this Kingdom, and those of the South and East-Sexes, an Appenage for his younger Son Athelstan.   
 Attributed coat of arms of the kingdom of Kent: a horse springing. IT is hard to resolve, Whether Engist that erected this Kingdom, were more beholding to Fortune or his own foresight; or whether indeed the folly of Vortigern, were not more advantageous to him then either; who not trusting the incertain obedience of his own People, cast himself upon the faith of this Stranger, who in serving of him, could have no other design, but to serve himself upon him: Neither did the frowardness of the Natives contribute less to his Greatness, than the folly of their King, who not consenting to the Ratification of that little which was promised him, justified him in the larger Demands he made afterwards, when they durst not deny his Experience on the Seas, taught him how to Laveer from point to point, and shift as he found the wind failing, to steer in a direct course; but had the Britain's kept Faith with him, 'tis probable he had not broke as he did with them, taking that advantage by his very first Treaty, which was not to have been hoped for by any long hostility; which success, though the execution seemed not considerable, amounted to a kind of Victory. So that 'twas no wonder he rested not contented with such a Proportion, as he was before ashamed to wish for; Ambition respecting not so much whence it comes, as whither it is addressed, pressing still forwards, without any consideration, but that of the felicity it aims at, on which it fixes with so intense a look, that it regards no dangers, much less any faith: being denied the Government of the Isle of Thanet, he insisted upon that of the whole Province of Kent: meeting with opposition there, he supplied force with fraud, and both with Fortune, and by the possession of that one only, got the command of three Provinces more, all lying so convenient for landing Supplies, that this seemed to be but an Earnest for an entire Conquest: Neither thought he it sufficient to have the Power, without he had the Title of a King. Hitherto he had only studied his Security; that being obtained, he gins to affect Glory; and in respect Kent was his Principal Seat, he gives that the pre-eminence of giving the Name to his Kingdom, being the first, not to say the last too of the whole Heptarchy, continuing near four hundred years, supported by its own proper Forces, before it fell under the common Fate, of being incorporated into the Universal Monarchy of the English. And as it was the first Kingdom, so was it the first Christian Kingdom of the Seven, from whom the East-Saxons borrowed their light, and from them the rest, till an universal brightness oversp ead the whole Hemisphere; which, however it seems to have been a work of time, as appears by that o●d Adage yet in use amongst us (In Kent and Christendom) was an occasion of so high regard to the People of that Province, that all the Counties of England have ever since, consented to allow them the honour of precedency in the Field, by giving them the right of leading the Van, as often as the Nation appears to give any Batgel Royal, which Privilege hath been by special Charter confirmed to them from the time of King Knute the Zealous.  
The long Reign of Engist (not less as some say, then fifty years) contributed much to the Corroboration of his Conquest; which being the Gift of Fortune rather than Nature, he bestowed it on his youngest Son Oeske, from whom, as I said before, 'twas called the Kingdom of Eskins; which beginning at the time of Ambrose the British King, continued Three hundred seventy two years, an entire Kingdom: and after the Westsaxons reduced it under their Obedience, had yet the repute of being a distinct Principality, and by that Title was bestowed upon the younger Sons of those Kings, who defended it against the Danes, till Ethelbert the second Son of Athelstan, second Son of Egbert, after the death of his Elder Brother Ethelwald, entering upon the whole Monarchy of England, Anno 860. united it inseparably to his Empire.   

THE ORDER OF THE KINGS OF SOUTH-SEXE. II.  
I. 
date of accession 488 ELLA was the first King of this, and second absolute Monarch of the whole Kingdom; for which Honour he was more indebted to the length of his Reign, than the greatness of his Dominions, being indeed the very lest of the Seven.  II. 
date of accession 514 CISSA his youngest Son (the two elder being slain) succeeded his Father; he reigned peaceably seventy six years; founded Chichester and Chisbury; the one for the resort of his People, t'other for the repose of himself where dying he left his Son  III. 
EDELWOLPH to succeed, the first Christian of this House, who refusing to contribute to the War against the Britain's, in respect the West-Saxon lay betwixt him and danger, Ceadwald the Tenth of those Kings, sell upon him, and slew him, upon whose death  IU. 
BERTHUN and AUTHUN Two Dukes collaterally sprung out of the Royal Stock of this Kingdom, interposed themselves with equal merit, in the common Calamity and Defence of their Country; and forcing Ceadwald to retire, ruled jointly for six years, till the same King returning upon them, took from the one his Life, from the other his Liberty, whereby this became a Province to the West-Sexe.   
 Attributed coat of arms of the kingdom of Sussex: 6 martlets in pile. BY the setting up of this Kingdom, containing no more but two Counties, Sussex and Surrey, and those none of the greatest, we may take some measure of the Ambition of our Ancestors, who had as great respect to their Glory, as their Security, being not content to have the Power, without they had the Title of Kings. This Ella was in the first place but a Colonel under Engist, who made him Governor of Sussex, to which having added Surrey, with the loss of the lives of his two eldest Sons, Kymen and Plenchin, after the death of his General, he set up for himself; and being resolved to show the greatness of his mind, by the narrowness of his Dominions, not only declared himself the first King of the South-Sexe, but made himself so considerable in the esteem of all his Countrymen, that they submitted to him, as the second Monarch of the English; which Glory he held up to the height near thirty years: But that Sun which began in Kent, the East part of the Isle, and came towards him who was planted in the South, hasted to set amongst the West-Sexe, to whom his Successors were forced to become Tributary; or if it may lessen the dishonour (for these were all of them most deserving Princes) we may say Contributioners towards the War against the Britain's. The West-Saxon Kingdom lying betwixt them and danger, the nonpayment of this Tax (whether it were that the Kings hereof refused it as being too heavy a Burden upon them, or disdained the manner of Exaction, or thought themselves not obliged to be longer charged, having cleared their own Territories, is not certain) was the first and only occasion of the downfall of this Kingdom, being thereby engaged in a War with too potent a Neighbour; against whom, though they had no hopes to prevail, yet they scorned to yield, till their tottering State fell down about their Ears, and buried them in the common Ruins of their Country, which was so far wasted, before it submitted to become a Province, that when it was added to th'other, it became rather a Burden then a Strengthening for a great while; so far had Famine and Plague (the Peacemakers in all Civil Wars) disabled them to all intents and purposes, before this Curse fell upon them to be devoured by their Friends, which was so much more dishonourable, then to be conquered by their Enemies, by how much it was the first unhappiness of this kind.   

THE ORDER OF THE KINGS OF WEST-SEXE. III.  
I. 
date of accession 522 CERDIC, having conquered Natanleod the Dragon of the Western Britain's, set up the third Kingdom, which reaching from Hampshire to Cornwall, was called the Kingdom of West-Sexe; and gave him the repute of being the third Monarch of the English.  II. 
date of accession 534 KENRICK his Son succeeded him both in the Kingdom and Monarchy.  III. 
date of accession 561 CHEULIN his Son was the fifth Monarch; but his Power being not adequate to his Fame, he in 33 years' time could not so settle himself, but that he was dispossessed by his Brother  IU. 
date of accession 592 CEARLICK, who being not so good at keeping, as in getting the Kingdom into his hands, was himself deposed in like manner by  V. 
date of accession 598 CHELWOLPH Son of Cuth. fifth Son of Kenrick, a Prince worthy the Greatness he inherited; who, notwithstanding he was assaulted by the Picts and Scots and East-Angles all at once, kept his Ground, and left it to his Successor  VI. 
date of accession 622 KINGILLS, a Prince famous for his piety and courage, who left his Son  VII. 
date of accession 643 KENWALD to succeed him, whose beginning may be compared to the worst, his ending to the best of Kings, renouncing first his Faith, after his Wife; both which though he afterwards retained, yet the sin stuck so close to him, that the first left him without a Kingdom, the last without a Son, whereby  VIII. 
date of accession 675 ESWIN, of the Line of Chelwolph took place, who for six years kept out the right Heir,  IX. 
date of accession 677 KENWIN, younger Son of Ringills, who utterly expulsed all the Bri●ains, and forced them to seek their safety in those inaccessible Mountains of Wales, whereby his Successor  X. 
date of accession 686 CEADWALD had so much leisure as to fall upon his nearest Neighbours, the South-Sexe, and weaken them so far, that they were forced to yield to his Successor  XI. 
INE, worthily esteemed the greatest Prince of his time, and the most magnificent, yet withal the most humble; he died in a Pilgrimage to Rome, nominating  XII. 
date of accession 762 ETHELWARD the Son of Oswald, the Son of Ethelbald, descended from Kenwa●d, his Successor, who reigned fourteen years, and left the Sceptre to his Brother  XIII. 
date of accession 740 CUTHRED, whose heart being broken by seeing his Son murdered, the Crown came to  XIV. 
SIGEBERT, one whose vices were less obscure than his Parentage, who murdering one of the best of his Friends, was himself slain by one of the basest of his Enemies, a Swineherd, whereby  XV. 
date of accession 755 KENWOLFE succeeded, a person worthy of better sat than he met with, being slain by the hand of an Outlaw, at a time when he did not expect, and consequently was not prepared for death, and so  XVI. 
date of accession 784 BITHRICK succeeded, the last King of this House, lineally descended from Cerdick, who being poisoned by his own Queen, this Kingdom came to Egbert the Son of Ingils, and Brother of Ine, who reduced the whole Heptarchy into a Monarchy, and therefore worthily led the Van to the absolute Monarches of England.   
 Attributed coat of arms of the kingdom of Wessex: a dragon rampant. THIS was the third Kingdom of the Heptarchy, and deservedly so called, if we consider the largeness of its extent, which measured by the Line of Circumvallation, reached (if some of our modern Geographers say true) above 700 miles in compass, being commonly called the Kingdom of the West-Sexe by Bede, the Kingdom of the Genevises by Cambrensis, from Genesius, Grandfather to Cerdick, who had the honour to be esteemed the first Founder of it, although in truth he reared but a small part of this stately Fabric, the rest being the work of Time and Fortune, and came not to perfection in almost 500 years. He was for his fierceness surnamed the Dragon, possibly in imitation of the British Kings, who had that title; and having beaten 
* The Britain called him, M●●ge Co●●●●●  Natanleod, the Dragon of the Western Britain's, forced him to retreat, and leave 5000 of his people behind him, in possession of no more of their own ground, than served to make them one common Grave, from whom 'tis thought he took this Shield of the Dragon: He was thereupon declared the third Monarch of the English men, his Son Kenrick was the fourth, and his Grandson Cheulin the fifth: Each of these shared with him in the honour of being the first raisers of this Kingdom; the establisher of it was King Kenwin, the ninth Monarch, who expulsed all the Britain's; the first that enlarged it was Ceadwald, the tenth King, who having made his way to the Conquest of Kent, by that of the South-Sexe, left his Successor Ine (worthily therefore surnamed the Great) to give his Neighbours a true estimate of his power, by that of his wealth, and a measure of his wealth, by that of his munificence; whereof there needs no other instances, than in the Foundation of the Abbey of Glastenbury, the Furniture of whose Chapel only took up 2835 pound weight of Silver, and 337 pound weight of Gold, (a vast sum for those days) which being for the ornamental part only, could not be comparable to that which was left for the endowment. He Founded also the Cathedral Church of Wells, the West part whereof is perhaps one of the most stately Fabrics in the known World. Yet neither of these are more lasting Monuments than those of his Laws, translated for their excellency by the learned Lambert into Latin, as being the Foundation of what we are governed by so long since. This was he that gave the first Eleemosinary Dole of Peterpences to the Church of Rome, which was exacted in the next Age as a Tribute. In this man's Reign this Kingdom was at its height, declining after his death insensibly, till the time of Egbert, who being the Darling of Fortune as well as of his own Subjects, and a Prince of great towardliness, after he had corrected his youth by the experience he had in the Wars under Charles the Great (being the first of all the Saxon Princes that were educated abroad) he got so far the advantage of all his homebred Contemporaries, that he easily soared above the common height of Majesty, and beat up the seven Crowns into one; which placing on his own head, he not only gave those Laws but that Name to the whole Isle, which continued till King James his Reign, who uniting Scotland to the rest of the Terra firma not reduced, altered the style of King of England, into that which only could make it greater, writing himself, King of Great Britain, to which August and most Imperial Title we now pay homage, and may we ever do so.   

THE ORDER OF THE KINGS OF EAST-SEXE. iv  
I. 
date of accession 527 ERCHENWIN, the Son of Offa, Great-Grandson of Sneppa, third in descent from Seaxnod, third Son of Woden the common Progenitor of the Saxons, began this Kingdom with the happiness of a long Reign, which however it be seldom desired, was certainly very advantageous to his Successor  II. 
date of accession 587 SLEDDA, who thought the readiest way to keep what his Predecessor got, was to add to it what his Successors were not like to keep, a Peace with the Kings of Kent, his next Neighbours, confirmed by an Alliance with Ethelbert the Proto-Christian, who converted his Son  III. 
SIGEBERT, that in honour to his Religion made that League perpetual, which after his death was broken by his three graceless Sons  IU. 


date of accession 609 sere,  
SEWARD,  
SIGEBERT,   Who ruled together like Brethren in Iniquity, persecuting all that were Christians, till Ingill the West-Saxon (converted but a little before) revenged the holy Cause by putting a period to their Triumvirate, upon which  V 
date of accession 623 SIGEBERT, Son of the middlemost, took place, he was surnamed The Little probability of his little Credit, rather than his little Person, being so detested by his People, that they put by his Son and Brother, to admit another of the same Name, but of different Temper.  VI 
date of accession 640 SIGEBERT, the third Son of Sigebald, younger Brother of Sigebert the first, who declaring for Christianity, was surnamed, The Good; and being murdered, during the minority of his Son, his Brother  VII. 
date of accession 661 SWITHELM succeeded, as if to taste of Royalty only, falling under the same fate by the same hand, and for the same cause; by whose death  VIII. 
date of accession 663 SIGEHERE, the Son of Sigebert the Little, assisted by his Uncle Sebba, got into the Throne: His Successor was  IX. 
date of accession 664 SEBBA the Saint, on whom Bede fastens that famous Miracle of lengthening the Marble Chest in which his Body was laid, which he says was too short by a foot for the Corpse, till the Body was put into it, which, who so believes, must stretch his Faith as much. Successor to him was  X. 
date of accession 694 SIGEHERE the Second, one fit to be a Monk then a Monarch, giving up his Sceptre for a pair of Beads to his Brother  XI. 
date of accession 698 SEOFRID, who if he ruled not with him, ruled very little after him; and then came  XII. 
date of accession 701 OFFA, the Son of Sigehere to succeed, who impoverished himself by enriching the Church, and having quit his Wife to perform a Pilgrimage to Rome, tempted her to quit the World, and become a Nun, whereby either lost the other and both the hopes of any Issue; which made well for  XIII. 
date of accession 709 SELRED, the Son of Sigebert the Good, whose old Age was crowned with an unexpected Succession, but he took not so much pleasure in it as to survive it, whereby  XIV. 
date of accession 740 SUTHRED filled up his place, who involved in the Fate of Baldred King of Kent, attached by the Westsaxons, lost this, as t'other did that Kingdom, whereby it became a Province under the Victorious Egbert.   
 Attributed coat of arms of the kingdom of Essex: three seax in pale. IN the midst of the Universal Conflagrations that near about this time began to spread over the Face of the whole Isle, the flames whereof were not otherwise to be quenched, but by the blood of the miserable Natives; it so happened that Essex (however nearest to those Countries that first felt the sharpness of the Saxon Swords) had the good Fortune to preserve itself untouched till about the year 527, when Erchenwin landing in Norfolk, and taking thence a view of the neighbouring Vales, imagined there went no more to the taking possession, then to enter and make a bo●d claim: But finding the Inhabitants obstinately resolved to make their Graves in no other place, but where their Bones might mix with those of their Ancestors; 'tis hard to say, Whether his Fury or his Fear prevailed most with him: whilst being engaged beyond the safety of a Retreat, he made his way into the heart of their Country with that precipitate Courage, as if he had designed to fly through them into the Provinces beyond; which they perceiving, like men well acquainted with the violence of such Land Floods, made him way to pass into Kent; where promising to become a Feodary to that Prince, he returned him with that additional Strength, as made him not only Master of this, but by uniting Middlesex and a great part of Hertfordshire, gave him the honour of setting up a fourth Kingdom, called that of the East-Sexe: which however it was not very great, was well fortified with the Ocean on the East, the Thames on the Southside, the River Coln on the West, and the Stour on the North-side: and being established by the advantage of a long and peaceable Reign, and the reputation of the Alliance he had with the potent King of Kent, he was secured so far on that side, as to put him in condition of securing himself on the other, till such time as the East-Angles and the Mercian, by the Interposition of their Territories betwixt him and the Common Enemy, left him regardless of any further danger; but withal so enervated his Successor, that being seldom armed, and never active, Fortune grew out of Love with them, and never vouchsafed any one of them the honour to be ranged amongst the Monarches of the Isle; a favour every other House alternately enjoyed, according to the variation or vicissitude of their Successes; but however they attained less, it appears they aimed at greater Glory than any of their Neighbours, being the second Kingdom that oppenly professed Christianity, and those that gave it the best entertainment; Sacrificing to the Church what others spent in War, being repaid with Pardons, Benedictions, and Indulgences, whilst they lived; and with Shrines, Miracles, and Canonisations after they were dead: Kings in that Age being no less ambitious to be Sainted, than Saints in our Age to be made Kings. And to say truth, they were better Men than Monarches, taking more care of the business of Religion, then of State; relying more on the Forces of the Kings of Kent, with whom they had contracted a perpetual League, having been hatched under their wings, then on their own proper Strength: whereby it fell out that they were crushed with tother's fall, and at the same time submitted to the same Fate, to be a Province to the West-Saxon: So easy it is to conquer those that contribute to their own destruction; taking upon them to protect the unfortunate Baldred, when they were not able to defend themselves: But it is less strange that they failed now, then that they held out so long; their Territories being the very lest of the whole Heptarchy, and they the laziest of the whole Nation: their Majesty being preserved by a kind of Antiperistasis, lying encompassed with three puissant Neighbours, Kent, Mercia, and West-Sexe; who, like three great Dogs equally matched, kept this Bone untouched betwixt them for two hundred and eighty years; in which large portion of time they were preserved as by Miracle, from the fury of either of them, that wanted not appetites to desire, nor mouths to devour, nor perhaps occasion to urge them to fall upon them; but restrained by the sense of either's equal Power, they left it to Fortune to give the odds; who having declared on the West-Saxon side, he run down all at last.   

THE ORDER OF THE KINGS OF MERCIA. V  
I. 
date of accession 560 CRIDDA, the tenth in descent from Whethelgeat, the third Son of Woden, was the last, but by no means the least of the Heptarchs', for he had seventeen entire Provinces, which shows his head to be as active as his hands. His Son  II. 
date of accession 595 WIBBA, thought he did enough in keeping what his Father got, which he left well fortified to his Nephew  III. 
date of accession 615 CEORL, Son of Kinemund, younger Brother to Cridda, whose reign was neither long nor splendid; perhaps overwhelmed by the Glory of his Successor  IU. 
date of accession 625 PENDA, the Son of Wibba, a minor when his Father died, and so put beside the Crown: but being King, he overawed all the rest that were Contempora●y with him; having slain six Kings of the East-angles and two of Northumberland: But the last requited him blood for blood, and took from him both Life and Kingdom, which Oswy the Conqueror generously returned to his eldest Son  V. 
date of accession 655 PEADA, who thereupon became his Son and his Subject, and at once embraced his Daughter and the Christistian Faith; the last more fatal to him then the first; his Life being thereupon taken away by her that first gave it, to make way for his Pagan Brother  VI. 
date of accession 658 WULPHERE, who from his own Mother learned to butcher his own Sons, hearing that they were converted by St. Chad Bishop of Litchfield, which yet could not prevent a Christian Successor: for  VII. 
date of accession 675 ETHELRED came in after him (his Son being under Age) who as if he had had only intended to show his Nephew what he would have him do, devoted himself to a Religious Life, to make way to  VIII. 
date of accession 700 KENRED, who after eight years' trial, being no better pleased with the sweet of Dominion, surrender d to  IX. 
date of accession 709 CHELRED his Son, who proved no less vigilant and valiant than his Grand father; but being overmatched by the West-Saxon, his Country lost a great part of the happiness, and himself of the renown that justly might have been hoped from the continuance of his life; whereby  X. 
date of accession 716 ETHELBALD succeeded, who was descended from a younger Brother of Penday, against whom the villainy of Whodert prevailed more than the valour of his Enemies could, being treacherously slain to make way for a stranger; who yet was put beside the succession by  XI. 
date of accession 757 OFFA, another Prince of the collateral Line, descended from Koppa second son of Wibba, who it seems was more indebted to Education then Nature, and to Providence then to either; for being born blind, deaf, and dumb, he became miraculously restored to all his Senses, and gave so great proofs of his Courage, Prudence, and Piety, that his Reign is supposed to be the Meridian of the Mercian Kingdoms Glory, for from his death it visibly fell under the Horizon.  XII. 
date of accession 796 EGFRID his son succeeded, who was the more famous in that he was made a King before he had a Kingdom; but as Trees that blossom too soon never bear Fruit, so his too early Honour was quickly blasted, whereby  XIII. 
date of accession 796 KENULPH took place, who was fifth in descent from Kenwalch, younger Brother to Penda, who seems to have been happier in himself then his Posterity, for his Reign was not so long, but  XIV. 
date of accession 820 KENELM his Sons was as short, being murdered by his own Sister to make way for her Uncle  XV. 
date of accession 820 CEOLULPH, who was as barbarously dispatched by one  XVI. 
date of accession 822 BERNULPH an Usurper, who proved a better King than he was a Man: he contested hard with Egbert the West-Saxon, and lost so much blood in the quarrel, that his old Adversary the East-Angle perceiving how he was weakened, set upon him and slew him.  XVII. 
date of accession 826 LUDFCAN his successor attempting to revenge his death, got his own; whereupon  XVIII. 
date of accession 828 WITHLAF that came after him, bought his security with a Tribute, which his successor  XIX. 
date of accession 840 BERTULPH was content to continue; but whiles he looked foreright only, an unexpected Enemy came upon him behind, to wit, the merciless Dane, and overrun him: but Ethelwulph the last Saxon recovering back the Kingdom, gave it with his Daughter to one  XX. 
date of accession 853 BURTHRED, a Person worthy either, who supported this tottering House, ready to fall about his Ears, till he was betrayed by his servant  XXI. 
CEOLWULPH, whose treachery was rewarded by the Danes with the Title of King; but King Edward the Eldest having slain him, made it a Province of the English Monarchy.   
 Attributed coat of arms of the kingdom of Mercia: a saltire. THIS, though it were one of the last, was yet the very largest of all the Heptarchical Dominions, and fitly settled to give Laws to all the rest, as being in Umbilico Terrarum, in the very Centre or Navel of the Isle. The wonder is how so great a Kingdom risen out of nothing, with so little noise, the Founder leaving no more Constat of his Merit, then of the method of his Ambition; it being not yet known whether he attained that power that rendered him so great, or received from Fortune the Greatness that rendered him so powerful: Some ascribing it to his Wisdom; others to his Courage; but most to his Credit: so that we may guests his Character to be not much unlike that which a foolish Athenian gave of God, who being asked what he was, answered He was neither Bowman nor Spearman, Horsman nor Footman, but one that knew well how to command all. So 'tis as probable this man was neither Soldier nor Scholar, but (as the Athenian said) one that knew how to govern either; otherwise he could not have disposed all things as he did so much to the advantage of his Successors, that in fewer Months than others took up Years, they spread their Wings over no less than six of the most goodly Provinces, according to Ptolomey's account, but by that of their own, when they cantred the whole into Shires, it was no less than seventeen, which in Alfrids' Tripartite Division, made one third part of the whole Isle: too great a Gripe to have been held long, had not the Reign of his Successor, who laid the Superstructure as wisely, as he the Foundation, fortunately confirmed the Fabric till it was settled and past shaking; a happy beginning, that made those that came after, not only the Terror of their Enemies, but the Envy of their Neighbours, whereof no less than Four assaulted his Grandson at once, and those not the meanest; viz. the Northumber, the East-Angle, the West-Saxon, and those of Kent, keeping him at a Bay, as a Lion in a Toil, till Fate conspiring with his Forces, drove some of them out of their Confidence, others out of their Kingdoms, and the rest out of the World: Some compounding by a Tribute, others by Homage, the rest with loss of their Lives; Prosperity prompting him to scorn all Conditions of Peace, till he gave them a greater advantage by their despair, than themselves could have hoped from their natural Fortitude; for not knowing how to overcome, he took from them all hopes of yielding, and shown them thereby a way to conquer him, which they could not have found before he wrote himself Universal Monarch; a Title he designed to rip out of the Womb of Providence, having not patience to expect the Birth of his Greatness. His Fall so crushed the growth of his Successors, that they recovered not in many years after; but as backward Springs produce the best Fruit, so the Glory that came late held the longer, their heads proving as active as their hands, their hands as bountiful as their hearts, and their hearts as large as their purses. Whilst they were Pagans, they fortified themselves by extraordinary Acts of Cruelty; but after they became Christians, they raised them by as great works of Charity. Once they were closely begirt, and in so low a Condition, that they were forced to redeem themselves by a Tribute, from the Power of the Northumber's; but having recovered this, they stood fair to have taken in the whole Heptarchy under the Government of Offa; the Series of whose Prosperity, had it not been interrupted by one unlucky Action (the Gild whereof not only dampt his own Spirit, but cast a fatal Vale of Distrust on all his Successors) had probably reached beyond the bounds of an insulary Glory, as appears by the Emulation of his Contemporary Charlemagne, who much disdained he should have the honour to be styled The Great as well as himself; but having inhospitably murdered Ethelbert King of the East-Saxons, coming to his Court under the Security of Public Faith, as a Suitor to his Daughter: His Innocent blood was by Divine Vengeance charged so home upon his Posterity, that their Greatness declined, as Planet-struck, from that very time: So that of Nine Descents after him, there was only one that had not a short, but not any that had not a very sinister and unprosperous Reign, till Fate drew the Circle of their Royalty to the full Compass, stopping thereby the hand of Providence from any further motion: So that from that time their Kingdom, like a great Tree blown down, but not quite rooted up, lay so low, that some Branches or other were lopped off daily from it, till the West-Saxon seized on the main Body, as a Windfall due to him, after it had stood the shock of Three hundred forty five Winters.   

THE ORDER OF THE KINGS OF EAST-ANGLES. VI  
I. 
date of accession 578 UFFA, seventh in descent from Caesar, second Son of Woden, was the first King of the East-Angles, from him called the Kingdom of the Uffins, whose Reign was rather happy than long, yet long enough to confirm the Succession to his Son  II. 
date of accession 583 TITULUS, who did nothing to make himself known more than being the Father of  III. 
REDWALD, who in assisting Edwin the Northumber, lost his eldest Son, and that broke his heart; so that the second Son  IU. 
date of accession 625 ERPENWALD took place, the first Christian of this Race, converted by the aforesaid King Edwin, with so much dislike of his People, that a base Villain adventured to murder him; and so made a way to his younger Brother  V. 
date of accession 636 SIGEBURT, whose converse with Learning and Learned men (being bred in France) rendered him so favourable to both, that the two Universities Oxford and Cambridge, do to this day contend for the honour of having him their Founder: He gave up his Royalty to his Kinsman  VI. 
date of accession 638 EGRICK, who with himself, and the next in Succession  VII. 
date of accession 642 ANNA, were all slain by the Pagan Penda, who placed here the younger Brother  VIII. 
date of accession 654 ETHELHERD, a Traitor to his Country and his own blood, worthily deprived of Life and Kingdom, by the famous Os● in the Northumber, that put in  IX. 
date of accession 656 ETHELWOLD, Regent in Trust for his Nephew  X. 
date of accession 664 ALDULPH, eldest Son of Ethelherd, than a Child, who wasted nineteen years without any memorable Action, leaving his Brother  XI. 
date of accession 683 ELWOLPH, to deserve a little of Posterity and his People: Neither did the younger Brother  XII. 
date of accession 714 BEORN excel either of them, for he left neither Wise, Issue, or Action, to continue his memory; whereby  XIII. 
date of accession 714 ETHELRED took place, famous for nothing but being the Father of  XIV. 
date of accession 749 ETHELBERT the Unfortunate, who was murdered by Offa the Mercian, after whose death the said Offa broke into this Kingdom of the one side, and the West-Saxon on the other, and the King of Kent on another side, each preying like Vultures upon the headless Trunk, or like Pikes in a Pond, which devour one another, till they were beaten off by a Stranger, one  XV. 
date of accession 771 EDMUND, the Son of Alkmond, a Germane- Prince, made Executor of one Offa, a Prince of this Family, and the next it seems in blood as well as in right, who dying at Norimberg, in his passage to the Holy Land, adopted this Edmund his Heir, who defending his Title, was slain by the Danes, who thereupon placed here a King of their own, as will appear in its proper place.   
 Attributed coat of arms of the kingdom of East Anglia: three crowns. THE Saxons having engaged their whole Nation to an entire Conquest of this Isle, partly out of desire of glory, but more of gain, ceased not daily to oppress the dismayed Britain's with unequal numbers, who growing base with their Fortune, lost their Courage as fast as their Country, fight so faintly at the last, that when they prevailed they were afraid to pursue, which made Fortune out of love with them, that she seldom or never took their part. The report hereof being carried into Germany, every person that had any sense of Honour or Necessity, emulous of his Neighbour's Forwardness, or ashamed of his own Sloth, transplanted himself hither with whatsoever Forces he could get together. And amongst the men that took advantage of this common Calamity, was this Uffa; in the beginning a Viceroy to the Kings of Kent, in the Provinces of Suffolk and Norfolk; who having overrun all the Country about the Isle of Ely, to the uttermost parts of Cambridgshire, joined those to these, and made up the sixth Kingdom, styled the Kingdom of the East-Angles, but with respect to him the Kingdom of the Uffins. It was one of the least in dimensions, but greatest in dignity of all the Seven; for the Kings being but fifteen in number, were deservedly esteemed the wisest and valiantest of all this Nation, by how much though their Title were the worst, (the best part obtained by treachery) their Advantages the least, their Territories the narrowest, and their Adversaries the most numerous, not to say the most puissant, that is the haughty Northumber, the implacable West-Saxon, the cruel Mercian, and the victorious Eskin, the three last assaulting them all at one time; yet they maintained a defensive War for three hundred years with so good success, that they not only kept what they called their own, but were for the most part on the winning side, being once in as fair a probability to have enlarged their Territories, as any of their Neighbourhood, had they not been overcharged in the Flank by an unequal Enemy, and of all others lest expected, the Invincible Dane, a People prepared for mischief, and heightened by the Desolations they had made in Northumberland, Yorkshire, Nottinghamshire, and the countries' thereabouts; the Fame of whose cruelty having made their way, they broke in upon this tired Province, wearied and weakened with giving and taking wounds from their own Countrymen, surprising them ere they had time to recover strength, or means to recover time to make so good a defence as otherwise they would have done: Yet they did not submit to the first misfortune, nor fell like Fools or men affrighted, but struggled with all their power near fifty years, without any other aid than what was maintained by their own proper strength and courage, being the Bulwark that defended all their Neighbours against the Dane, who the whilst wasted each other with intestine Feuds, till they fell a Sacrifice to their private lusts and ambition, and these only to the public safety.   

THE ORDER OF THE KING'S OF NORTHUMBERLAND. VII.  
I. 
date of accession 584 ETHERICK, the fourth Son of Ida, Lord of Bernicia, was the first that styled himself King of Northumberland, though indeed he had but the half, called Bernicia, which descended on his Son  II. 
date of accession 593 ETHELFRID, surnamed the Wild, a Prince of much fierceness and insolence, which rendered him so odious to his Subjects, that his Enemies easily found an opportunity to depose him, and set up one  III. 
date of accession 617 EDWIN, the Son of Ella, Lord of Deira, which was the other part of Northumber●and, who was the first Christian of this House, and got such repute, that he was acknowledged the eight Monarch of the Englishmen; he was at last however unhappily overcome, and slain by the Pagan Penda, King of Mercia.  iv 
date of accession 633 OSRICK, Son of his Uncle Alfrid, succeeded him, whose Reign was as confused as the time he lived in; he was Lord of Deira only, which upon his death was united to Bernicia, and so descended on  V 
date of accession 634 OSWALD, the ninth Monarch, whilst he lived, and dying, esteemed the first Martyr of all the Englishmen; his Successor was  VI 
date of accession 643 OSWY, the tenth Monarch of the English, who left the Succession to his furious Son  VII. 
date of accession 671 EGFRID, who making War with the Picts, that were backed by their Confederates the Irish, he was by them slain, and his Bastard Brother took place.  VIII. 
date of accession 686 ALKFRID, a Prince more beholding to Providence than Nature, for the first gave him the right of a Son, when the last denied him a Son to enjoy that right; whereby the Crown devolved upon  IX. 
date of accession 705 OSRED, a Child of eight years old, of a collateral Branch, and as indirect a Disposition, not old enough to govern himself, nor wise enough to govern others; so that his Subjects withdrew their Allegiance, to give it to  X. 
date of accession 716 KENRED, the next of the whole Blood, who conspiring with Osrick, the next of kin to himself, to kill Osred, the next of kin to the Crown, was undermined by his Confederate, who set up for himself.  XI. 
OSRICK the second knew better it seems how to get, than to keep a Kingdom; for he was as easily deposed by  XII. 
date of accession 729 CEONULPH, younger Brother to Kenred, one of the most glorious of all the Northumbrian Race; this was he to whom Bede dedicated his History of England, and one that rendered himself more glorious by a voluntary obscurity, preferring a Capush before a Crown, whose Example was a Rule to his Successor  XIII. 
date of accession 738 EGBERT, who did the like, being moved by the delusion of this pious fraud, to surrender to his Son  XIV. 
date of accession 758 OSWOLPH, who lived not long to enjoy the pleasure of his Royalty, being made away by some of his Domestics, as was his Successor  XV. 
date of accession 759 EDELMAULD, commonly called Mollo, slain by his own Steward  XVI. 
date of accession 765 ALURED, who had no better Title than his successful Villainy, which being raised upon the sandy foundation of the People's favour, quickly foundered and fell to the ground; so that  XVII. 
date of accession 774 ETHELRED, Son of the aforesaid Mo●●, recover d the thr●ne, who n●t answering the expectation, was deposed to make way for  XVIII. 
date of accession 778 ALFWALD, Brother to Alured, a Prince worthy of greater Title and better Subjects; for the Northumbrians being flushed with the blood of their Princes, began to be very tumultuous and disloyal, and amongst the rest murdered him, to make way for one  XIX. 
date of accession 789 OSRED, a worthless person, but the Darling of the multitude; he h●ld the Sceptre, till it was taken from him by  XX. 
date of accession 790 ETHELRED, who lived to revenge his indignity upon the Heirs of his Adversaries, and being puffed up with that success, and an alliance he afterwards made with the great Mercian Offa, grew cruel, and provoked his People to fly to Arms, who in one battle took from him both his Life and Kingdom.  XXI. 
date of accession 794 OSWALD, a common Man, was put up in his place for the good Omen of his Name; but his good Fortune lasted not above thirty days, (so fickle is the favour of the common People, not unfitly compared to the Sea, whose fluxes and refluxes are of no long continuation) before  XXII. 
date of accession 794 ADULPH was set up in his stead; he was a banished Duke, and looked on as their Martyr, for taking part with them against Ethelred, but his glory was not much longer lived than the others; so that  XXIII. 
date of accession 795 ALSWALD succeeded, who having only showed himself upon the Stage, turned about, and made his Exit, to give place to another  XXIV. 
date of accession 795 ETHELRED, a Man of a hated Name, and not very well belov d, who stepped up to make way for three of his Sons to come after him, one of which having committed some insolence against a Danish Lady, gave that cruel People a just occasion to fall into this Country, and haraze it to that degree, that it became not long after a prey to the West-Saxon.   
 Attributed coat of arms of the kingdom of Northumbria: paly of six. THIS, though it were the first entire Province, the Saxons were Masters of, yet it was the last made a Kingdom, being the only part of the whole that cost them no blood to get it; for it was by consent delivered up to them by the Britain's, to make a Colony against the Picts: but that of all others cost most to defend it; for besides those without, they had Enemies within themselves, having cut themselves into two distinct Principalities, either of which were more desperately bend against each other, than either Picts or Britain's against both. The whole Continent of their Dominions took up six Counties, as we now reckon them; viz. Northumberland properly so called, Westmoreland, Cumberland, Yorkshire, Lancashire, and Durham: These falling to the Charge of Otho and Ebusa, they made an equal Dividend betwixt them, taking three to each; the first had all betwixt Humber and Tine, and called it the Dukedom of Deira: The second had all from Tine to the Frith of Edinburgh, which was entitled the Dukedom of Bernicia: Ninety nine years it continued under the distinct Government of their Posterity, each independent of other, and each, as often as the Common Enemy gave them any rest, pecking at the other with equal Enmity, and not unequal Fortune, till the time of Ella and Ida, two famous Captains, the one descended from Wealdeag fourth Son of Woden; t'other from Bealdeag his fifth Son; who thinking themselves less in Title then in Power, urged by a mutual Emulation, elevated their Dignity to the height of their Fortunes, and styled themselves (as all the rest of their Countrymen) Kings: the last was the first Monarch; the first the last King: One getting the Start of Priority in Degree; the other the advantage of Survivorship: by which means it happened that the Government, which hitherto had been as it were Party per Pale, not long after became Checquy Fortune according to her Constant Inconstancy, alternately deposing sometimes one, sometimes the other, disposing the Diadem like a Ball tossed from one Hazzard to another; so that the Spectators knew not which side to beat on, till those of the House of Ella making a Fault, Ethelrick won the Sett, having got the honour to be the first absolute Lord of the whole, which he united under the Title of the Kingdom of Northumberland, banishing the other Names of Distinction: This Malmesbury ascribes more to his Fortune then his Merit, making him beholding to the bravery of his sprightly Son Ethelfrid the Wild, for the continuance of any Memory of his Name: which shows us the Founders themselves are oftentimes as the Foundations they lay under Ground, unknown and obscure, taking their Honour from the Superstructure that they rear, not from themselves: But as those of Bernicia claimed the honour of building the House, so those of Deira boasted they were the first took the Possession; their Dignity becoming them so much the better, in that they made their Power known where their Title was not, by the Courage of their Magnanimous King Edwin, who enlarged his Dominions as far as the Mavian Isles; but by that Prosperity of his rendered himself rather Glorious then Great, drawing himself out of his proper Strength by an Extent that weakened him, and drew on him a more powerful Enemy then that he had subdued, to wit, the Neighbouring Mercian, who by his death and his Sons, made way to let in the Bernician Line again, which continued uninterrupted ten Descents: after which followed a Succession of Six Usurpers out of distinct Stocks, who wasted near Thirty years with so little advantage to themselves or their Country, that at length it became a Prey to several petty Tyrants of so low Rank, that only One of Ten had the Confidence to style himself a King; which confusion tempted the Dane to fall in upon them with so resistless fury, that they were fain to crave Protection of the West-Saxon, who made them a Province unto him, after they had stood the shock of Two hundred thirty five years, with repute of being an absolute and entire Kingdom.   

THE ORDER OF THE English Kings AFTER THE HEPTARCHY Was reduced into an Absolute Monarchy. VIII.  
I. 
date of accession 800 EGBERT was the first gave himself the Imperial Style of King of England, differing therein from his Predecessors, who styled themselves Kings of the Englishmen; having reduced the Heptarchy into a Monarchy, he gave Kent and Sussex to his younger Son Athelstan, the rest descending on his eldest Son  II. 
date of accession 837 ETHELWOLPH, who put off a Mitre to put on a Crown, being Bishop of Winchester at the time of his Father's death; and being fit to be a Monk then a Monarch, he was accordingly justled out of his Right by his ungracious Son  III. 
date of accession 857 ETHELBALD, whose ill got Glory proved so transitory, that ●t served him only to perform an act of Infamy outlasted it, possessing himself of his Father's Bed, as well as of his Throne, which proved his Grave; so that his Brother  VI. 
date of accession 858 ETHELBERT, before Lord of a part, as Heir to his Uncle Athelstan, became now Lord of the whole, and by managing that he learned how to manage this; the number of his troubles exceeded that of the Months of his reign, so that not able to bear up under the weight of the burden of the Government, he died and left his Brother  V. 
date of accession 863 ETHELRED to succeed him as Heir, both to his happiness and unhappiness, who being likewise wearied, rather than vanquished by the continual Assaults of the Danes, left the glory with the danger to his Brother  VI. 
date of accession 873 ELFRID, a Prince that in despite of War performed all the noblest Acts of Peace, making as good use of his Pen as of his Sword, at the same time securing and civilising his People. His Son  VII. 
date of accession 900 EDWARD, surnamed the Elder, enjoyed thereby such a happiness, as was only worthy the Son of such a Father as St. Elfrid, and the Father of such a Son as  VIII. 
date of accession 924 ATHELSTAN, who knew no Peace but what he purchased with his Sword, being more Forward than Fortunate, and therein like his Brother  IX. 
date of accession 940 EDMOND, who escaping all the Storm, perished in a Calm, being killed after he had escaped so many Battles, in a private Fray betwixt two of his own Servants, in his own House.  X. 
date of accession 946 EADRED succeeded, who gave himself the stile of King of Great Britain, a Title too great it seems for his Successor  XI. 
date of accession 955 EDWIN, who discontinued it, showing thereby, that Nature was mistaken in bringing him into the World before his Brother  XII. 
date of accession 959 EDGAR, who reassumed that Title again, yet not before he had made himself Lord of the whole Continent; but as one surfeited with Glory, he died (as we may so say) before he began to live, leaving his Son  XIII. 
date of accession 975 EDWARD, surnamed the Martyr, to support his memory, who fell as a Sacrifice to the Inhuman Ambition of a Stepmother, who murdered him to prefer his younger Brother, but her eldest Son  XIV. 
date of accession 978 ETHELRED, an excellent Prince, had he not been blasted by the Curse of his Mother's Gild, who as an ill-set Plant, withered before he could take firm Root, being wind-shaken with continual storms all his reign, which his Son  XV. 
date of accession 1016 EDMOND, from his continual being in arms, surnamed Iron-sides, was so sensible of, that he was forced to compound with an Enemy that afterwards took from him the whole, by the same Power he compelled him to let go the half: however, in two Descents after, the English Line took place again in the Person of  XVI. 
date of accession 1042 EDWARD, surnamed the Confessor, who proving regardless of Posterity, tempted Providence to take no care of him, whereby his Steward thought himself obliged amongst other things committed to his Charge, to take that of the Crown, which was the famous  XVII. 
date of accession 1065 HAROLD, Son of Godwyn, Earl of Kent, who putting the undoubted Heir besides his Right, taught the Norman how to disseise him, who with his death put the period to the English Monarchy, that (reckoning from Engist, by all Historians accounted the first King) had lasted Six hundred and twenty years.   

EGBERT. date of accession 800   Attributed coat of arms of King Egbert: a cross flory. THIS was he that may be said to be the first of all the English whom Fortune declared to be her Heir, having beaten up the Seven Crowns of his Predecessors into one Diadem, to fit his Head. To them she gave only Title to part, but to him the Dominion of the whole Isle; Nature agreeing to fit his Parts to the proportion of his Preferment: For as he was young and hardy, so he was temperate and discreet; noble by Birth (descended from Ingill, Brother to Ine the Magnificent) but nobler by his Bounty, which had purchased him so universal an Affection, that his Predecessor Bithrick suspecting the danger of his Virtues, made them so far his Crimes, as to give him a fair pretence to banish him; by which means all his good Qualities came to be so refined (breathing in a purer Air then that of his native Soil) as leaves it yet in doubt, Whether he were any whit less beholding to Providence then Nature; his Afflictions contributing so much to his Experience, his Experience to his Wisdom, and his Wisdom to his Fame, that they seemed like so many steps fitly placed together, by which he might ascend the Throne. He served the Emperor Charles the Great, in that great Expedition of his into Italy, which took up all the time of his banishment; and there he so well governed himself, that he returned with a Testimonial of his fitness to govern others. The Tyrant Bithrick who had expulsed him, finding (when it was too late) that by driving him further from his Country, he had brought him nearer to the Affections of his Countrymen, especially those of the Vulgar sort, who first pity, then praise men in distress, and not seldom by their Opinion make up the want in Merit, and where there is no want, add so great a Weight, that 'tis not in the power of Humane Policy to turn the Scale: Yet he did not think fit to return, till after Bithrick's death, as judging it more danger than honour to serve one, under whom 'twas a Crime to be Victorious, and Capital to be otherwise. Besides, he thought it greater to let Honour seek him, then for him to seek it; knowing that Necessity, if not Choice, would move his Countrymen to call him home, being begirt with potent Neighbours, that wanted nothing but a Circulation of Intelligence, to subvert them totally: So much were they discouraged by their Fears from without, and their Discontents within. Neither missed he of the Invitation he looked for, being received with so universal Satisfaction, that it appeared he was their Lord, before he became their Sovereign. In this confidence he took up the Sword before the Sceptre, to the end his Title might be written in the blood of his Enemies; the number whereof were more than those of his Subjects. The first that wrestled with him were the sturdy Cornish, who being laid on their backs, by a trick they understood not; The next that came on were the Welsh their Allies, who though they rather gave him Trouble then War, yet he thought it worth the going in Person against them, and pursued them so fa●, as made it appear it was more their dishonour then his, that they were not totally subdued by him. The next that fell under the power of his Arms, was the haughty Northumber; for both he and the disdainful Mercian, dreading his growing Greatness, burst with swelling. This gave him leisure to look towards Kent, the only considerable Foe left, whose King flying into Essex, like a spark of Fire into another man's House, ruined that, by the same way he had undone his own Kingdom; That Prince taking a pattern of Cowardice from him to quit that, as t'other had done his Kingdom: so that Egbert whilst he pursued one, conquered two of the Heptarchs'. This success enlarged his Dominions so wide, that he began to bear himself up with an universal Obedience; being no less Elevated with the prospect of his Power, than Hercules after he had subdued the many headed Monster, with the contemplation of his Fortune: to manifest which he turned the Name of BRITAIN, so venerable for its Age (having been the only Appellation of this Isle for near 1800 years before) into that of ENGLAND, the Country from whence his Ancestors came. A Vanity so displeasing to Providence, that it set up the same Nemesis, which had been so Instrumental to his Countrymen, in the destruction of the Britain's, to face about upon him and his Successors, whose Necks it broke down the same Stairs by which they ascended; setting up a People to be the dire Executioners of her Justice, that were of their own Lineage, spoke the same Language, and had driven them our once before, from those Possessions to which they had much better right then to any thing here: This was the Dane; which though they got not much in this King's reign, yet they so nipped the glory of his Conquest, by beating down the Blossoms of his Reputation, that he lived not to see the Fruit he expected; being forced to divide, before he had firmly united, and cut his own Kingdom into two again: Giving that of Kent to his younger Son Ethelbert, not without a seeming Injury to his elder Son Ethelwolph, that being the most fertile, though the lesser; this the most encumbered, though the greater; yet herein his Wisdom appears to have equalled his Power, in that he made both Kings, but left but one Sovereign.  

ETHELWOLPH. date of accession 837   Attributed coat of arms of King Ethelwulf: a cross crosslet fitched. THIS St. Ethelwolph, or (as he is vulgarly called) St. Adulph, was at the time of his Father's death a Deacon; Hoveden says a Bishop; and so much addicted to Devotion more than Action, that he accepted the Government rather out of necessity than choice, refusing to be crowned, as long as he could resist the importunity of his Friends, or suffer the Insolence of his Enemies; being at last made a King as it were in his own defence, as well as the Kingdoms. But no sooner had the loud Acclamations of his over joyed People awakened his Lion-like Dulness, but rousing up himself he confronted the Common Foe with such a silent Resolution, as looked like a belief of conquering them without a stroke: for he fought only one Battle with the Danes, and no more; wherein he pressed upon them with that inconsideration, as showed that the apprehensions of future danger had made him altogether contemn the present, the slaughter on their side being so great, that he thinking it not worth the trouble to bury their Carcases in several Graves, caused them to be gathered into congested heaps; and by those dismal Monuments of their unhappy Courage, left to Posterity so many Landmarks of a second Conquest. That which made this Victory of his appear more serene (like the Air after a Thunder storm) was the sudden Calm which followed after it; all those fierce Infidels being so wholly dispersed and defeated, that having nothing more to do relating to War, he bethought himself of performing some notable Act of Peace: And accordingly made a Pilgrimage to Rome; where it appears how welcome he was, by the magnificent Reception he had of Pope Leo the Fourth, who not only entertained him a whole year upon his own Charge, but anointed his darling Son Elfrid (who accompanied him thither) to the expectation of his Kingdom after him: wherein whether his Holiness intended an Obligation to the Father, in honouring the Son, that was thought most like him, and certainly most beloved of him; or whether it were that being his Godson, he could not bestow upon him any cheaper Blessing, than an Airy Title, which yet seemed to be a Prophetical Designation to the Crown; or what other Cause moved him to prop up the old, with setting up a young King, is not known: But in the Consequence it proved a fatal Compliment to them both: For Ethelbald the elder Brother, apprehending that he was rejected, being a Prince of a furious and vindictive Spirit, attempted to do himself right by such an unnatural Wrong as never any Son offered to a Father before, taking his exception from the most unreasonable, and one would have thought the most frivolous Ground that could be imaginable. For the Father having given the Compliment of Majesty to his young Queen, the fair Daughter of the Emperor Charles the Bald (whom he had married in his return through France) contrary (as his Son urged) to a Law made by the West-Sexe, who (after Bithrick was poisoned by his Queen) ordained that no English Queen ever after should be allowed the Title, place, or Privilege of Majesty; he took that Occasion from the respect showed to his Mother in Law to justify himself so far in his disrespect to his Father, that without more ado he seized the Crown, and kept out both Father and Brother: the People (who are apt to adore the rising Sun) declaring their readiness to stand by him, as he by the Laws: The shame and horror of wh●ch unexpected Repulse, broke the heart of the good old King, who dying, seemed to bemoan more the loss of his Subjects duty, then that of his own Honour. But that blessing which Providence denied to himself, it gave to his four Sons; each of which was King after him, and all of them (this Ethelbald only excepted) so eminently virtuous, that however we cannot rank Ethelwolph amongst the Fortunate, we may yet number him amongst the happy Princes of this Isle.  

ETHELBALD. date of accession 857   Attributed coat of arms of King Ethelbald: a cross crosslet fitched. AS we may presume that the Impudence and Impiety of this graceless Usurper did sufficiently amaze the present, so it remained as a Riddle to those of future Times, who were left to seek how it could come to pass, that so bad a Son could so easily supplant so good a Father: And which was yet more, the Father of his Country, as well as his own. For however, it is evident that he took the first advantage of his weakness, by the rigour of that petulant Law before mentioned, which was no less unreasonable for the matter of it, than himself appeared to be by the Execution, making the People believe that his Father, who had broken a Fundamental Law, intended also to violate their Fundamental Privileges, whereof no Nation in the World is more jealous than the English: Yet had not this single Ingratitude of his been double edged, it could never have pierced to the heart of so wise a Prince: but the hatred to the Father being bottomed upon a love to the Mother, whose Beauty, Pride, and Lust had prepared the first temptation for his Youth and Power: The good old King could not resist that double Injury, there being so good an Understanding betwixt the two Serpents, that they engendered, whilst they were hissing at one another: And which is yet more strange, the Incestuous Parricide, after he had possessed the Bed as well as the Throne (so blind is Passion) outdid his Father as much in that very point of respect to her, for which he undid him, as he outdid a●l other men in point of Inhumanity; allowing her not only the stile of Queen, but designing to make her by the formal pomp of a solemn Coronation, alike Partner with him in his Royalty, as she was in his Luxury, had not Death and the Danes happily parted them: After which she was forced to return home, and by the way fell, it seems, into the hands of Baldwyn the Forester of Arden, by whom being taken Prisoner, he entered at the Breach he found already made, and took the Pleasure of her Beauty as lawful Prize.  

ETHELBERT. date of accession 858   Attributed coat of arms of King Ethelbert: a cross flory. SO monstrously rebellious was Ethelbald against his Father, that Providence vouchsafed him not the honour of being a Father himself: So that dying Childless, his second Brother Ethelbert became his Heir and Successor; a Prince fitted by the Government of part, for the Sovereignty of the whole: who having happily ruled the Kentish, South, and East-Saxons, for five years together, was admitted by common Consent, as well as by particular Right, to the honour of being Fourth absolute Monarch of England. However his Government was much disturbed before he could settle upon the Lees of his Power, by the increasing rage of the Danes, who landing at Southampton, sacked all the Country to the Walls of Winchester; and having afterwards buried that Loyal old Town in its own Ashes, came on as far as Berkshire, with intent to visit London itself: but being stopped by the united Forces of that Country, they were compelled to repay the price of their Cruelties to those they had before harassed, falling under the Fury of Osrick Earl of Southampton, whose People, provoked with the sense of their Sufferings, forced in upon them, and slew Osbeeck and Crans their Chief Leaders, exposing the rest to all the miseries that usually befall a routed Enemy in a strange Country; and so great was the slaughter of them, that the very Fame of it encouraged the Kentish men to turn head upon another Party, that had bridled, and was about to saddle them. Some have doubted the Courage of this King, for that they find him not personally engaged all this while; not considering, that all Motions were actuated by his Command and Countenance, who could not be idle at the Stem, whilst his Subjects were so busy in the middle part of the Weather-beaten Vessel: and perhaps 'twas not without great Reason (as things then stood) that he reserved himself for Victories of a deeper Dye: the Oppositions he had hitherto met with, being like flying Clouds, that rather portended a Storm then made one, Nature and Providence conspiring to make him happy by a kind of unhappiness, whilst by the shortness of his Reign (not exceeding five years) they took from him those greater Occasions of danger, which carried with them so much Glory to his Successor.  

ETHELRED. date of accession 863   Attributed coat of arms of King Ethelred: a cross flory. EThelberts Sun being set in a Cloud, behold a more refulgent rising in his room, the heat of whose Rays kindled new Courage and Affection in each English Breast: This was perhaps that only Prince that seemed to have been as well fitted for the Times he lived in, as the People he lived with: at least he was the first that taught them the right use of Necessity, which is a Virtue (if well improved) that (like Powder imprisoned in the womb of a Rock, which makes its way as soon as fired) quickens its execution by resistance. Harder it was for him to get up an Army together, then being up, to lay down his Arms: this appears by those Nine set Battles he sought in One year, with so various success, that while the Enemy routed him, he pursued them, keeping his Circulation like a hunted Hare, which follows the Dogs upon the same Trail that they pursue her. The first Volley discharged upon him, was by the two furious Danes, Hunger and Hubba; men of that Ambition, that to be equalled to him in Title, as they were in Force, they styled themselves Kings as well as he: and as Fortune was not wanting to them, so neither were they to her; attending her motions with such undaunted Resolution, and improving her Favours with such incredible diligence, that they neither stooped at petty Victories, nor stopped at petty Repulses, but pressing forward with obstinate boldness, pierced through the Bowels of Mercia, as far as Nottingham: here King Ethelred fell upon them, and forced them to Retreat; but it was so slowly, as if they had designedly gone back to seek a more convenient place to fight, as afterwards they did: getting this Reputation by not being beaten, though they did not beat him, that the Stake still remained undisposed betwixt them. The next year they came over Humber, whose red Banks looked as if they had been died with the blood of those that we●e slain in opposing their Passage; thence directing their Course towards East-Anglia the Country that lay most convenient to receive their Recruits) they there made a grand Holocaust to their Idol Gods (delighted it seems with humane Sacrifices) and amongst the rest of their abominable Offerings, presented the Crowned Head of that holy Martyr St. Edmond, than King of that Province; whose fall so shook the whole Isle, that it made every English heart tremble with fear, or desire of Revenge. Religion being now at stake as well as Liberty, each side prepared for slaughter; success swelled the number of the Pagans, as despair increased that of the Christians: both Armies oppressed as it were with their Multitudes divided into two Battalions; but having so little room to fight in that they were forced to charge through each other, the right Wings of both were routed; those that pursued, returned; and led by equal Courage and like Destiny, began (which hath rarely been seen) another Battle upon the same day, and that so much more dreadful than the former, by how much it lasted till either side were so weakened or wearied, that neither could fly away. Here Ethelred performed Wonders worthy the admiration of a greater part of the World, than he could ever hope to be Master of; gaining indeed the Victory, but at a price more valuable than any gain, the loss of his own life: however, he departed into the other World with the same Majesty he ruled in this, being attended by no less than two Kings, one on each side of him, and at his feet lay dead nine Earls, and two hundred Barons, and round about them at further distance, such a Mountain of common Carcases, as if designed by Destiny for a Monument, to which no other Kings could pretend, but such as sell like him, his Country's Sacrifice and his own.  

ELFRID. date of accession 873   Attributed coat of arms of King Alfred: chequy, in chief a lion passant guardant. NO sooner was Ethelred fallen, but Elfrid stepped in to take up his Sword and Sceptre, as one alike entitled to his Trouble as his Glory: who, however he was the last in Succession, was first in Ordination of all King Ethelwolphs' Children, being anointed King by Pope Leo, before he had a Kingdom; and which was more, in the presence of his Father, in the life time of two elder Brothers, and in his own Minority. A strange Riddle to Ambition, which knows no greater punishment, then to be so near a Crown in Title, and so far distant in point of Right as he was. But the same Providence that made him a King before he had a Kingdom, resolved it seems after he had the Kingdom, to make him no King again: for he was no sooner in the Throne, ere he was laid upon the Ground, and forced, after the fight seven almost equal Battles, to give up a part, to secure the rest of his Dominions, and at last to retire almost out of his Kingdom, but wholly out of himself: being reduced to such extremity, that for self preservation he was necessitated to personate a common Minstrel, and under that disguise was lost, till he found t●e opportunity to recover that from Fame, which Fortune had denied him, by sending so many of his Enemies to t●e dead, who believed him not alive, that there were not enough left to defend that Sacred 
* Called the Reafan.  Banner, in which they fond supposed the Fate of their Nation to be wrapped up.  
And now having all that became him as a Soldier, after twenty seven years' War (in all which time he seemed to fight rather for Life then Honour) he resolved to lose no opportunity of performing such Noble acts of Peace, as might draw his Subjects by his own example to the study of Arts as well as Arms: In order whereunto he took the whole Frame of his Government asunder, which he made up again like a Master-workman better than it was before, thereby preventing all those Insolences and Disorders which are the natural effects of turbulent Times (the Commotions of War, like those of the Sea, which rolls and runs high a long time after the Storm is over, being such as commonly end in Riots and Rapine) giving security to the whole, by fixing every individual Person throughout his Kingdom, within such known Limits of Shires, Hundreds, and tithings, is made them answerable to the Law in case of breach of Faith of Peace, by mutual obligations each for other: wherein his Clemency so interposed betwixt his Wisdom and his Power, that it is hard to judge whether he ruled more by Awe, Art, or Affection, tying them to no Rule or Order which he did not with more severity impose upon himself: So that what Martia● says of Fronto, may be applied to him, That he was Clarum Militiae Tog●que decus, there being that harmony in his natural Constitution, as inclined him to that gentle Science of Music, which as it served him to good purpose in his utmost extremity, so it brought him to such a strict habit in keeping of Time, that to make himself sure of every moment of his whole life, he divided the Day into three equal spaces, allowing the first to the business of Devotion; the second to the care of Nature; and the third to that of his State; of each of which he was so excellent a manager, that he is not undeservedly placed in the first rank of the Conditores of this Nation. And if he were not the first Founder of Oxford, which cannot be conceived without apparent injury to the memory of his Grandfather, whom the Annals of Winchester commemorate as the greatest Patron that ever the Muses had there, yet we cannot deny him the glory of being one of those great Patrons or Foster-fathers' (whereof there were many almost in all Ages from the very time of the Britain's, whose beneficence Alexander Necam celebrates with much gratitude) who nourished up Learning and learned Men, and gave Encouragement to all those who studied knowledge: And this he did in such unsettled and disorderly Times, when he had much ado to bear up himself with all the helps he had from the Wisdom and Courage of all about him: the Troubles of his Reign being so incessant (like one continued Storm) that he was (as is said before) once forced to quit the Stearn, another time to cut the Cable, and never enjoyed so much tranquillity as to be able to put out all his Sails; so that it was esteemed a great good luck that he was not wrecked, since he could not reach his Port, which doubtless he owed to the Faith of his People, the universality of whose Affections supplied the defects of his Power, being as superstitious in the confidence of his good Fortunes, as Caesar's Soldiers are said to have been of his, who never thought themselves in danger, while he was safe, nor ever thought him the less safe, for being in the midst of danger.  
Who would not follow him into the Field,  
Who cannot choose but conquer, though he yield,  
Whose Sword cut deep, yet was his wit more keen;  
Some Fence 'gainst that, but this did wound unseen.  
To thee is due (great Elfrid) double praise,  
To thee we bring the Laurel and the Bays,  
Master of Arts and Arms. Apollo so  
Sometimes did use his Harp, sometimes his Bow.  
And from the other Gods got this Renown,  
To reconcile the Gauntlet to the Gown.  
But who did e'er with the same Sword, like thee,  
Execute Justice, and the Enemy:  
Keep up at once the Law of Arms and Peace,  
And from the Camp, issue out Writs of Ease.  

EDWARD THE ELDER. date of accession 900   Attributed coat of arms of King Edward 'The Elder': a cross flory between four martlets. AS Elfrid was thought to be dead, long after he was living, so long after he was dead, he seemed to live still in the Person of this his Son Edward, who was so like him that he might rather have been called Elfrid the Younger, than Edward the Elder, being so immediate a Successor to his Virtues, as well as his Titles, that 'twas not discernible whether the People's grief or joy was greater, out of the apprehensions they had of the loss of the one, or the hopes conceived by the fruition of the other. In Learning he was his Father's Inferior, in Courage his Equal, but in Fortune his Superior. For however he was attached on all sides by tumultuary Troops of Danes (who by this time were grown very numerous, and were a People of that stomach and patience, that they grew greater by being lessened, and (which is strange to tell) prospered by being beaten) yet he acquitted himself so well of them, that they got no more Ground from him than what might be allowed them for their Graves, which they purchased at the price of their blood, and measured out by the length of their Swords. However, the first provocation he had to arm was from his own flesh and blood, an Enemy so much more dangerous, for that he had something of his own Nature in him; this was Ethelward, the Son of Ethelbert, his Father's second Brother, who having been declared Clyto (which amongst the Saxons was as much as Caesar amongst the Romans, that is to say the Heir Apparent) he thought it not so much an Injury to be put besides the Right of Succession by his two Uncles, as an Indignity to be disappointed by a Cousin, who, however surnamed the Elder, was in truth the Younger of the two; a●d perhaps, according to the Rule of those times, had the weaker-Title: This spark of Indignation being kindled in his Breast, was quickly blown into a Flame, and wanting not matter to nourish it, was easily kept up at its height by other men's discontents, as well as his own, who urging him to arm, without due consideration of King Edward's Possession, Power and Reputation (all great Check-mates to Rebellion) brought him and themselves under a necessity of craving help from the common Enemy, who having no other way but by this division, to preserve themselves entire, readily accorded to acknowledge him King. Upon this the two Rivals meeting at a place called St. Edmunds-Ditch, gave Battle to each other, where King Edward got the Victory, but lost the day; the Battle being so equally poised, that it not being known which had the better, either side was supposed to have the worst of it. King Edward lost the greater number of men; King Ethelward the most considerable: for both himself, and the Danish General his Colleague, were slain, their Bodies lying concealed under such vast heaps of the English, that their dishonour seems to be cancelled by those that conquered them. Upon this there was a Truce concluded with the Dane, I cannot call it a Peace, since the shortness of it made it seem no more than a Repose to take breath to fight again: during this Cessation, Fame (partial to the English) had so divulged the loss of the Enemy, that the Countess of Mercia, Sister to King Edward, and as nearly related to him in Fortune as in Blood, armed herself, like another Zenobia, and fell upon those that were nearest her Country, who, by the death of two great Princes, Cowilph and Healidine, gave her Brother time to refresh his tired Forces: But he, as doubting his Sword might rust if it were put up into the Sheath bloody, pursued his Successes with so indefatigable a Rage, that all those of East-Anglia dreading the Consequences of being conquered, compounded for their own Lives, by giving up that of their King, choosing rather to be disloyal than miserable, but lost them their Freedom by the same way they hoped to preserve it: For K. Edward was so incensed at the sight of their Butchery, that however the Parricide made for him to the recovery of that whole Kingdom, yet he determined to give the Traitors no Conditions. Upon which they fled into Northumberland, where he thought not fit to pursue, but left the Glory of clearing that Province to his Successor, who neither deceived his nor the Kingdom's expectation.  

ATHELSTAN. date of accession 924   Attributed coat of arms of King Athelstan: per saltire a globus cruciger. THEY that will take the height of this King, must begin near about the time his Reign began to end; his rising being like that of the Sun in a Cloud, which being not discernible at first, after looks red and bloody, but at last recovers its wont lustre and brightness. The inequality of his Mother's condition to that of his Fathers, (being but a private Gentlewoman, contracted to him in the life of the Grandfather) so obscured his Birth, that there were great doubts whether he were not illegitimate; and that which gave the suspicion of it, was his Fathers not owning of him after he came to be King; who caused his second Brother to be Crowned in his own life-time, to entitle him the nearer to the Succession, in order to the putting this man by: By which frowardness of Fate, or rather of his own Friends, he was so overshadowed at the time of his Father's death, that had he not showed himself to be the true Son as well as the eldest, and the undoubted Heir of his Courage, if not to his Crown, fitted for Government by parts as well as by years, 'tis probable he had been wholly set aside, it being scarce possible for him to have penetrated so thick a cloud of malice, as his merit had exhaled, much less to have sustained the shock of his Father's envy alone, who maligned him upon no other account, but that of his Grandfather's Indulgence, who was so fond of him, that 'twas thought he would have given him a share of the Government with himself whilst he lived, as an earnest of the rest when he was dead, to the hazard of setting aside his Son Edward. Thus the kindness of his Grandfather and the unkindness of his Father, being alike unfortunate to him, 'tis no marvel the melancholy he had contracted, thickened his blood, and corrupted his good nature, inclining him to frowardness and cruelty, after he recovered the Zenith of his Power, taking a precedent of unnaturalness from his Father, to fall upon his innocent Brother; jealousy, the canker of Majesty, having so far eaten out the coat of his virtues, that he could entertain no other thoughts, but what were rank with revenge, being so far transported, that when death had removed the Brother that was his Rival, he was not satisfied, till himself had removed the other that was not, whom (resolved it seems to have no body stand near his Throne) he exposed to the rage and fury of the Sea, in a Bark without Sails, or any kind of Tackle, where the helpless Youth believing that rude Element more merciful than his Brother, cast himself into its bosom, and so put a speedy end to his unhappiness and fear. This was so crying a crime, that it needed not a second to weigh down all his virtues, and would questionless have condemned him to all eternity, had he not timely condemn d himself for it, and by a suitable Penance (which ended not but with his own life) pacified the Ghost of his murdered Brother, and the horror of his own guilty Conscience, that came to be as strangely awakened, as it was at first abused, by the very same person who put him upon that execrable action: who (as the Story goes) stumbling accidentally in his presence, as he was bringing up a Dish of meat to his Table, having recovered himself without falling, said, (as he thought pleasantly, but unwittingly) See Sir, how one Brother (meaning one Leg, helps another; which unexpected Jest gave so sudden a touch to the King's Conscience, that in as sudden a passion he replied, Villain, it was thou that didst cause me to murder my innocent Brother, and so commanded him to be strangled in his presence. This was tho●ght to be an effect of rage rather than remorse, till it appeared otherwise by those voluntary punishments he afterwards laid upon his own Person, and more upon his Purse, the expiating of this one sin costing him no less Treasure than all his Wars, though he knew no Peace all his Reign; and had it not been for this blood in the beginning of his Story, no King had left his Name to Posterity under a fairer Character, for being just in his promises, resolved in his purposes, constant in his resolutions, and (as his Father before him) fortunate in that constancy, having ruled well, lived better, and at last died desired; which could not have been, had he not been as much Lord of himself as others, and rightly tempered, to maintain by his Courage what be got by his Wisdom; of both which Qualifications he gave so signal proof, that the memory of his Magnanimity hath outlived himself; it being agreed by all Historians, that he once opposed himself single to the force of a whole Army, and notwithstanding the odds of number, kept them at a stand, till he was relieved by his own People, who turned the Duel into a Battle, but could not part the Enemy and he, till he had made his way through them to their King, with whom he fought hand to hand; he yielded himself Prisoner: after which, (as if he were not satisfied with conquering him but once) he dismissed him again with a generous scorn, saying, 'Twas greater to make a King than be one. Pity 'twas that Nature was not so kind to him as Fortune, for this made his way to the Crown, but t'other denied him Issue to enjoy it; so that for want of Heirs of his own Body, he was forced to leave the Succession to his younger Brother, the first Son of his Father by a second Venture.  

EDMOND, date of accession 940   Attributed coat of arms of King Edmund I: a cross formy. THIS Prince being but three years old at the death of his Father, and not full fifteen at the death of his Brother, lost all those Advantages he might have hoped for, by observing the Virtues of the one, or the Vices of the other; however the loss of the Example of his Father was so well supplied by the Care and Providence of his Mother, (who gave him an Education fit for those active times) that he may worthily be said to have been fitted for Majesty, before Majesty was fitted for him; shooting up to that unexpected height, that the Danes finding they could not keep down his growth by open Hostility, endeavoured to supplant him by unperceived Hypocrisy, casting themselves under the Sanctuary of Religion, as professed Proselytes to the two great Prelates that then ruled him and his Kingdom, the Archbishops of Canterbury and York: By the solemnity of which holy Cheat, (ratified with the Seal of Baptism, and new promises given at the taking their new Names, to be true to the old League of their Predecessors) they obtained a Truce, so like a Peace, that it wanted only age to make it so, and therewithal an opportunity of recovering fresh strength, as well as malice; after which, like Snakes that had felt the heat of the Sun, they began to hiss, and show, that the Water poured out upon their heads, had not power to quench the Fire in their hearts; which breach of Faith, urged the young King to take a voyage into the North: where finding that they had fortified themselves with the Alliance of the Prince of Cumberland, he prepared to give them Battle upon the Forder of Northumberland; in which dispute having got the better of them, he pursued his Victory, till he overtook the two treacherous Sons of Dunmale their Confederate, to whom he cruelly gave their lives, but on such a condition as was worse than death itself; for at the same time he took from them both their Eyes and their Inheritance, the first never to be recovered, the last almost as desperate; for he bestowed it on Milcolmb, King of Scots, to be held of him in grand Serjeanty, by the service of bearing the Sword before him, as oft as he came into those parts; the two Renegado's Anlaff and Reignold made their escape into the Isles, and thence into Ireland, thinking themselves scarce secure at that distance. Thus satiated with Victory and Triumph, the fruits of vigilance and fortitude, he returned back to fortify himself by the most noble actions of Peace, binding his Subjects to him by the Ponds of so good Laws, that the memory of some of them are continued to this day, savouring of a wisdom rarely to be found in so green years; which as it made him reveared in his life-time, so much more pitied in his death, when he fell by the hands of an Outlaw, who thrust him through the Body, as he was endeavouring to part two of his domestic Servants, that were so insolent to begin a Fray in his own house and presence; which fatal Accident was not more unlucky to himself than to his Children, the eldest whereof being but four, the youngest scarcely two years old at his death, were without any great difficulty, put besides the Succession, by their Uncle Eadred.  

EADRED date of accession 946   Attributed coat of arms of King Edred: a cross formy between four martlets. THE Activity of the Danes, after they came to get Footing, enforced the English to make many Ruptures out of course, in the Succession of their Kings, breaking off their Lines where at any time it seemed weak, and uniting it together again in the strongest place, doubting lest the Imbecility of one that had been either a Fool or a Child, might be an occasion of letting the common Enemy in upon them: Upon which account this King was preferred before his Nephews, the right Heirs, he being of age, and they not; his Title of Election outweighing theirs of Succession, as being more agreeable to the necessity of those rough and boisterous Times; however there were always some found, that durst oppose the common Choice, moved by particular Interests, giving their Kings so continued Alarms, that they were not seldom forced to lay aside their Royal Robes, and  themselves in Steel. And this I take to be the Case of this particular King, who was put to a greater expense of Treasure than Blood, by the frequent Revolts (for they were not worthy the name of Rebellions) of such, who upon the account of discontent and faction, gave him more trouble than danger, baffling his Courage by long Marches to reduce them, when indeed they were subdued by their own fears, before he could reach them. Now as that which yields, deads' the force of violent motions, and causes them to lose their execution; so he by not being resisted, returned still a Conqueror without a Conquest, till involved in the common Fate of all Victors, (who weakened by often overcoming, are at last overcome by themselves) his Fury spent itself like Thunder after much Lightning, without any great harm done; all his Glory being by this means turned into a kind of Mockery, the Danes as well as the Rebels, playing fast and lose with him at that rate, that betwixt War and Peace, he was neither safe nor quiet, finding continual matter of Indignation or Scorn, till Fortune by bringing him so often on to fight with Air, made him secure, and by that means left the Enemy an opportunity to steal a Victory, that they durst not try to force from him: After which, death stole behind him, and broke the Glass of his Sovereignty before it had run out full ten years: too short a space to secure the Liberties of his People, much less to allay their Fears; who terrified with the various Ensigns of an Implacable Enemy, basely declined all noble Occasions of Revenge, and shamefully lost all that they possessed, by the same way they first got it.  

EDWIN. date of accession 955   Attributed coat of arms of King Edwin: a cross formy. IT hath been observed, that the selfsame Weapons Time uses to overcome the Body, are by the Understanding used to subdue Time. And by this means it prevails with Fame to allow that Glory to Patience, which Fortune not seldom denies to Fortitude: but this seems to be a secret which this young King either did not know, or not regard: by which Animadversion his Memory became obnoxious to much Obloquy and Scandal, which his Youth might otherwise have excused, or the Age he lived in pardoned: For not caring to humour those that then would be esteemed the best of men (I mean the Clergy) for that Cause only he fell under the Reproach of being himself one of the worst of Kings. The truth is, he was very severe toward the Priesthood upon account of their Laziness; which provoked them by way of Recrimination, to declaim as much against him for his Lasciviousness; their Revenge appearing to be like themselves, truly Spiritual, in that it survived the Occasion, and proved so immortal a Defamation, as is like to continue as long as there is any mention made of him in any Story, his Vices being represented in such a Magnifying Glass as dilated them to a degree of Deformity, more suitable to a Monster then a Man. For they accused him to have ravished a Young Lady the same hour that he was anointed King; and (to make it yet more horrid) avowed that he did it in the sight of all the People, and particularly of her own Husband, whom, after he had tortured with the shame of so unparallelled an indignity, he afterward murdered: But how improbable this is, each Reader may judge. And those that consider how Venial a sin Venery was in those times, will conclude his greatest Crime to be the taking of Abbot Dunstan by the Nose in like manner as it is said he did the Devil, who having cheated his Predecessor of a vast Treasure, delivered to him under secret Trust, to which he had most meritoriously entitled the Church; he not only compelled him to vomit up his Sacrilege, but to make the punishment as notorious as his guilt, compelled him to departed the Realm: This lost him the hearts of the Clergy; and long it was not ere they found an artifice to bereave him so far of the affections of the Laity, that they withdrew their Allegiance too upon the account of his Nonage, being then but sixteen years old: Neither took they from him his Crown on●y, but what was more dear to him than his life, his beautiful young Wife, upon pretence of too near Consanguinity; which Divorce cast him into a fit of despair, and that into so high a Fever as completed the Separation by his death: being dead they denied him Burial, and to show that something worse than the poison of Asps (which works no longer than while it finds heat) was under their Tongues, they most uncharitably reported the same Evil Spirits, whom they would have thought in possession of his Soul, to have carried away his Body; presuming that they might without any great difficulty gain Credit from after-ages, having so easily abused the present: but those that give us the most Impartial Account of his unhappiness, backed with circumstances that prove themselves, delineate such an active generosity in his Nature, as by the Advantage of his Youth, might have been rendered very useful if it had met with a loyal Nobility, or an untainted Clergy; but the first being led like Sheep by the last, they to show posterity how all the weight of Government hung upon the Lines of their hate or love, set up his Brother Edgar as very a Child as himself, giving no other reason why they thought him fit to Rule, but that they judged him easier to be ruled.  

EDGAR date of accession 959   Attributed coat of arms of King Edgar: a cross formy between four martlets. THIS King growing up like a young tree, planted under the shelter of the walls of the Sanctuary, could not choose but flourish, and being happy, who would not allow him to be wise, valiant, and just; but these good qualities were not it seems without some mixture of those dregs in his Brother's Nature, which were heightened as much by the Corruption of the Times, as that of their youth, either affording sufficient Temptation to men of so great Power, with so little experience. He began his Reign before his Brother ended his, and shooting up so soon, 'tis no marvel his top withered before he was full grown. That which gave him the great advantage of his Brother, was that which casts a great disadvantage upon most other men, in the like case, the point of minority; for coming to the Crown in so very tender years (being as I take it scarce seven years old) they that set him up, Judged him uncapable of making those obstinate Disputes, which Flatterers (of all Friends the worst Enemies) make Princes believe their Majesty will bear them out in; So that they who would take Exceptions to his Government, were first to Quarrel with the wisdom of St. Dunstan, who ruling him, as he would have him rule them, stood a long time betwixt him and Envy, making him by that distance appear in his Ascendent so much above any of his Predecessors, that he was not unworthily reputed the most, not to say the first absolute Monarch of the whole Isle: for however Egbert was the first Monarch of all the Heptarchs', as Elfrid the first absolute of all the Monarches, yet neither of these had any more than two parts of the whole; whereas he enlarged his Dominions over all the 
(*) See his style in his Charter to the Abbey of Malmesbury.  Circumjacent Territories, and took in all those Petty Princes his Neighbours (who yet called themselves Kings) together with the King of Scotland himself, to be his Vassals, who submitted to him in so humble (not to say servile) a manner, that Florentius and Hoveden record it as one of the highest remarks of Majesty, that ever any King of England could glory in; that passing over the River Dee, Seven of them rowed his Barge; that is to say, the King of Scots, the King of Cumberland, the King of Northumberland, the King of Man and the Isles, and the three Kings of Wales. Neither is it strange, that he should be so much above any Kings that were before him, since he took a different way from them all to enlarge his Empire; for they only busied themselves to Fortify so by Land, as to keep themselves in an uncertain Condition of defence, like men rolling a stone up a Hill, that is ready to tumble down again upon their heads, if they do not continually support it with main strength; whereas he made the Ocean, as Nature first intended it, the Bulwark of his Dominions; and was indeed the very first that made it so, by providing such a Fleet, as met with danger before it could approach too near him, whereby he had this double advantage, not only to take off the Fears of his own People, which had so long abused their Courage, but added so much to the Terror of his Neighbours, that they submitted to him without being conquered; and having never seen him, paid him Tribute on condition they never might: Fame as it were, so out-sayling his Navy, that they who before made it their business to invade his Territories, counted it happiness enough now that he did not invade theirs. Hence it was that there was not the least noise of War all his Time, nor scarce a whisper of Rebellion; Except some little Demurrers of discontent, put in by the Welsh Princes, presuming upon their Poverty; for that which is the weakness of other Princes, was their only Ground of Confidence; but that little Inflammation ceased by the letting out of a very little blood; the Danes who were then esteemed the only, as the nearest Enemy, lying still like Silkworms in Winter, without the least motion or appearance of Life: in Fine, the peace attended his Government was so universal, that to signalise the Calm, he added to the Arms of his Ancestors four Martlets, Birds that much delight to be about Water, and most if not wholly in clear and still Seasons, for such indeed was his Reign (as a Calm between Storms) which had it been as long as 'twas prosperous, he had not only passed for the most August Prince of this Nation, but this for the most Auspicate Kingdom perhaps on this side the World; he as keeping the Keys, and that as being the Storehouse to all other Nations. But he being (as I observed before) like a Plant abounding with too much moisture shut up too soon, and being made wanton with ease and plenty, grew so over Prodigal of that vital heat which should have cherished Nature, that it was not in the power of Art to preserve his Life beyond the thirty sixth year of his Age, which was too short a space to close up the dissevered joints of so mixed a Kingdom, whereof the Danes kept yet a fourth share; much less to establish an universal Empire, which being weakened by being so distended, could no longer hold out than while it was preserved by the Courage of such active Princes, as those that appeared upon the Throne the four last Descents following, who spite of Fate made good their Ground for an hundred years without any Interruption to the course of honour, save by the Interposition of Edwin, whom yet the hatred of the Clergy is supposed to have made worse than he was.  

EDWARD the Martyr date of accession 975   Attributed coat of arms of King Edward II 'The Martyr': a cross flory between four crowns. THE Globe of Sovereignty, like that of the Earth, is so placed, that it never stands still; but as the Ocean (the Emblem of human frailty) has its Ebbs and Flows, its Falls and Swell, so hath it its Turn, Tumbling, and Revolutions. No sooner were Edgar's Haltionian days done, but there appeared new Signs of the old Troubles, and Commotions, which like the meeting of contrary Tides, pressed in each upon other with dreadful noise and Tumult; the Laiety opposing the Clergy, the Nobility scorning the Populacy, and they again dividing from one another: But amongst the rest, no Feud seemed so fatal, as that betwixt the two Unhappy Sons of this so happy Father; the one trusting to his Primogeniture, t'other standing upon his Legitimacy; the right of either being so equally balanced, that there wanted only the affections of the Multitude to turn the Scale either way, whilst the Clergy favoured the Eldest, the Temporal Lords the younger. The head of the Church-Faction was the A. B. Dunstan, then, and all the time of the last King, chief Minister of State: Principal of the Lay Faction, was Ordgar the great Earl of Devon, backed by the Queen Mother's Party. So equal was the power, so pressing the necessity on either side, that both Consented to stand to the determination of a Public Convention of all the States at London: Accordingly a Parliament was held at Westminster, where the bold St. Dunstan, not tarrying for the result of any Debate upon the point De Jure, set the Crown upon the head of Edward the Elder Brother, and so presented him De Facto, to the Assembly, as their lawful Sovereign; which confident Act of his, either satisfying or surprising those of the opposite Party, met with an universal submission; every Body acquiescing, and dissembling their discontent, except the Queen only, who being his Stepmother, could not forget, much less forgive, an injury so grievous to the Son of her own Body: turning therefore her passion of Ambition into that of Revenge, she broke over all the bounds of Nature and Right, to find the nearest way to the Throne: nor wanted she a dismal opportunity, however taken from a pretence of humanity and kindness, to set up her Darling by the murder of this guiltless Prince, who coming alone estrayed from Hunting, and altogether unattended, to visit her at her Castle of Corffe in the Isle of Purbeck, was by her Command slain by an Assassme, that took the advantage to stab him in the Reins of the Back, as he was drinking her Health at the gate on Horseback: the helpless Youth finding himself wounded, clapped spurs to his Horse, in hopes to have out-rid her malice, but his Spirits failing, he fell out of his Saddle, and so unfortunately, that his Foot fastened in the Stirrup; at which his poor Beast affrighted, became alike accessary, though not alike guilty of his death, by dashing our his Brains, before that Life had got its passage through his wounds. So perished this harmless Prince in the infancy of his Royalty as well as of his Age, being rather sacrificed than slain, by a kind of double Death, without so much as a single Crime laid to his charge: the same malice that envied him the honour of being a King, becoming instrumental thereby to the dignifying him with the glory of being a Martyr; the Charity of those times, or rather the Affection of the Clergy, leaving him enshrined in the Calendar of Saints. Which shows how deplorable his death was, wherein the whole Nation were so much more sufferers than himself, that it may be truly said, that the Same stroke which took away his Life, gave the Death's wound to the English Monarchy, bringing upon them the misery of being in Bondage to a Stranger Nation, of all other the most cruel and insolent; who owed their Rise next the immediate determination of Providence to nothing more than the unexpected Fall of this hopeful Prince, with whose blood they may be said to have mixed the Mortar of that Foundation they after laid; taking the same advantage of the Sins of the English, as they before of those of the Britain's, and breaking in upon them, as they upon t'other, with a Resolution not so much to conquer, as to confound them; which may be some Excuse for the cruelty of the next King, that massacred so many of them in cold blood, whilst who like Samson in the midst of his Enemies, thought there was no way left, but removing the Pillars of the house, and perishing together with them.  

ETHELRED date of accession 978   Attributed coat of arms of King Ethelred II: a cross flory between four martlets. 'TIS easy to imagine by the Title of Martyr given to the last King, what Reflex his Death had upon this, who like an ill-set plant, unhappily placed in the same Room, from which the other was taken, never could recover any firm rooting, and consequently never thrived, being continually wind-shaken from the very first moment that he was set up, and vexed with uncessant troubles; the Sword never departing from his House (as 'tis reported St. Dunstan preaching at his Coronation boldly foretold) till the common Enemy became Master of his ill-got Glory, repaying him with the misery of loss, and that infelicity which always attends it, shame and reproach. For 'tis observed, that notwithstanding there were scarcely any King that ever settled the constitutions of his Government upon firmer principles, that fought his Battles with braver Resolution, that encountered all Emergencies of State with like indifferency and temperance; yet neither could his vigilance or valour, his prudence, fortitude, or patience so prevail against Destiny, but that all his designs were stifled in the birth, or frustrated at the very point of dispatch; as if Heaven had decreed to lay such a curse upon the wickedness of his Parent, as should weigh down all the merit of his Virtues, and ●●ast the hopes conceived from them. One while Famine was his Foe, another time Pestilence, and it was not rare for the very Elements themselves to fight against him; it being more than once or twice that he had a kind of Battle with Heaven itself, for his Fleets were in danger of being fired by unexpected Lightning and Thunder-Storms; neither was it for a little time that he thus struggled with the perverseness of his Stars, hoping the malignity of their Influences might spend itself in due season but finding they gave him no opportunity or encouragement to perform any worthy Action, for several years together, having placed all Glory so far above the reach of his Sword, that 'twas impossible he could at the same time appear to be valiant and wise, he despaired by sensible degrees: and as one grown weary of Greatness, became less concerned, as he found Fortune more froward; till at length he fell under the lowest Reproach that could befall an active Prince, to be styled The Unready (for so was he miscalled) the apprehensions of which indignity so wholly relaxed his Spirits, that he resolved to purchase what he could not win, a little rest (I cannot call it peace, being rather like a Submission than a Cessation) which yet he paid an incredible price for, indeed no less than 10000 pounds; a vast Sum for those times, and so much the dearer pennyworth to his poor people, in as much as it was the occasion of a Tax, which not only was the very first they ever knew, but was executed with so much rigour, that the shame and indignation he conceived thereupon, put him upon washing off the Stain of his dishonour with a deluge of innocent blood: exasperating him to the hazard of the worst of remedies, a general Massacre throughout his Territories; which afterward, was executed upon the Danes with so much secrecy, and so little compassion, that very few, if any of them, escaped. 'Twas thought this one Act, however cruel, would have freed him from all future fears of the like necessity for the time to come; but that weight which would have fixed the pillars of his Government upon their Bases, had they continued upright; leaning on one side, overcharged and cracked them: for the bold Executioners of his rage, upon the first preparation the Enemy made for Revenge, finding themselves disappointed in the main ends of their Cruelty, turned Cowards, and by a strange infatuation quit his Protection, to seek refuge from those whom yet they believed implacable: who having no colour of right, till this wrong was done to them, had now so fair a Pretence to do what e'er was foul, that King Swain himself thought it obligatory upon him, to cross the Sea to see right done to the incensed ghosts of his People: The terror of whose first approach made such impressions upon the very wisest of the English, that they thought it better to give him the possession of their Country, than hazard his undertaking it from them, yielding up most of the great Towns and Cities, to disappoint his Fury by unexpected submission. Only London stood firm to King Ethelred in this extremity, and left him not till he left them; who having before the Storm came, sent away his Wife and Children into Normandy, followed them himself not long after; leaving Swain in the sole possession of the Kingdom: who from thence forward had nothing more to do, but to bind those he had thus conquered with chains of Allegiance. But see the mockery of human greatness: whilst he thought himself above all Enemies, having one foot upon the step to mount into the Throne, death the common Enemy of mankind, struck him to the ground: the winged news of which unexpected Event, taking its flight into Normandy, so emboldened Ethelred, that he believing himself now reconciled to Fortune, immediately returned, and showed his People, he was not that Unready man the World misnamed him to be: but behold, instead of an aged Enemy, who had more to do to contest with his own infirmity than with his Forces, there appeared a Successor more youthful and vigorous than himself, one that was equal to him in conduct, but surpassed him in Ambition: this was Knute the Son of Swain, who finding the only way to be great at Land, was to be Master at Sea, made it his first business to corrupt the Fleet, and by that advantage gave so fatal a blow to Ethelred's power, that he could no longer resist the force of Desperation; but languishing in mind as before in Body, left the justice of his Title to be disputed with more equality by his Son Edmond, who hoping to Overcome by yielding, lost the whole by giving up a part only.  

EDMOND Iron-sides. date of accession 1016   Attributed coat of arms of King Edmund II: a cross flory. THE unexpected Death of the last King, surcharged with misfortunes rather than years, as it made way for his Son to the Throne, so happening before he was sufficiently prepared for so important a Charge, it was was not the least occasion of the total overthrow of the English Monarchy: However we may call this rather his Fate than his Fault, being a Prince worthy a happier Father, and a nobler Destiny; who, had Providence been pleased to have post-dated the birth of his glory, till time had purged away the guilt of his Family, and left him no more Enemies to grapple with, than what his Sword could have reached; might possibly by his personal Gallantry, have recovered his languishing power, at least prevented those dire disputes, which afterwards cost his Posterity more blood, than the Dominions they Contended for could supply. But the same hand that wrote his name in this period of Succession, and as 'twas thought, engraved his Destiny in that 
(*) Edmond signifying in the old Saxon Blessed Peace.  Name, contrary both to the literal sense of it, and the hopes conceived by them that gave it him; turned that of Blessed and Peaceable, into that of Iron-sides; an Adjunct which carried horror in the sound, and perhaps more proper for him, who was condemned to fight three set battles in the space of three Months; on the success of each of which, depended no less than half a Kingdom, which yet was his all; the rest being in possession of his Foe, who fought him with his own Weapons, bringing Subject against Subject, English against English. King Edmond General was the Earl of Essex; the Earl of Northumberland was the Danes, both men of great Conduct and Courage: Not far distant from these appeared the Earl of Merkland, with another Body; by his Father of English Descent, by his Mother's side a Dane, who pretending to affect both sides, could by no means be drawn to declare for either; having secretly however supported each, till he had so far weakened them both by his Encouragements, that neither was in Condition to punish his Treachery, much less to refuse his Courtesy: And now being drawn up in Battle to decide the great question of right, he showed, seeing him hover at a distance with such a neutral party, as gave them just apprehensions of both his Force and Fraud, trusting to no Sword but their own, they mutually accorded to decide the Justice of their quarrel by Combat rather than Battle, obliging their respective Armies to submit to the success of him that conquered; upon which entering singly into an Island on the Severn, they charged each other with so much fury, and so little Caution, as if the desire of assaulting had wholly taken away the care of defence; but being equal in Stomach and strength, the Fight continued poised in the uncertainty of any advantage on either side, till at length both being tired, neither vanquished, either hoping to win, both scorning to yield, with like desire, though not with like reason, they agreed to divide the Kingdom between them. And to make the atonement appear as acceptable to their Armies as to themselves, they transacted their Persons, by exchange of  and Arms: Edmond appearing to the Danes in dress like Knute, Knute like K. Edmond to the English: a fatal exchange for this poor Prince, who whilst they seemed thus to become each other, he only remained not himself, falling by degrees from being half a King, to be very shortly after none: betrayed by false grounds of security, into an unpitied Ruin, whilst he preferred a bad Peace before a good War, and neglected those means for the preservation of life, which he might have learned from the continual expectation of death: and that which made his end more deplorable was, that with him perished the English Monarchy. For however it seemed to have recovered itself again in the same age, yet it proved like a plant new set after it had been long out of ground, which whiles there remains any sap in the root, will send forth fresh Sprouts, but those so weak and tender, that the least bruise makes them whither and die: the mistaken Majesty of the Kings that succeeded him, being no less crazed and infirm than they themselves, who fainted away upon the first wounds given them, and bled themselves to death in one single Battle.    

THE FOURTH DYNASTY OF DANES.  

 Woodcut headpiece with a decorative pattern of archers and hunting dogs. OF DANES.  
THE Danes were a People, whose Original, Tradition, hath with much ado traced through the Dusky Fogs of the Euxine Sea, unto the Fens of Meotis; which being the first place they were ever known to Inhabit, they lived there under the obscure name of the Cymeri, till they were expulsed thence by the Scythians, who (as Orosius, Olaus Magnus, and others affirm) have continued there ever since. Vellius will have it that they were driven out thence by a sudden Inundation of the Country, upon which they petitioned the Romans (than Lords of almost all the World) for the assignation of some vacant place in their Dominions: But the meanness of their Condition inclining the Romans to slight, if not deny their request, they were necessitated to rove up and down in an unsettled Condition for some years: At last ('tis said) they fixed in Scandia, where possessing themselves of the strongest Part of those cold Islands in the Baltic Ocean, they found an opportunity to justle out divers Roman Colonies. This begat a quarrel, and that at last a War, in which the Romans lost several of their Generals before they could reduce them to any Terms of Submission. A little after this (which was yet before the Incarnation) they began to undermine their next Neighbours the Jutes, who (as Munster relates) dwelled right over against them, on the Chersoness, that jets out into the Aoust Sea. By that Contest they gave the World so good an account of their skill in Naval Fights, that the Jutes weary of their Vicinity, left them the possession of that Promontory, and came themselves over into this Isle of ours.  
Thus by commanding the Sea, they made themselves first Lords at Land, and with their new Seats they got a new Name; the broad-mouthed Northern People about those parts, calling them the DANS: whether from Dan their King, as some, too ancient to be refuted, fancy; or from Dom, the abbreviation of Dominus (as the Spaniards got the Style of Don amongst them) being of that haughty humour, that they would be called by no other name after they came hither, but Lordanes; or whether from DAN, which (as Junius tells us) signified a Firr-tree (whereof they had there such abundance, that it continues yet their Staple Commodity) I will not take upon me to determine. Certain it is, that most Writers reckon them amongst the Minores Gentes; but if their own Records speak Truth, we must look on them as the offspring of the Scythians, the noblest Race of People in the World; from whom all the Northern Nations were as ambitious to derive themselves, as those in the East from the Medians, those in the South from the Aethiopians, or those in the West from our Ancestors the Germans. There are who reasonably enough conclude them to be a branch of these last: For the Posterity of Gomer planting in Italy, disburdened part of their numbers into Germany, and part into Gaul: From those in Germany sprung two Branches, the Francs, and the Danes (as 
* Fuag. 8. lib. Goth.  Procopius tells us) both promiscuously at that time called Normans: From those in Gaul sprung our Ancestors the Britain's, and those of Belgia: by which 'tis evident, We that at this day are called English, were originally all of one Stock. Neither hath the change of Names or Nations much altered our Natures, but that we continue to be still the same in humour, as we were ever in point of Constitution.  
They were (as indeed most of the Inhabitants of the Septentrional part of the world) a hardy and bold (I cannot say brave) People: for their behaviour was plain and rude, and they so affected their own manners, that however they were led by Providence into Countries where they partook more of Civility and the Sun, yet they would not be moved to change any of their ancient Customs, having but little sense of honour, and less of danger, aiming more at gain then glory: Insomuch, that they were altogether strangers to such gay distinctions of Honour as are since in fashion, and wherewith those now in Denmark have been but very lately acquainted: the reason was, for that all their Dignities were Personal, and not Hereditary, held by no other Charter but that of their Virtue: So that their wise Kings observing that old Adage, Virtutis Laus Actio, never suffered them to want fresh Occasions of Action, whereby they sold them the honour they pretended to give them, by parting with it not so much as a Reward of past, as an earnest of future Services. Neither did this a little enhance the value of their Nobility, which being for term of life only, as it fell sooner into the King's hands, to be remunerated again with better improvement and advantage, so the Persons dignified were not apt to be infected with those haughty conceits, which most usually puff up the minds of such as are born Noble, who believing something to be in their Blood, that differences them from the common Rank of Subjects (the Obligation whereof they have either forgotten, or hold to be discharged by their Ancestors) grow insolent and factious, and by their disloyalty not seldom disturb both their own Families, and the Kingdom's peace: Of this Knute had so sad a proof, that as soon as he came to be King of England, he endeavoured to discharge all his Grandees, that might any way pretend to have any share in his Conquest, crushing the two great Paladines, Irtus and Turkill, the one Earl of Northumberland, t'other of Merkland; each of whose Principalities were so independent, and governed by such distinct Laws as made them so absolute, that the Monarchy till then looked like a Tetrarchy; but he was forced at the same time to banish Ten thousand of his other Countrymen, only to be rid of them two: putting himself by an unusual Confidence, upon the Faith of the English, whom to oblige the more, he taught the knowledge of their own Strength (which till then they seemed ignorant of) showing them the way to Victory in other Countries; where while they became Conquerors under him, they forgot the hate conceived for being conquered by him: Neither was he less careful in Peace, to heal the wounds received in War, by applying the Balsam of wholesome Laws, in the making whereof he had a particular Art to meet with the Distempers of the Times; wisely providing against such as were likely to have become Epidemical: But more particularly severe was he against that sottish sin of Drinking, then so much in fashion, not without some secret instinct perhaps, or presage of what did happen after, that it would prove fatal to the Glory of his own House, and not only cut off every Branch thereof, but be the occasion of rooting out his Nation so full and wholly, that in two Successions after him, there should not be found scarce one Family in the whole Isle, that could so trace their broken Pedigrees, through the obscure wind and deviations of their so often interrupted History, as to prove himself of Danish Extract, both by Father and Mother.  
But as it was too great an Undertaking to subdue the Vices of that indomitable Age, where if they had not thirsted for wine, they would perhaps for blood: So much less was he able to contest with Heaven, which had put them a period for a Penalty, and bound them up by an invisible Chain of Causes, beyond the length of which they could not make one step forward: The Links whereof were peradventure no more (and therefore the heavier) than what was proper for the mystical number of their three Lettered Name of DAN: for as their Monarchy held only three Descents, so the whole Systeme of their Conquest, with every Action, Accident, and Achievement therein, seems to be circumscribed within the Circle of that hree corner'd square, with like Fatality as the Britain's were ruled by the Number of Six, and the Romans by that of Seven: For as they were originally divided into three Tribes, so each Tribe had as many Kingdoms, and thereupon they gave for their ancient Arms three times three 
* Olao Worms Monument. Dan. 431.  Hearts, which makes up Nine, the great Square of the Number Three, their Dominions then containing just so many Islands (as we learn from 
† Casp. F. Epist.  Tho. Bartolinus) to which they have added since Three Lions. So when they began their Invasion here, 'tis observable they had but only Three Ships, which yet landed not all at once, but in three several places, and that inconsiderable Party they brought over, were conducted by three Generals, each equal in Trust and Honour; these were Gurmo, Byorn, and Sytherick, who began that cruel war that followed: upon their Departure came over Ingar, Ivor, and Hubbo, three fierce Brothers, which were seconded by Gurmo the younger, Eskell and Amond, as they again backed by Cockric, Hastang, and Rollo. The three great Triumvirs in the height of the war were Edric, Stroeg, and Halidine: after them succeeded Sytherick the Second, Godfred, and Anlaff: after whom were Eric the Second, Anlaff the Second, and Swain: not to mention, Fran, Frithegist, and Frothoe, whose names were overwhelmed by Irtus, Turkill, and Knute, who were the bringers up of the Rear, and ended the war; the last of whom was the first had the good fortune to shake off his right and left hand-men in the Government. The like Order they observed in invading Ireland; where the first Undertakers were Turges, and the two Gurmo's, Father and Son; the second Expedition being managed by Thor, Raglobert, and Sytherick; the same Sytherick, I take it, came after into England: And as they had always three Generals, so all their Battalion's were divided into Tertia's; and as divers Historians relate, they never quit the Field how much soever overpressed by their Enemies, till they had been thrice broken. Lastly, as they had a Succession of three times three Kings here, before they could get the entire Domination over the whole (that is to say, three in East-Anglia, and twice three in Northumberland) so they had three, and but three Kings, that continued the Succession after they became absolute: And as their Monarchy held out but three Descents, so it continued but three times nine years at longest: Too short a space to compensate the loss of so much blood, as the recovery of their short-lived Glory cost them; much less to repair the Naufrages of the Commonwealth, wasted by continual Storms, whilst Fortune appeared so indifferent which side to favour, that there could be no measure taken of her Inclinations, from the Success, there being scarce any Battle fought, in which the Conqueror had so much the better on't to keep the Field long; or the conquered so beaten, as not to be able in very short time to take the Field again, with confidence of getting the day next, rising like Game-cocks after they were laid for dead, to crow over them that had the better of them; those that died, intailing their Ambition on those that survived, infecting them (if I may so say) with their Courage. So that that Character is very applicable to them which we find elsewhere, 
— Quos nulla fatigant  
Praelia; nec Victi, possunt absistere Ferro.    

THE Order and Succession OF THEIR KINGS Before and after they got The Entire and Absolute Government OF ENGLAND.  
I. 
date of accession 870 HUNGER was the first Danish King in this Isle, who assisted by his Brother Beorn, that had married the Lady of Northumberland, found Interest enough to give him admittance there: whence marching directly into East-Anglia, he sacrificed King Edmund to the Ghost of his murdered Father, and possessing himself of that Kingdom, left it to  II. 
date of accession 874 GURMO, a younger Brother of the Royal House of Denmark; who, to ingratiate himself to the English, became a Christian, and with his new Title took a new Name, being by his Godfather King Elfred, worthily called Athelstan: that is to say (as Verstegan interprets it) the Noble; he left his Title to his Brother  III. 
date of accession 905 ERIC, the first that had this name, and last that had this honour; who meeting with a Competitor that overmatched him both in the dignity of his Person, and the designation of his Power, was betrayed by his own Subjects, who put themselves under King Edward, surnamed the Elder: the Northumber's and Mercians submitting to  IU. 
date of accession 907 ERIC the Second, or (as some call him) Sytherick a Norwegian: who contracting an Alliance with King Athelstan, and after the Example of Gurmo, turning Christian, was poisoned by his own two Sons: the eldest whereof  V 
date of accession 924 ANLAFF the First possessed himself of Northumberland: Godfrid his younger Brother held Mercia: but King Athelstan fell upon both, and took from the last his Life, from the first his Kingdom; which was recovered again not long after, by his Son  VI. 
date of accession 946 ANLAFF the Second, thereupon esteemed the third King of the Northumber's: His reign was not long; for his Subjects weary of continual wars, set him besides the Saddle, to make way for  VII. 
date of accession 950 ERIC the Third, or as some call him IRING, Son of Harold, the Grandson of Gurmo King of Denmark, recommended to them by Milcolmb King of Scots: but he being elected King of Sweden, the Northumber's submitted to Edgar the younger Brother, or next in succession to Edwin, and from that time, it continued a Member of the English Crown, till about the year 980, when  VIII. 
date of accession 980 ANLAFF the Third, understanding they were affected to his Nation, arrived with a fresh Supply, and making his Claim, was admitted King; but being over pressed, the Title came to  IX. 
date of accession 1013 SWAIN, King of Denmark, who made this his first step to the English Throne: into which as he was mounting, death seized on him, and kept the Room empty for his Son Knute.    

DANES Absolute Kings OF ENGLAND.  
I. 
date of accession 1017 KNUTE was deservedly surnamed the Great, as being the very greatest, and most absolute King that ever England or Denmark knew (those of the Roman Line only excepted) for he was King of England, Scotland, Ireland, Denmark, Norway, Sweden, and Lord of a great part of Poland, all Saxony, some part, and not a little, of Brandenburg, Bremen, Pomerania, and the adjacent Countries; most of them, not to say all (besides Denmark and Norway) reduced under his Obedience, by the valour of the English only: upon his death Denmark and Norway fell to his Son Hardycanute; the rest, as Sweden, etc. devolved upon the right Heirs, whilst England was usurped by his Natural Son  II. 
date of accession 1036 HAROLD, surnamed Harfager, or Golden Locks; who being the Elder, and having the advantage to be upon the place, entered as the first Occupant, thereby disappointing his legitimate Brother  III. 
date of accession 1041 KNUTE, surnamed the Hardy; designed by his Father to be the next Successor to him, as bearing his Name, though upon trial it appeared he had the least part of his Nature: for he had not the Courage to come over and make any claim, as long as Harold lived; and after his death, he drowned himself in a Land-flood of Wine, losing all the Glory his Predecessors had gotten, by wading through a sea of blood; which made the way to his Throne so slippery, that those English that came after him, could never find firm footing: But upon the very first Encounter with the Norman, caught such a Fall, that could never recover themselves again.    Attributed coat of arms of King Hungar: a rook close.  Attributed coat of arms of King Gurmo: 9 hearts. 
This Gurmo came out of Ireland, I take it in the second year of King Elfrid, not without a confident hope of making good his Predecessors Conquest, which had cost already so much blood, as made his desire of Rule look like a necessity of Revenge: the Monarchy of Denmark itself being put (if I may so say) into a Palsy, or trembling Fit, by the loss of the Spirits it had wasted here. So that he came with this advantage, which those before him had not, That the Cause seemed now to be his Countries, more than his own; who therefore bore him up with two notable props, Esketel and Amon, men of great Conduct and known Courage; the one of which he placed as Viceroy in Northumberland; t'other in Mercia: And having before expelled Burthred the Saxon, he fixed himself in East-Anglia, as being nearer to correspond with Denmark, and most commodious to receive Re●ruits. Upon his first advance against King Elfrid, Fortune appeared so much a Neuter, that either seemed afraid of other, and striking under line, preferred a dissembled Friendship before downright Hostility: And to show how much the edge of their Courage was rebated, they mutually accorded to divide the Land betwixt them: Gurmo was to be Lord of the North and East: Elfrid to hold the South and West part of the Isle. The politic Dane after this, suffered himself to become what the English would have him to be (a Christian) to the intent that he might be what he would have himself to be (absolute) changing his Pagan name of Gurmo, into that of Athelstan; which being of all others the most grateful to the Saxons, he rendered himself by that Condescension so acceptable to the whole Nation, that they consented to his Marriage with the famed Princess Thyra, King Elfrids' virtuous Sister, by whom he had Issue Harold Blaatand, that lived to be King of Denmark after himself; and another Knute, whom he left in Ireland, to make good the Acquests of the first Gurmo there: a Prince of so great hopes, and so beloved by him, that the knowledge of his death (being slain at the Siege of Dublin) gave him his own: for he no sooner apprehended the tidings thereof, by the sight of his Queens being in mourning, but he fell into such a violent fit of Grief, as left him not till he left the World, whereby the Crown of Denmark fell to his Son Harold; the Title and Possession of East-Anglia, with its Appurtenances, he bequeathed to his Brother Eric, who having performed the first Act of Security to himself, in having taken an Oath of Allegiance of all his Subjects, suffered them to perform the last Act of Piety towards him, in giving him all the Rites of an honourable Interment at Haddon in Suffolk: which place it seems he purposed to make the Burial place of all the East-Anglian Kings. But this Ambition of his beginning where it should have ended, with a design of assuring to himself more honour after he was dead, than he was able to make good, whiles he was living, ended as soon as it began, as will appear by his Story following.   Attributed coat of arms of King Eric: 9 hearts in pile, chief a lion passant guardant.  Attributed coat of arms of King Eric II: a fish. Tantum Religio potuit suadere malorum? 
Upon which, his Queen frighted with the horror of their Inhumanity, fled back to her Brother Athelstan, to seek from his Power, Justice, Protection, and Revenge; whiles Anlaff took upon him to be King.   Attributed coat of arms of King Anlaff I: a snake between 10 hearts.  Attributed coat of arms of King Anlaff II: a lymphad.  Attributed coat of arms of King Eric III: 9 hearts in pile, chief a lion passant guardant.  Attributed coat of arms of King Anlaff II: a lymphad.  Attributed coat of arms of King Swain: two lions passant guardant in pale, 3 hearts in chief, 3 hearts in fess, 3 hearts in base.  Attributed coat of arms of King Cnut: 9 hearts in pile, chief a lion passant guardant.  Attributed coat of arms of King Harold I: a cross formy and lion rampant guardant. 
The Equality of Power, as well as of Ambition, ripened the Factions on both sides very fast, by the heat of their Contest: But before they came to Maturity, there was a Parliament convened at Oxford, that took the matter into consideration; where the Lords fearing that the Question (if delayed) might be decided by Swords, and not by Words, out of a deep sense of the lingering Calamities of a new War (all the wounds of the old being not yet cured, or at least not so well, but that the Scars were yet fresh in many of their Faces) they declared for the King in possession, but with such a wary form of Submission, as showed they did it rather out of regard to themselves, then him: whereupon Goodwin produced the deceased Kings Will in opposition to theirs: but the regard they had to the living, being more prevalent than that of the dead, the Queen urged her Articles of Marriage, by which it was covenanted that her Children should Inherit, to which their Lordships had all subscribed: which being acknowledged by the Archbishop of Canterbury (the principal Verb in the Sentence) his Authority led the sense of the whole Clergy, and having (as he was Legate) the Sceptre and Crown in his hand, he laid them down on the Altar, challenging the Usurper to take them up thence if he durst: whereupon King Harold, as quick of Apprehension as he was nimble of Foot, allayed this Thunderclap with a shower of Go den Promises, vowing to defend the Church's Rights with his Blood; for which, as he gave some Pledges in public, but many more, as 'tis thought, in private, so he carried the Cause with more Facility than Applause.  
And now being fixed, I cannot say settled, not without the suspi●ion of some foul play on Earl Goodwin's part, whose unexpected Submission she●d that he had either quit his Wisdom or his Honesty; he began he pleasure of his Reign with that of Revenge: and as he dreaded those Sons of the Queen she stood not for (to wit, those of the English Line, Edward and Alfred) more than him she did; so he found out a Bait accordingly to draw the youngest of them (who was the on●y man of Spiri● and (ourage) within his reach, by the temptation of a feigned Letter, as from his Mother, that invited him over into England, to head an Army against the Usurper (for so he was pleased to call himself, when it served his own turn) assuring him there wanted neither hearts nor hands to serve him. The Person who was to give him the first Reception after landing, was the unsuspected Goodwin, who pretending to conduct him privately to his Mother, betrayed him into the Vulture's power, who immediately put out his eyes, manifesting to the World the necessity those have to be cruel, that dare be unjust: For as Ambition is that illustrious sin that claims Kindred with every great Vice, so it hath this Prerogative above them all, in respect of its noble Extract, that the deeper 'tis died, the better colour it takes, and of all Colours, so none so natural to it as that Crimson.  Si jus violandum est, regnandi causa violandum. 
For he that cannot rule himself well, may yet rule others better, and make satisfaction for being an ill man, by becoming a good King. But this was not Harold's intention; the Ills that he seared could not be secured but by those he did, and therefore he provided for greater; first banishing the innocent Queen, after confiscating all her Estate to his own use; and having little apprehensions of any danger, from that dull Rival the elder Brother, who seemed to affect a Mitre rather than a Crown, he turned his thoughts toward his own Brother Knute, resolving to reach him by poison under a gilded Pill, which he believed he could not want hands to administer, whilst the Furies were in Confederacy with him to secure the ill-got Greatness they had bestowed upon him. Several persons were corrupted with golden promises of great Preferments in case they could effect the black deed: but Providence being more kind to him, than he to himself, prevented his further guilt, by putting an end to his loathed life, which yet had concluded happily enough, if either his infamy had ended with himself, or himself had been at rest when he ended: But being the People's terror whiles he was alive, the King, his Adversary that succeeded him, took that advantage to make him their scorn after he was dead, raking up his Ashes out of the Dust where it was laid, to expose it to another Element, as restless as was himself: whereby, though in effect he did no more but rob the Worms, to gratify the Fishes, yet the Common sort judging there was something more of Inhumanity in the manner, than perhaps of Injustice in the matter of the Revenge, it melted down their hate into a kind of pity; and as their spite for the most part ends with their fears, so forgetting their own, they became so sensible of his wrong, that from that time they withdrew their affections from that King, and had doubtless exposed him (had he not prevented it by exposing himself) to some danger as great as that he met with.   Attributed coat of arms of King Hardicanute: quarterly, a cross voided; on an escutcheon, three crowns; in first and fourth quarters two lions passant guardant between 8 hearts, in second and third quarters a lion rampant bearing a lochbar axe.  

 Woodcut headpiece with a decorative pattern of archers and hunting dogs. ENGLISH.  

EDWARD the Confessor. date of accession 1042   Attributed coat of arms of King Edward the Confessor: a cross flory between 5 martlets. THE Danish Line being broken off before the ambitious Goodwin could fasten his Hook to it, and all claim on that side made void, by the immediate Revolt of Norwey, and their dissensions at home; he had only this advantage (and it was a great one) to make his own choice out of all the English, that pretended to the right of Succession, and to take whomsoever he thought would be the fittest mould for him to cast the Model of his own designed Greatness in. The first in right to the Crown, were Prince Edward and Edmond, the Sons of Ironsides: but the remoteness of their Persons, being of greater consideration than the nearness of their Titles, having ever since the death of their Father, continued as Outlaws in Hungary (to which Crown they were so nearly allied, that he was put beside all hope of tampering with them) he preferred their Uncle Edward, one of the younger Sons of Ethelred; a Prince so soft and pliant, that he seemed to be framed by Nature for every Impression that was to be put upon him: to him therefore he gave up the Crown, and with it (as a Bribe) a Jewel (perhaps of greater value, if it had been rightly used or understood) his virtuous Daughter Edith; a Lady of so incomparable person and parts, that he might be very well confident he had made all cocksure (as we vulgarly say) knowing that whenever he came within the Circle of her Arms, he must be so charmed (if he had any thing of man in him) as never to be able to get lose again: This assurance made our Politician very bold with his Son in Law; that boldness quickly turned to Arrogance, that Arrogance attracted great Envy, and that Envy raised great Opposition: Those of the Nobility that were men of Action, became his Rivals in Glory, performing as great things against the Scots, as he and his Sons could do against the Welsh; whilst those that were men of Counsel, made it their business to counter plot his Intrigues, wherein they likewise prevailed so far, as to prefer Gemensis Bishop of London (the very greatest Enemy he had) to be Archbishop of Canterbury; but he being a Norman (which crossed a wise Ordinance made at the coming in of the King, that no stranger should be admitted into any place of Profit or Trust) Goodwin made it the Kingdom's grievance more than his own: and rather than want an Occasion to puzzle the short sighted Multitude, he took a very slight one, from an accidental Fray at Canterbury, between the Townsmen and some of the Followers of the Earl of Bolloigne, the King's Brother in law, whose Harbingers being killed in the Scuffle, the King commanded Goodwin as Lord Lieutenant of that County, to do Justice on the Offenders: but he denied, returning this popular Answer, That it was against his Conscience to execute his Countrymen unheard, upon the complaint of Strangers. This coldness of his raised such a sudden heat in the Common People, that there wanted nothing to set the whole Kingdom in a Flame, but to tell them their Liberties were in danger, and that there was no body durst assert them but the Earl Goodwin. King Edward perceiving his design, and doubting lest it might bring him himself into suspicion with his People, being upon the matter a Stranger (as having been always brought up in Normandy) he resolved to question him in open Parliament: and accordingly he summoned him and his Sons to give their attendance: but they refusing to appear, both sides armed. London was divided in the Quarrel; for the King possessed all on this side the Thames, the Earl all on the other side next Kent: But such is the terror of Gild, that the Night before the Battle was to be fought, the Rebels quit their General, and by that commendable Treachery, forced him to quit the Realm, who taking shipping at Greenwich, fled away as fast by water, as his Complices did by Land. The King upon this turn was so changed in his humour (incensed at this their gross contumacy) that he grew extremely choleric and peevish, discharging his Anger with that violence upon all the Earls Friends, that it recoiled back upon the spotless Queen herself; whom, in the transport of his Passion he accused of a 
* Incontinency  Crime, which if she had been guilty of, himself could not have been Innocent: having (as he was not ashamed afterwards to confess) never performed the Duty of a Husband to her; under which pretended Jealousy she was forced to suffer a years Imprisonment in a Cloister, partaking patiently the Penance of those, who were under a Vow never to know any man, only to satisfy him, who had before vowed never to know any woman. This Indignity offered to the Innocent Daughter (in whom (saith Ingulphus) there was no fault but that she was a Rose of that prickly stock) did so stimulate the guilty Father, for whose sake she suffered, that he meditated nothing but the extremest Revenge, and by frequent Piracies so disturbed all Trade, that the King finding that the popular were on his side, was glad to compound with him for his quiet, upon his own terms, yielding to the banishment of all Strangers; which Concession did his business, but undid the Kingdoms: For as it made way for his Son to be (as he designed him) a King, so it was the fatal occasion of that unexpected Invasion of the Normans, (abetted by the Earl of Bolloigne, that had the first affront given him) which not long after not only overwhelmed the particular honour of his own Family, but the glory of the whole English Nation, by a Conquest so universal and sudden, as if the Strangers they banished had gone out of the Country for no other end, but to fetch in more: However, Heaven suffered not him to see either the fruit or punishment of his dark purposes; it so falling out, that whilst he designed to have devoured the whole Kingdom, he was himself choked with a small morsel of Bread, that went the wrong way down, and by his death put such a full point to all great Actions, as shows that either he did all that was done then, or the King did not long survive him; whose Reign being nothing else but a Commentary upon that Earl's Ambition, 'tis no marvel that his Fame began where t'others ended, being sounded upon Opinion rather than Action; whilst his Magnanimity was interpreted Patience, and his Patience judged the Effect of Wisdom: But they that duly examine the whole course of his life, will find that the active part of it declared him scarce a good man, the passive certainly not a good King: and however the Clergy (who were well bribed) extolled his Chastity and Piety, yet 'tis evident that the first was not without manifest wrong to his Wife (whom not to use was the highest abuse) the last with no less Ingratitude towards his Mother, whom upon like suspicion, he put to such a kind of Purgation, as might have condemned the greatest Innocence, causing her to pass the 
* To go over 9 red hot Houghshares  & blinded, laid at uncertain distances, either of which if she touched, she was hold guilty.  Ordeale, or Fiery Trial then in fashion: But this unkindness to them is the less, when compared with that to himself, in the total disregard of all Posterity; affecting more to be a Benefactor to, than a Father of his Country, as believing Religious Houses more lasting Monuments then Religious Children; whereby it came to pass that for want of Issue of his own Body, he was fain to leave the Succession to one that was both a Child and a Stranger, little knowing, and less known to the English, as not having so much of the Language, as might serve to demand or declare his Right when he was to recover it, nor so much Spirit or Judgement, as to show himself sensible of the Injury when he was afterwards put besides it. A fit adopted Successor for such a Sacerdoting King, of whom if I should give an impartial Character, I must say, that he was rather cold then chaste, rather superstitious then religious, fit to be a Monk then a Monarch; indeed so sottish, that (as 'tis reported of Vitellius) he would have forgotten he was born a Prince, if others had not put him in mind of it. So that 'tis no marvel, considering either his own weakness, or his that was to have come after him, that his Steward Harold, by having only the rule of his Household, should take upon him (as he did) to rule the Kingdom, and he thought the fittest man (however half a Dane) to support the English Monarchy.  

HAROLD date of accession 1065   Attributed coat of arms of King Harold I: two bars and 6 bear's heads afronty. AS there is no temptation so powerful as that which arises from the knowledge of a man's Power, so there is no Consideration of that force as to make a man quit his Ambition, that thinks he hath merited a Crown. Harold having resolved to be a King, tarries not till the People made him so; but to take the charge of Injustice off from them, boldly steps into the Throne, the better to outface his Rivals from thence; who being no less than three, two on a pretended, and one with a real Right, he conceived they must justle one another before they could come at him. The pretenders were Swain King of Denmark, whose claim was as the undoubted Heir of the last Knute; and William Duke of Normandy, that set up a Title by Gift and Conveyance from the last King Edward: But of these, the first was engaged in a War with the Swede, the last embroiled in a dispute with the French, and so neither at leisure (as he thought) to disturb him. The third, who claimed as the right Heir by descent, as well as by the Will of his Uncle, was Edgar Atheling, Son of Prince Edward, eldest Son of Edmond Ironsides; but he being a Child, and having no Friends nearer than Hungary, he opposed to him the good Omen of his own 
† Harold in old Saxon signified, Love of the Army.  Name only, that is to say, concluded to overcome Right by Might; having besides the advantage of his Years and Experience, two great Supporters to participate of the danger with him, in case the other two should join with Edgar; that was Morcar Earl of York, and Edwin Earl of Chester, both Brothers to his Wife: who being the Relict of Llewellin Prince of Wales, seemed to be a Pledge given by Fortune, to secure to him the affections of that People also. Neither wanted he something like a gilded Title to dazzle the Common People's eyes; for besides that he was Heir to the Fame and Fortune of the great Goodwin, the Champion of their Liberties, descended from the Kings of the West-Sexe, which gave him the preferrence of the Norman, so by the Mother's side he had in him the Royal Blood of Denmark, which by the advantage of his present possession, gave him the Superiority of those Kings too. Thus fortified and adorned, he undertook to make the People as happy, as they had made him Great: and because Trifles please Children as well as greater matters, he called himself Prince Edgar's Protector; fooling those of his Party into a belief, that he intended something towards him, that might amount to a Surrender in convenient time, or at least to a Confirmation of the Succession after him, which they were well contented with. Thus having by many Lines drawn to himself an universal Consent, that made his Right of Desert equivalent with tother's Right of Descent, he hung like a Spider by the slender thread spun out of his own Bowels, which, how weak soever it seemed, was strong enough to bear him up, till he had put his Affairs into as good a Posture of Security as the present necessity would permit. And it so fell out, that the first that questioned him, was the last that assaulted him, his next Neighbour the Norman, who pretending to a Conveyance of King Edward's Right to him, to which (as he said) Harold himself was Witness, and (which was more) sworn by Oath to defend, he taxed him upon his Allegiance to make good the same; to which Harold returned a short Answer, That Oaths exacted par Duresse, were not binding (for taking his pleasure (as it is said) one day at Sea, he was by contrary winds drove into Normandy, and there detained till he took that Oath). 2. He said that his private compact with the Norman was of no validity, without the consent of the whole State of England. 3. That no Act of King Edward's could pass the Crown away, being himself entitled to it but by Election, and so holding only in Trust. Lastly, that the Kingdom of England, and Dukedom of Normandy, were enough for two Persons, and too much to be ruled by one, and therefore Nature had well placed a Sea betwixt them: which Sea, because he thought the Norman could not pass, he concluded he would not divest himself of the Dignity Providence had given him with the consent of the People.  
By this Duke William finding that Arms, not Arguments, must decide the Controversy, resolved to drive out one wedge with another; and accordingly working upon the Revenge and Ambition of Toustan, Harold's younger Brother, then in his Court, who was tainted with an irreconcilable Enmity both to his Brother and Country: to him for a Box of the Ear given him in the presence of King Edward; to it, for a worse blow, in deposing him from his Government in Northumberland, and forcing him into Exile, whereby he was necessitated to appear rather like a Pirate then a Prince; he prevailed with him to make the first Invasion: who assisted by the King of Scots, and the King of Norwey, (then engaged in taking in the Northern Isles) landed in his own Province, and thence pierced into the very Bowels of the Kingdom, forcing his Brother Harold (though with apparent hazard) to leave London to make what speed he could to check their forwardness; who accordingly advanced as far as Stamford, where he put an end to the troubles of his Brother and the Norweygian, but not to his own: For as he was allaying this Storm in the North, he had notice of a more dreadful one in the South; the Norman having so timed his business, that he landed that very day that his Confederates were fight; with whom came over the Great Earl of Flanders, Father in Law to Toustan, as well as to himself, accompanied with the Earl of Boulogne, who had been so inhospitably treated at Canterbury by Harold's Father. Harold tarried not to sheathe his bloodstained Swords, lest rusting in their Scabards, they should be hardly drawn forth again: But leading his men on, weary as they were, to complete the first by a second Victory, in less time than could be thought possible to have marched so far, he faced the Invaders with so much confidence, that Duke William loath to venture all at one stake, sent him the offer of referring it to the Pope, or putting the trial upon a single Combat betwixt them two. But Harold deaf to all Conditions of Peace, having in his memory the fatal Success of that dispute between Knute and Ironsides, on the like Occasion, returned him this Answer, That none but that Power which gave it him, should judge his Right, and that he would support it with more than single Courage (superstitiously believing that that day would prove auspicious to him, because it was his Birthday.) Neither was he worse than his word; for that single Battle cost the English near Seven thousand Lives (besides what were lost on the Norman side, the just number whereof their Historians have not thought fit to let us know) Men worthy to be as they were then made, Immortal; who bravely strove with Destiny to save their Country from the Ca amity of Foreign Servitude: but finding that they cou●d not do it, as scorning to out live their Liberties, they fell round the Body of their vanquished King (which lay wrapped up in his Royal Standard, instead of a Winding sheet, with more wounds upon him, than he had reigned Months) in such congested heaps, as showed the Normans that they had w●th him subdued the Kingdom: there being scarce so much Noble blood ●eft unspilled as to keep the State alive (if he had quit them) much less to make a second Resistance. From which Catastrophe we may conclude, that the advantage which the English got over the Britain's in the first place, was no more than what the Normans got over them in the last; not by an inequality of Courage, but partiality of Fortune, which like a Bowl once put besides its Bias, goes the further from its Mark the more 'tis enforced.    

THE FIFTH DYNASTY OF NORMANS.  

 Woodcut headpiece with an angel against a decorative pattern of grapes, vines and flowers. OF NORMANS.  
THE Normans (so called by the French, in respect of the Northern Clime from whence they came, heretofore called 
* Dionis. Patav. l. 8. c. 4.  Scandia, since Norwey) were another Branch of the ancient Cimbri, seated near the frozen Sea, whose Country being too barren to nourish so fruitful a People, they disonerated their Multitudes, wheresoever force could make way for them: Some straggling as far as the Mediterranean; others farther Southward: some few lost in the Frozen Sea, attempting the Desert Isles far Northward; but most following the Sun, infested their Southern Neighbours. About the time of Charles the Great they began to grow very troublesome by their frequent Piracies, making several Inroads into England, but especially into France, pressing so hard upon Lewis the Holy, that he was fain to empty all his frontier Garrisons, and quitting the Maritime, draw them into the interior and more considerable parts of his Empire, as the Spirits are drawn to the heart upon all Commotions to preserve life: Their Successes in Germany, England, Scotland, and Holland, having made them so bold, that they doubted not to advance as far as Paris; where after divers disputes with Charles the Bald, Charles le Grosse, and Charles the Simple (which concluded with an honourable Composition) they fix'd their two Chiefs, Hastang and Rollo in the most fertile and best parts of that goodly Country; the first being made Earl of Charters, the last Duke of Neustria (from him called afterwards Normandy) the seventh in descent from whom was Duke William, better known to us here by the Name of The Conqueror, who with like confidence, and not unlike Injustice, invaded England, as his Ancestors did France, pretending a Donation of the Sovereignty from his near Kinsman King Edward the Confessor, confirmed, as he alleged, by his last Will and Testament, in the presence of most of the English Nobility: a pretence that could have been of no validity, had it not been backed by more than humane Power, to disinherit Edgar Atheling, who (as being of the whole English Blood) was rather Heir to the Kingdom then to the King, and so by no Law could have his Right collated to a Stranger; but the use he made of it was to convince the World, that he had more Reason, not to say Right, to demand, than Harold to detain the Crown, who having put Prince Edgar besides the Succession, defied the Justice of all Mankind as he was an Usurper, and so it was a design worthy his Sword, who had so fortunately vanquished (even before he wrote Man) those great difficulties at home given by the Opposition of Domestic Rivals, no less puissant and populous than Harold, to put him at least out of Possession: But that which seems strange, and was questionless a great surprise upon Harold, was the conjunction of the Peers of France in an Action that was so apparently hazardous to the greatness of their own State; every addition to so near and dangerous a Neighbour, grown long before too powerful, being a kind of diminution unto them, whereof there can be no probable Cause assigned, beyond their natural affectation of Glory, and wantonness of Courage, but that Influence which the Conqueror's Father in Law, Baldwin Earl of Flanders had, by being then Governor of the King and Kingdom of France, who not only engaged most of the grtatest Persons there, as the Duke of Orleans, the Earls of Champagne, Blois, Britain, Ponthieve, Maine, Nevers, Poitiers, Aumale, and Anjou, but drew in the 
* Henry IU.  Emperor himself, and many of the Germane Princes to side with him.  
This Preparation being such as it was, it cannot be thought that the English lost any honour, by mingling blood with men of that Quality and Condition; the sound of whose Names, was perhaps little less terrible than that of their Arms: much less takes it from the reputation of their Courage, to have he●d up the dispute but for one day only, having fought it out as they did, till the number of the slain so far exceeded that of the living, as made the Conqueror doubt there would not be enough left to be conquered. Who knows not that Fate made way for the Normans, where their Swords could not, guiding them by a Series of Successes (near about the same time) to the expectation of an universal Empire, having but a little before made themselves Lords of Apulia, Calabria, Sicily, and Greece, and enlarged their Conquests as far as Palestine.  
But what we allow to the Courage, we must take from the Wisdom of the English; that being subdued, they continued Nescia vinci, vexing the Conqueror after they had submitted to him, by such continual Revolts, as suffered him not to sheathe his Sword all his Reign; or if he did, urged him to continue still so suspicious of their Loyalty, that he was forc'd always to keep his hand upon the hilt, ready to draw it forth, having not leisure to intent what was before established, much less to establish what he before intended; So that they put upon him a kind of necessity of being a Tyrant, to make good his being a King: Yet such was the moderation of his mind, that he chose rather to bind them stricter to him by the old Laws, then to gall them with any new, guarding his Prerogative within that Citadel of the Burrow Law (as they called it) from whence as often as they began to mutiny, he battered them with their own Ordnance, and so made them Parties to their own wrong; and however some that designed to preoccupate the grace of Servitude, gave him the ungrateful Title of Conqueror (which he esteemed the greatest misfortune his good Fortune had brought upon him) thereby to proclaim his Power to be as boundless as his Will, which they took to be above all Limitation or Contradiction: yet we find he suffered himself to be so far conquered by them, that instead of giving to, he took the Law from them, and contentedly bound himself up by those which they called St. Edward's Laws, which being an Abbreviation of the great triple Code of Danique, Merke, and West-Sexe Laws, was such a form of Combination, as he himself could not desire to introduce a better; and if any thing looked like absolute, 'twas his disarming them when he found them thus Law-bound hand and foot: After which he erected divers Fortresses where he thought fit, disposed all Offices of Command and Judicature, to such as he could best confide in; and by that Law of Cover feu, obliging them to the observation of better hours of Repose, than they had formerly been used to, gave himself more rest, as well as them. As for his putting the Law into a Language they understood not, whereby they were made more learned, or less litigious than they were before; it was that the Lawyers only had cause to complain of, whose practice at the first perhaps was a little disordered by it; but those since, who have found the benefit of having the Laws mysterious and less intelligible, have little cause to decry him for it, unless for this cause, that they are never pleased with any fight King.  
In fine, he strained not the Prerogative so high, but his Son Henry the First, let it down again as low, when he restored to the People their ancient freedom of General Assemblies: or rather permitted them a kind of share with himself in the Government, by instituting a form of Convention, so much nobler than any thing they had been acquainted with in elder timety, in that the Peerage sat as so many Kings parting stakes with Sovereigns, if what 
* Who was Lord Chief Justice to his Grandson Hen. 3.  Bracton tells us be true, who saith, there were many things which by law, the King could not do without them, and some things which legally they might do without him: which those that have read upon the Statute of Magna Charta can best explain. This was not therefore improperly called the Parliament, in respect of the Freedom of parlying after another fashion than had been permitted to their Ancestors in former Meetings; which being Ex more, or (as they were wont to phrase it) of Custom Grace, during all the time of the Saxon Kings, we cannot imagine their Debates to be much less restrained than themselves, who attending in the King's Palace (like the Lords of the Council at this day) having had the honour to give their Opinions in any point of State, submitted the final Judgement and determination to the Kings will and pleasure. And whereas than the Commoners were wholly left out of all Consultations (unless with the Learned Lambert, we may think them included in the word Barones, which seems to have been as equivocal a term heretofore in England, as that of Laird yet in Scotland) they now were made partakers of the like privilege of voting as the Lords; so that in Henry the Third his time (to look no further backward) we find them called by the yet continued stile of Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses, to consult together with the Lords, pro Pace asseverandâ & firmandâ, etc. (as the 
† lib. St. Alban f. 207. 4 H. 3.  Record expresses it) neither sat they when they met, as Ciphers to those great Figures: For when Pope Alexander the Fourth would have revoked the Sentence of Banishment passed upon his proud Legate Adomare Bishop of Winchester, for that he was not (as he alleged) subject to lay Censure, they took upon them to give their Answer by themselves (and it was a bold one). That though the King and Lords should be willing to revoke it, 
‖  pat. Chart. or●g. sub sigil. de Mountford. Vic. tot. Communitat. Rot. Parl. 42 Hen. 3.  Communitas tamen ipsius ingressum in Angliam nullatenus sustineret. How far their Privileges were afterward confirmed and enlarged by several Kings successively, but more particularly by that most excellent Prince Henry the Fifth (who first allowed 
* 2 Hen. 5.  The Petition of Right, and permitted it to be entered in their Journals as the Great Standard of Liberty) is not unknown: from which time it hath been esteemed the second Great Charter of England, whereby we were manumitted into that degree of Freedom, as no Subjects in the world enjoy the like, with like security from the fear of future bondage: For as no man can be made liable to the payment of any more or other Taxes then what himself lays upon himself, by his representatives in that great Pan-Anglio, called the Parliament; so all the Kings of England since that time, have been pleased to accept the Aids given by them, even for the necessary support of the Government, as so many Freewillofferings: And well it is that they esteem them free, since they are not obtained without a kind of Composition, I might say obligation, to give good Laws for good money, wherein the performance on the Prince's part always precedes that on the People's.  
But there is yet something further than all this that renders the Norman Conquest so much more considerable than either that of the Romans, Saxons, or Danes; by how much it spread its wings over the Seas, into those goodly Provinces of the South, never known to the English before: thereby not only giving them Title to keep their Swords from rusting, as long as they had any Arms to draw them forth, but the Advantage therewithal of a mutual Conversation with a civilised People, who introduced so happy a Change in Laws and Language, in Habits and Humours, in Manners and Temperature, that not only their rough, I might say rude Natures (no way inclined before to any kind of Gaiety) admitted of smother Fashions and quicker Motions, but their dull Phlegmatic Complexions (pale and wan by the continued use of dozing dreggy Liquor, Ale) became as ruddy as the Wine they drank, which having more of Spirit and Fire then that other heavy composition, sublimated their Courage and Wit, and rendered them more lofty and eloquent, both in Action and Language; the last being before so asperous, harsh, and gutteral, that an hours discourse together would have endangered the skin of their throats, but being softened by the French and Latin Accents, it became so gentle and smooth, that as a Modern Master of Elocution hath observed, 'tis now so soft and pleasing, that 

Lord Faulkland Prefat. to Sands his Translation of the Psalms. — those  
From whom the unknown Tongue conceals the Sense,  
Even in the sound must find an Eloquence.   
From the Normans likewise we had that honourable distinction of Surnames, which however they borrowed in the first place from the French, (who, as Du Tillet tells us, were about the year 1000 much delighted with the humour of Soubriquets, 
* Vid Buck. Vit. Rich. 3.  or giving one another Nicknames (as we commonly call them) insomuch that two of the very chiefest Houses amongst them, the Capets and the Plantaginets, had no other rise for their Names) were continued no where with that certainty and order as amongst us here, to the great renown and honour of our Families, whose Nobility, if it exceed not the date of the Norman Conquest, may yet without any disparagement, compare with any of those who call themselves the unconquered Nations of the World. It being space long enough, considering the vicissitude of time, and power of Chance, to antiquate the glory of great States, much more of private Families, and few there are that have attained to that Age. For however Honour (like old Age) magnifies its reverence by multiplying its years, yet it is to be considered, that there are visible decays attend Veneration, and it may so fall out, that Names as well as Men may outlive themselves, while the glory of a Family, by over-length of time, being less known, may be the more suspected to have been but imaginary; as some, who exceeding the common bounds of certainty, do pretend to justify their Gentility by Charters from St. Edward, and others from King Edgar, whose Pedigrees do yet fall short of many of the Welsh by many Descents.  
In fine, from the Normans we first learned how to appear like a People completely civilised being, as more elegant in our Fashions, so more sumptuous in our Dwellings, more magnific in our Retinue, not to say choicer in our Pleasures, yet withal more frugal in our Expenses: For the English being accustomed to bury all their Rents in the Draught, knowing no other way to outvie one another, but (as a 
† Jaq. Praslin Progmat.  French Writer expresses it) by a kind of greasy Riot, which under the specious Name of Hospitality, turned their Glory into Shame, began after the Conquest to consume the Superfluity of their Estates, in more lasting Excesses; turning their Hamlets into Villes, their Villages into Towns, and their Towns into Cities, adorning those Cities with goodly Castles, Palaces, and Churches, which being before made up of that we call Flemish Work (which is only Wood and Clay) were by the Normans converted into Brick and Stone; which till their coming, was so rarely used, that Mauritius Bishop of London, being about to re-edify Paul's Church, burned in the Year 1086. was, either for want of Workmen, Materials, or both, necessitated not only to fetch all his Stone out of Normandy, but to form it there. So that we may conclude, if the Conqueror had not (as he did) obliged the English to a grateful continuance of his Memory, by personal and particular Immunities, yet he deserved to be Eternised for this, that he elevated their minds to a higher point of Grandeur and Magnificence, and rendered the Nation capable of greater Undertake, whereby they suddenly became the most opulent and flourishing People of the World, advanced in Shipping, Mariners, and Trade, in Power External as well as Internal; witness no less than two Kings made Prisoners here at one time; one of them the very greatest of Europe: whereby they increased their public Revenues, as well as their private Wealth, even to the double recompensing the loss sustained by his Entry, whilst himself, however supposed by that big sounding Title of Conqueror, to have been one of the most absolute Princes we had, got not so much ground while he was living, as to bury him here when he was dead, but with much ado obtained a homely Monument in his Native Soil.   

THE ORDER AND SUCCESSION OF THE Norman Kings.  
I. 
date of accession 1066 WILLIAM I. known by that terrible Name of the Conqueror, gave the English by one single Battle, so sad experience of their own weakness, and his power, that they universally submitted to him; whereby becoming the first King of England of the Norman Race, he left that Glory to be inherited by his second Son  II. 
date of accession 1087 WILLIAM II. surnamed Rufus, who being the eldest born after he was a King, and a Native of this Country, succeeded with as much satisfaction to the English, as to himself, but dying without Issue, left his younger Brother  III 
date of accession 1100 HENRY I surnamed Beauclark, to succeed, in whose Fortune all his Friends were as much deceived as in his Parts (his Father only excepted) who foretold he would be a King, when he scarce left him enough to support the dignity of being a Prince. As he set aside his elder Brother, Robert Duke of Normandy, so he was requited by a like Judgement upon his Grandson, the Son of his Daughter Maud, who was set aside by  IV. 
date of accession 1135 STEPHEN Earl of Blois, his Cousin; but she being such a woman as could indeed match any man, disputed her Right so well with him, that however she could not regain the Possession to herself, she got the Inheritance fixed upon her Son  V. 
date of accession 1155 HENRY II. Plantagenet, the first of that Name and Race, and the very greatest King that ever England knew, but withal the most unfortunate: and that which made his misfortunes more notorious, was, that they risen out of his own Bowels; his Death being imputed to those only to whom himself had given life, his ungracious Sons, the eldest whereof that survived him, succeeded by the Name of  VI 
date of accession 1189 RICHARD I Coeur de Leon, whose undutifulness to his Father was so far retorted by his Brother, that looking on it as a just Judgement upon him, when he died he desired to be buried as near his Father as might be possible, in hopes to meet the sooner, and ask forgiveness of him in the other World: his Brother  VII. 
date of accession 1199 JOHN, surnamed Lackland, had so much more lack of Grace, that he had no manner of sense of his Offence, though alike guilty; who after all his troubling the World, and being troubled with it, neither could keep the Crown with honour, nor leave it in peace, which made it a kind of Miracle, that so passionate a Prince as his Son  VIII. 
date of accession 1216 HENRY III. should bear up so long as he did, who made a shift to shuffle away fifty six years doing nothing, or which was worse; time enough to have overthrown the tottering Monarchy, had it not been supported by such a Noble Pillar as was his Son and Successor  IX. 
date of accession 1272 EDWARD I. a Prince worthy of greater Empire than he left him; who being a strict Observer of Opportunity (the infallible sign of Wisdom) composed all the differences that had infested his Fathers, Grandfathers, and Great-grand-fathers' Governments; and had questionless died as happy as he was glorious, had his Son  X. 
date of accession 1307 EDWARD II. answered expectation, who had nothing to glory in, but that he was the Son of such a Father, and the Father of such a Son as  XI. 
date of accession 1328 EDWARD III. who was no less fortunate than valiant, and his Fortune the greater by a kind of Antiperistasis, as coming between two unfortunate Princes, Successor to his Father, and Predecessor to his Grandson  XII. 
date of accession 1377 RICHARD II. the most unfortunate Son of that most fortunate Father Edward, commonly call d the Black Prince; who not having the Judgement to distinguish betwixt Flatterers and Friends, fell (like his Great-Grand-father) the miserable example of Credulity, being deposed by his Cousin  XIII. 
date of accession 1399 HENRY IV. the first King of the House of Lancaster, descended from a fourth Son of Edward the Third, who being so much a greater Subject than he was a King, 'twas thought he took the Crown out of Compassion rather than Ambition, to relieve his oppressed Country, rather than to raise his own House; and accordingly Providence was pleased to rivat him so fast in the Opinion of the People, that his Race have continued (though not without great Interruption) ever since: His Son  XIV. 
date of accession 1412 HENRY V was in that repute with the People, that they swore Allegiance to him before he was crowned; an honour never done to any of his Predecessors: neither was he less singular in his Fortune then his Glory: having united the Lilies of France to the Roses of England, and made of both one Diadem, to place on the Head of his Son  XV. 
date of accession 1422 HENRY VI who whilst he was a Child could have no sense of the honour or happiness he was born to; and when he came to be a Man so despised it, that every Body thought him fit to be a Priest then a King: only those of the House of York thought him fit to be made a Sacrifice then a Priest; and accordingly crook-backed Richard murdered him to make way for his elder Brother  XVI. 
date of accession 1460 EDWARD IV. the first King of the House of York, descended from the fifth Son of Edward the Third, who made the White Rose to flourish as long as Henry the fourth did the Red; and had kept it flourishing much longer, had he not been more unfortunate, by the Ambition of those of his own, than those of his Enemy's Faction: his two Sons  XVII. 
date of accession 1483 EDWARD V. that should have succeeded him, with his innocent Brother, being both murdered by their unnatural Uncle (who yet called himself their Protector)  XVIII. 
date of accession 1483 RICHARD III. Duke of Gloucester, who having killed one King before to make way for their Father, killed them afterward to make way for himself; but his Usurpation lasted a very little while, both Nature & Providence agreeing to deny him any Children of his own, for that he had so ill treated those of his nearest Relation, so that for want of Issue, rather than want of Success, the Crown came to the House of Lancaster in the Person of  XIX. 
date of accession 1485 HENRY VII. a Prince that was observed to be no great Lover of Women, and yet all his Greatness came by that Sex, that is to say, his title to, his Confirmation in, and his Transmission of the Crown to his Posterity, whose Advent to the Crown being foretold by no less than two Kings, Cadwallader and Henry the Sixth, the one prophesying his union of the Britain's and Normans, the other his joining of the two Roses together, 'tis no marvel his Son  XX. 
date of accession 1509 HENRY VIII. Heir by his Father's side to the House of Lancaster; by his Mother's side to the House of York, entered with so general a satisfaction to all at home, and with so great a terror to all abroad, that they submitted to make him great Arbiter of Christendom: his Son  XXI. 
date of accession 1547 EDWARD VI being very young when he died, and dying before he was sixteen years old, had not time to lay a suitable Superstructure upon his Foundation, whereby the glory of his Family passed away to his Sister  XXII. 
date of accession 1553 MARY, who wasted as much blood to show herself to be Defender of the Faith, as her Father before to make good his being Head of the Church; her Successor  XXIII. 
date of accession 1558 ELIZABETH, worthily entitled herself to both, declining the being a Mother of Children, to the end she might be a Nursing Mother of the Church, which having defended with great honour and success for forty six years together, dying she bequeathed a Peace to her Kingdoms, and her Kingdoms to that pacific Prince, James the Sixth of Scotland, who began the next Dynasty.    Attributed coat of arms of King William I: gules, two lions passant guardant in pale or. 
The only Province refused to swim down the common stream of Servitude were those of Kent (the first Invaders when the English came in, the last Invaded at the coming in of these Normans) who yet only made a Pause as it were, to file their Fetters smother, and make them easy by such Conditions, which pleasing themselves, might not be distasteful to him. After this there were some attempts to set up Edgar by some of the discontented Nobility, who though they appeared to be but like Drones, which make a great noise without being able to sting, yet they provoked him so far, that every Body expected he would take that occasion to make himself a real, instead of an imaginary Conqueror, nothing so much advancing Sovereignty as unsuccessful Rebellions: but as the Lion disdains to fall upon those Beasts that crouch and prostrate themselves at his feet; so he, scorning that any who submitted to him, should have so much the better of him, as not to be pardoned, prevented their Fears by a general Indemnity, in which he did not except against his very Rival Edgar; who, however he had in respect to his Title of Athelin (which was as much as to say the Darling) some place in his Caution, was it seems, so much below his Jealousy, that when he came to render himself (as after he did) with all humility upon his knee, he received him with that magnanimous declaration, Petits se vengent je pardonne; his Generosity so far vying with his Magnanimity, that as he pitied, so he preferred him, making up in happiness what he denied him in greatness, whilst he allowed him a competent support, to maintain the respects due to his Birth, secured from the danger of suspicion.  
But it was not in the power of his Clemency, Courage, or Wisdom, so to oblige, over-awe, or satisfy the common People, but that Envy, Ignorance, or Malice, found out frequent occasions of complaint and murmur; some repining at the new Laws they understood not; others at the continuation of the old they understood but too well: amongst which that of the Burrough-Law seemed to be no small grievance, in respect they were so bound for each other, or rather one to the other, that like teddered Horses, they could not break out of their bounds: all thinking it grievous (so hard of digestion is every thing that savours of Conquest) to be wrested from their present usages and forms of S●ate, though the change was much for the better: as when he confined the Bishops to the rule of Souls only, who before assisted with the Greve or Alderman (as he was then called) that is, the Earl of every County, were absolute Judges in all Cases, and over all Persons; and when in the room of the Greve he constituted Judges of Oyer and Terminer by special Commission, to decide all matters of Law, assisted by 
* vid. Holinshed 8 but some Lawyers are of opinion, Justices of Peace came not in till the time of Edw. 1. neither is the name of Justices of the Peace to be found in Terminis, till the Stat 36. of Ed. 3. c. 12. till when they were named Justices Itinerant, or Justices in Eyre.  Justices of the Peace (as he called them) taken out of the Minores Nobiles of every County, who were made Judges of Record, and from henceforth had the power de Vita & de Membro (as the Lawyers express it) the mighty Current of the Earl's Power that had overborn whomever he had a mind to destroy, was on the sudden sunk so low, by the running down of Justice and Judgement in so many lesser streams, that every man, how mean soever, could wade through a Suit without fear of being overwhelmed, it being impossible to suffer but by Judgement of his Inquest (as it was then, and hath been ever since called) which consisting of twelve men, could not have continued thus long, after so many strive and struggle for Liberty, as have been since that time, had not the wisdom of so many Ages judged it to be the greatest privilege the Subject could be capable of, being that indeed which no less Circumscribes the Sovereign's Power, than the Subjects Obedience; so that doubtless he hoped to naturalise himself by it into their good opinion and liking: But that which frighted them most, was the black Censual Roll (therefore called by that dismal Name of the Doomsday Book) which discovering the secrets of their Estates, left them under strange apprehensions of ensuing Oppression and Tyranny; however, it was not otherwise intended, then as an Instrument to confirm his own, by establishing their Rights and Proprieties, which having been before under a very uncertain Title, and very oddly qualified (the Tenors of 
† That is, by Charter or Writing.  Bokeland, which they called Freehold, belonging only to the Nobility, being perchance no better than the ancient Fifes that depended on the Will of the first Donors) he made absolute and hereditary. The Tenure of 
‖ Or the Land of the common Fo●k.  Folkland (which was without Writing, and so much worse than Tenants at Will at this day, that we need not doubt to call it Villeinage) he changed into Estates for Life, which have since showed us the way to those in Tail: neither did he clog their Estates with many Taxes (however reputed very avaricious) but found out many witty sleights to avoid the necessity of Land Taxes, as knowing how clamorous and burdensome they are, laying only that of Escuage upon them, which yet was done by way of composition rather than imposition; in lieu of which he took off that of Danegelt, which was sufficient, one would have thought, to have abated the Grievance.  
Yet such was their Obstinacy, Ingratitude, or Disdain, that they never ceased to plot or practise Treason against him, giving him renewed Jealousies from their successive, and like to prove successful Conspiracies, which as great Waves, came thick upon the back of one another, never breaking, but with so apparent danger, as threatened him with a wreck in Port, after his escape of all the storms at Sea: First Edric the Forester encouraged by the Welsh; after Edwin and Morcar, Brothers to the late Queen, encouraged by the Scots, thinking their splendour eclipsed by the interposition of so many stranger Princes, as waited daily in his Court, flew to Arms, and drew many after them of the Lay Nobility; whilst the two Archbishops who followed them, were attended by as strong a Party of the Clergy; the first pretended to make the war legal, the last to render it meritorious: and whiles he set himself to suppress this danger in the North, a new Rebellion presented itself in the West: The Citizens of Exeter and those of Oxford, encouraged by the report of new Forces brought out of Ireland by the Sons of Harold, not only shut up their Gates, but persuaded the Countries also round about to expostulate their Liberties, with Swords in their hands: and whilst he turns to these, they of the North are reinforced again by the arrival of two Sons of Swain King of Denmark, with a Fleet of no less than 300 Sail: and whilst he sent another Party to confront these, there risen a storm behind them out of the Isle of Ely: and after all this, the wide distent of these Tumours (fed from many secret Veins) swelled up into a general Combination of all the Neighbour Princes together: so that no less than six Kings drew upon him at once; the King of France, who had 100000 men in readiness to invade him in Normandy; the King of Denmark, who had prepared a Navy of 1600 Sail to invade him by Sea; the King of Ireland, who appeared with 65 Sail more to second him; and the Kings of Scotland and Wales opening their Ports to let them in: This, though it made the danger seem so much the more considerable, by how much it was scarce to be prevented, without such a vast Expense of Treasure and Blood, as might hazard an irrecoverable Consumption, if not put him again to the winning of England; yet the resolutions of his great Mind being prae-ordained for the great work he had undertaken, he showed no manner of Consternation at all: till at last a way was found to bring himself against himself, by setting up his eldest Son Robert, to disseise him of the Duchy of Normandy without any colour of Right. This Rebellion indeed was so much the more grievous to him, because unnatural, and therefore the only one he thought fit to repress by the Authority of his own Presence: wherein he proceeded not as one that went to take revenge upon an Enemy, or reduce a Rebel, but as he ought to chastise an undutiful Son, proceeding however with that calmness, as if he designed to defeat his Enterprise, and not him; or in truth rather to surprise then subdue him, casting about how he might make him more ashamed than afraid, not doubting, but (like Caesar) to overcome him as soon as he came over to him; but such was the malignity of his Stars, as to make his Son a double Conqueror over him: first in commanding his life, which showed his Power, then in giving it back again to him, which showed his Piety: but this, as it was too great a Gift to be acknowledged or forgotten; so he received it with such inward indignation as showed he only pardoned what he could not punish: But it appeared afterwards that it was not in the young Rebel's power to give back the life he had proceeded so near taking away, for the wound in his Spirit was so much deeper than any of those on his Body, that it could never be cured, however skinned over, bleeding inwardly unperceived till he died; which however it were not long after, yet he out lived most of those great men that were Actors with him in his Undertake, and left not the world till he had sufficiently requited the King of France for this unpardonable injury of seducing his Son, taking a slight occasion from a Jest, to show how much he was in Earnest in his Revenge. For that King having scoffed at his great Belly, saying, That he lay in when he was sick at Rouen; he returned him word, That he should have notice of his Upsitting by the many Bonfires he would make in the heart of his Country. Neither was he worse than his Promise, for he depopulated all the Towns of note that lay in his way, till he came to Mants; in the destruction of which goodly City he got his own, the Ream of his Belly being broke (as 'tis thought) by a sudden leap of his Horse, frighted at the sight of the Conflagrations) as he passed by the burning Ruins. Thus ended this great Conqueror, and with him all his Greatness, being left by all the World almost as soon as he left it; not only by those to whom he had given a livelihood, but by those to whom he had given life, every one of them forsaking him, to scramble for what he left: his eldest Son hastened away to take possession of his Duchy of Normandy; his second Son to Invest himself in his Kingdom of England; only he to whom providentially he had left no home, was the man stayed to bring him to his long home; which yet could not be done without much disaster and interruption: for as 'twas three days before his Body was moved from the place where he died, so 'twas twice three before his Son Henry could get any to undertake the conveying it to Cane, where 'twas to be buried: after it came there, 'twas left the second time alone in the street by those that carried it, who took occasion, it seems, to run all away to quench a Fire that broke out of a House by which they were to pass; and being with all this ado brought afterward to his Grave, one stepped forth and forbidden the Interment, till they compounded for the Ground he was to be buried in. Thus like that great Conqueror, who thought the World too little to contain him whilst he lived, but being dead could scarce obtain so much Earth as to cover his naked Corpse; it was accounted no small part of his, as of the others happiness, that he met with a Grave at last.  Sufficit & magno parva Domus Domino. 
A little Dormitory, it seems, sufficed; and well had it been if it had not proved too little: for being straightened so much that they were fain to compress his Body in letting it in, they thereby let out such a staunch, as made every Body leave him again the third time: so that it was not known who covered the Corpse with Earth, at least it was better known who uncovered it: the frowardness of his Destiny being such, that it would not permit this to be the last indignity offered to him, but as if it had been decreed in Heaven, that he who disturbed so many living, should himself have no rest in death; his Bones, 100 years after he was buried, were taken up and cast into the Streets, by certain dissolute Soldiers, that in the year 1562. rifled his Tomb, in hopes of finding Treasure, with like Avarice as he before had rifled all his Neighbours Countries, in hopes of finding Glory.   Attributed coat of arms of King William II: gules, two lions passant guardant in pale or. 
These three brave Sons standing thus, as it were in a Triangle, at the death of their Father, equidistant one from the other, without any visible disproportion in Power, Parts, or Reputation: the first representing him as he was a King, the other as Duke, and the third as Conqueror, which made them alike Obstinate, Ambitious, and Emulous of each others Glory, 'tis no marvel that the Feuds betwixt themselves only took up all the action of their time, and left no room for any other Competitors to come in betwixt them: But that which seems more rare, is the vicissitude of their love and hate, each of them, as his squint-eyed interest moved him to change his ground, retaining still the affections of a Brother, even whilst he acted as an Enemy. For first the younger assisted the elder against the middle Brother; then the middle compounded with the elder, to be revenged on the younger Brother; after this again the younger reconciles himself to his middle Brother in order to obtaining satisfaction from the elder, who after this agreed with the middle (as he before with him) to fall both upon the younger Brother; in the last place they all united and agreed but upon such terms, that their Union set them worse at variance then before; so that every one of them stood off, and acted singly for himself, each against other, and each against two: In conclusion, the elder was dispossessed by the middle Brother, and he forced by death to yield up all to the younger; and so they inherited their Father's Lands, he only his Fortune; but all were alike Inheritors of his Troubles, who has this Remark upon him, That he never had rest living or dead; his Bones being divided, as well as his Children; each part of his Dominions claiming a share of them, as each of his Sons of these.  
Having viewed them thus together, let us look upon this King single; who, however he is drawn but with an half face, like one of the Caesar's, appears to have been the most like his Father of all the Brothers, there being no other difference betwixt them but this, that the one was always a Conqueror, t'other never conquered: For as he had his Father's Courage to encounter Dangers, so he had his wisdom and readiness of mind to extricate himself out of them, and ever fell like a Cube upon his bottom, let Fortune hurl him whither she would, making his Enemies glad to be his Friends, when all the Friends he had, almost were become his Enemies; standing so firmly, even whiles he was forced to take in the points of as many Swords as had been before drawn upon his Father, that nothing could move him. The first that set upon him was his Brother Robert, who (as if afraid to look him in the face) tampered with those nearest in Trust about him, to wound him in the back, before he came to close grapple with him; or rather tried, if possible, to spring a Mine under his Throne, whilst he began his Battery at farther distance: Principal Engineer in this Plot was his discontented Uncle Odo Bishop of Bayeulx, who designing to oblige both Normans and English to conspire with him, took in the first by declaring to set up their beloved Duke Robert for life; and deceived the last by promising to settle the Reversion of the Sovereignty on their Darling Prince Edgar, whom therefore he put into the hands of Duke Robert, for the Security (as he pretended) of both: Robert receiving him as his Homager, and Edgar looking on him as his Protector; whilst Odo pleased himself with having both within his own reach, whenever he saw cause to declare for himself.  
This Storm spread itself very wide; for Odo fortified in Kent, where he might be assisted by the King of France if need were: William Bishop of Durham engaged all the Northern Countries, where they might expect help from the King of Scots: others secured Herefordshire, Shropshire, and Worcestershire, where they might readily have aid from the Welsh; whilst Roger Mountgomery raised up Norfolk, Suffolk, and Cambridgeshire, and Hugh de Grandmenill led up those of Leicestershire and Northamptonshire to face him. This as it was the best form, so it was the most formidable Rebellion we meet with in all our Story, founded on such sure grounds, and managed by such sure men, that King William's Council could not tell where to begin, nor whither to turn them: but he himself being as quick of apprehension as of action, takes the measure of his hopes from that of their fears, and whilst they judged it hard to repress them, because they were thus divided, he took that advantage to break them like single sticks, as he found them lie scattered one from the other; who, had they been united under one Bond, could not have been so easily confounded. After which he healed the wounds he gave them, by gentle Lenitives, relaxing their Tributes, remitting their Privileges, and indulging them to that degree, as never any King before him did; by which means he prevailed with the very same men to carry the War into Normandy, whereby wounding his Brother Robert with the very Arrows taken out of his own Quiver, and the same which he had directed against him, it appears how much he had the better of him in point of Understanding, as well as of Power. This breach with the elder, gave him the first occasion of breaking with his younger Brother; for having a strong Army on foot, Duke Robert after his having concluded a dishonourable Peace with him, desired his aid in reducing the Castle of Mount St. Michael, detained from him by Prince Henry, who being not paid the money he had lent him to carry on the War against King William (for Robert had pawned to him the Country of Constantine, but afterwards took it away again) seized upon this Castle, in hope, by the help of some Britain's he had hired to serve him for his Money, to have done himself right: but Robert made this advantage of the dis-advantage King William had brought upon him, to engage him in reducing t'other unhappy Prince, that doing a kindness to one, lost both his Brothers; the one taking offence at his demand, t'other at the Occasion; whereby both set upon him at once, and besieging him forty days, brought him to the point of yielding: but the same evil Spirit that first divided them to do more mischief, did this good to unite them again, working upon the good Nature of Duke Robert, and the ill Nature of King William, the same effect: for upon his Submission, William to be revenged on Robert, for having entertained his Competitor Atheling, judged Henry to be satisfied his Debt by a day certain, out of those very Lands which the other had assigned to Atheling for a Pension; upon which Robert's pity turned immediately into spite, and when Henry came for his Money, he clapped him up in Prison, and kept him in Duress till he released the Debt.  
Henry complaining of this Injustice to the King of France (his Brother William being then returned into England) was by him put into Arms again; and by the surprising the Castle of Damfront, recovered back most of his Security, with all the Country of Passais besides. Robert hereupon pleads that King William had failed of paying him in certain Sums of Money, due by promise to satisfy Henry, and that by reason of this failure he could not perform with him; and to satisfy himself for the Damages done him by this pretended breach of Williams, he fell upon King William's Castles: This drew him over the second time, whether to right Prince Henry or himself, was not declared; who putting on a Vizard of Indignation to affright Duke Robert, as if he had intended nothing less than the Conquest of all Normandy, sends back into England for an Army of 30000 to join with those Forces he had there; by the fame whereof having done more than perhaps any body could with the men themselves, if they had arrived, he sent private Orders to his General, being then at the Waterside, to dismiss every man that would lay down ten shillings: by which quaint trick of State, never practised before, he raised so great a Sum, as not only served to pay the King of France his Bribe, for not assisting his Brother Robert, and to defray his own present charge, but in effect to purchase all Normandy, which thereupon was Mortgaged to him by Robert, to furnish himself for that great Expedition of recovering the Holy Land from the Infidels: An Undertaking politicly recommended by Urban the Second, to all such Princes as he feared, or had a mind to fool, as so meritorious a work, that it was indeed (as he represented the matter) a kind of taking Heaven by Violence, whereby he so wrought upon the easy Faith of that Active and Ignorant Age, that without any great difficulty he prevailed with them to cast themselves under a voluntary Ostracism, whilst himself, and those that were Parties in that holy Cheat (imbarazed in a Contest with the Emperor about Superiority) were delivered from the men of Power and Credit they most suspected to take part with him; and by the purchase of their Estates and Signories, greatly enriched the Church of erward.  
King William thus happily rid of his elder Brother (who as I said before had pawned his own Land, to recover that for the Church) was at leisure to return home to make even all reckon with his elder Enemy the King of Scots, by whose death and his Sons (both killed in the act of Invasion) he made himself so far Master of their Country, as to compel them to accept a King from him, who having served him in his Wars, and being for that Service preferred by him, they durst not yet refuse, though they might reasonably expect he would be always at his Devotion. This made the King of France so jealous of his growing Greatness, that to prevent his coming over Sea again, he tampered with the discontented Norman Nobility to set up Stephen E. of Albemarle, his Father's Sisters Son, upon what pretence of Right appears not, but he whose manner 'twas to meet danger, and not tarry till it found him out, prevented the Conspiracy by seizing on the chief Conspirators, Mowbray, d'Ou, and d'Alveric, who being the first Examples of his Severity, were so cruelly treated, that if any men could be said to be murdered by the Sword of Justice they were; but the Ill of this Severity had that good effect, that this first Instance of his Cruelty made it the last occasion to him to show it, so that from that time all War ceasing, he betook himself to the pleasures of Peace.  
And now deeming himself most secure, he met with an unavoidable (I cannot say unexpected) Fate, for, like Caesar his Parallel, he had sufficient warning of it both by his own and his Friends Dreams the night before; the Nature whereof was such as he could not but contemn it, because he could not understand it; and having never been daunted by his Enemies, he was ashamed to seem now afraid of himself: however, the perplexity of his thoughts disordered him so far, that in despite of his natural Courage (which was perhaps as great as ever any man's was) he could not find in his heart to go out all the morning of that day he was killed: and at Dinner (which argued some failure of his Spirits) he drank more freely than his usual custom was, that accelerated his Fate by taking off his Caution: so that after Dinner he would needs go hunt in the New Forest, and taking his Bow to shoot a Deer in that ominous place, where before a 
* His Brother Richard.  Brother and a 
† The Son of Robert Duke of Normandy his elder Broth r.  Brother's Son of his had both met with violent Deaths; Tyrel his Bow-bearer being placed right against him, as the best Marksman, let fly an Arrow, that glancing against a Bough, missed the Deer, and found out him; 
— & Pectus dum perforat ingens,  
Ille rapit calidum frustrâ de Vulnere Telum,  
Unâ eademque viâ Sanguisque Animusque sequuntur.    Attributed coat of arms of King Henry I: gules, two lions passant guardant in pale or. 
Being thus quietly stated, he sweetened his Government by taking off all Taxes, to show his Beneficence; and some of the principal Taxers, to show his Justice: By the first he pleased the Multitude, in point of Relief; by the other the better sort, in point of Envy and Revenge; gratifying their Spleen, by sacrificing the griping Bishop of Durham; a man, who being raised from a base Condition by base means, had attained to the honour of being Chief Minister to his Brother King William, and was grown learned in the Science of selling Justice; by the distribution of whose Bribes, he bribed those whom he thought fit to make his own Ministers: neither thought it he enough to be an English man himself, without assuring the State that he intended all his Posterity should be so too: and therefore, to the end to make sure the wise men, that were as apt to be jealous, as the weaker sort to be querulous, he married Maud, Sister to the Scotch King, and Daughter to Margaret, Sister to Edgar Atheling, the right Heir of the English Blood: a Lady that brought him an Inheritance of Goodness from her Mother, and a good Title of Inheritance from her Uncle.  
Thus firmly did he entrench himself before his Brother (whom he had made a King in fame only, that he might the easier make himself a real one) returned home; who arriving unlooked for, was welcomed by the Nobility of Normandy with more than ordinary Joy: by whom being informed of what was done in England, he made it the business of the first year, to provide an Army, and in the second landed it at Portsmouth, in order to the recovery of his lost Right: whereof he was the more assured, in respect of those of the Norman Nobility here, as he thought inclined to him, who moved with revenge or discontent, would be glad of any Occasion to Revolt: This, as it was a storm King Henry saw at a distance, so he provided so well for it, by cutting off all Assistances, that Duke Robert and those with him, doubting the success, and seeing themselves certainly lost, if they prevailed not (it being in his power to fight them where he pleased, and when) upon his desire to save the effusion of Christian Blood, yielded to Articles of Peace; the Substance whereof was this, That Henry being born after his Father was rightfully King, and being now invested in the Crown by act of the Kingdom, should enjoy the same during life, and pay Robert 3000 Marks per Annum, as an Earnest of the Reversion after his Death, in case Robert outlived him.  
With these Conditions Robert rather blinded then satisfied, returns back again into his own Country; and it had been well if he had never been blinded otherwise: But such is the frenzy of Ambition, that it suffers not unhappy Princes to consider either what they ought to do, or what to suffer, whilst like the Superior Orbs, they are hurried with restless Motion, without understanding by what Intelligences they are actuated. Finding himself fallen from the height of his Expectation, into some degree of Contempt with his own Subjects, he assayed by Profusion (which some call Liberality) to raise his Reputation, at least to disguise his Impotency, spending so freely, that the Nobility fearing the Revenues of the Duchy would not suffice to support his vanity, complained thereof to King Henry; who, to show his own power and tother's weakness, sent for him over to chide him, and indeed reprehended him so sharply, as if he had been his Father, and not his Brother; and as if he would have him to know, he rather expected the Reversion of the Dukedom after his death, then to be accountable to him for the Kingdom after his own: and whether it were that he threatened him with a Detention of his Pension, or drew him, being of a yielding Nature (as most indigent men are) to give him a release for some inconsiderable Sum of ready Money, is not certain: but so it was, that upon his return, he could no longer conceal the indignation he had conceived at it, but took the very first Occasion to show it by joining himself with some mutinous Lords, who having before begun an unsuccessful Combustion in England, had fled over thither, to commit what Outrages they could there.  
King Henry for a while pretended himself touched in Conscience with the foulness of a Fraternal War, but was indeed apprehensive that such trivial Injuries, as the taking a few Castles, was not worthy the trouble of drawing him over in Person, at least not worth the charge of entering into such a War as might justify the requiring his Dukedom for a satisfaction; but having let them alone till he believed his sufferance had elevated them beyond the temper of harkening to any conditions, he then took his time to chastise their folly, and by one single Battle, upon the very same day, and in the very same manner (as 'tis reported) that his Father just forty years before won England, he won Normandy: and having made his brother prisoner, deprived him first of his liberty, after of his country, and lastly of that which was dearer than either, the light of his Eyes; requiting his attempt (which was but natural) to escape out of prison, with a punishment that was of all other most unnatural, and as much beyond death, as it was short of it; which inhumanity to his brother, though it was perhaps but a just judgement from Heaven upon him for his inhumanity to his Father, whose life he had twice attempted, being wilfully blinded by the King of France; yet 'twas such as was altogether undeserved, as from him: for t'other had him fast enough within his power, circumscribed by all the rules of Hostility, besieged within a Fort, and half starved; he was so far from pressing upon him, that he pitied him, and broke with his brother Friend to save his brother Enemy.  
Poor Prince Robert, how was he betrayed by the goodness of his own Nature, and tempted like a Child to save the bird which was to pick out his Eyes? How did he live to see himself buried before he was dead? invelop'd in dark and dismal thoughts, whilst he contemplated his Son's loss with more affliction than his own: a forward Prince born to two Crowns, but now reduced to that necessity to borrow one to buy him bread. So long as it served the King of France his turn to serve him, he entertained him in that Court (adversity knows no other Friends, nor upon other Terms:) But King Henry by his money quickly took him off; and Heaven to requite the good turn not long after took off him, for whom all this was done; punishing his unjust detaining the livelihood of his innocent Nephew William, with taking away the life of his own innocent Son William, the only hope of his Family, who being shipwrackt in his return out of Normandy with a hundred and fifty Passengers more, amongst whom was his beloved Sister the Countess of Perch, endeavouring to save her, lost himself.  
This Clap of Judgement coming in a Calm of glory, when all the bustling of his Ambition seemed to be passed over, so overwhelmed the Joys of his past successes, that as if his Conscience had shrunk at the horror of seeing his oppression and supplantation so repaid, with the extinction of that for which he drew all this guilt upon himself; 'tis said that from that time he never was seen to laugh more: and however he struggled with Destiny for more Issue Male, marrying not long after a most virtuous and beautiful young Lady, yet all was in vain: The envenomed Arrow stuck still in his Liver, and for want of other Heirs, he was forced to fasten the succession on his Daughter Maud, who being entangled in his fate, and as apparently Planet-struck as himself, could never attain to be a Queen, however a Duchess, and an Empress; being disappointed by one, that had less right, and not so good pretence, as her own Father. And as the main Line of Normandy failed in him, that was but the third Inheritor, so the succession ever since proved so brittle, that it never held to the third Heir in a right descent, without being put by, or receiving some alteration by usurpation, or extinction of the Male blood, which (saith mine Author) may teach Princes to let men alone with their Rights, and God with his Providence.  
But such is the unhappiness of Kings that they either understand not Destiny so well as private Men, or cannot so readily submit to it, and as Ambition is a restless passion, which however it may be sometimes weary, never tires; so it urges them to be still pressing upon Fortune with hopes to compel or corrupt her; hoping that if she will not be serviceable to them, she may at least not oppose them. He found that this rent at home had cracked all the chain of his courses in France (whose King took part with his Nephew William) whilst his two great Friends, Foulk Earl of Anjou, and Robert Earl of Mellent declared against him. Yet urged by his natural diligence or desire of Rule he could not but still push on, till by the death of that unfortunate youth before mentioned, all the hopes of his Brother Robert perished, and came to be entirely his: yet neither then could he take any Rest, though he had no body to give him any disquiet, his Conscience keeping him waking with continual Alarms, without any kind of sleep but what was so disturbed and disorderly, as declared to the whole World all was not well within. Often did he rise out of his Bed in the Night, and catching up his Sword put himself into a Posture of Defence as against some Personal assault: and sometimes in company he would catch hold of his Servants hands, as apprehending they were about to draw upon him. Thus was he dogged with continued fears, and those such as perhaps were Prophetical of what followed: that some body should start up (as immediately after there did) who taking Example from himself, should Spurn his ashes, and usurp as much upon his Innocent Daughter and her Son, as he himself had done upon his innocent Brother and his Son.   Attributed coat of arms of King Stephen: gules, a sagittarius or shooting with a bow and arrow. 
The Breach at which she first entered was made by King Stephen himself, who foreseeing the approaching mischief, drew on the evil he would avoid by the same way he thought to prevent it: for suspecting the Castles he had permitted to be new built, with purpose to have broken the force of any overrunning Invasion, might now as well become receptacles to the adverse Party; he commanded them to be delivered up into his hands for securing the public Peace. This begat a general murmur, that a dispute among the proprietors, whereof those of most note being Clergymen, and Lords of great power and stomach, presuming upon the Obligation he had to the Church, which (as they said) advanced him to the Crown without any military help, refused so give up their Keys into the hands of Laymen, upon whom as they thought he had not the like tie of honour nor honesty as upon themselves. Hereupon the Legate interposed, who holding himself nearer allied to his Brother Prelates than to his Brother King, urged the question of privilege so far, that 'twas thought there wanted nothing but an opportunity to show they could more willingly quit their Allegiance (as they had done their Liberty) than their possessions: for King Stephen upon their refusal to obey his Order, clapped up several of them in prison. This opportunity Maud by her arrival rather gave than took, when she made up the Cry, and joined her claim with theirs, and thereby made the War to be felt before it was perceived: which spread itself like a burning Fever through all the veins of the body politic, but raged by Fits only; it so happening that they were not seldom parted by the said new built Castles they contested for; many of which standing neuter give stops to their Fury, as if intended by Providence to allay their heat till it were temperate enough to admit of some Parley: but that proving ineffectual, like Game-cocks, aftertaking breath they fell to it afresh with equal force and equal confidence, the whole Nation being divided betwixt them according to their several interest for affections, some taking part with her, others with him; these to discharge their Consciences, those their honour, some to advance their fortunes, others to secure their advancements.  
King Stephen gave every where proof of his courage; she of her wisdom; both of their diligence; either perhaps worthy a greater Empire than they contended for; but whilst the Body politic thus miserably tormented with the convulsions of Might and Right languished under the growing distemper, behold a sudden change which seemed the more mortal, for that the grief seized upon the head: The King is taken prisoner, with whose liberty one would have thought all the hopes of that side had been lost; but it so happened that the Feminine Victor found herself engaged in a more equal Contest with one of her own Sex, and as of the same spirit, so of the same name. King Stephen's Wife takes up the Sword whilst her husband continues a prisoner, who not looking that Fortune should fall into her lap, was so industrious to catch it, and heading her husband's Forces, she brought the Title to a second trial with so much better success than he, that the victorious Empress was forced to give place to the more victorious Queen, and so hardly escaped that to save her life she was content to be reckoned amongst the dead, being carried off in a Coffin as if she had been killed, and so forced to leave him a prisoner behind, that was indeed the life of her Cause, the Earl of Gloucester her Brother, and her General, whose liberty being set against that of the Kings, both sides became even again in the list of their fatal Contention.  
And now the King's Party labours to recover what they had lost: those of the Empress her Faction strove only to keep what they had gained, till both having tired out and almost baffled the Courage of their partakers at home sought for recruits abroad: Maud sends into Normandy, the King into Flanders; each side seems to fright from this time forward, not so much for Victory as Revenge. But whilst they fright the people with a noise of their great preparations the bubble of expectation (swollen to its full height) broke, and the hopes of either side sunk so low by the death of Prince Eustace Son and Heir to the King, and that of the Earl of Gloucester the only pillar which supported the Empress; this the party by whom, that the party for whom the War was first begun, not to say miantained, that they concluded a Peace for want of strength rather than of stomach, all things ending as they began, by determination of the free vote of the people; who in an open Parliament at Winchester parted the Stakes as evenly as they could, giving to King Stephen the Crown during life, to Henry Son of Maud (and as some think by him) the reversion expectant after his death, who if he were not his Natural was thereupon made his adopted Son: and so ended the troubles of this King, which seem to have been so agreeable to his nature that as soon as they ceased, he ceased to live; surviving the War no longer than just to take leave of his Friends, being evicted by an Ejectione firmâ brought against him by Fate to let in the Son of his Enemy, after he had held the possession (notwitstanding the continual Interruption given him) nineteen years with great prosperity though little or no peace: witness those many works of Piety done by himsel or others in his time, there being more Instances of that Nature during his short Reign, than had been in many years before.   coat of arms of King Henry II: gules, three lions passant guardant in pale or. 
He was the first King of the Plantaginets, and began his Reign, as the Great Solomon (who was near about his Age) did his, with the choice of wise Councillors, to take off all objections against his youth; with the expulsion of all Strangers, to take off all objections against his being a foreigner; with the resumption of all aliened Crown Lands, to take of the fear as well as the necessity of Taxes: which as it increased his reputation no less than his revenue, so he pleased many with disgusting but a few. After this he plucked down all those Castles which being erected by King Stephen's permission, had proved the nurseries of the late rebellion, and he did it with the less clamour, in respect the people thought it contributed as much to their quiet, as to his own. Lastly by expelling those false Lords, that contrary to their oath given to his Mother, took part with the Usurper Stephen, he at once satisfied his Revenge, and confirmed the opinion conceived of his Justice and Piety.  
Thus having got the start in point of honour, as well as of Riches, of all the neighbour Princes his Contemporaries; one would have thought so prosperous a beginning must have concluded with as prosperous an ending: but it sell out quite otherwise; for to the rest of his Greatness was added that of having great troubles, and troubles of that durance as ended not but with his life. Nor could it well be otherwise, for he was of a restless spirit, seldom without an Army, seldomer without an Enemy, but never without an Occasion to provoke one; for he was a great engrosser of glory, whereby being necessitated to set himself against every one, every one set themselves against him: and the confederations against him were so well timed that in one day they invaded him in England, Normandy, Acquitain, and Britain: but that which made his unhappiness seem singular was, that the greatest part of his Enemies were those of his greatest Friends; I mean not such as were of remoter relations, as subjects, servants, confederates, or allies, etc. but those of nearest propinquity; his brother, his wife, his own children, such as were flesh of his flesh, and bone of his bone: so that he could not possibly sight for himself without fight against himself; like those who to preserve life are constrained to dismember themselves: wherein the malice of his Fate seemed to exceed that of his Foes, whiles it drew more cross lines over his Actions than Nature had drawn over his Face; rendering all his undertake so disastrous, that even when he had the best on't, he seemed yet to have the worst on it, and lost his honour though he got his enterprise. Thus when he recovered the Earldom of Northumberland from David King of Scots, and the Dukedom of Anjou from his brother Geoffry, the first by the power of his Wisdom, the last by the wise management of his power (both which contests ended not without giving to each of them full satisfaction for their pretensions) yet one brought upon him the clamour of injustice, t'other the scandal of Avarice: two vices ill beseeming any man, worse a King. So in the dispute he had with the Earl of St. Giles about the County of Tholosse, which was his Right, though tother's Possession, he was fain to ask peace of one that he knew was unable to carry on the War; and after he brought him to his own terms, was himself so hampered with the same Fetters he put upon him, that in conclusion he suffered no less in the opinion of his wisdom than he had before in that of his power. So when he married his Son Henry to the daughter of his great Enemy, the King of France, with a prudent design of being reconciled to him in a nearer combination, he found that instead of keeping him out of his Territories (which was all he had to care for before the Match) he had now let him into his House, to do him more mischief with less difficulty (there being more danger by his undermining than battering) whiles himself permitted the pit to be made in which the foundation of his Son's greatness was to be laid; to whom having given too early an expectation of his Kingdom (by allowing him the title of King) without being able to give him the Grace to tarry for his death, he found (when 'twas too late) that a Crown was no estate to be made over in Trust: yet this he did not by chance, neither as one transported by any Fatherly fondness, but out of a provident care to settle the Succession, and as reasonably to fix his Son's Ambition. Neither was his severity to his younger Sons less fatal to him than his indulgence to his Elder; whilst thinking to recover the power he lost there, by keeping a stricter hand over those here, he was bereft of them too by the same way he thought to make them more surer to him: for as the eldest by having so much, was easily persuaded there was more due to him; so the younger brothers believing they ought to have had something more than they had, because their elder brother had so much more than he should, pressed him out of necessity, as much as t'other out of wantonness. This looking so like a judgement from heaven, gave both the world and himself so full a view of his fate and his failings, that from this time he began sensibly to languish under the grief and shame of being so affronted; the rancour of his thoughts so festering inwardly, that though he assuaged it by all the Lenitives imaginable, yet the wound broke out as fast as it was healed, till the Cause was taken away by the death of those that were the two most unnatural Sons (whose ends proved to be as violent as their natures) after which yet he was no less afflicted by the no less unnatural obstinacy, of the two surviving Brothers Richard and John.  
But that which made the troubles of his own house more insupportable, was the meeting with as great troubles in God's house; where the disobedience of his Children was out-vied by the contempt of a servant: who advanced by destiny to make a mock of Majesty, finding a purpose in him to curtail the growing greatness of the Clergy (that was arrived to that height, that they were able to make a King without a Title, and might (as he suspected) by tampering with Posterity be able in time to set up a Title without a King) resolved to wrestle both single, and to compare authority: and however he knew the design to be so well backed by the envy of the Laiety, that the Pope himself and all the Conclave despaired of weathering it; yet such was his obstinacy, having got the help of opinion, and the belief of Integrity on his side, that he stood the breach of this unhappy King's Indignation, and defied his Thunderbolt, till the very minute it blasted him; by whose death every one thought the King had got the better of it, in that he had the satisfaction of a full Revenge, without being touched with the guilt (since those that murdered him however they did it to please the King, did it yet without his knowledge or privity.) But such was the Tyranny of Fate, that he who in his life time only made him how, being dead brought him upon his knees, and forced him to acknowledge him as much above his faith afterwards, as he was above his will before: and (than which nothing could be more unfortunate) for the very same cause he prosecuted him in his life time as a Traitor, being dead, he adored him as a Saint.  
It were too troublesome to tell of all the troubles of this great Prince, much more to bring them into any method, which coming from himself, and not ending (as I said before) but with himself, however they seemed to vary in the Lines, kept still in the circle of his Family, moved by the same Causes though not by the same Persons: for as his Son Henry before, so his Son Richard afterwards, was tempted to capitulate with him, and to show the world he was his Brother's successor, in point of disobedience as well as of right, he did with as great ambition, but greater passion, require an assurance of the same Kingdom and the same Wife: both equally dear to the Father, both alike fatal to the Sons; wherein meeting with a denial, the present fit of Love that was upon him heightened into an extreme of hatred; with the contagion whereof (for it ran in a blood) his brother John was not long after infected: and so joining together, they made the last Effort upon their now almost tired father's patience, besieging him in the beloved Town where his Father was buried and himself born; which he not long after took from him, and in it her that was dearer to him than his life, the fair Lady Adela (now become the old King's avowed Mistress, however affianced before to his Son Richard.) This as it was an indignity that flawed his great heart at one single stroke, and wounded his spirit beyond all recovery, so the loss of the City provoked him to blaspheme God, and the loss of the Lady to curse all his posterity, and what sense nature retained of the loss of his life (that took away the sense of all other losses) appears by the intelligence it held with his revenge after death: which overacting its part (if I may so say) to charge the guilt upon the unnatural offender, forced the blood out of his nostrils as he lay barefaced upon his hearse, as soon as his Son Richard (the murderer) approached with dissembled reverence to kiss his hand. Thus  
Thus as he had constant troubles whilst he lived; so it seems he had no great rest when he was dead, being ordained by Destiny to be an Example of unparallelled Desolation; and which made this unhappiness a kind of Riddle, that which renders all other men happy undid him, viz. great Wisdom, great Power, and great Possessions, either of which makes great Friends, at least great numbers of those that profess themselves to be so; whiles he lived to see himself forsaken of Wife, Children, Family, Friends, and (if he were not himself, as in Charity we ought to think, when he blasphemed God for the loss of Mentz) we may say forsaken of himself too, than which there could be no sadder Epilogue to humane Glory.   coat of arms of King Richard I: gules, three lions passant guardant in pale or. 
And wherefore was all this toil and charge, imbarasing himself and his Subjects, but only to hold up the vainglorious reputation of his Courage, and make good that Bestial Adjunct of Coeur de Leon which was not improperly given to him, if we consider that the same Creature is as much noted for his Voracity as Courage; yet was the excess of his Valour mostly spent in private quarrels; the King of France, who was engaged with like Devotion, and he falling together by the Ears as soon as they met in Sicily; and after he came into the Holy Land he had the like quarrel with the Archduke of Austria, with both upon the same point of Precedence, though not with like reason; the other having outbraved him in the common Cause, and planted his Colours upon the Walls of Acon before him, which he plucking down in scorn, t'other made him veil Bonnet to it, that is, surrender up his Cap of Maintenance (as 'twas then called) as a Pledge of his Homage to the Emperor when he acknowledged him his Supreme Lord. And what was the end of this great Enterprise, after having tarried above a year there, but the taking only one Town, and besieging another, which upon notice of the Disorders at home (that a wise man might easily have foreseen and prevented) he quit with no less disorder, leaving the whole Action with as much precipitation as he took it up; insomuch that his Wife and Sister that accompanied him, and all their Attendants and Officers were forced to shift for themselves, and get home as they could; which Inconsideration of his met with that pitiful Event before mentioned, to redeem him from which, his People were fain to strain themselves beyond their abilities, Laymen and Clergy parting with a fourth part of their Real, and a tenth of their Personal Estate, all not being sufficient to make up his Ransom, till they pawned and sold their very Chalices and Church Ornaments.  
Being thus as it were unkinged, and exposed naked to the Vulgar, stripped of his Honour as well as Treasure, he thought himself not secure of the faith and reverence due to his birth by any other way but a Recoronation, which being as extraordinary as the rest of his Actions (for he's the first we meet with twice crowned) was notwithstanding the poverty of the Nation, that had paid in two years' time no less than jj hundred thousand Marks of Silver (the vastness of which Sum may be guessed at by the Standard of those Times, when twenty pence was more than a Crown now) performed with that solemnity, as showed he had the same mind, though not the same purse, as when he began his great Adventures. After this he fitted out a Fleet of 100 Sail of Ships to carry him into Normandy, to chastise the Rebellions of his Brother John, who encouraged by the King of France (the constant Enemy of England) had, during his absence, deposed his Viceroy Long-champ, and forced him to lay down his Legatine Cross, to take up that of the holy War, and had put himself in so good forwardness to depose him too (having brought the People to swear a Conditional Fealty to him) that there wanted nothing to give him possession of the Crown which was before secured in Reversion but the consent of the Emperor, to whom there was offered a Bribe of 150 thousand Marks to detain him, or 1000 pounds a Month, as long as he kept him Prisoner. But such was the power of the Mother, who was always a fast Friend to the younger Brother, and had indeed a greater share in the Government of the elder, than consisted with the weakness of her own, or the dignity of his Sex, that she made them Friends, and obtained an Indemnity for all the Faults committed during Longchamp's Reign (who indeed was more a King than his Master) so that his Indignation being wholly diverted upon the French King, he began a new War that was like to prove more chargeable than the old, which he had so lately ended. To maintain which he had new Projections for raising Money; but Providence having determined to put an end to his Ambition and Avarice, offered a fatal Occasion by the discovery of some Treasure-trove, out of which the Discoverer, the Viscount Lymoges, voluntarily tendering him a part, tempted him to claim the whole; and so eager was he of the Prey, that being denied, he besieged the Castle of Challons, where he conceived 'twas hid, from whence by a fatal Arrow shot from the hand of one whose Father and two Brothers he had killed with his own hand, he was unexpectedly slain, leaving no Issue either of his Body or Mind that the World took notice off, excepting his three Daughters before mentioned, fathered on him by the Priest, by the disposal of which, though it were but in jest, we may see what he was in earnest: For he bestowed his daughter Pride on the Knight's Templars; his daughter Drunkenness on the Cestercian Monks, and his Daughter Lechery he left to the Clergy in general, which quickness of his, as it savoured of Irreligion, so it made good that in him, which makes all things else ill, the comprehensive Vice of Ingratitude, the Clergy being the only men to whom he was indebted for his Honour, Wealth, and Liberty; but the unkindness he showed to them living, was sufficiently requited to him dead by one of the same function, who reflecting upon the Place where he received his fatal wound, shot an Arrow at him that pierced deeper than that which slew him.  Christ tui Calicis Praedo fit praeda Calucis.  coat of arms of King John: gules, three lions passant guardant in pale or. 
This mounted him on the wings of Fame, but that unexpected height was attended with a fatal Giddiness, which turned to such a kind of Frenzy as rendered him incapable of all advice: So that intoxicated with the fumes of his Power, he committed many outrages, not sparing his own Brother Jeoffry Archbishop of York, who using the freedom of a Brother in reprehending his Exorbitances, had all his Estate taken from him and confiscated a whole year, before he could recover it again by the help of all his Friends: The Earl of Chester fair'd yet worse, who was banished upon the like account of being too faithful a Counsellor: Neither did the Lord Fitz-Walter suffer less then either, because he would not consent to prostitute his fair Daughter Matilda to his Lust: And whether he showed any foul play to his Nephew Arthur, after he was his Prisoner, is not certain, who surviving his Imprisonment but a few days, gave the World cause to think he was not treated as so near a Kinsman, but as a Competitor; and that which confirmed this Opinion was the Judgement from Heaven that attended it, for from that time he grew very visibly unprosperous, losing not only his ancient Patrimony, the Duchy of 
* Which his Ancestors had h●ld in despite of all the power ●f France, and the rest of their potent Neighbours above 300 years  Normandy, and that as strangely as tother did his life, but with it all the rest of his Possessions on that side the Water, all taken from him in less than a years space, not so much by force of Arms as by process of Law, whiles the King of France proceeded against him as an Offender, rather than as an Enemy: And to aggravate that by other Losses seeming less, but perhaps greater, he near about the same time not only lost his two great Supporters, Hubert Archbishop of Canterbury, and Fitz-Peter his Lord Chief Justice (as wise and faithful Counsellors as any Prince ever had) but her that was the Bridle of his Intemperance, his Indulgent Mother Elinor, a prudent Woman, of a high and waking Spirit, and therefore a most affectionate Promoter of his, because it tended to the supporting of her own Greatness.  
These stays being gone, he proved like a mounted Paper Kite when the string breaks which holds it down; for taking an extravagant flight, he fell afterwards (as that usually doth) for want of due weight to keep it steady: and being no less sensible of the shame then the loss, instead of taking revenge on his Foes, he fell upon his Friends, charging all his misfortunes upon disloyalty of the Earls and Barons that refused him aid, whom therefore he fined first the seventh part of their Goods, after that the thirteenth part of all their Movables; and not content with the aid of their Purses, forced them at last with the hazard of their Persons, to attend him in the prosecution of a no less chargeable than disadvantageous War, where the recovery of part of his own endangered the total loss of their own Estates. This, as it was grievous to the Subject in general, so more particularly to the Nobility (being most of them descended out of Normandy, and by his ill management shut out of their ancient Inheritances there, had no other satisfaction for their Losses but by improving what was left here) who finding themselves thus doubly damnified, were enraged to that degree, that using a Martial freedom suitable to the necessity of that stimulation by which they were urged, they began to recollect all the wrongs done them by his Grandfather, Father, and Brother, and to show they were in earnest, insisted upon renewing the great Charter of their Liberties, neither were they unprovided of Arguments or Arms; this contumacy of theirs being countenanced by the sullen Retirement of his own Brother Jeoffry the Archbishop, who chose rather to cast himself into voluntary Exilement, then submit any longer to his Tyranny: In vain now demands he Pledges of their Faith, whilst they believed him himself to have none. Sending to the Lord Bruce for his Son to be delivered as an Hostage to him, he received an answer from the Mother, which it seems expressed the affections, if not the sense of the Father, That they would not commit their Son to his keeping, who was so ill a keeper of his own Brother's Son; which rash return cost him afterward his Estate, her her life, with the loss of two for the saving one only Child; a Revenge so fully executed, that it could meet with no counterbuff but what must come from Heaven.  
Here began the breach that disjointed the whole frame of his Government; the King resolving to keep what by advantage of time and sufferance he had got; the Barons continuing as obstinately bend to recover what their Predecessors had so tamely lost. Both sides prepare for War; and whilst they face and parley like men loath to engage, yet scorning to quit their Cause, either alike confident to hope the best, and not unlike active to prevent the worst, a new accident parted them by presenting a new Enemy, which made the War give place as it were to a single Combat. The Pope not allowing the King the Privilege of Nominating a Successor to the deceased Archbishop of Canterbury, he makes a Truce (I cannot call it a Peace) with his Domestic Adversaries, to try his Fortune with his Foreign Foe. The Contest was not like that of Jacob and Esau, who should be born first, but like that of Caesar and Pompey, who should be uppermost. Now as desire of Rule brought these two great Champions into the List, so the confidence each other had in his strength and skill to handle his Weapon, made them unreconcilable: The Pope made the first Pass, who threatening to interdict the Kingdom, was answered with a Menace of confiscating all the Lands of the Clergy, and banishing their Persons: The second Thrust given by his Holiness was a Threat of Excommunication of the King's Person: To this he returned that he would utterly disavow his Authority. Thus far they were upon the even Terms, and as it were hit for hit: upon the next Pass they closed, and as men desperately bend, either maked good his Charge. The Pope shuts up the Church doors; the King those of the Cloisters: the first took away all the Sacraments, leaving the dead to bury the dead, without Priest, Prayer, or Procession: The last seized on all the Ecclesiastical Revenues, and disposed them into Lay-hands. Whilst they were thus in close grapple, the King of France appeared as second to the Triple Crown: Had the Barons than stepped in as second to their King, they had not only made good their own Honour, as well as his, but probably had secured the Liberties they contended for without any force, there being more to be hoped for from this King's Generosity then his Justice; but (which was most degenerous, and leaves a stain upon their memory never to be washed off) they finding him thus overlaid, turned all their points upon his back, poisoned with the venom of the most opprobrious Calumnies that ever Majesty suffered under, the Infamy of being not only a Tyrant, but an Infidel, all which he was fain to bear with more Constancy of Mind then Fortune: But as we see a wild Boar, when beaten out of breath, chooses rather to die upon the Spears of the Hunters, then to be wearied by the Dogs; so his Rancour turning into disdain, he yielded to his Nobler Enemies, and chose rather than not have his Revenge upon them, whom he thought God and Nature had put under his dispose, to humble himself to the Church, hoping, as 'tis thought, by their Keys to unlock the Rebel's Power; but overacting his Revenge, he stooped so low that the Crown fell from his Head, which the Pope's Legate taking up, kept three days before he thought fit to restore it, verifying thereby the Prediction of a poor innocent Hermit, who foretold that there should be no King of England; which however it was true, yet being in some sense untrue too, 'twas in the Prerogative of him who never spared where he could shed Blood, to make his own Interpretation, which cost the poor Prophet his Life.  
The Barons finding him thus incensed, and seeing how to make good his Revenge, he had quit his Sovereignty, they resolved to quit their Allegiance to make good their Security, intending to call in the Dolphin of France, and swear Fealty to him, whilst the Common People were left to their Election, whether to take the wrong King that promised to do them Right, or the right King that persisted to do them so much wrong; who as little understanding the Principles of Religion as the dictates of Reason, the Bonds of Command and Obedience that should hold them together seemed so wholly slackened, that there was upon the Matter no other Tie on them than that of their Interest, which swayed them variously, according to the divers Measures they took of it. But as there are many Ligaments in a State that bind it so fast together, that 'tis a hard thing to dissolve them altogether, unless by an universal concurrence of Causes, that produce a general alteration thereof (it being seldom seen of what temper soever Kings are, but that they find under the greatest desertion imaginable a very considerable Party to stand by them upon the account of Affection or Ambition, Honour or Conscience) so this King (the first of England we find put to this straight) had yet many Members of Note and Power besides his chief Officers (whom their places confirmed) that stuck close to him, and served him to the last; by whose Assistance he not only recovered Ireland, reduced Wales, and kept those of Scotland to their good behaviour, but notwithstanding all the Troubles he had at home, forced the Chief men of either Place to give him (as the manner was in those days) their Children to be pledges of their future Subjection: by which may be guest how far he had gone in the Recovery of his Transmarime Dominions, had not the cross-grained Barons stood it out as they did, who refusing to aid or attend him, until he was absolved by the Pope, and after he was absolved, stopped until he had ratified their Privileges, and after they had the Grant of their Privileges, declined him yet, until they had back the Castles he had taken from them; resolved it seems to have both Livery and Seisin of their ancient Rights: but whilst they thus over-bent the Bow, they made it weak and unserviceable: the visible force used upon him in bringing him to that Concession, unloosing the Deed, and taking so much from the validity of so solemn an Act by the bare illegality of their Coercion, that his new Friend the Pope (to whom themselves forced him to reconcile himself) thought it but a reasonable recompense of his Humility towards him, to discharge him from all his Condiscentions towards them, dispensing with his Oath by which all the Agreement was bound, and by definitive Sentence declaring the whole Compact null, which was confirmed by the Excommunication of the Barons till they submitted to the Sentence.  
Here the Scene changed again: and now the Pope being engaged on the King's side, the French King on the Rebels, behold the whole Kingdom in Arms; but because there were so few to be trusted at home, the King sends for Forces abroad, whereof he had so great Supplies, that had there not been (which is almost incredible to relate) no less than forty thousand Men, Women, and Children drowned, coming over Sea out of Flanders, he had even eat his way out to a Conquest of his own People as universal, but more miserable than that of the Norman; for with those he had left he marched over most of the Kingdom in less than half a years space, reduced all the Baron's Castles to the very Borders of Scotland, and made himself once more absolute Master of all the Cities of note, London only excepted, which in regard of their united Power, being so desperate as they were, he thought not safe to attack. This Extremity of the Barons drew over the French King in person to their relief, who making incredible speed to land at Sandwich, as quickly became Master of all Kent, Dover only excepted (which never would yield) through which marching up to London, he was there received with such universal joy, that several great Lords quitting King John, came to render themselves to him: In the mean time the Pope pursued him with an Excommunication to please King John, who all this while acted the part of a General so well beyond that of a King, that many who never obeyed him in Peace, were content to follow him through the War.  
It was near a year that this unhappy Kingdom continued thus the Theatre of Rapine and Cruelty, enduring the oppression and horror of two great Armies, headed by two great Kings; each chase the other with alternate Successes through the most fertile parts of the Isle, till it pleased Providence in Mercy to the innocent People, to take off this Indomitable Prince, whose heart (long flawed with continual Crosses) broke at last by the slight stroke of a small loss, the miscarriage of some few of his Carriages, which in passing the Washes betwixt Lynn and Boston, were it seems overtaken by the Tide: a misfortune, which though of no great Consideration, yet falling out in such a juncture of time, when the Indisposition of his Body added not a little to that of his Mind, carried him out of the World with no less Violence than he forced into it; who, however born to make himself Enemies, had yet perhaps been happy enough, had not himself been the very greatest Enemy himself had.   coat of arms of King Henry III: gules, three lions passant guardant in pale or. 
Upon his Death, the King was crowned (as his unfortunate Father and Uncle before him) the second time, being willing the World should know he was now arrived at a degree of understanding to rule by himself: which occasion the jealous Barons took hold of, to press again for the Confirmation of their Liberties, the Denial whereof had cost his Father so dear. This put him to a pause, and that discovered his inclination, though not his intent; for by not denying, he hoped to be thought willing to grant, and yet not granting, he had the vanity to be thought not to yield. But this cunctation of his, which showed him to be his Fathers own Son, plunged him into such a Gulf of mistrust before he was ware of it, that it was nothing less than a Miracle he had not perished in it: for as he could never get clear out of it all his Reign (the longest that ever any King of England had) so he was necessitated, as all shifting men are that entertain little designs they are ashamed or afraid to own, to make use from that time, of such Ministers only, as in serving him, would be sure to serve their own turns upon him: which reduced him to that indigence, that had he not found out a way to prey upon them, as they upon the People, he had undoubtedly perished as never King did; being at one time come so near to Beggary that for want of Provisions at his own, he was forced to invite himself shamefully to other men's Tables, his Credit being brought so low, that he could not take up an hundred Marks; and his Spirit so much lower, that he told one that denied him that Sum, that it was more Alms to give him, then to a Beggar that went from Door to Door: A speech betraying so strange abjection, that it takes off the wonder of those affronts put upon him afterwards, when a weak Woman durst tax him to his face with breach of faith and honour, and a pitiful Priest threaten him with being no King, when a private Lord durst give him the Lie publicly, and tell him he was no Christian: and (which is undecent to tell had it not been so well known) one of his 
* Hubert de B●ugh● was charged to have said thus.  own servants called him Squint-eyed Fool and Leper.  
The first great action he was engaged in was the recovery of the Ground his Father lost in France, into which he was drawn not so much out of affectation of Glory, as by the Solicitation of his Father in Law Hugh Earl of March; who having a quarrel with the Queen Dowager of France, upon the account of some dispute that had passed between her and his Wife, the Queen Dowager of England, called in the King her Son to take advantage of the present discontent; Divers of the great men of Poictou, Britain, and Normandy, being offended that the Regency of the young King should be committed to a Woman, and a Spaniard: But this design ending with like precipitation, as it was begun, after the Expense of some Blood and more Treasure (neither of which he could well spare) he returned home, attended with a petty Army of those Poictovins and Britain's; who by taking his part, had forfeited their own Estates at home. These therefore he conceived himself obliged in point of honour to provide for, and which way to do it, but by displacing such of his principal Officers, who were in places of greatest benefit he knew not. These were his Cheif-Justiciary, his High Treasurer, and the Marshal of his Household; upon whom therefore he permitted the envious Rabble to discharge a volley of accusations, to the end that driving them out with shame and loss, he might fill up their places with those strangers. These great Pillars (for they were men whose wisdom he had more need of, than they of his favour) being thus thrown down, and broken to pieces by their fall, so shook the whole frame of his Throne, that every body expected when he would have fallen himself too, divers of the Nobility that were nearest to him, removing themselves for fear of the worst. Amongst the rest was that famous Richard, who after the death of his brother William, was Earl Marshal: a man questionless of great honour and Probity, who finding his violences to increase, being heightened by the ill advice of the two Peter, De Rupibus, and De Rivallis, the one a Britain t'other a Poictovin, now become the two great Ministers of State, combined with the rest of the English Nobility to fetch him off from these Rocks; first entreating and after threatening him, that unless he would put these and all other strangers from him, they would remove both him and them, and choose another King. Upon this bold menace, the plainest and boldest that Subjects could give a Prince, De Rupibus advised him to require pledges for their Allegiance; which they refusing to give, without any Process of Law, he causes them to be Proclaimed Outlaws, and Seizes on all their Lands, with the profits whereof he rewards the Poictovins. This brought both Parties to Arm again, with like animosity, but more Cruelty, then in his Father's time. So that for two years together, there was no cessation from all the violences, and depredations that usually attend a civil War, till the Bishops finding by the much blood had been shed, that the heat on either side was much abated, interposed with the King to do the Baron's reason, and forced him to yield, though he could not consent, to a restoration of their Lands and Liberties, and to the banishment of all strangers. This however proved to be but a temporary shift, which the present necessity of his affairs drove him to: for not long after the two great Incendiaries were admitted again to Grace; and so near came he to the example of his Father, as to endeavour a revocation of his Grants by the Pope's Authority, being done, as he alleged, beyond his Power, and without consent of the Church; by which harsh Intention (though it took not effect) it is scarce imaginable how much he added to the conceived displeasure of the People, to whom however he had no regard, till he had wasted himself so far by his profusion and supine Stupidity, that he was reduced through extremity of want, to truckle under his Parliaments: who knowing their own Power, and his dependence on them for money (for as a modern 
* Sir R. Bake● Vit. H. 3.  writer observes, his taxations were so many they may be reckoned amongst his annual revenues, scarce any year passing without a Parliament, but no Parliament breaking up without a Tax) as so many Tyrants pressed no less upon him one way, than he upon them the other, till at last he became as weary of ask, as they of giving him supplies; and having no other means to maintain his Riot, after he had canvased his Officers, by chopping and changing of places, and raised what he could without right or reason, he fell to selling his Lands, mortgaged Gascoin, pawned his Jewels, and after his Crown: and when he had neither Credit nor pawns of his own left, he exposed the Jewels and Ornaments of Saint Edward's Shrine, to whoever would lay down most for them. After this he prayed upon the Jews (the People that always felt the weight of his necessities.) Neither were his Christian Subjects so free, but that he found means to squeeze them by Loans, Benevolences, and New-year's gifts: all which not sufficing, he fell at last to downright Beggary, and sent to the Clergy men for several Sums to be given him as Alms. And being reduced to this incredible lowness, when he found he could not prevail upon their Charity, he tried how far he could work upon their piety, by pretending to undertake the Cross: but that Project failing him too, the last and most fatal shift he had, was to resign to the King of France whatever right he had in the Duchy of Normandy, the Earldoms of Anjou, Poictou, Tourene, and Main, and all for no more than three hundred Crowns, and that of Anjovin money too: a pitiful Sum to redeem a half lost Crown. The Prince likewise, unfortunately participating in the wants of his Father, was driven to Mortgage several pieces of his Lands too, to supply his Particular Necessities.  
And now all things being gone that were valuable or vendible, the Barons finding him naked and disarmed thought not fit to delay the matter longer; but being called to that fatal Parliament at Oxford, in a hot season of the year, when all their bloods were boiling, and out of temper, without more debate they first secured London, the only Magazine to begin a Rebellion, by shutting up the Gates, and after secured the Kingdom, by shutting up the Ports, to prevent the inlet of Strangers; appointing twenty four Conservators (as they called them) to manage the Government, whereof twelve were to be named by the King, twelve by themselves. But he thinking it too great a Diminution of his Majesty, to consent to any nomination of his own, left their twelve, called the Douze Peers, to take the Reformation into their hands; who displacing a●l whom they pleased to call Evil Counsellors, left none about him that were able, or perhaps willing to give him advice, and grew so insolent at last, as to banish (amongst other Strangers) some of his nearest Relations. Out of these (as it happens upon all Changes, where the People are to be amused with Novelty) there was chosen afterwards a Triumvirate, to be Superintendent over the Twelve. These were the Earl of Leicester, the Earl of Gloucester, and the Lord Spencer, to whom the three great Ministers of State, the Chancellor, the High-Treasurer, and the Chief Justiciar were appointed humble assistants. And because 'twas believed that the Liberty of the People depended on the maintenance of their Authority, the King himself was compelled by Oath (as he was a Man, a Christian, a Knight, a King Crowned and anointed) to uphold them, and acquit them of their Legal Obedience, whensoever he went about to infringe the great Charter by which they held this Prerogative.  
Here they had him bound up hand and foot, with that Curse upon him which his Father of all others most dreaded, and with which his Flatterers most terrified him whenever the Dispute of Liberty came in question, of being a King without a Kingdom, a Lord without a Dominion, a Subject to his Subjects (for they had invaded his Majesty, usurped his Authority, and made themselves so far Masters of his Person, that they might seize it, whenever they pleased to declare for a Commonwealth.) And now to make the Affront more notable, as if they had forgotten what was the Fundamental Grievance, on which their Usurpation was grounded (the Entertainment of Strangers) they take a Stranger to head them, making Monford (who was a French man by Birth and Descent) their Chief, who having designs of his own different from theirs (as the Earl of Gloucester his Compeer found when 'twas too late) endeavoured so to widen all Differences betwixt King and People, that if possible there might never be a right Understanding betwixt them.  
The King therefore well knowing his Malice, and not being ignorant of his Ambition, fell first upon him, causing the Lord Mortimer to break in amongst his Tenants, who quickly righted himself upon those of Mortimer's, with whom the Prince thereupon took part, as Llewellin Prince of Wales with tother. The Prince takes Brecknock-Castle; Monford that of Gloucester, and after that, those of Worcester and Shrewsbury; from whence he marched directly to the Isle of Ely without Resistance. The King fearing his approach to London (like those, who to save their Lives in a Storm, are content to sling their Goods overboard) demanded a Peace, and willingly yielded up all his Castles into the hands of the Barons, to the intent they might be as a public Security for the inviolable Observation of the Provisions of Oxford, conceding to the banishment of all the Strangers that were left: This Condescension of his however occasioned rather a Truce then a Peace, of which he had this benefit, to gain time till he could be better provided. A Parliament being hereupon called at London, the freedom of Debate there renewed the Quarrel, and each side confident of the Justice of their Arms, at Northampton they came to Battle, which however it was well fought, yet the worst Cause had the worst Success. The Barons were beaten, and amongst other Prisoners of note that were then taken was the young Monford, the Heir and Hope of his Father Leicester; and Fortune thus uniting with Authority, made the Barons stoop, though they could not submit, to beg the Peace they had before refused, wherein being rejected with scorn, they became desperate, who were before but doubtful: which Leicester perceiving, and being a man skilful in such advantages, took that opportunity to bring them to a second Battle, in which he supplied his want of Hands with a Stratagem that showed he had no want of Wit, placing certain Ensigns without Men on the side of a Hill, not far from the place where he gave the onset; whereby he so fortunately amuz'd the Enemy, that he easily obtained a Victory, and such an one as seemed to turn the Scale beyond all possibility of Recovery: For in it were taken the King himself, his Brother the late King of the Romans, the Prince, and most of the principal Lords, and by killing Five thousand of the common People on the place, he so terrified all the rest of the Royal Party, that for a year and an half afterwards no body durst look him in the Face: all which time he spent in reducing the Kingdom under his own dispose, putting in and out whom he pleased, and filling up all places Military and Civil with Creatures of his own, carrying the King about with him (as a skilful Rebel) to countenance the Surrender of Towns and Castles to him; continuing thus the insolence of his Triumph, till it swelled to that disproportionate Greatness, that his Confederate Gloucester began to be jealous, if not afraid of it; and out of that Distrust quarrelled with him, upon pretence of not having made equal distribution of the Spoil nor Prisoners, charging him to have released whom he pleased, and at what rate, without the consent of the rest of the Confederacy; urging further, that he did not suffer a Parliament to be convened, as was agreed betwixt them, to the end himself might be Arbitrary: Lastly, objected that his Sons were grown Insolent by his Example, and had affronted several of the adhering Barons, who would have satisfaction of him.  
During this Dispute, the Prince (by connivance of some of the discontented Faction) broke Prison, to whom Gloucester joined himself; and rallying together the scattered Parties that had long attended the advantage of such a turn, they made themselves so considerable, that in short time they were able to bring the business to a poise. Leicester put it to the Decision of another Battle, but not without apparent dispondency, as appears by what he said, when they were going to give the first Charge, for he told those Lords that were nearest him, That they would do well to commit their Souls to God, for that their Bodies were the Enemies. However he omitted nothing that might speak him (as he was) a brave and valiant General, till his Son first, and after himself were slain; at the instant of whose fall there happened such a Clap of Thunder, as if Heaven itself had fought against him, and that none could have given him his death, but that power to which he owed his life. And so the King was rid of him, whom he once declared to have been more afraid of then of Lightning and Thunder: a Person too great for a Subject, and something too little to be a King. But had he (as he was descended from the stock of 
* His Father was Simon, youngest Son of Simon Earl of Fureux, descended from Almerick base Son of Robert (surnamed the Holy) King of France.  Kings) mastered the Fate of this day, he had undoubtedly made himself one, and broke off the Norman Line to begin a new Race not less noble.  
This happy Victory gave the King some ease, but 'twas not in the power of any Force to give him perfect rest, whilst the distemperature of the Time was such, that the Wound which seemed perfectly healed, broke out afresh. Gloucester himself, though he had deserted his old Competitor Leicester, would not yet quit the good old Cause, but embracing the very first Occasion of Discontent he met with, retired three years after from Court, and having got new Forces, finds out new Evil Counsellors to remove. Mortimer, the great Man of merit with the King, is now become the Object of his Envy, and rather than not have his Head, he resolves once more to venture his own. In the mean time those of the Isle of Ely, the remainder of Leicester's Party, that had held out from the time of his death, with incredible courage and patience, taking new life and hope from this Revolt, make many excursions and spoils, to the great charge and vexation of the King and the Public. Neither could the Pope 's Legate prevail with him to come in, though upon terms safe and honourable, tendering the Public Faith of the Kingdom, and which was then thought greater, that of the Church to them: So much were they transported with the Opinion of their Cause, or by the falsehood of their hopes, till this stubbornness of theirs provoked the King to raise a new Army, the Command whereof was given to his Son Edward, that prosperous Prince, whose Fortune then being not able to resist, he had the honour to conclude that War, and consequently to put a Period to all his Father's turmoils, who being shaken at the Root, did not long survive the happiness of that tranquillity; the end of whose Troubles were the beginning of his own, engaging upon the conclusion of that, in a War so much more dangerous, by how much more distant, the benefit whereof was to be expected only in the other World: this was that Undertaking in the Holy Land, which separating him from his Father, beyond all hope of ever seeing him again, gave some occasion to question the old King's Understanding, others his good Nature. But as the great concerns of Religion are as much above Reason, as that is beyond Sense, so we must impute that to the resolute Zeal of the Son, which we cannot allow for Devotion in the Father; who, had he had any thoughts of going into the other World (as his great Age might have prompted him to) would rather have taken care for a Grave for himself, then for so hopeful a Successor, who only by seeking Death escaped it.   coat of arms of King Edward I: gules, three lions passant guardant in pale or. 
Now whether the ingratitude of the Clergy, or the Ambition of the temporal Lords were a greater trial of his wisdom or Power, I know not: but the course he took to reduce either to terms of modesty and submission shows the world he had no want of understanding, however he was forced to put up the front of his Lay-peers in order to the facillitating his Revenge upon the other, whom he mortified by a strain of State which none of his Ancestors durst venture upon: Whilst he not only put them out of his Protection, but all men out of theirs; denying them not only his favour, but his Justice, not only the benefit of his ordinary Courts, but the privilege of sitting in that higher Court of Parliament. A severity (not to give any worse name to it) of so acrimonious a nature, that it not only exposed them to all the injuries and affronts, triumphant malice and scorn could put upon them, but was made more intolerable and grievous by his docking their Revenues, as after he did by several 
* Stat. 3 Edw. 1. cap. 19.33. Stat. count. formum collation.  Statute Laws: amongst which I cannot but take notice (though by the By) of the particular contempt expressed in that odd Statute against 
† Stat. de Asportatis Religiosorum, etc. An. 3 cap. 34.  ravishment, where it is declared Felony to use force to any Lay-Woman, and only a trespass to ravish a Nun. Neither was it thought enough to make what abscission he thought fit, without their greatness were rendered incapable of any further growth: to which intent he cauterised (if I may so say) the wounds he had given them by that Statute of 
‖ An. 3. C. 32.  Mort-main; which as it was the most fatal of all others to them, so it might have proved so to himself, had he not at the same time he thus disobliged them, obliged the Laity by another supposed to be the wisest Law that ever was made, to wit that of Westminster the second, entitled De Donis Conditionalibus; which tending so much to the preservation of particular Families, and adding to their greatness no less than their continuance, is by some Historians called Gentilitium Municipale; and had this good effect, that it brought the temporal Nobility firmly to adhere to him against the Pope, when amongst many others, that entitled themselves to the Sovereignty of Scotland (a Kingdom too near to be lost for want of putting a claim) his Holiness became his Rival, and thought to carry it as part of St. Peter's Patrimony.  
This Victory at home (which brought the proud Prelates to purchase his Justice at a dearer rate, then probably they might have paid for his mercy, had their submission been as early as it was afterwards earnest) I take to be much greater than all those he had got abroad, by how much fortune had no share in it; and fame was the least part of his gains, extending to give him not long after, as great an advantage over the Lay Nobility; whom having first discerned of their Patronage wholly, and of their other privileges in a very great part, he did as it were cudgel them into Submission, by the authority of his 
* vid. lib. Assis. fol. 141.57.  Trail Baston; a commission, which however it were directed to the Majors, Sheriffs, Bailiffs, Escheators, etc. and so seemed to have been aimed at those of the lower rank only, which were guilty of those Enormities of Champorty, Extortion, Bribery, and intrusion (crimes much in fashion in those days) yet by a back blow it knocked down several of the great Men, who either countenanced or complied with the offenders; and which was more terrible, this writ was kept as a Weapon in the King's hands, to use as he saw occasion. And to say truth, he was so expert at it, and indeed at all other points of skill, that brought him in any profit, that he was too hard at last for the Lawyers themselves, those great masters of defence, Canvasing his Judges, as well as his Bishops, when he found both alike rich, both alike corrupt. Beyond these he could not descend to the consideration of any Criminal, save the Jews only, for whom perhaps it had been no great Injustice to have taken their Estates, if at least he could have been prevailed with to have spared their Lives: but as so great Courage as he had, would not be without some mixture of Cruelty, so 'tis the less wonder to see, that Cruelty heightened by Covetousness, as that Avarice by Ambition; the adding to his Treasure by these Exactions being in order to the adding to his Dominions, which were not yet so entire as consistent with his safety, much less the Glory he aimed at: Wales being then as a Canton of the same Piece, divided by a small seam, which yet had a Prince of their own blood, descended from the ancient Stock of the Unconquered Britain's, who it seems had so little sense of the inequality of Power betwixt them, that he had given this King great provocations, as often as any advantage was offered to him, during the Baron's War, playing fast and lose sometimes as an Enemy, otherwhile as a Friend, as it made for his turn; and having it always in his Power by being in Conjunction with Scotland (without which he had been inconsiderable) to disturb the Peace of England at his pleasure, never neglected any occasion, where he might gain Repute to himself, or booty for his People. Upon him therefore he fastened the first Domestic War he had, entering his Country like Jove in a storm, with Lightning and Thunder: the Terror whereof was so resistless, that that poor Prince was forced to accept whatsoever terms he would put upon him, to obtain a temporary Peace, without any other hope or comfort, than what he derived from the mental reservation he had of breaking it again as soon as he returned; whereunto he was not long after tempted by the delusion of a mistaken Prophecy of that false Prophet Merlin, who having foretold that he should be crowned with the Diadem of Brute, fatally heightened his Ambition to the utter destruction both of himself and Country; with whom, his innocent Brother, the last of that Race, partaking in life and death, concluded the Glory of the ancient British Empire, which by a kind of Miracle had held out so many hundred years without the help of Shipping, Alliance, or Confederation with any Foreign Princes, by the side of so many potent Kings their next Neighbours, who from the time of the first entrance of the English, suffered them not to enjoy any quiet, though they vouchsafed them sometimes Peace.  
Wales being thus totally reduced by the irrecoverable fall of Llewellen and David, the last of their Princes, that were ever able to make resistance, and those ignorant People made thereby happier than they wished themselves to be, by being partakers of the same Law and Liberty with those that conquered them: he settled that Title on his eldest Son, and so passed over into France to spend as many years abroad in Peace as he had done before in War; in which time he renewed his League with that Crown, accommodated the Differences betwixt the Crowns of Sicily and Arragon, and showed himself so excellent an Arbitrator, that when the right of the Crown of Scotland, upon his return home, came to be disputed with Six, some say Ten Competitors, after the death of Alexander the Third, the Umpirage was given to him: who ordered the matter so wisely, that he kept off the final Decision of the main Question, as many years as there were Rivals put in for it, deferring Judgement till all, but two only, were disputed out of their Pretensions. These were Balliol and Bruce; the first descended from the elder Daughter of the right Heir, the last from the Son of the younger, who having as 'twas thought the weaker Title, but the most Friends, King Edward privately offered him the Crown, upon Condition of doing Homage and Fealty to him for it; the greatness of his Mind (which bespoke him to be a King before he was one) suffered him not to accept the terms; whereupon King Edward makes the same Proposition to Balliol, who better content it seems with the outside of Majesty, accepted the Condition. But see the Curse of ill-got Glory: showing himself satisfied with so little, he was thought unworthy of any, being so abhorred of his People for it, that upon the first occasion they had to quarrel with his Justice (as who should say, they would wound him with his own Weapon) they appealed to King Edward, who thereupon summoned him to appear in England, and was so rigid to him upon his appearance, he would permit none else to plead his Cause, but compelled him in open Parliament to answer for himself as well as he could. This being an Indignity so much beneath the sufferance of any private Person, much more a King, sunk so deep into his Breast, that meditating nothing after but Revenge, as soon as he returned home (securing himself first by a League and Alliance with the King of France, to whose Brothers Daughter he married his Son) he renounced his Allegiance, and defied King Edward's Power, no less than he did his Justice. This begat a War betwixt the two Nations, that continued much longer than themselves, being held up by alternate Successes near three hundred years; a longer dated difference perhaps then is to be found in any other Story of the World, that Rancour which the Sword bred increasing continually by the desire of Revenge, till the one side was almost wholly wasted, t'other wholly wearied. Balliol, the same time King Edward required him to do Homage for Scotland here, prevailed with the French King to require the like from him for his Territories there: this began the Quarrel, that the Division, by which King Edward, which may seem strange, parting his Greatness, made it appear much greater, whilst himself advanced against Balliol, and sent his Brother the Earl of Lancaster to answer the King of France. Balliol finding himself overmatched, as well as overreached, renewed his Homage, in hopes to preserve his Honour. But King Edward resolving to bind him with stronger Fetters than Oaths, sent him Prisoner into England: whereby those of that Country wanting not only a Head, but a Heart, to make any further resistance, he turned his Fury upon the King of France, hastening over what Forces he could to continue that War, till himself could follow after. But Fortune being preingaged on the other side, disposed that whole Affair to so many mistakes, that nothing answered Expectation; and which was worse, the Fame of his Male-Adventures spirited a private person (worthy a greater 
* Wallis.  Name than he had) to rise in Scotland, who rallying together as many as durst by scorning Misery adventure upon it, defied all the Forces of England so fortunately, that he was once very near the redeeming his despairing Countrymen; and had he had less Virtue, might possibly have had more success: For scorning to take the Crown when he had won it (a Modesty not less fatal to the whole Nation than himself) by leaving room for Ambition he made way for King Edward to Re-enter the second time, who by one single Battle (but fought with redoubled Courage) made himself once more Lord of that miserable Kingdom; all the principal Opposers (Wallis only excepted) crowding in upon Summons, to swear Fealty the third time to him. This had been an easy Penance, had they not; together with their Faith, resigned up their Laws and Liberties, and that so servilely, that King Edward himself judging them unworthy to be continued any longer a Nation, was persuaded to take from them all the Records and Monuments, whereby their Ancestors had recommended any of Glory to their Imitation. Amongst other of the Regalia's then lost, was that famous Marble Stone (now lodged in Westminster-Abby) wherein their Kings were crowned, in which (as the Vulgar were persuaded) the Fate of their Country lay, for that there was an ancient Prophecy Engraven on it, which denoted that wherever that Stone show d be placed, there should the Scotch Dominion take place; a Prediction verisied in our days in the Person of King James the Sixth, the first of their Kings ever crowned here. With this he took away likewise all their Books and Bookmen, as if resolved to rob them of all sense of Liberty as well as of Liberty itself: only the brave Wallis continued yet Lord of himself, and being free, kept up their Spirits by the Elixir of his Personal Courage, mixed with an Invincible Constancy and Patience, till being betrayed by one of his Companions (a Villain sit to be canonised in Hell) he was forced to yield (though he would never submit) first to the King, after to the Laws of England, which judging him to die as a Traitor, eternised the Memory of his Fidelity and Fortitude, and made him (what he could never have made himself) the most glorious Martyr that Country ever had. No sooner was he dead but Robert Bruce, Son to that Robert Earl of Carric, who was Competitor with Balliol, appeared as a new Vindictor, who escaping out of the English Court (where he had long lived unsuspected) headed the confused Body, which wanted only a King to unite them in Counsel, Power, and Affection; but unfortunately laying the Foundation of his Security in Blood, murdering his Cousin Cumin, who had been one of the Competitors, upon pretence he held correspondence with King Edward (the horror of which fact was aggravated by the manner and place, for he took him whilst he was at his Prayers in the Church) it cost him no less blood to wipe off that single stain then to defend his Title; the Partakers with the Family of Cumin, who were many, mighty and eager of Revenge, joining thereupon with the English against him.  
This drew King Edward the fourth time personally into Scotland, who had he suffered his Revenge to have given place so far to his Justice, as to have pursued Bruce as an Offender, rather than as an Enemy, he might possibly have done more in doing less than he did, but he not only sacrificed the two innocent Brothers of Bruce, making them, after they became his Prisoners, answer with their lives the penalty of their Brother's Gild, but declared he would give no Quarter to any of his Party, whereby he not only drove them closer together, but armed them with Desperation; which as it hath a keeper edge then hope, so it wounded so deep, and enraged them to that degree of Courage, as not only to give the greatest Overthrow to the greatest Army that ever the English brought thither, but to repay the measure of Blood in as full manner as it was given, or intended, and in the end broke the great Chain of his well laid Design, which was to have enlarged his Power, by reducing the whole Isle (Wales being taken in a little before) under one Sceptre, with no less respect to the quiet then the greatness of England: but maugre all his Power or Policy they let in a Race of Kings there, that found a way to conquer his Successors here without a stroke, of which he seems to have had some Prophetic knowledge upon his Deathbed, when he took so much care to make his Revenge outlive himself, by commanding his Son Edward to carry his Bones round about that Country (having just begun his fifth Expedition as he ended his life) and not suffer them to be buried till he had vanquished it wholly.  
Thus this great King, who spent most of his time in shedding others Blood, was taken off by the excessive shedding of his own (for he died of a Dissentery) and, like Caesar (who terrified his Enemies with his Ghost) seemed not willing to make an end with the World af●er he had done with it; but (which never came into any King's thoughts before or since) resolved to Reign after his Dominion was determined, being confident that his very Name (like a Loadstone which attracts Iron to it) would draw all the English Swords to follow its fate, till they had made good that Union, which he with so much harshness and horror had accelerated: but as Providence, which more respects the unity of Affections, than the Unity of Nations, did by the 
* Burrough on the Sands in the Bishopric of Durham.  Place where he died, show the frailty of that Foundation he laid whilst he lived (all his Glory expiring with himself) so Nature (as in abhorrence to the violation of her Laws, by the effusion of so much blood as he had shed, the most that any Christian King of this Isle ever did) turned the Blessing she gave him into a Curse, whilst she took from him before his Eyes, three of his four Sons, and the only worthy to have survived him, and left him only to survive, who only was worthy never to have been born.   coat of arms of King Edward II: gules, three lions passant guardant in pale or. 
And now whether it was his Fault or his Fate, to dote thus upon Gaveston, who being only a Minister to his Wantonness, could not have gained that Power he had over him to make himself so great by lessening him, without something like an Infatuation, the matter of Fact must declare. For before his Coronation he made him Earl of Cornwall▪ and Lord of Man, both Honours belonging to the Crown: at his Coronation (notwithstanding the Exceptions taken against him by all the Nobility) he gave him the honour to carry King Edward's Crown before him, which of right belonged to a Prince of the Blood to have done: and after the Coronation, he married him up to his own Niece, the Daughter of his second Sister Joan de Acres, by Gilbert Clare Earl of Gloucester: having indeed raised him to this pitch of Greatness, as tempted him to raise himself higher, being not content with the Power, without he might also share in the Glory of Sovereignty, most vainly affecting the Title of KING; and if he were not King of Man (as he desired) he was at least King in Man, ruling both there and in Ireland like an absolute Prince, not without hopes of a fair possibility of being (if the King's Issue had failed) King of England after him; which Hope made him Insolent, and that Insolence Insupportable, so that the Lords finding it bootless to expect Justice from the King against him, resolved to do themselves right, and without more ado let fly a whole volley of Accusations at him. This first forced him to part from the King, and being separated, they found it easy to make him part from himself; for it was not long before he fell into their hands, being taken Prisoner by the Earl of Pembroke, who chopped of his Head: a death however esteemed to be the most honourable of any other, was to him questionless the most grievous, in that it made him stoop, who never could endure to submit.  
This violent proceeding of the Lords, as it showed a roughness of the Times suitable to that of their own Natures, so it was the first occasion of the second Civil War of England, which broke out like a Fire, that being long smothered, was all in a Flame as soon almost as it was perceived; and however Fate for some time seemed to make a Pause, whether she should begin the Tragedy which she could not end, turning the Storm another way, by several Invasions from Scotland, which held long enough to have diverted the virulent humour, and let out blood enough to have cooled all their heat, allaying it so far, that easy Intercessions prevailed to keep them asunder for some years; yet nothing could so stop the Course of Nature, but that the monstrous Issue, when it was come to its birth, forced its way: the Discontents that had been so long ripening (even from the time of this King's Great-grand-father) breaking out like a Boyl, surcharged with Anguish and Corruption, which was no sooner emptied by the death of one, but it was filled with Rancour and Envy, by the Entertainment of New Favourites. As Gaveston before, so the two Spencers afterward, the Farther and the Son, took upon them to Monopolise his Grace, and were thereupon generally charged with the odious design of bringing in an Arbitrary Government, with imbezeling the Treasure of the Nation, and doing several ill Offices betwixt the King and Queen, maintaining their own by apparent wrong to the Estates of other Lords, particularly of the Earls of Hereford and Mortimer; out of whose hands it seems they had bought some Lands, which lying convenient to their Estates, was in the first place offered to them: These, though they were such Objections as relating but to particular Persons, perhaps not without particular Reasons, might be excused, if not justified; yet being heaped up together, made a general grievance, and the Earl of Lancaster the Bell-wether of Rebellion at that time, thought it worthy the Barons taking up of Arms to punish them. The King answered for them, and undertook they should come and answer for themselves; the Father, he said, was employed by him beyond the Seas, and the Son was guarding the Cinque Ports according to his Duty, and therefore he thought it was against Law and Custom to condemn them unheard. But nothing would satisfy their Accusers without a Declaration of Banishment, and though the Precedent was such as might as well affect themselves as their Posterity, yet Hatred being no less blind than Love, they preserved their present Revenge before the Fears of a future inconvenience.  
All differences being thus composed, I cannot say calmed, an accidental affront given to the Queen by one that was over-wise in his Office, put all again out of order beyond recovery. A Castelan of the Lord Badlismers at Leeds (denying her Majesty Lodging there as she was passing by in her Progress, out of a Distrust she might possess herself of the Castle, and keep it for the King) she exasperated the King to that degree, that he besieged the place, took it, and in it the politic Governor, whom without legal Process he hanged up presently, and seizing all the Goods and Treasure of his Lord, sent his Wife and Children to the Tower. This was taken for so great a violation of the Liberty of the Subject, that being done by the King himself, nothing could determine the Right, but the Sword; and accordingly they met the second time in Arms, where Fortune was pleased to confirm the Sentence given by the King, by giving up into his hands many more considerable Lives, then that for which they were hazarded; amongst the rest was that of the Earl of Lancaster himself (the first Prince of the Blood that ever was brought to the Block here in England) and with him fourteen of the Principal Barons, none of which were spared, but forced to give up their Lives and Estates as a Reward to the Victors. And not long after the Spencers were recalled and re-stated, who finding the public Treasure wholly exhausted, and a chargeable War yet continued with Scotland, thought it but necessary to make such Retrenchments as might enable his Majesty to carry on that great Work, wherein he had been so unlucky, without oppressing the People: amongst the rest, they presumed unfortunately to abridge the Queen, lessening hers, as they had done the King's Houshold-Train, by which Improvident Providence they so irritated her (being a Woman of a proud vindictive Spirit) that she privately complained thereof to the King of France her Brother, who took that occasion to quarrel with the King about his Homage for Gascoigne, and upon his Refusal, possessed himself of several Pieces there: and notwithstanding all that Edmond Earl of Kent could do, whom his Brother the King sent over with sufficient Strength, as 'twas thought, to repel him by force, continued his Depredations there; this bringing a Necessity that either the King must go over himself, or the Queen; the first to compel, or the other (being his beloved Sister) to mediate with h●m for a Truce, each equally inconvenient to the Spencers, who thought not sit that the King should go in respect of the general, and were as loathe the Queen should, in respect of her particular discontent. They chose the least of the Evils, as they judged, and sent over her, who having a great Stomach, and but a small Train, meditated more upon her own, than her Husband's Vindication, and accordingly put an end to the difference betwixt her Brother and him, but on such terms, as afterward made a wider difference betwixt him and herself. The Conditions were these; that K●ng Edward should give to the Prince his Son the Duchy of Acquitain and Earldom of Ponthein, and send him over to do the King of France Homage for the same, which was to excuse that Homage before demanded from himself; and thus she pretended to have found out an expedient to save the honour of both Kings, in allowing each his end: But having by this sineness got her Son into her own power, she gave herself so wholly up to her Revenge, that she suffered herself to be led by a hand she saw not, through the dark Paths of dangerous Intrigues, managed by those, who having other ends than hers, did work beyond, though under her Authority. Principal in her Council, as being so in her Affections, was young Mortimer, a Servant fit for such a Mistress, and such a Master, as this Queen and her Husband; who having escaped out of the Tower where he had been long a Prisoner (and as he thought very injuriously, in respect he rendered himself to Mercy before the great Battle with the Barons, and by his Submission contributed much to the Kings gaining that Victory) contrived with her how to set up the Prince, and with him himself; and because the Earl of Kent was upon the place, they made it their first business to work off him to the Party.  
Here began that fatal breach from whence the World concluded that this unhappy King having lost one half of himself, could not long hold out before he lost the whole, it not being reasonable to expect that his Subjects should be truer to him then his Wife, especially since the right Heir took the wrong side. Upon the first apprehension he recalled them home, but upon second thoughts he forbids their Return: at first he seemed impatient of their absence, as the only Friends he could conside in; but on a sudden he dreads their approach as the most Mortal Enemies he had, forbids their landing by Proclamation, and sets out no less than three Admirals to prevent it: they in like manner, whilst he pressed for their Company, delayed their Recess; but when they found themselves banished, grew as impatient of being kept out. The King of France not owning so vile a design, so as to give any ready assistance to it, they withdrew into Holland, whose Earl being a rich and politic Prince, upon the contracting Prince Edward to his Daughter he furnished them with Money and Shipping to transport them.  
Landing at Harwich, they were so welcomed by the discontented Nobility, that the poor King foreseeing the ensuing danger, and not finding that Faith in the Londoners which he expected, withdrew into the West, in order to passing over into Ireland; but meeting with a Storm at Sea that threatened as eminent danger as that by Land, he was forced to comply with the contrary Winds, and direct his Course towards Wales, where destitute of Council as well as Courage, he lay obscurely, till his Majesty extinguished like a Torch held downwards.  
His Son (though he was as yet under Wardship himself) was made Guardian of the Kingdom, a Title so much greater than that of King, by how much he had the Superiority over both: readily was he prevailed with to take away the lives of the two fatal Favourites, the Spencers; so that 'twas thought he would not be over-modest in taking the Crown after: it being so easy a Temptation to consent to depose him, who had already upon the matter deposed himself. However, Nature prevailed so much over Ambition, contrary to all their Expectations, or Grace rather over Nature, that he refused to accept it, till his Father might be prevailed with to give it him as a Blessing; who thereupon resigned it, but with such a moving Meekness, as for the present time melted the very Queen herself, and seemingly touched her with so much Regret at the Renuntiation, that the Bishop of Hereford (the great Engineer of this prosperous Treason) doubting her Constancy in point of Malice, to be as uncertain as her Faith in point of Affection; or perhaps rather dreading the young King's Piety, backed with the old King's power, hastened his Death by all means possible: but finding himself for some time disappointed by the force of Providence, or the strength of his Nature, which neither ill Air, ill Diet, nor want of Rest could impair, he put him into the hands of two Miscreants, sit to be employed in so black a Purpose; to whom he enclosed in a Letter one only Line, which was so twist up, as might serve to strangle any Prince whatever, comprehending a double sense to warrant them, and excuse himself if need were: the words were these, Edvardum regem occidere nolite timere bonum est.  
This being not pointed, the Devil who invented it, instructed them in the true meaning of the damnable Oracle, which accordingly they put in execution with so much cruelty and horror, that never King died as this poor Planet-struck Prince did, having a Pipe thrust up into his Fundament (to the intent that the Marks of their Violence might not be perceived outwardly) and through that, with a red hot Iron they penetrated his Bowels to his Heart: yet was not this Death possibly more miserable or grievous to him then his Life, after he became forsaken of all his Subjects, Friends, and Allies in general, and particularly of his own Wife, Son, and Brother, not to say of himself too (if so be we do not reckon them a part of himself) considering with what strange abjection he resigned first his Crown, after his Life: For to say truth, never was King turned out of a Kingdom, or out of the World, as he was. Many Kingdoms have been lost by the chance of War, but this Kingdom (as one observes) was lost before any Die was cast for it: no blow struck, no Battle fought, lost before it was taken from him, whilst by betraying himself first, he taught others to do it after: strange Riddle of State, that a Crown should be gained forcibly, yet without force; violently, yet with consent; both Parties agreed, yet neither pleased; for he was not willing to leave his Kingdom, and he that was to have it as unwilling to take it without he gave it him; the Queen was not pleased he should part with it without he parted with his Life too, judging that by having a part he might recover the whole; or that herself having parted with the whole, could not entitle herself to any part, but by his Death, and therefore having taken the Kingdom from him openly, there was a kind of necessity of taking away his Life secretly.  
Poor Prince, how unkindly was he treated upon no other account but that of his own overgreat kindness. Other Princes are blamed for not being ruled by their Counsellors, he for being so: who whilst he lived they would have thought to be a Sot, but being dead, they could have found in their hearts to have made him a Saint. How far he wronged his People doth not appear, there being very few or no Taxations laid upon them all his time: but how rude and unjust they were towards him, is but too manifest. But their Violence was severely repaid by Divine Vengeance, not only upon the whole Kingdom, when every Vein in the Body Politic was afterward opened to the endangering the letting out of the Life-blood of the Monarchy in the Age following; but upon every particular Person consenting to, or concerned in his Death. For as the Throne of his Son that was thus set in blood (though without his own guilt) continued to be imbrued all his Reign, which lasted above fifty years, with frequent Executions, Battles, or Slaughters; the Sword of Justice, or his own, being hardly ever sheathed all his time: So 'tis said that the Queen herself died mad upon the apprehension of her own in Mortimer's disgrace, who was executed at Tyburn, and hung there two days to be a spectacle of Scorn. His Brother Edmond had this punishment of his Disloyalty to be condemned to lose his Head for his Loyalty, it being suggested (and happy it had been for him if it had been proved) that he endeavoured the Restoration of his Brother; his death being imbittered by the mockery of Fortune, whilst by keeping him upon the Scaffold five hours together before any Body could be found that would execute him, he was deluded with a vain hope of being saved. The Fiend Tarlton, Bishop of Hereford, who invented the cursed Oracle that justified the murder, died with the very same Torture as if the hot Iron that feared his Conscience had been thrust into his Bowels. Of the two Murderers one was taken and butchered at Sea, t'other died in Exile perhaps more miserable: And for the Nobility in general that were Actors in the Tragedy, they had this Curse upon them, that most of their Race were cut off by those Civil Discords of their divided Families, to which this strange violation gave the first beginning not long after.  
EDW. III. HONI · SOIT · QVI · MAL · Y · PENSE  
DIEV ET MON DROIT   coat of arms of King Edward III: quarterly France and England, the first and fourth quarters azure semy of fleur-de-lys or, the second and third quarters gules three lions passant guardant or; supporters, dexter a lion crowned and sinister a falcon crowned. 
He was a Prince of that admirable composure of Body and Mind, that Fortune seemed to have fallen in Love with him; and as she contributed much to the making him a King, and yet more to the preserving him so, so she elevated him so far above the reach of Envy or Treachery, that all the Neighbour Princes, dazzled with the splendour of his Glory, gave place to him, not so much out of any sense of their own defects, as of his power, whereof they could not but have some glimpse as well as himself, who from his very first Ascent unto the Throne, had a prospect of two Crowns more than he was born to; the one placed within his reach (which was that of Scotland) to which there needed no more but an imaginary Right to gain him the Possession; the other more remote (which was that of France) but better secured in respect of a reputative Title, which however opposed, could not be denied. To the attaining the first, there was a fair opportunity offered by the unreconcilable contest of two well-matched Rivals, whose Right and Interest were so evenly poised, that the least grain of his Power might turn the Scale either way: to the Recovery of the other, there was yet a fairer Opportunity given him by the Revolt of Philip of Artois, one of the first Princes of the Blood of that Kingdom, and Brother in Law to the present King Philip de Valois; who being incensed by a Judgement given against him for the County of Artois, recovered by his Aunt the Duchess of Burgoigne, came over into England, with a Resolution to set aside his Title who had before set aside his: Neither wanted he a Power suitable to his desired Revenge; for being well acquainted with the secrets of that King's Council, all which he revealed to King Edward, and being able to give him good security for the affections of several of the chief Governors there that depended on him, 'tis no marvel he so quickly blew that spark of Glory which he found wrapped up in the Embers of King Edward's ambitious Thoughts, into such a Flame, as threatening the Destruction of that goodly Country, made all Christendom afraid of the Consequence.  
The great Question of Right betwixt the two greatest Kings of Europe being thus set up, which in effect was no more than this, Whether the French King should take place as Heir Male of the Collateral, and more remote Line, or the English King as Heir of the Female, but direct Line, and one degree nearer. Those of the other side the Water obstinately refused to tie their Crown (as they said) to a Distaff: to which King Edward replied, he would then tie it to his Sword. Upon this they joined Issue, and both sides prepared for the decision by Arms. King Philip had a double advantage of the English; first in the Loyalty and Affections of the French, as being their Natural Prince; secondly by the authority of the Salic Law, which however it was not so clear, but that it might admit of much dispute, yet being backed with a Possession, which made up eleven of the twelve Points controvertable (there having been a Succession of three Sons of Philip le Bell (Queen Isabella's Father, by whom King Edward claimed) each inheriting Successively as the next Heir Male, notwithstanding each of them left Daughters by which the present King Philip came now in as Heir Masculine) it seemed so like an adjudged Case, that King Edward thinking it better to cut the Knot, then lose time in trying to untie it, resolved to put it to the Determination of a Battle. This Resolution of his was so loudly proclaimed every where abroad, as well as at home, that like Thunder before a Storm, the very noise of his Preparations made all Christendom shake, and so shake, that it fell into Parties: the Princes of each Country round about, like Herdsmen before a Tempest, flying some to one side, some to another; all seeking rather to shelter themselves, then to add any thing to the Party they flew to.  
With the English King took part the Emperor, and all the Princes of Germany of the first Rank; (the Archduke of Austria, and the Earl of Flanders only excepted, whose People yet were on this side for their Trade's sake) the Earl of Holland, the Dukes of Brabant and Gelder's, the Marquis of Juliers, the Archbishop of Cologne, and Valeran his Brother, and divers of the more Northern Princes: With the French were the King of Bohemia, the two Dukes of Austria, and the Earl of Flanders before mentioned, the Bishop of Metz, the Marquis of Montferrat, the Earl of Geneva, the Duke of Savoy, and divers of the Princes of Italy, to the number (saith Du Hailan) of 10000 Persons; and which perhaps was more considerable, by how much he was nearer than all the rest, was his enraged Brother in Law David Bruce King of Scots, a weak, but a restless Enemy; who had reason to take part with the other side, for that he, as t'other fought against a Competitor too; King Edward having set up Balliol to vie with him. What the number of the English Forces were is not certain, unless we may guests at them by the Charges of their Entertainment, which (as Walsingham tells us) cost us not so little as One hundred thousand pounds Sterling in less than a years time; a vast Sum for those days, but very well repaid with the Glory of the two Confederate Kings Ransoms, who being both taken Prisoners and brought into England; the first, to wit, the King of Scots redeemed himself for 10000 Marks; the last, to wit, the King of France, paid for his Liberty Three millions of Crowns of Gold, whereof Six hundred thousand were laid down presently, and Four hundred thousand more the Year after, and the Remainder the next two years following.  
The Captivity of these two Kings at one time, shows at once the Power and Glory of this great King, who riding triumphant on the wings of Fortune, never wanted the means to make or continue himself Victorious, and prevailing no less over his own Subjects then over his Enemies, these subdued by his Wisdom, as those by his Courage: Some have made it a doubt whether he got more by his Sceptre or his Sword; the benefit of Ransoms abroad (notwithstanding the many Princes taken Prisoners) being much short of the Aids given him at home; so that they that have taken the pains to state his Accounts, reckon that out of that one single Imposition upon Wool (which continued Six years) he was able to dispend a thousand Marks a day; which I have the rather noted, to show how the Kingdom flourished as well as the King, gaining (as all wise States do) by their layings out: for the whole Revenues of the Crown in his Grandfather's days were esteemed to be not much above a hundred thousand Marks a year.  
Five years the French King continued Prisoner here in England, time enough to have determined the Fortune of that great Kingdom, and dissolved their Cantoned Government into parts, had it not been a Body consisting of so many strong Limbs, and so abounding with Spirits, that it never fainted notwithstanding all its loss of Blood, but scorned to yield though King Edward came very near their heart, having wounded them in the most mortal part, their Head. The Scotch King could not recover his Liberty in double the time, being the less able to redeem himself, for that he was upon the matter but half a King, the other half being in the possession of Balliol, who to secure a Moiety to himself, surrendered the whole to King Edward, whose Magnificence vying with his Justice, he gave it back again upon Terms more befitting a Brother then a Conqueror, showing therein a Wantonness, that no King perhaps besides himself would have been guilty of, nor probably he neither, had either his People been less bountiful to him, or Fortune less constant, which, to say truth, never forsook him, till he (like his Father) forsook himself, leaving all Action, and bidding adieu to the World ten years before he went out of it, declining so fast from the fortieth year of his Government, that it may rather be said, his famous Son Prince Edward (commonly called the Black Prince) reigned than he; and happy 'twas for him that when his own Understanding failed him, he had so good a Supporter, who having it in his power to dispose of Kingdoms whilst he lived, ought not to be denied, after he died, the honour of being esteemed equal to Kings in the Prerogative of a distinct Character.  
Begin we then the Date of his Government from the Battle of Crassy, which happening in the Sixteenth year of his Age, makes the Computation of his Glory to commence near about the same time his Fathers did (who however he was King at fourteen, ruled not till after Mortimer's death) by which Battle he so topped the Fortune of France (as his Father had that of England) that he may be said to have taken thereby Livery in order to the Seisin of that Kingdom: And after the Recovery of Calais, it may be said the Keys of the Kingdom, rather than of that Town, were delivered into his hand; for that he therewith opened all the Gates of almost every Town he came to, till the King of France encompassed him like a Lion in a Toil, with no less than 60000 of the best Men of France, and brought him to that straight, that it seemed alike disadvantageous to sight or yield, and (which made the danger more considerable as things then stood) England itself was in some hazard of being lost with him: here he seemed to have been as well accountable to his Country, as to his Father for his Courage and Discretion; and how well he acquitted himself appears by the Sequel: when forcing Hope out of Despair (like fire out of a Flint) he necessitated his Men to try for Conquest, by showing them how impossible 'twas for him to yield; and by that incomparable Obstinacy of his, made Fortune so enamoured of his Courage, that she followed him wherever he went, while his Sword made its way to Victory, and his Courtesy to the Affections of the Conquered, whom he treated with that regard and generosity, that many of them were gainers by the loss, being dismissed with honourable Presents, that made his second Conquest over them greater than the first; the King of France himself being so well pleased with his Bondage, that he returned voluntarily into England after he was redeemed, to meet two Kings more that might be Witness of his Respect and Gratitude: In short, he was as King of England on the other side the Water, as his Father was on this side, keeping so splendid a Court in Acquitaine, that no less than three Kings came to visit him too all at once; these were the King of Majorque, Navarre, and Castille: the last of which craving Aid of him against an Usurper, who was backed by an Army consisting of no less than One hundred thousand men (if the Writers of those times say true) was re-instated accordingly by his single power, to show the World that he could as well make Kings as unmake them. His second Brother, who had the Title of King by marrying with the King of Castile's Daughter and Heir, being principally indebted to him for the honour of that Title, and it proved a fatal Debt both to him and his Son Richard the Second, costing the one his Life, the other both Life and Kingdom too: for as himself never recovered the health he lost in undertaking that Expedition, so his Son never recovered the disadvantage put upon him afterward by his Uncle Lancaster, who by that means having got the Regency of his drooping Father King Edward, who tired with Action rather than Age, fatally submitted to the loss of more years of his Government, than he got by his unnatural Anticipation from his own Father, and suffered himself to be buried alive (as we may say) under his Cradle, put fair for setting his Nephew aside, but wanting a Colour for so apparent an Injustice (his jealous Father the Black Prince, having declared him his Successor in his life time, to prevent all tricks) he thought it enough to make way for his Son to do it, and accordingly put such an impression of dislike upon the innocent Youth at his very first Edition, as proved Indelible in his riper years: for the very same day he was presented to take his Grandfather's Seat in Parliament, as Heir apparent to the Crown (being then but eleven years old) he taught him to demand a Subsidy, purposely to turn the People's blood, who were then big with their Complaint of Taxes. But possibly he is made more splenetic, as well as more politic, than he was; for it was scarce possible to make the Youth more odious than he had made himself before, by disgusting those two potent Factions of the Church and the City of London, who, to show how weary they were of his governing the old Child his Father, would not after his Death let him longer Rule the young Child his Nephew, but purposely deposed him, to the end (as they said) that he might not depose the other.  
Thus this great King ended as ingloriously as he began, who having stepped into the Throne a little before he should, 'tis the less wonder he left it a little before it was expected he would: especially if we consider, that in out-living the best Wife, and the best Son in the World, he had a little outlived himself; being so unfortunate, notwithstanding his great good Fortunes, as to see his Glory unravelled, as well as his Happiness, in great part: there being nothing left him of all his great Gettings abroad, purchased with so much Travel, Expense, and Bloodshed, but only the poor Town of Calais, which signified no more than a Gate of a City left open, when all the rest is possessed by too potent an Enemy. But we must look on't as a Curse that he inherited with his Crown, not to be permitted to die till he saw himself (as his Father was) forsaken of every Body, but a poor Priest, that only tarried to torment him with the remembrance of his Sins, and left him at last as he left the World, in such a state of uncertainty, that our Historians are yet to seek whether to place him amongst the rank of our fortunate or unfortunate Princes; the fatal divisions of his Posterity (which took their first rise from his weakness) being so pernicious to the whole Kingdom, as well as to themselves, that if the Dead know any thing of what is done amongst the Living, he needed no other Hell to torture his guilty Spirit than the vision of those murdered Princes of his own Blood, whose Ghosts just led one another where ere they met.  
RICH. II. HONI · SOIT · QVI · MAL · Y · PENSE  
DIEV ET MON DROIT   coat of arms of King Richard II: quarterly France and England, the first and fourth quarters azure semy of fleur-de-lys or, the second and third quarters gules three lions passant guardant or; supporters, dexter a lion or crowned and sinister a hart argent. 
Now as it is easy to kindle a great Fire with very little blowing, when the matter is fitly disposed to burn, so it happened very unluckily, that from the casual Rudeness of an inconsiderable Tax-gatherer, that came into the House of a poor Tiler of Deptford, and would have turned up the Coats of his young Daughter, to see whether she were of Age to pay her Poll-mony, there was occasioned so overgrown a Riot, as bearing down all respect of Laws, Order, or Government, was not to be appeased with the Blood of three of the principal'st Ministers of State, that is to say, the Chancellor (although he were Archbishop of Canterbury) the Treasurer, and the Lord Chief Justice, and came at last so near to Majesty itself (for some of the Rebels were little less rude with the Kings own Mother, than his Officer had been with their Captain's Daughter) that 'twas thought nothing could deliver the King himself from the approaching Danger, but meeting it half way: which he did with so well tempered a Courage, as never King before him showed, except Caesar, and he but once; or his own Father at the Battle of Poctiers, when begirt with as many perhaps, but not so insolent nor unworthy Foes. This being as much beyond the expectation of his Years, as of his Enemies, charmed them into a Submission for a while; but the Distemper being universal and raging, and the Contagion spread insensibly through so many parts of the Kingdom, it was not possible to heal the Evil with a Touch only. However, one would have thought so hopeful a Prince as this was, the Son of so brave a Father, and fortified with so unpregnable a Title, could not likely have miscarried, but must have stood firm as a Mountain, whose top was above all Storms; but the same Stars ruling at his Birth that governed his Great-grand-fathers' Nativity, 'tis no marvel, being of the same temper, he should fall under the same fate, to be kept by Flatterers from the knowledge of himself, till being not himself, he too late saw his Error in the experience of their Falsehood.  
The first ten years of his Government (which were the better, though not the longer part of it) he reigned with great splendour, if so be we may properly say he reigned whiles he was under the dispose of others, taking all occasions to let those that attempted to disturb him both at home and abroad, especially his right and lefthand Enemies, the French and Scots, feel the sharpness of his Sword, and the weight of his Power, forcing the first to quit their chief Design, having prepared a Navy of 1287 Ships to invade him; the other to quit their chief City, which he thereupon reduced into Ashes, to make a Bonfire that might give the whole Kingdom notice of his Victory. But after he came to be of Age to do all himself, he began very visibly to undo himself, hastening the slow pace of his Destiny, by quarrelling with his Parliaments; who being actuated by the subtlety of his emulous Uncles, gathered strength by the discovery of his weakness, and taking all advantages against him in point of Right or Reputation, urged their Privileges so far in derogation of his Prerogative, that he could not forbear telling them the very next Sessions after, he was out of his Wardship (as he was wont to call it) that he perceived they had a mind to rebel, and therefore thought he could do no better then to ask Aid of his Cousin the King of France, into whose hands (he said) he had rather fall, being a Prince, then submit to his own Subjects. A rash and unadvised Reply: which however it seemed to be the Result of a proud and vindictive Stomach, was in truth so abject and low, so unlike himself, and so like his little Great-Grandsire Henry the Third, that they taking Example from the Nobility of that time, as he from that King, immediately put the Government into the hands of thirteen Lords, of whom his turbulent Uncle Gloucester was the Chief, who having Divisum Imperium, looked like a great Wen upon the Face of the State, that drew all the ill humours of the Body Politic to it. The Duke of Ireland, that was the principal Councillor of his party, and his Uncle by Marriage, was so amazed at the sudden birth of this Oligarchy, that not daring to give any Opinion of his own in the Case (although he were a man of sufficient Courage and Authority) he put him upon advising with all the Judges, possibly that what himself should think fit, might pass for Law out of their mouths: and accordingly Questions were framed to be proposed to them, by which it was easier understood what the King would have to be Law, than what in truth was so. To all which having received positive Resolves on the King's side, the next Consultation was how to frame such a House of Commons as might be brought to take part with the King against the Lords: and forthwith Letters were directed to all the Sheriffs and Justices of Peace in every County, to interpose their Credit and Authority, for the choosing of such Persons, Knights and Burgesses for the next Sessions, as the King and his Council had named in a List sent to them.  
This looked like so dangerous an Industry, that the Regency took the Alarm at it, and trusting to no other remedy, flew to Arms. The King thereupon demanded Aid of the City of London; but they failing his Expectation, the Lords grew so bold as to send to him to deliver up his ill Councillors, whom they called Traitors and Seducers. Upon this there were very great and grave Deliberations, each man being to advise at the price of his own Head: the Arch bishop of York, like a man of great Faith, was of Opinion to sight them with such present Strength as the King had, trusting to the Justice of the Cause: the Dukes of Ireland and Suffolk, men of Action, but wanting the means, were for delivering up Calais to the French King, to purchase his Assistance. But the Majority of Voices coming from such men, whose Fears made them rather wise then honest, were for appeasing the Enemy with fair promises, till there were a fit opportunity to suppress them: the first Proposal was thought very hazardous; the second much more: besides, there was such a bitterness in the Pill, that no preparation could make the King to swallow it, who not knowing what effect it might have when it was done, utterly rejected it: upon which they secretly withdrew that gave the Counsel, and left him to himself. Whereupon the Lords Regent found an opportunity to be admitted to a Parley with him; who producing to him Letters from the King of France, which they had intercepted, pursuant to the Design of bringing in a Foreign Enemy, they moved him no less by shame then dread of the Consequence, to consent to the calling another Parliament.  
Upon the day of the Convention, the King came not to the House, being infinitely troubled in his mind at News he had just then received of the Earl of Derby's Intercepting the Duke of Ireland (who being gone as far as Chester, in order to his passing into that Kingdom, was set upon by the said Earl, and totally defeated, who hardly escaping fled into the Low-countries, where not long after he died.) The Lords heightened with this Success, sent a very harsh Message to him, letting him know that they attended him there, and if he would not come to the House according to promise, they would choose another King that should hearken to their faithful advice. This though it were in effect no other, but to tell him they would depose him without his consent, if he would not come and consent to be deposed; yet having no Retreat from it, but down a steep Precipice, he chose rather to comply, and put himself under the mercy of Providence, then under the uncertainty of their Mercy. Upon his first appearance they presented him with a black Roll of those whom he called his Friends, they his Enemies, some to be prescribed, some to be imprisoned, and others banished; and in this last List there were not only Lords but Ladies found Delinquents: Some were accused of imbeziling his Treasure; others of purloining his Affection; all for robbing him of his Honour: whereupon some were to be tried for their Lives, others for their Fortunes, and all for their Liberties: but in respect of their other great Affairs which were in order to what followed, they referred it to the succeeding Parliament, not unfitly called the Parliament that wrought wonders; which contrary to all other Parliaments that used to swear Obedience to the King, required an Oath of him himself, to observe such Rules and Orders as they should prescribe to him.  
Here now we have this unfortunate Prince brought to the last year of his Rule, though not of his Reign, beginning then to enter into his Wardship (as he called it) when he thought he was just got out of it. All power was put into the hands of the Dukes of Lancaster and Gloucester, who managed all Treaties abroad, concluded War and Peace as they thought fit, and were indeed absolute in every point, but the Command of their own Passions, and  by any but themselves. The Duke of Lancaster having now digested the Kingdom in his thoughts, procures the Duchy of Acquitaine to be settled on him, as an earnest of what was to follow, being the Inheritance of the Crown, and descended on the King from Prince Edward his Father: and having married up the King to a Child of eight years old, by whom 'twas impossible he could have Issue, with a Portion that scarce defrayed the Charge of the Solemnity, he secured his own Pretensions, by Legitimating three of his Bastard Sons, in case his lawful Issue should fail. The Duke of Gloucester had the same Ambition in his heart, as well as the same Blood in his Veins, but Nature having put a disadvantage upon him by placing him so far behind (being the sixth Son of King Edward the Third) he was forced to gratify his Envy, instead of his Ambition, and rest content with the hopes of doing his Brother a Mischief when time served, without any great probability of doing himself good. Accordingly he made a Faction, who conspired with him to seize the King, his two Brothers Lancaster and York, and to put them all up in Prison, and after to execute divers Lords whom he thought to be more his Enemies, than their Friends; but the end of his Treason being to be himself betrayed by those he made use of. Lancaster came thereby to stand single, like a great Tree, which being at its full height, spread his Limbs the wider, and grew to be so conspicuous, that the succeeding Parliament desired to shelter themselves under the shadow of his power: hereupon he reduced the number of the thirteen Regent's to seven only, which being all his Confidents, he with them concluded aforehand all Affairs of moment, and directed how they should pass in Parliament: An Example not less mischievous to the Kingdom than the King: so that now there wanted no more to make him the Sovereign but the putting on the Crown.  
But see the uncertainty of humane Glory: Having just finished the great work of his Usurpation, an unexpected blow from that invisible hand that turns about the great Wheel of Causes, broke the frame of his projection in pieces. His Son Henry Duke of Hereford accused by the Duke of Norfolk of Treason, was forced to purge himself by the Trial of Combat: a Law that might condemn, but never acquit him, since it was only possible to discharge himself of the danger, but never of the suspicion of the Crime. This being urged so far, that they were both brought into the List, there was no way left to avoid the uncertainty of the Fight, but banishment of both; wherein though the Duke of Lancaster got the favour to make the Exile of his Son but temporary, when the others was perpetual, yet the affront that Fortune seemed to give him by this accidental Disgrace, came so near his heart, that his Son had no sooner taken leave of his Country, but he bid adieu to the World, and so left the King once more Horse de page.  
Thus Time and Fortune seem to have conspired in vindicating the wrongs of this abused Prince, ridding him at once of those two great Corrivals in Power, whose Authority had so far outweighed his, that they kept him in the condition of a Minor, till they had made the People believe him insufficient for Government; the one being removed beyond all possibility, the other beyond all probability of Return: whereby he became so much at ease in his own thoughts, that being upon the wing again, he thought himself not only Master of himself, but of every body else; and now despising all after-claps, he seized upon all the Duke's Estate to his own use, which as it looked like a Revenge now he was dead, that might have passed for a piece of Justice if he had been living, so it gave many cause to pity the Duke his Son, who otherwise could have been well enough content never to have seen him more. Neither was this the worst on't, but apprehending from what the King did to him, what possibly he might do to any of them, they made his particular suffering the ground of their Public Resentment, which Hereford took upon the first bound, and made that good use of it, that when he came after to claim the Crown, that it appeared the best colour of Right he had was from this wrong, whereof yet the King was no way sensible, who (as I said before) despising all dangers at home, directed all his Caution to those abroad only, taking with him young Henry of Monmouth, the Duke of Hereford's, and since his Father's Death, Duke of Lancaster's Son and Heir, into Ireland, whither he went to suppress some Rebels. This, however it seemed to be an occasion of Glory which the Bravery of his Youth could not suffer him to pretermit, whilst those petty Kings, who were eye witnesses of his disproportionate Power, taught their undisciplined People Obedience, by the Example of their own Submission; yet it proved an empty Affectation, and so much more fatal in the Consequence, by how much it was scarce possible to conceal, much less recover his Error, till the Exiled Duke of Lancaster took his advantage of it, who finding him out of his Circle, returned into England with that speed, as if he had been afraid lest Fortune should change her mind before he could change his condition.  
Great was the concourse of People that congratulated his Arrival, neither was their confluence less considerable for Quality then Number: the Archbishop of Canterbury (banished for being one of the Confederates with the Duke of Gloucester) the Earls of Northumberland, Westmoreland, Derby, and Warwick, the Lords Willoughby, Ross, Darcy, Beaumond, and divers others, besides Knights and Esquires of great Repute in their Countries, who offered to serve him with their Lives and Fortunes: and as they moved they increased so fast, that the Duke of York (left Regent during the King's absence) thought it convenient to attend him at Berclay Castle, and from thence to Bristol, where the first Tragedy began; for there finding the Earl of Wiltshire the Lord High Treasurer, with Sir Henry Ewin, Sir Henry Bussy, both men of great note of the King's party, they arraigned them there for misgoverning of the King, and having smote off their Heads, proceeded to imprison the Bishop of Norwich, Sir William Elmeham, Sir Walter Burleigh, and divers others upon the same account, setting up a direct Tyranny, which continued six Weeks before the King (by reason of contrary winds) heard any thing of it.  
Upon the first notice given him, he made a show of being so little concerned at it, that he declared he would not stir out of Dublin, till all things fitting for his Royal Equipage were made ready: but understanding afterward that they had seized several of his Castles, he sent over the Earl of Salisbury to make ready an Army against his landing, promising to follow him in six days after; but the Wind, or rather his Mind, changing, the Earls Forces (believing he might be dead) disbanded again, and left their unfortunate General to himself. Eighteen days after this the King arrived, who finding how things stood, for they had taken off the Heads of several of his chief Councillors, imprisoned the principallest of his Friends, and gotten the possession of many of his strong Forts and Castles, his Heart so failed him on the sudden, that he immediately gave Command to the Army that was with him to Disband: and so degenerate were his Fears, that when he could not prevail with them to quit him (for they all resolved to die in his Defence, and being moved with no less Pity than Duty to see him so dejected, solemnly vowed never to leave him) he most wretchedly gave them the Temptation to break their Faith, by leaving them first, withdrawing himself by night unknown to Conway Castle, where he understood the Earl of Salisbury was. But as a King can no more hid himself then the Sun, which however eclipsed, cannot be lost, so it was not long ere the Duke of Hereford found him out, and drawing his Forces to Chester, sent from thence the Earl of Northumberland to assure him of his Faith and Homage, upon Condition he would call a free Parliament, and there permit Justice to be done to him.  
Here Fortune seems to have made one stand more, to give him time, if possible, to recover himself; but he instead of giving an Answer worthy the Dignity of a King, did what was indeed unworthy a Private man, begging of the Earl to interpose with the Duke for him, that he might only have an honourable Allowance to lead a private life, deposing himself unexpectedly before t'other could have the time and opportunity, however he might have the thought to do it solemnly. The notice hereof did not a little surprise the Duke, when he heard of it, who doubting lest there was something more in it then he perceived, wisely kept himself within the bounds of seeming Obedience, and treated his Majesty with all imaginable respect, till they arrived at London: then under pretence of securing him, he lodged him in the Tower, where he made him the Instrument of his own destruction, by calling a Parliament that had no other business but to arraign his Government, and impeach him; and accordingly Articles were drawn up against him, which show how small a matter turns the Scale when Power is put into the Balance against Justice. The chief of them were as followeth; 

1. That he had been very profuse [a very grievous Crime in a King so young.]  
2. That he had put some to death [that conspired to depose him.]  
3. That he had borrowed more money than he was well able to pay [the first King that ever lost his Crown for being in Debt, and yet was not to be said he was altogether a Bankrupt, that had in his Coffers when he died the value of Seven hundred thousand pounds.]  
4. That he said the Law was in his Breast and Head [and perhaps the Lawyers would have made it good if they durst, who have given it for an Axiom of the Law, that the King is Caput, Principium, & Finis Justitiae.]  
5. That he changed Knights and Burgesses of Parliament at his pleasure [by making those Peers of the Realm whom he thought worthy the honour.]  
6. That he said the Lives and Goods of his Subjects were under his power] [which shows what confidence he had in their Loyalty and good Affections.]  
7. That he ordered an Impeachment against those Lords that took upon them the Government by Authority of Parliament [Endeavouring to reduce those under the Law that had so apparently broken through all Law.]  
8. That in the management of that Affair he consulted with all the Judges [Whereas it had been fit perhaps to have consulted with all the Swordmen of his Kingdom.]  
9 That he caused his Uncle Gloucester to be made away privately at Calais [When he found he had not power to take him off publicly at home.]  
10. That he took off the Earl of Arundel 's Head, notwithstanding a Charter of Pardon given him but a little before [Finding that he continued to abuse his Favour by carrying on the old Conspiracy.]  
11. That he defended himself with Force [When the Lords assailed him with Force.]  
12. That though he had made Proclamation that the Lords whom he Arrested, were not Arrested for any Crime of Treason, yet [when he was better informed by his Council] he laid Treason to their Charge [and proved it.]  
13. That he grievously Fined those that took part with the Lords against him [Which being paid out of the Estates forfeited to him, was a great Discouragement to all honest men that should ever have a mind to turn Rebels afterwards.]  
14. That when he went over into Ireland, he carried with him the Plate and Jewels of the Kingdom [Without ask any body leave, that he might appear as like a King there as he did here, which could not but be very displeasing to them that would have him like one no where.]    
Upon these scarce grievous Articles he was deposed, or rather he deposed himself (for the Duke who had laid the Foundation of his Hypocrisy lower than to fear any under-mining, refusing (by the Example of his Grandfather) to accept the Crown, unless he would tender it to him) he became so humble, not only to do so, but which was yet viler, made it his Suit to the Usurper to accept of it from his hand, and as it were bribed him with the Signet on his own Finger, which he delivered as a Seal, to ratify his voluntary Resignation.  
Strange Metamorphosis! When the Lion, instead of endeavouring to take that noble Revenge, which makes all the Herd to tremble, as often as they see him offended, crouches and fawns like a Dog on him that beat him. Who was not tempted to quit his Allegiance, that saw their King thus turn Traitor to himself, making good the dismal Presage of that River, which but a little before, to the amazement of all men, turned its natural Course, and left the Channel dry; forgetting the miserable Example of his Great-grand-father, who hoping to save his Life by not struggling for it, lost it with more horror, and less pity.  
Who knows not that the Prisons of Princes are their Graves, from whence they ne'er return, till the general Resurrection. The Usurper could not sleep at all after the Resignation, till the deposed King slept his last, the Wrong that he had done him beating a continual Alarm upon his Conscience: neither could he eat his meat with alacrity, but sighing as he sat at Table, bemoaned his having no Friend so faithful, or rather so faithless, as to deliver him from his Fears, leaving those about him to guests what he meant. And no sooner did these Thoughts of his take vent, but a ready Parricide taking his Cue to be the Executioner of his black purpose, hasted unbidden to the place where the Captive King was, and timed his Treason so near to that of his Order, as to take him off just as he was at meat, assailing him with eight Ruffians armed with Holberts, four of which this wretched King killed before he sunk, and possibly had delivered himself from the rest, had not their Captain Parricide, Sir Pierce Exon (whose Name for Infamy sake must never be forgotten) come behind him and beat out his Brains with a Pole-Axe.  
Thus fell Richard the Second as his Great-grand-father Edward the Second, and both as unhappily as their Ancestors William and Henry the Second long before: neither of whom died a dry death; the first being killed by his own Servant, t'other by his own Sons. And whether there was any thing fatal in that Number, I know not, but so it was that the Seconds of those Kings amongst the Danes were not much more fortunate. Eric the Second, Anlaff the Second, and Canute the Second, all came, as well as those amongst the Normans, to untimely Ends: the first being butchered by the hands of his own Sons; the second killed upon a mistake by one of his own Domestics; and the last made as it were Felo de se, having drunk himself so dead, that he fell down with the Cup at his Nose. And as amongst the Normans and Danes, so 'tis observable amongst the English Monarches, that Edward the Second, thereupon surnamed th● Martyr, was murdered by his Mother in Law; and Ethelred the Second, though he died not a violent, scarce died a timely death, being perfectly worn out with continual Troubles, whilst he found himself unable to recover the Consumption either of his Body or his Estate.  
However, none of these were yet so unfortunate as this King, who being so unwilling and unfit to die, yet contributed most to his own Death.  
HEN. IV. HONI · SOIT · QVI · MAL · Y · PENSE   coat of arms of King Henry IV: quarterly France and England, the first and fourth quarters azure semy of fleur-de-lys or, the second and third quarters gules three lions passant guardant or; supporters, dexter an heraldic antelope argent, armed, crined and collared and sinister a swan argent crowned and collared. 
And 'tis observable that he claimed in the name of the Father, not of his Father; for thereby hung a Tale, his own Father being but the fourth Son, whereas King Richard's Father was the first Son of Edward the Third. Secondly, he claimed in the name of the Son, forgetting whose Son he put by (for King Richard derived himself from Edward the First, the eldest Son of Henry the Third, he but from Edmond Earl of Lancaster, the second Son of that Henry the Third.) Lastly, he claimed in the Name of the Holy Ghost, smothering that check of Conscience which he was afterwards forced to reveal, when he came to give up the Ghost. But this we may the less wonder at, if we consider that 'twas in a time when the Devil was seen in the likeness of a Friar (as our Histories tells us) and therefore an Usurper might as well appear in the likeness of a Saint, although he had no more Morality, than what 
* Lib. 1.  Tacitus observed in the Emperor Galba, whom he describes to be Magis extra vitia quam cum virtutibus.  
Such was his power that no man contradicted him, Heaven having decreed that he should contradict himself: for at the same time he made out his Title by Descent, he acknowledged that he came in by Conquest, assuring the People that every one should enjoy his own, as freely as in times of Lawful Succession (they are his own words) but when he came to treat with Foreign Princes, that were as well versed in the nature of Politic Treacheries as himself, he pretended then to be chosen by the unanimous Consent and Election of the People; to whom, that he might appear restored as by Divine Providence, he appointed the day of his Coronation to be upon the very same day, wherein the year before he had been Banished: and to hold up the Cheat, he was anointed with an Oil, which (as 'twas pretended) was delivered to his Father, together with this Prophecy, That all the Kings that received their Chrism from it should be Champions of the Church; which (as the Legend holds forth) coming by chance to the hands of King Richard, as he was going for Ireland, he would have been anointed therewith, had not the Archbishop of Canterbury dissuaded him from it, as not being lawful to be anointed twice; however he was resolved to entitle himself self so far to the virtue of it, as to style himself Defensor Fidei.  
The only man that withstood this King's Usurpation, and would not be persuaded to swim down the Stream with the rest of the Time-serving Nobility, was the bold Bishop of Carlisle, who having so frankly discharged himself upon the occasion of Debating in Parliament, what should be done with King Richard (for as yet they had not taken away his Life, though they had taken his Crown) and by a Speech as eloquent as pious, showed what was the Complexion and Face of those Juggling Times, and what was expected, from what was done, and what was done upon the found of the present Expectations. I have thought it a respect due to the honour of his singular Merit, to set it down expressly as he spoke it, to the end the Reader may judge whether he had not Reason enough to justify his Passion (and pity 'twas he had not power enough to justify that Reason) when combining with others of the same Judgement to Restore his true Sovereign, he gloriously lost himself in the Attempt, and with himself the unfortunate King he would have saved: The words of his Speech were as followeth;  
My Lords,  
THE matter now propounded is of marvellous weight and consequence, wherein there are two Points chief to be considered: the first, Whether King Richard be sufficiently put out of his Throne: the second, Whether the Duke of Lancaster be lawfully taken in. For the first; How can that be sufficiently done, when there is no Power sufficient to do it? The Parliament cannot do it, for the King is Head of the Parliament: and can the Body pull down the Head. You will say, but the Head may bow itself down, and so may the King resign. It is true: but of what Force is that that is done by Force; and who knows not that King Richard's Resignation was no other. But suppose he be lawfully out, yet how comes the Duke of Lancaster to be lawfully in? If you say by Conquest, you speak Treason: for what Conquest without Arms; and can a Subject take Arms against his lawful Sovereign, and not be Treason: if so, than whoever Arms against him successfully, does it rightfully; and what hope of Peace at this rate. If you say by Election of State, you speak not Reason: For what power hath the State to Elect, while any is living that hath Right to succeed? but such a Successor is not the Earl of Lancaster, as descended from Edmund Crouchback, the elder Son of Henry the Third, put by the Crown for deformity of Body; for who knows not the falseness of this Allegation, seeing it is a thing notorious that this Edmund was neither the elder Son, nor yet Crook-backt (though called so for some other Reason) but a goodly Personage, and without any Deformity; and yourselves cannot forget a thing so lately done, 
* The Earl of March.  who it was that in the fourth year of King Richard was declared by Parliament to be Heir of the Crown, in case King Richard should die without Issue: but why then is not that Claim made good? because that Inter Arma silent Leges; what disputing of Titles against the stream of Power. But howsoever, 'tis extreme Injustice that King Richard should be condemned without being heard, or once allowed to make his Defence: and what can we Subjects expect when our King is thus abused. My Lords, I have spoken this at this time, that you may consider of it before it is too late, for as yet 'tis in your power to undo that justly, which you have unjustly done.  
Those last words expressed a Zeal that seemed to have something of the same effect as that of Lightning, which is said to melt the Sword without so much as singeing the Scabbard: For however no body that heard him, appeared to be warm by what he said, yet a secret Fire was shot into many of their Breasts, that after it came to be thoroughly kindled in their Consciences, could not be extinguished, no not with Blood: so that they continued their Resentments not for their own Lives only, but entailed the Quarrel upon their Posterity, even until the House of Clarence recovered their Right in the third Generation after.  
Now as a Clergyman first declared against this King, so a Clergyman first Engaged against him, without considering his holy Unction, which made him the great Champion of the Church (for however the Churchmen are willing that others should believe their Miracles, themselves do not) this was the politic Abbot of Westminster, a great Book-states-man, who invited several of the Chief Nobility into a Combination to take away his Life (so that Killing no Murder, is no Modern Tenet) and admitting what he suspected only, there might be some reason for it; for who would not dispatch an Enemy to God, the King, and the Church, one that therefore had unduly made himself King, that he might rob the great King of Kings of his due: the ground of this Jealousy was upon certain words uttered in the Abbot's hearing, whilst he was Duke of Hereford; viz. That Princes had too little, and Clergymen too much: upon which he concluded he would be a Persecutor of the Church, rather than a Patron. Neither it seems was the Abbot only of that Opinion, but the Nation in general; otherwise the House of Commons would not (as they did afterward) frame a Bill for settling the Church Lands in the Crown, as believing it would be an acceptable Oblation to him: Upon which this Abbot, and the Bishop before named, and five Temporal Lords, to wit, the Dukes of Exeter, Surry, and Albemarle, and the two Earls of Salisbury and Gloucester, with many Knights and Gentlemen their Friends, complotted to dispatch him at a public Just or Tournament to be held at Oxford, where they hoped, coming armed (as the fashion was upon such Occasions) they might as easily take him off, as the Roman Senate did Caesar: neither indeed was the Plot ill laid, had not the same Power that set him up, protected him against all their Machinations, diverting the Destiny upon themselves by such a strange and unexpected discovery, as shows that Secrecy in Treason signifies nothing, unless it could be hid from the Allseeing Eye of Providence. The Duke of Albemarle in his way to Oxford, gave a needless visit to his Father the Duke of York, who sitting at the Table, chanced to spy something like a Scroll or Parchment in his Son's Breast, whereupon he demanded what it was, and being not satisfied, suddenly he snatched it out with some passion: and upon view, finding it to be a Counterpart of the Indenture of Confederacy, he ordered his Horses to be immediately made ready, with intention to go to the King, then at Windsor, to discover the Plot to him: but Youth being more active than Age, the Son got before him, and being himself the first Accuser of himself, obtained his Pardon before his Father could come to prove him Guilty. The rest of the Lords suspecting by his not keeping time with them, that all was discovered, fly to Arms, and setting up a Counterfeit Richard, who they pretended was escaped out of Prison, they advanced to Windsor, where not finding the King (for he distrusting his Cause no less than his Power, had posted before to London) they sell upon desperate Counsels: Some were of Opinion to march to Leeds in Kent, where King Richard till then was, and rescue him out of Prison, before their Property was found out: Others thought it best to march directly up to London, and set upon the Usurper before he were ready for his Defence: Some again advised to make a defensive War, till they might have Aid from the King of France; which last Proposal took place, as being most agreeable to that Irresolution which their Gild had brought upon them: and accordingly they retreated to Reading, and from thence marched down to Leicester, led by the hand of Destiny to receive there their fatal Doom, accelerated by an Accident not less unexpected than the former: For it so happened that the Grand Conspirators coming out of their Camp to repose themselves in the Town, the Duke of Surrey and Earl of Salisbury lying in one Inn, the Duke of Exeter and the Earl of Gloucester in another, the Bailiff of the Town (by what occasion provoked, or by what Spirit directed is not known) with a Party of his Fellow Townsmen, set upon the two first, and stormed them in their Quarters, and without consideration that their Army was so near, pressed so hard upon them, as to kill divers of their Retinue that defended the place, and endangered their Persons so far, that the other two Lords, to divert their Fury, fired the Town in several places; but this not prevailing to give any Relief, they retired to bring their Army to rescue them: but when they came there, they found the same means by which they designed to save them, was the occasion of their loss; for those in the Camp hearing the Noise of the Onset, and seeing the Town in Flames, believing it could be nothing less than the King's Forces that had done it, fled every one their several ways, and so left the distressed Duke and Earl to mercy, who, like two Lions in a Toil baited with Dogs, died fight, being rather wearied then vanquished. And so King Henry, that never could get their Hearts living, had the good Fortune to recover their Heads being dead; and not long after found a way to reduce the other two under the same Fate, the Abbot suddenly dying upon the apprehension of their being dissipated.  
This last Insurrection cost so much of the best English Blood, that those of the Welsh Blood thought the State so much weakened by it, that they might venture to wrestle a Fall with them; and accordingly they put in for the recovery of their ancient Liberties, being encouraged by one Owen Glendour, a private Gentleman of more than ordinary Reputation amongst them, who moved with the sense of a particular Grudge of his own, incited them to a general Defiance of the English: And first setting upon the Lord Grace of Ruthin, who had recovered certain Lands from him at Law, took him Prisoner, and repossessed himself of them: after this storming the Castle of Wigmore, he took the great Earl of Ma●ch Prisoner (the true Heir of the Crown after the death of King Richard) and prevailed so far, that had he been as skilful in keeping, as he was in getting of Victories, he might have made himself Master of that Greatness, as would have been as much above his Enemy's Prevention as his own Ambition.  
King Henry hearing that Mortimer was taken, caused it to be bruited abroad that it was done with his own Consent, and thereupon refused to redeem him: which so incensed Henry, surnamed Hotspur, Son of the first Earl of Northumberland of the Family of the Peircy's, who had married his Daughter, that he, together with his Uncle the Earl of Worcester went over to Glendour, and entering into a Tripartite League with him, agreed to Depose the Deposer, and divide the whole Kingdom betwixt them. Wales (that is, all the Land beyond Severn Westward) was to be the Principality of Glendour. The Countries from Trent Northward, was the Lot of the Peircy's; in memory whereof (the same being in the Geographical Form of a half Moon) they have since given the Crescent for the Cognizance. All the rest betwixt Severn and Trent Eastward and Southward, was consigned to Mortimer as his Portion. Thus the Dragon, the Lion, and the Wolf conspired against the Antelope, as he before against the Hart, his Sovereign; and taught by himself, they assaulted him with Arms and Articles; the last perhaps more dangerous than the first, by how much they fought him at his own Weapons. The first Article was, That he had by his Letters procured Burgesses and Knights of Parliament to be chosen unduly: which being one of the Arrows out of his own Quiver, with which he had wounded King Richard before, troubled him not a little to see it returned back upon himself. The second Article was, That he had falsified the Oath made at his first landing, when he swore he came over for no other end but to recover his Inheritance. The third was, That he had not only taken Arms against his Sovereign, but having imprisoned him, took first his Crown away, and after his Life. And lastly, That ever since his death, he had detained the Crown from the true Heir, Edmund Earl of March their Ally; for which Causes they defied him, and vowed his Destruction.  
This was the second Earthquake in this King's Reign, and so much more terrible than the former, in that it shuck the very Foundation of all his Greatness, by the noise of their Calumniations, wherewith as they battered him several ways, so they left him the prospect of nothing but dismal Confusion to ensue. The Welsh goaded him on the one side, the Scots on the other, those English of Mortimer's party, alarmed him every way. But he that wanted not Confidence (whilst he wanted a Title) to aspire to the Crown, when it was uncertain whether he should ever get it or no; having got it, could not want Courage to keep it: and if he were able (being but a private man) to get it from a King, why should he not believe himself more able (being now a King) to keep it from private men, especially since he that had the Right in the first place had resigned it up to him; and he that had it in the second place, had so far joined in the final recovery of it, as to swear Allegiance to him, at the time of that Resignation.  
These Considerations were of that weight, that taking warning by King Richard, never to tempt any to forsake him, by forsaking himself, he resolved to fall up●n them before they united. At Shrewsbury the Peircy's and he met, they being backed by divers Scots, he by as many English: himself lead up that Wing which was against the Earl of Worcester; his Son Henry, the Prince of Wales, that against Hotspur: this, as it was the first Battle the Prince was ever in, so here his Father taught him how to Rule, by showing him how to fight. In either of which noble qualities there was never any Prince proud to be an apt Scholar than he, for he slew no less than thirty six men that day with his own hand, as those who followed him observed; and as one that resolved to be anointed with Blood before he came to be anointed with Oil, he pressed into the midst of the Battle, where he received several wounds, but one more remarkable than the rest, by an Arrow in his Face, which either he had not time or patience to pluck out, till he had dispatched his Rival Hotspur, who was the only Enemy that vied with him for hear of Youth and Courage. After this Worcester and the Douglas submitted to be his Prisoners; the Day being so clearly gained by his single Conduct, that Fortune seems to have given it to him as an earnest of those greater Victories he was to have afterward. The fame of this signal overthrow made all Glendour's Forces scatter ere the King could arrive upon the place to fight them, leaving him so much more a Victor, by having no Victory: For that in truth to have beaten him upon a fair dispute, might have been understood to have been the effect of unequal Power; whereas the making him fly before he came near him, shows what apprehension t'other had of his invincible Courage. After this there was some trouble, but no great disturbance given this King, by the French, the Attempts they made being either so faint or successless, that they rather gave his Successor an Invitation than a Provocation to invade them afterward. The Resentments the Earl of Northumberland had of the death of his Son and Brother, put him upon renewing the Rebellion, being backed by the Archbishop of York, Mowbray Earl-Marshal, and others: but their Forces being disbanded by a trick, the two last were taken, and having justly forfeited their Heads, for that they had no more Brains in them then to believe the King would send a General against them of their own Faction; they were executed accordingly: but Northumberland himself escaped into Scotland, being reserved it seems by Destiny for a Nobler Death, he and the Lord Bardolph being both slain afterwards at Branham Moor, the last Battle that was fought in this King's time; who being born to live no longer than whiles he was in turmoils, and being inclined to make some expiation for all the Noble Blood he had shed to make good his Usurpation, designed at last to join Valour and Devotion in one Action together, which before he had used but singly, and accordingly took upon him the Crusado, intending to submit to the Decree of Destiny, which had appointed (as he was told by a Figure-Caster) that he should die in Jerusalem. Neither could he want a sufficient Train of Volunteers, there being so many in that Ignorant Age who were of the same Opinion with him that it was happier to perish in that Holy War, than escape. This made the Prince his Son, who till this time had given himself the Liberty to commit such Extravagancies as ill became any man, but least a Prince, dishonouring himself no less by the dissolute Company he kept, then by the Debaucheries they engaged him in, begin to take up, in expectation of the Succession, and submitting to his Father and the Laws, so governed himself, that the People might perceive he was at length become fit to govern them: but whiles preparations were making for the King's great Voyage to his long home at Jerusalem, as he thought, the Journey proved neither so long nor chargeable as was expected; an Apoplectic fit seizing him whiles he was at his Devotion in the Abbey of Westminster, whereupon he was carried in immediately into the Abbot's House, and there unwittingly put to Bed in that Chamber which they called Jerusalem; which, as soon as he understood, and came thereby to unriddle the place of his Death, he was so wounded with the context, that he never recovered it, but languishing, died not long after; having first had a taste of Divine vengeance, in seeing himself deposed in a manner by his own Son, before he was dead; who finding him in one of his Fits, and (as 'twas thought) breathless, took the Crown from off his Pillow (where he kept it all his Sickness, as that the very sight whereof was a kind of restorative to him) which however it was returned again with unfeigned humility, yet the miss of it but for that moment only, gave such a check to his Conscience, that before he could bequeath it to his Son for good and all, as we say, he could not but acknowledge how little Right he had to it; and dying, submitted his Title to him that is the only Judge of injured Kings.  
HEN. V. HONI · SOIT · QVI · MAL · Y · PENSE  
VNE AN PLUS   coat of arms of King Henry V: quarterly France and England, the first and fourth quarters azure semy of fleur-de-lys or, the second and third quarters gules three lions passant guardant or; supporters, dexter a lion crowned or and sinister an heraldic antelope argent. 
The only men that were jealous of him, as of his Father before him, were the Clergy, who suspecting he had a mind to turn Priest, that is, to assume all Spiritual Power into his own hands (as questionless his Father designed) and become (as Henry the Eighth afterwards) Papa Patriae; or that at least he would take some of the choicest Jewels out of their Mitres to place in his Crown (there being a Bill then depending in Parliament for divesting them of their Temporalities) they consulted how they might divert so impendent a mischief, which seemed easier to prevent then resist: and knowing by the Temperament of their own Constitutions, that there was no more powerful a Temptation then that which at once gratifies a man's Ambition, Avarice, and Revenge, they found a way to divert him from the wrong they feared to be done to them by engaging him in a projection that was to do himself right: The principal mannager of this commendable Projection was the politic Archbishop of Canterbury, who held the Rudder of State at that time, and could turn the Vessel as he pleased; he taking occasion in the very first Parliament that was called by this King, to start the Right of England to the Crown of France, set forth his own Eloquence and the King's Title so well, deducing his Descent in a direct Line from the Lady Isabel, Daughter to Philip the Fourth, and Wife to his Grandfather Edward the Second, and refuting all the old beaten Arguments brought from the Salic Law to oppose it (as being neither consistent with Divinity, Reason, or Example) he at once pleased and convinced all his Hearers, but most especially the King himself, who seemed to be inspired with a Prophetic confidence of that success, which after he had: but scorning to steal any Advantage, or wrong the Justice of his Title somuch, as to seem to doubt 'twould be denied, before he would make any kind of preparation for the Conquest, he sent Ambassadors to Charles the Sixth, to demand a peaceable surrender of the Crown to him, offering to accept his Daughter with the Kingdom, and to expect no other pawn for his Possession till after his death. This Message as it was the highest that ever was sent to any free Prince, so he entrusted it to those of highest Credit and Trust about him: these were his Uncle the Duke of Exeter, a man of great esteem as well as of great Name, the Archbishop of Dublin, a very politic Prelate, the Lord Grace, a man at Arms, the Lord High Admiral, and the Bishop of Norwich; the first as much renowned for his Courage, as the last for his Contrivances, to whom for the greater state there was appointed a Guard of five hundred Horse to attend them.  
The Report of this great Embassy as it arrived before them, so it made such a Report throughout all this side of the World, that all the Neighbour Princes, like lissening Deer when they hear the noise of Huntsmen in the Woods, began to take the Alarm, and consider which side to sly to; it being so that England and France never made any long War upon one another, but they engaged all Christendom with them: However, the Court of France pretending themselves ignorant of the Occasion of their coming, dissembled their disdain, and treated them with that magnificence, as if they had designed to Compliment them out of their business: but after the Message was delivered with that faithful boldness that became so great an Affair, they were all in that confusion, that it was hard to judge whether they were more ashamed, incensed, or afraid; giving such a return as seemed neither compatible with the honour, wisdom, or courage of so renowned a People as they are: For first, as they did neither deny nor allow the King's Title, but said they would make Answer by Ambassadors of their own: So in the next place they were so hasty in their Counsels, and the dispatch of their Ambassadors hither, that they arrived in England almost as soon as those sent hence. And lastly, at the same time they desired Peace, and offered to buy it with the tender of some Towns, they gave the King an Affront which was a greater Provocation than the denial of ten such Kingdoms: for the Dauphin, who in respect of the King his Father's sickness (I might rather say weakness) managed the State, affecting the honour to give the first Box, or perhaps desiring to make any other Quarrel the ground of the approaching War, which he foresaw was not to be prevented, rather than that of the Title which had been already so fatally bandied, scornfully sent the King a Present of Tenis-balls, which being of no value, nor reckoning, worthy so great a Prince's acceptance, or his recommendation, could have no other meaning or interpretation, but, as one should say, he knew better how to use them then Bullets. The King, whose Wit was as keen as tother's Sword, returned him this Answer, That in requital of his fine Present of Tenis-balls, he would send him such Balls, as he should not dare to hold up his Racket against them. Neither was he worse than his word, however his preparations seemed very disproportionable for so great a Work. For the Army he landed was no more but six thousand Horse and twenty four thousand Foot: a Train so inconsiderable, and by the Dauphin judged to be so despicable, that he thought not fit to come down himself in Person to take any view of them, for fear he should fright them out of the Country too soon, but sent some rude Peasants to attend their Motion, who, encouraged by some of the Troops of the nearest Garrisons, as little understanding the danger they were engaged in, as they did the language of the Enemy they were engaged with, fell in upon the Rear of his Camp: but as Village Curs, which fiercely set upon all Strangers, having the least Rebuke with a Stone or a Cudgel, retreat home whining with their Tails betwixt their Legs, so they having a Repulse given them ran away, and made such Out-cries as disheartened the Soldiers that were to second them so much, that after that he marched without any Resistance as far as Calais: Neither indeed saw he any Enemy till he came to give Battle to the united Forces of France at that famous Field of Agincourt, where, notwithstanding he was outnumbred by the French above five for one, he fought them with that Resolution, as made himself Master of more Prisoners than he had men in his Camp to keep them; an Occasion Fortune gave him to show at once her Cruelty and his Mercy: who, whilst he might have killed did not; but when he should not, was forced to be cruel, beyond almost all Example: for as he gave Quarter in the beginning of the Battle to all that asked it, his Clemency and Gentleness being such that (as he was then pleased to declare) he considered them as his Subjects, not as his Captives. So being overcharged with their Prisoners Numbers, upon a sudden and unexpected accident (however of no great Consequence, if it had been rightfully understood) he was forced to write the dismal Fate of France in cold Blood, and in order to the saving life, destroy it. For as he was seeing his wounded men dressed, having gotten an entire Victory, as he thought, and as afterward it proved, a sudden outcry alarmed his Camp, occasioned by a new Assault of some French Troops, who being the first had quit the Field, were the first returned into it again, in hopes by fight with Boys, to regain the honour they lost in refusing to fight with men: these under the Leading of the Captain of Agincourt, set upon the Pages, Sutler's, and Laundresses, following the pursuit with that wont noise, as if they would have the English think the whole Army was rallied again, and chase them: Upon this the King caused all the scattered Arms and Arrows to be recollected, and his stakes to be new pitched, and put himself into a posture of Defence: neither were the English only deceived by the Shrieks and Cries of those miserable People that fell into these men's hands, but all those of the French likewise that were within hearing; insomuch that the Earls of Marle and Falconbridge, who with six hundred men at Arms had all the while stood concealed to take the first advantage offered them, advanced upon the same mistake, to reinforce the Battle, who seeming in the Night more than they were (for indeed the English supposed it the whole Body of the French Army returned again upon them) the King not knowing how to disperse them, commanded all the Prisoners to be forthwith slain, save some few Persons of Note, who for common security were bound back to back.  
This made it a bloody Victory indeed, that looked more like a Miracle before, there being ten thousand of the Enemy slain, and (if we may believe Caxton) not above twenty six of the English side. P. Aemilius, their own Historian, saith not above ten private Soldiers, two Knights, and two Lords, which were the Duke of York and the Duke of Suffolk, that bore no proportion to the five hundred Knights and twenty six Lords lost on the other side, amongst whom the Dauphin himself may be reckoned for one, though he died not on the place; for struck with the apprehensions of this loss, he survived it a very little time after. However, the English got only the glory of being Victors, but not a foot of ground more than they had before; Providence having so ordained that King Henry should only gain a Name in Arms by his first Expedition, that upon his next Arrival they might the more contentedly give him up the Crown, and with it, her that dazzled his Eyes more than all the Jewels he found there, the incomparable Lady Katherine, to whose Excellency of Beauty was added that of Innocence, which made her yet more desirable for a Wife, than the other made her for a Mistress.  
Not long after this Battle he returned home, as if to give and take breath; and during the time of his stay here, the Emperor Sigismond, attended by the Archbishop of Rheimes, gave him a personal Visit, in hope to have made a Peace betwixt the two Kings, at lest 'twas so pretended: but time that is the best Expositor of all great Actions, shows his coming to have had some further design in it; otherwise his Mediation had not ended (as it did) in a League Offensive and Defensive, leaving King Henry to follow Providence in the pursuit of his predestined Conquest, who, upon his second Expedition invaded Normandy, and having in a short time taken in the City of Caen, with most of the lesser Villes, came at last to that proud Town of Rouen, which spent him some time longer than he expected in taking it: But it proved not time lost; for the Essay they made of their own Strength and Courage (being at the beginning of the Siege no less than two thousand Persons in it, most able to make Defence) gave the World such proof of his, that he gained much more in Interest than he lost, in recovering the Principal, there being surrendered to him upon the Fame of taking in that great City, Hunflew, Munster, Devilliers, Ewe, Newcastle, Vernon, Mant, La Roch, Gwyon, and indeed the best, if not the most part of that rich Province, the ancient Inheritance of his Progenitors.  
That which contributed much to his Success, was the difference betwixt the new Dauphin, and the old Duke of Burgundy. The first, as much disdaining that the other should have the Government of the King, who was taken with a frenzy that made him incapable of Business, as the other that he should have the Government of the Kingdom, either thinking himself immediately concerned in the danger of the others Power, neglected the Public to abet their Private Factions. The Queen Mother, who could not be a Neuter, took part with the Duke, into whose hands she put the King, purposely to curb the Daulphins' pride, (that had most insolently seized and detained her Jewels, Plate and Money) contesting for the Superiority without regard to him that put fair for subduing both. But the noise of King Henry's unexpected Success in subduing almost all Normandy, awakened them; and now, when 'twas too late, they reconciled to each other in hopes to drive back the English: But finding that they had taken rooting in too many places to be suddenly overturned, the Duke of Burgundy proposes a Personal Treaty betwixt the two Kings: whither came King Henry, attended by his Brothers the Dukes of Clarence and Gloucester, his Cousin the Duke of Exeter, his Uncle the Cardinal Beauford, the Earls of March and Salisbury, and a thousand Men at Arms; being met by the Queen Regent and her Governor, the Duke of Burgundy, the Earl of St. Paul, and several other Persons of the greatest Quality, as well Ladies as Lords, who were obliged to attend her. Amongst the rest (and therefore indeed did the rest come that they might be as foils to her) appeared the Princess Katherine, designed (as it fell out after) to conquer the Conqueror: A Lady of that Perfection both of Body and Mind, that had she not been the Daughter of a King, she had yet been fit to be the Wife of one. No sooner did King Henry look upon her, but his Heart seemed to melt within his Breast, no Arms being proof against the Darts she shot; yet his Wisdom had so much the better of his Affection, that he concealed his Passion both from her, and the Observation of the French Lords, till the Duke of Burgundy trifling with him, upon presumption of her Charms, provoked him to give a Reply more like an English then a French King, and created such a Distaste as broke off the present Treaty.  
Happy had it been for that Duke if he had closed with him, although his Enemy, rather than agree (as he did) with his Friend the Dauphin, who finding his turn served by him in breaking off the Treaty, having no further use of his Authority, rewarded his Service with a Poniard; which Butchery being performed in the view of all the Peers of France, was looked on like a piece of Justice rather than of Tyranny, in respect the Duke himself had but a little before caused Lewis Duke of Orleans to be taken off in the like barbarous manner. Successor to this slain Duke both in his Estate and Authority was his Son Philip Earl of Carolois: a Politic Prince and Temperate, who finding it would be an unequal Contest between him and the Dauphin, if he should avowedly endeavour to revenge his Father's blood; wisely promoted Overtures of Peace betwixt the two Crowns, in order to the doing that Execution by another Hand, which his own was too weak to perform. Ambassadors were thereupon sent to King Henry, who having been all this while a Martyr to Love, was no longer able to endure the Flames within his Breast, but giving it vent, told the Ambassadors he would not credit their Propositions, unless the Lady Katherine would join with them, whose Innocency he knew would never abuse him. Notice hereof being given to the Queen, the Bishop of Arras was dispatched away to signify to him, that if he would come to Troy's, she should be there, to be espoused to him; and with her, he should have the Assurance of the Crown of France, after the Decease of her Father: and to gain the more Credit, the Bishop secretly delivered him a Letter from the Princess her own hand; which contained in it so much sweetness, as had been enough to have made any other man but himself have surfeited with Joy, his happiness being now so full and complete, that he had nothing beyond what he enjoyed to hope for.  
Upon his Marriage with her, he was published Regent of the Kingdom, and Heir apparent to the Crown, the Articles being published in both Realms, and the two Kings and all their Nobility Sworn to the observance of them; only the Dauphin stood out in utter Defiance both of his Right and Power. Against him therefore the two Kings, his Father and Brother, together with the King of Scots (who was newly arrived) the young Duke of Burgundy, and the Prince of Orange, the Dukes of Clarence, Gloucester, and Bedford, and twenty one Earls, forty five Barons, and Knights and Esquires sans nombre, advanced with an Army of French, English, Scotch and Irish, to the number of six hundred thousand, if the Historians of that time may be credited; and having taken in all the Towns and Places that denied to yield, they returned to Paris, where King Henry (the Articles being ratified the second time, and a Counterpart sent into England) began to exercise his Regency, by Coining of Money with the Arms of England and France on it; placing and displacing of Officers; making new Laws and Edicts; and lastly, awarding Process against the Dauphin to appear at the Marble Table, to answer for the Murder of the Duke of Burgundy. But being willing to show his Queen how great a King he was before she brought him that Kingdom, he left his Brother Clarence his Lieutenant General there, and brought her over into England, where he spent some time in the Administration of Justice, and performing such Acts of Peace, as spoke him no less expert in the knowledge of governing, then in that of getting a Kingdom.  
But he had not been long here, before he received the sad News of the death of his Brother Clarence, who betrayed by the Duke of Alansons' Contrivance into an Ambuscade, was slain, together with the Earls of Tankervile, Somerset, Suffolk, and Perch, and about two thousand Common Soldiers: whereupon he deputed the Earl of Mortaine in his room, and not long after went back again himself with his Brother Bedford, to reinforce the War, taking in all the Fortresses in the Isle of France, in Louvain, Bry, and Champagne: during which time the Dauphin was not idle, but industrious to regain Fortune's savour, if it were possible, made many bold Attempts upon several places in possession of the English. But finding the Genius of our Nation to have the Predominancy over that of his own, he diverted his Fury upon the Duke of Burgundy; betwixt whom and King Henry he put this difference, That as he dreaded the one, so he hated the other. Accordingly he laid Siege to Cosney, a Place not very considerable in itself; but as it was a Town of the Duke of Burgundy's. King Henry was so concerned to relieve it, beyond any of his own, that he marched Night and Day to get up to the Enemy, and making overhasty Journeys, overheat himself with unusual Travel, and fell so sick, that he was fain to rest himself at Senlis, and trust to the Care of his Brother the Duke of Bedford to prosecute the Design, who relieved the Town, and forced the Dauphin to retreat, as he thought a great Loser by the Siege, but it proved quite otherwise: For the loss of the Town was nothing in comparison of the loss of King Henry, who died not long after; and which made his Death the more deplorable was, That he no sooner left the World, but Fortune left the English, whereof having some Prophetic Revelation, 'tis thought the knowledge thereof might not be the least reason of shortening his Days, by adding to the violence of his Distemper: For 'tis credibly reported, that at the News of the Birth of his Son Henry, born at Windsor, himself being then in France, even wearied with continual Victories, he cried out in a Prophetic Rapture, Good Lord, Henry of Monmouth shall small time Reign and get much, and Henry of Windsor shall long time Reign and lose all; but Gods will be done. Which saying has given occasion to some to magnify his Memory above all the Kings that were before him, not to say all that came after him, in that he was in some sense both King, Priest, and Prophet.  
HEN. VI. HONI · SOIT · QVI · MAL · Y · PENSE   coat of arms of King Henry VI: quarterly France and England, the first and fourth quarters azure three fleur-de-lys or, the second and third quarters gules three lions passant guardant or; supporters, dexter an heraldic antelope argent armed and tufted, ducally collared, sinister a leopard. 
A Prince of excellent Parts in their kind, though not of kindly Parts for a Prince; being such as were neither sit for the Warlike Age he was born in, nor agreeable to the Glory he was born to, but such rather as better became a Priest then a Prince: So that the Title which was sometimes given to his Father with relation to his Piety, might better have been applied to the Son with reference to his, that he was the Prince of Priests: Herein only was the difference betwixt them, That the Religion of the one made him bold as a Lion, that of the other made him as meek as a Lamb. A temper neither happy for the times nor himself; for had he had less Phlegm and more Choler, less of the Dovelike Innocence, and more of the Serpentine subtlety, 'tis probable he had not only been happier whilst he lived, but more respected after he was dead: whereas now, notwithstanding all his Indulgence to the Church and Churchmen, there was none of them so grateful as to give him after he was murdered) Christian Burial, but left him to be interred without Priest or Prayer, without Torch or Taper, Mass or Mourner; indeed so without any regard to his Person and Pre-eminence, that if his Obsequies were any whit better than that which holy Writ calls the Burial of an Ass, yet were they such, that his very Competitor Edward the Fourth, who denied him the Rights of Majesty living, thought him too much wronged being dead, that to him (some kind of satisfaction) he was himself at the charge of building him a Monument.  
The beginning of his Reign, which every Body expected to have been the worst, and like to prove the most unsuccessful part in respect of his Minority (being but Nine Months old when he was crowned) happened to be the best and most prosperous, there being a plentiful stock of brave men left to spend upon, who behaved themselves so uprightly and carefully, that it appeared the Trust reposed in them by the Father, had made a strong Impression of Love and Loyalty to the Son. The Duke of Bedford had the Regency of France; the Duke of Gloucester the Government of England; the Duke of Exeter and the Cardinal Beauford had the Charge of his Person: and each of these, whilst they stood as free Agents, and counterpoised each others Greatness, kept the Scale ●even, maintaining by the Sword what was got by the Sword. But after the King came to be declared Major, and at his own dispose, having not the Judgement to conceal his own Weakness, much less to control their Potency, Faction and Ambition broke in upon the Government, and made such a Rupture in the Reputation of their former Successes, that the French King backed by many Seconds (who yet were not so much his Friends, as Enemies to the English) took that advantage to reinforce his Credit, and pressed so hard upon them, that all the well-built Frame of their Fortune cracked from top to bottom.  
However there were three fatal Breaches made in it before all fell to pieces: The first Flaw was occasioned by the Rupture betwixt the Duke of Bedford and the Duke of Burgundy, who divided about a mere punctilio of Honour, who should first come to the place where they had appointed to treat of the Differences betwixt them. The Duke of Bedford thought the other aught to attend his coming, in respect he was Regent of France; t'other thought he ought rather to expect him, it being in his own Dominions where he was absolute Sovereign: upon which they parted, the Duke of Burgundy lest the English, and the Duke of Bedford not long after the World. And this unhappy King became so much the greater Sufferer, by how much the reparation of that loss proved more fatal than the loss itself; for as it was as difficult, as necessary, to find out a good Successor to that great Trust, so he was not a little oppressed by the Importunity of two Competitors, who being men of like Anger and Ambition, caused a more fatal Breach than the former. These were the Dukes of Somerset and York: the first Grandson to John of Gaunt, and Grandfather to Henry the Seventh; the last, yet greater, in respect of his Descent from Lyonel Duke of Clarence, being Head of the White-rose Faction; both equal in Blood and Merit, either too Great to be displeased, much more too Ambitious to be pleased.  
In this Contest the Duke of York got the Ball, and from his Success concluded 'twas possible (as he did afterward) to get the Sceptre too, being by the Mother's side the right Heir to Richard the Second: but the Duke of Somerset resolving to revenge his loss by the hazard of losing the whole, gave him so many Interruptions in his Dispatch of that great Charge, that before he could arrive in France, the Parisians had shuck off their Yoke, and by their Example, the Revolt became so general, that even the Normans themselves (ever before firm to the English) were upon the point also of changing their Allegiance.  
The third and most fatal Breach, was that betwixt the Uncle and Nephew, the Cardinal Beauford and the Duke of Gloucester. The Duke charged the Cardinal with Affectation of Pre-eminence, even to the Derogation of the King's Prerogative and Contempt of his Laws: the Cardinal not finding Matter to recriminate so Personally upon him himself, accused his other self, to wit, his Wife, to be a Sorceress, and one that by Witchcraft attempted to take away the King's Life: Which whether it were true or no, was so well managed, that her pretended Crime was in effect made his; for by the help of the Queen (to whom the King had been espoused by advice of the Cardinal, and the Marquis, after made Duke of Suffolk, his Creature, against the advice of this good Duke (for so the People called him) they prevailed with the weak King, first to exclude him the Council, after to deprive him of all Commands, and lastly to take away his Life too; not foreseeing (so improvident was their Malice) that as long as he lived, his Primogeniture (being descended from the Fourth Son of Edward the Third) would have kept back the Duke of York's Claim, that came from the Fifth Son. For his Death gave the first Occasion of beginning that desperate War betwixt the two alike cruel Houses of York and Lancaster, who so wasted themselves by Alternate Successes, like Plants which cut in the Spring, bleed themselves to death, that they left no Issue to inherit their dear-bought Titles, and were thereby necessitated for the same Reason to unite in the last, as they divided in the first place, to wit, to entail that fatal Glory upon their Posterity, which they found to whither (do what they could) as the Roses they gave for their Cognisances, which by being so often cut down, came at last to be overtopped by the Thistle of Scotland.  
The Dukes of Somerset and Suffolk being the two principal Councillors that governed the Queen, who governed the King, and managed the whole Prosecution of the Duke of Gloucester. The People after the Death of the Cardinal, who did not long Survive the Execution of that good Duke, for so they commonly called him, fixed their Mark of Evil Councillors, and pressed so hard for their amoval from the King, that the Queen was forced, as commonly it falls out in such Cases, to let go her hold, and leave them to shift for themselves. The last was the first fell into their Hands, who attempting to fly their Fury, being Impeached in Parliament, was taken at Sea and Executed according to the Popular way of Justice, without Ceremony or Sentence, by chopping off his Head on the side of a Boat. The Duke of Somerset being more above their reach, one Mortimer (whom for that end the Duke of York allowed the honour to be reputed of his kindred) better known by the name of Jack Cade alias Captain Mend-all, undertakes to bring him to a Bay, and backed with a multitude enraged with the sense of their just Complaints, arrived to that power as to possess himself of London, where he took off the head of the King's Chamberlain, and grew so terrible that the King himself was constrained to retire and give place: but before he could reach the Duke of Somerset, he fell himself. Whereupon the Duke of York was forced to take off his Vizard, and own the Justice of his Complaint barefaced, who having an Army ready to second them, prevailed so far with the Parliament as to get the Duke twice arrested, but finding him to be still released as soon as they were up, who therefore were dissolved to the end that he might be discharged; he advanced towards London to do himself, as he said, and the Kingdom Right: But before he could pass St. Alban the King met him and gave him Battle, wherein the unfortunate Duke of Somerset gave the last Testimony of his Loyalty to the King, in the loss of his Life, and the unhappy King the last Test of his Affection to him, by the loss of his Liberty, being forced to render himself a Prisoner to the Victor, who was so modest as not to declare his Title to the Crown, but contented himself to be by the good favour of the next Parliament, declared Protector only; and so moderate as to permit his two great Supporters, the Earl of Salisbury then Lord Chancellor, and the Earl of Warwick, Captain of Calais, to share with him for a while in the power, who making up a kind of Triumvirate for the time being, placed and displaced whom they pleased. Upon which, the King foreseeing the evil Consequences, was moved with a condescension beneath his Majesty, to offer an Accommodation, which not taking effect, both sides prepared to begin the War afresh, which ended not with themselves.  
The principal Persons for Quality, Power, and Interest that stuck to the King, were the young Duke of Somerset, the Dukes of Exeter and Buckingham, the Earls of Oxford, Northumberland, Shrewsbury, Pembroke, Ormond and Wiltshire, the Lords Clifford, Grace, Egremount, Dacres, Beaumond, Scales, Awdley, Wells, etc. who having mustered all the Forces they could make, encamped near Northampton: Thither came the Earl of March, Son and Heir to the Duke of York (his Father being then in Ireland) to give them Battle, assisted by the Duke of Norfolk, the Earls of Warwick, Salisbury, Huntingdon, Devon, Essex, Kent, Lincoln, etc. all men of great Name and Power, with whom were the Lords Faulconbridge, Scroop, Stamford, Stanley, etc. and so fierce was the Encounter betwixt them, that in less than two hours above ten thousand men lost their Lives: amongst whom the principal on the King's side were the Duke of Buckingham, the Earl of Shrewsbury, the Lords Egremount and Beaumond; the unfortunate King being made Prisoner the second time, who by the Earl of Warwick was conveyed to the Tower. Upon which the Queen, taking with her the Prince and the young Duke of Somerset, fled: The rumour of which Victory brought the Duke of York over, who laying aside all disguises, in the next Parliament (called for that purpose) placed himself on the Throne, and with great Assurance laid open his claim to the Crown, as Son and Heir to the Lady Anne, Daughter and Heir to Roger Mortimer, Earl of March, Son and Heir of Philippe, sole Daughter and Heir of Lyonel Duke of Clarence, third Son of Edward the Third, and elder Brother to John of Gaunt, Father of Henry the Fourth, who was Grandfather to him that (as he said) now untruly styled himself King by the Name of Henry the Sixth: This, though it was not feigned Title, but known to all the Lords, yet such was their prudence, that they left the King de facto to enjoy his Royalty during his Life, and declared t'other only Heir apparent, with this Caution for the Peace of the Kingdom, That if King Henry 's Friends should attempt the disannulling of that, that then the Duke should have the present Possession. But this nothing daunted the Queen, who having raised eighteen thousand men in Scotland, resolved to urge Fortune once more, and accordingly they met the Yorkists at Wakefield, where to mock her with a present Victory, Fortune gave her the Duke of York's Life, who vainly had styled himself Protector of the Kingdom, being not able it seems to protect himself; but pity it was he could not save his innocent Son, the Earl of Rutland, a hopeful Youth of not above Twelve years old, who being brought into the Army only to see fashions, was inhumanly murdered by the Lord Clifford, kneeling upon his knees, and begging for his life; that angry Lord making him a Sacrifice (as he said) to appease the injured Ghost of his Father, murdered by tother's Father, which Cruelty was fully and suddenly repaid by the Earl of March, who in the Battle at Mortimer's Cross slew three thousand eight hundred of the Lancastrian Forces, and having put the Earl of Ormond to slight, cut off the head of Owen Tuthor, who had married King Henry's Mother; which it seems did not so weaken or dishearten them, but that they recovered themselves, and took their full revenge at the Battle of Barnet-heath, where the Queen was again Victorious. But such was the activity of the Earl of March, that before she could recover London, he came up to her, and passing by, entered the City in Triumph before her, whereby he had so far the Start in point of Opinion, that he was forthwith elected King by the Name of Edward the Fourth, leaving King Henry so much more miserable, in that he lost not his Life with his Majesty. But herein consisted his happiness, That he was the only Prince perhaps of the World that never distinguished betwixt Adversity and Prosperity, being so intent upon his Devotion, as to think nothing Adversity that did not interrupt that: Nature having rather fitted him for a Priest then a King, and perhaps rather for a Sacrifice then a Priest, that he might not otherwise die, then as a Martyr, that had lived all his time so like a Confessor.  
EDW. IV. HONI · SOIT · QVI · MAL · Y · PENSE   coat of arms of King Edward IV: quarterly France and England, the first and fourth quarters azure three fleur-de-lys or, the second and third quarters gules three lions passant guardant or; supporters, dexter a lion crowned, sinister a bull. 
The sudden end of these his Competitors gave K. Edward as sudden an end to all his Troubles, though not to his Wars. For having settled peace at home, he was provoked to take Revenge upon his Enemies abroad, falling first upon the King of France, after upon the King of Scots; but they thinking themselves as unable to grapple with him, as two Foxes with the Lion, bought their Peace, and avoided the ill Consequences of his Fury: till Death (the common Foe of Mankind) made him turn another way, forcing him to end the Race of his Fortune as he began it, like the Great Augustus Caesar, who at the same Age succeeded his slaughtered Predecessor, and by a like Fate was disappointed of his intended Successor.  
EDW. V. HON · SOIT · QVI · MAL · Y · PENSE   coat of arms of King Edward V: quarterly France and England, the first and fourth quarters azure three fleur-de-lys or, the second and third quarters gules three lions passant guardant or; supporters, dexter a lion crowned, sinister a bull. 
This was as much as Humane Policy could do, but in vain doth he strive to preserve what Heaven had decreed to overthrow. Having by his Will declared his ambitious Brother Gloucester Protector of both the Children, he was resolved to let this act the part of King and no King no longer, then till his Tyranny could support itself by its own Authority: who having to do with the Mother, a weak Woman (for to her from whom they received their Lives, was these helpless Princes to owe their Deaths) he had that respect to her Frailty, as to keep time with her slow paced fears, in deferring his intended Parricide, till she that was their Nurse thought it fit time to bring them to bed.  
Unhappy Youths to whom the Tenderness of their Mother must prove no less fatal, than the Cruelty of their Uncle! Had she, in the first place, Insisted upon the keeping them herself (as what fit Guardian than their own Mother) or had she not, in the last place, Rashly consented to the taking off that Guard, which her Husband had so providently placed about them; or had, at least, suffered the King to have continued for a while longer, at that distance he was, when his Father died, where by his Education and Acquaintance he might have as well secured the People's Faith, as he was secured by it; or had she kept the Second Son, which she had in her own hands, after she saw what was like to become of the eldest, that was in his; 'tis possible the one might have been a security for the other, since without taking both, the Treason had not been worth the hazard, much less the guilt of destroying t'other; and 'tis more than probable, she might have stopped him upon the very last step to the Throne: But yet it is hard to call that the Mother's fault, which might be the Son's fate; designed by Destiny, for aught we know, to a Death as private as his Birth (who was born whilst she was in a Cloister, and his Father in Banishment.) Fain she would have recovered her Error, when it was too late, craving Protection for herself, and the younger Children in a Sanctuary; but in vain seek they Refuge from The Treachery of others, who have been of the Plot to betray themselves▪ the Protector resolved to have them all into his hands, to effect which he makes the Effect become a Cause: for finding the young King more than usually melancholy with the Apprehensions he had of the danger of his present condition, he made that Melancholy an important reason, for his brother to be brought to keep him company; and because, this could not be done, without the Queen's consent, but by offering some Violation to the rights of Sanctuary; it being reasonably to be supposed, that she would never let the Child go without apparent force upon her; he singled out a Clergyman to be the Picklock of Privilege, a grave State-drudge, and by his degree no worse a man then an Arch bishop, who having only so much Divinity as to know that Obedience was better than Sacrifice, so far persuaded, or rather terrified the disconsolate Queen into a Compliance, that she (consulting with her Fears only) gave up the innocent Infant to his Grace, who thereby had the honour to be the third great Instrument in that great Treason that followed.  
The Monster having thus got his desired Prey within his own Den, did not yet think fit to devour them immediately, but before he entered upon so solemn an act of horror, as the plunging himself into that fathomless Gulf of Cruelty, he thought fit to wade in blood by degrees, that sounding the depth of the danger as well as of the guilt he was to enter into, he might at the same time harden and secure himself. First then he cut off all their Friends, beheading the Lord Rivers, Sir Anthony Woodvill, and the principal persons of the Queen's Relations, upon pretence of treachery against his Person and Government, which being in some sense true (for doubtless they meant to oppose his intended Usurpation) he thought it a reasonable Justification for taking their Lives. In the next place he charged the Queen herself with Sorcery, making the poor Innocent Jane Shore to be her Hand-mate in the Inchantation; with whom the Lord Hastings having had a known Familiarity from the time of the death of King Edward, he most maliciously designed him to be their Accuser, who scorning to assist him in such dark purposes, was himself made a Conspirator with them, being deservedly executed as a Traitor, because he refused to be one: his Execution following so close upon his Sentence, and the Proclamation of his Treason so close upon that, that at the reading of it in the Street, a slander by observing how fairly they had drawn the foul Charge against him, being engrossed at large in Parchment, he cried out aloud, That it was written by Prophecy.  
Thus having cleared the Foundation, and sufficiently tampered his Mortar with blood, to make it more strong and binding, he laid the Groundwork of his Usurpation upon the Illegitimacy of the two young Princes; pretending that the King their Father was never lawfully married to the Queen their Mother, but was before God, Husband to the Lady Elizabeth Lucy. This, as it had something of Truth in point of Fact (for 'tis said he was betrothed to her) so being matter of Divinity in point of Right, it was agreed that a Chaplain to the Duke of Buckingham (who was his great Confident, and bound to him by the stipulation of a Match betwixt their Children, and a promise of equal partition of the Treasure of the Kingdom) should open the Case at large in a Sermon at Paul's Cross; who taking his Text from that place, where 'tis said, that Bastard Plants shall not Inherit, so overacted his part, that he not only made King Edward's Children, but he himself a Bastard too, and all the Children of his Father the Duke of York, the Protector only excepted, who he said was the express Image of his Father, and preordained by God to the great Charge of the Kingly Office. But all this was delivered with so apparent flattery and dissimulation, that not believing himself, 'tis no wonder the People gave so little credit to him, who instead of crying out thereupon (as 'twas expected they should) God save King Richard, cried out, the Devil take the shameless Preacher.  
This scorn put upon the Priest, or rather upon him, did not yet so deter him, but that two days after he sent the Duke himself into the City, to see whether his Authority might move any thing more than the Doctor's Eloquence, who confidently affirmed to the Citizens at Guildhall, That all the Nobility judging the Issue of King Edward spurious, had chosen him to succeed, and only expected a Declaration of their Consents: But as it was not likely, that they who but two days before, could not be moved when they were told, the Lord from Heaven had made choice of him, should now concur in the Election with any Lords on Earth, so neither could the Rhetoric of his Greatness prevail for any other confirmation then what was couched sub alto silentio. This gave little satisfaction to his Lordship, for that he knew it would give none to his Master; and therefore rather than departed without something like a Vote, he secretly ordered some few of his own Servants at the lower end of the Hall to cast up their Caps, and cry, King Richard, King Richard: which impudence of theirs, though it apparently abashed the greatest part of the Company there, yet his graceless Grace taking it up at the first bound for an unanimous consent, said it was a goodly Cry, and such as showed their universal approbation; requiring thereupon the Mayor and his Fraternity to meet him the next day at the Protectors Court in Baynard's Castle, in order to Petition him to accept their freely offered Subjection.  
And here I cannot but think it worth the notice (although we that have lived in these latter times have seen perhaps more exquisite Scenes of Hypocrisy) to observe the instability and levity of the common People's Faith, who (like the Sea to which they are compared) have their fluxes and refluxes of Loyalty. It was not two days since they showed as great Affections to the Son, as ever their Wives had to the Father, in attempting to beat down the Pulpit about that Stone-Priests ears, that assayed to beat down his Title; answering his potent Patron, the Duke of Buckingham, with a Sullenness that showed no less contempt of his Dignity, then of the others Divinity. Yet after all this honest obstinacy, the very next day after they Apostatised into that Compliance, as to suffer themselves to be made mere Properties in that most ridiculous Pageantry of State, when the aforesaid Duke made it a thing of such great difficulty to get the Protector to show himself to them out of a high Gallery, for nearer he was not to come, not knowing (as it was to be supposed) what the intent of their Address was, until his Grace saluted his Highness with the tender of their Allegiance; and in a long Oration (by which speaking for them, he rather spoke to them) declared that they were abundantly satisfied, not only in the Justice, but Necessity of his taking the Royal Authority upon him. At which the Usurper started, being struck dumb with passion for a while, but after he had conquered his Anger and Amazement, he, good Man, returned to his wont Clemency, and gently reproached the Duke his Cousin of Unkindness, telling him he little thought that he of all men would have moved him to the thing, that he knew of all things in the World he most declined, protesting it was far from him to do such wrong to his deceased Brother, and his sweet Children, and to his own upright Conscience: this he spoke trembling, as doubting the Multitude might close with him, and cry Amen. But scarce were the words out of his Mouth, before the Duke, seemingly out of his Senses, transported with a just indignation to see their proffered Love scorned, replied like a truly Loyal Traitor; Sir, I must further add, that since it is so well known that your Brother's Children are Bastards, they shall never be admitted to the Crown of England; and therefore if your Highness shall neither regard yourself nor us, so much, as to accept the Trust, We are directly determined to confer it upon some one of the House of Lancaster, that will have respect to the general Good. This made the Crocodile weep; and now acknowledging he was not born for himself, he so far denied himself, as to accept the honour thrust upon him by the giddy Multitude, who echoing to the Duke their Speaker, cried out all (as if it had been with one voice) God save King Richard, God save King Richard. This made him descend (the only way to ascend) and like that Raven at Rome, which flying over the Marketplace when a great shout was given, fell down amongst the People, he condescended, and very formally to salute all the Rout; becoming on the sudden so gracious, so debonair, so obliging a Prince, that they forgot all their former Exceptions; their discontent vanishing in an instant, like a Fog upon the Sun's Rising, dispelled by the rays of the present Grace he did them.  
And now being King, who would not but have him so: It was high time (as the Vulgar Proverb hath it) to put the Children to bed, and lay the Goose to the fire: For after having seen them thus undressed and stripped naked, there remains no more but to draw the Curtains, and leave them to their rest, like Lambs in the Lion's Den, who could not sleep at all, till he was ascertained they had slept their last. For which black purpose he called a bloody Villain out of his Bed to smother them in theirs, who performed that horrid deed of Darkness with so much secrecy, that the truth of his falsehood could not be detected, till within these very few weeks, when some occasionally digging in the Tower, at the place where it seems that poor Priest buried them, who afterwards died for his Piety, they found the Coffin, and in it the Bones of both the Princes, as well his whom Perkin Werbeck personated, as the King his Brother; which (I take it) are yet to be seen, or were very lately, in the Custody of Sir Thomas Chicheley the Master of the Ordnance, to whom his Majesty has entrusted the making a fitting Monument for them in the Abbey of Westminster.  
HONI · SOIT · QVI · MAL · Y · PENSE  
LOVALTO MELIE   coat of arms of King Richard III: quarterly France and England, the first and fourth quarters azure three fleur-de-lys or, the second and third quarters gules three lions passant guardant or; supporters, dexter a lion or crowned, sinister a boar argent armed and bristled. 
HONI · SOIT · QVI · MAL · Y · PENSE   coat of arms of King Henry VII: quarterly France and England, the first and fourth quarters azure three fleur-de-lys or, the second and third quarters gules three lions passant guardant or; supporters, dexter a dragon gules garnished and armed, sinister a greyhound argent collared. 
Yet after all this great care of his to secure his Greatness, he run a risk of losing it the very same way he got it; his antipathy to the House of York being such (for though he were but of the half blood of Lancaster, he retained their whole hatred) even after the consummation of his Nuptials, that the other Faction perceiving his Marriage to be an act of Necessity rather than Choice, wherein his Nature strove with his Interest, and his Ambition with his Affection, which should justle the other out; they took that umbrage at his coldness, that doubting their own, they invaded his Security, countering his Greatness with something that so amazed the Common People, that not being well able to judge whom they ought to oppose (like those at Barnet-Field that fatally mistook the Earl of Oxford's Stars for King Edward the Fourth his Suns) they knew not whom to obey, blinding their Eyes by continual false Lights. Amongst which there were no Apparitions terrified them more than those Airy Typhons, Lambert, Perkin, and Wilford; the two first of which adventured on such Personations, as wanted only Belief, to have charmed all his Forces without further Inchantation, and would doubtless have unravelled his felicity, had not the parts which were found in his Virtue, as well as those in his Fortune, been such, as were no less matchless than their Villainy: But there are some, who conclude from their being so silently vanquished as they were, that all (except only those two walking Ghosts of Edward Plantagenet Earl of Warwick, and Richard Duke of York) were Spirits of his own raising, and nourished by himself, because he would have the more reason not to reign in the Right of his Wife, the Glory of whose House he purposed to extinguish as they do Torches, which being held downward, are put out by the superfluity of their own matter. But this, as all other his great Acts of State, is rather guest at then understood, as it was his desire it should; giving therefore (and not improperly) the Portcullis, the Emblem of Fastness for his Device, to forbid all approaches to his Secrets, no less than to his Power; it being natural to him to keep himself at such a distance, and his Heart (as that of Kings ought to be) so inscrutable, that he might render himself thereby more awful to his Counsellors at home, and more reveared of his Confederates abroad: to whom he appeared like one with a dark Lantern, keeping them always in the Light, towards him, whilst he himself was not perceived by them. In which great point of Glory the great King of France would have been his Corrival, but notwithstanding he was the wise Son of a wiser Father, and had had as many Tutors in the Art of Government (that is of Dissimulation) as any Prince whatever, yet he fell short of him, and was therefore forced to be still on the Desensive side, both he, and the King of Scots his Colleague, being like two great Irish Greyhounds worried by an English Mastiff, which fight by snaps, run as soon as they could get lose of him. To say truth, he not only brought the War they raised upon him home to their own Doors, but brought them to attend at his, departing content with such Conditions as he would put upon them: and however they both seemed to have had the better of him, the first by getting away his Mistress; the last by getting his Daughter; yet it appears that he gained the point from them, which was to him most important, and which indeed he valued above all things else, a Peace with Money. That Match of the King of France with the Heir of Britain, may rather be said to be a wrong to Maximilian King of the Romans, which had been espoused to her before, than any assront to him afterward; notwithstanding he had that Sentiment of the baffle, that he would not be pacified, till the King of France laid him down Seven thousand four hundred and fifty Ducats in present to defray the Charge he had been at in vindicating his Honour, and Two thousand five hundred Crowns yearly, as a price for his Amity, which being duly paid all his Reign, and all the time of his Son after him, this did so far exceed any computation of Charge that could be pretended, that considering his Title to France, was by particular Agreement reserved to him, at the same time, we may rather call it (as the English did then) a Tribute, than (as the French did) a Pension, since being always demanded as a Tribute, it was never denied for the Names sake.  
The King of Scots his Case, as it was different from that of the King of France, so he went a different way to compass his satisfaction f●om him, choosing to be the Giver rather than the Taker, to buy rather than sell Peace. And to say truth, he gave him such a Jewel for it, as (her Birth, Beauty, and Parts considered) 'twas not in the World besides, viz. the Princess Margaret his eldest Daughter: but herein he dealt like a wise Purchasor, who was resolved not to let go an Estate that lay so near and convenient to his own, for want of a little out-bidding the ordinary rate, foreseeing (as he told his Council at the matchmaking) that the lesser Kingdom, if ever it came to be united to the greater, as in all probability it would (unless, which was a blessing scarce to be hoped for, that the Issue of his own Body should never fail) must insensibly be reduced without a Conquest (as since we have seen it hath been) if not under the same Laws, yet under the same Allegiance; which, he said, would be a tye sufficient to bind them to the observation of the same Interest, without the same advantage by it, and to bring them, who never could be subdued by Arms, though often overcome, to submit willingly to the good pleasure of Providence, when they should find themselves (like Ivy that grows up by some great Oak) raised up to a height they could never have attained to by themselves, and partaking the benefit of our strength, with the comfort of our heat, without contributing any thing to our Nourishment.  
The only Enemy indeed that ever matched this great King, was one of the Feminine Gender, if so be we may not rather call her his Superior then Equal, as having the Malice of a Woman joined to the Spirit of a Man, and both elevated by the greatness of her Fortune, no less then of her Force. This was the Lady Margaret, second Wife to that famous Charles the Hardy, Duke of Burgundy, and second Sister to King Edward the Fourth, who was so surcharged with Envy to the House of Lancaster, that she even hated her own Niece, for consenting to marry him: but after she found the same aversion in him to the House of York (who in all Probability, if he could have had the Heir of Britain, had contemned all the grave Considerations of the Union) and that it was predominant not only over his Wars and Counsels, but took place even in his Chamber and Bed; so that however he had made her his Wife, he still refused her to be his Queen, denying her the Rites of Majesty by Coronation, as other Queens usually had, though she had boar him a Son to be a pledge of her Faith and Affection to him: I say, when she saw that Marriage, which makes all persons equal, had subjected her Niece to this inequality, the indignation she conceived at it, did so rankle within her Breast, that she never could have any rest within her thoughts, as long as he had any within his Dominions: and therefore she made it the whole labour of her thoughts to contrive all the ways and means imaginable to dethrone him, becoming the avowed Foster-mother of almost all the Rebellions during his Reign; conjuring up so many Spirits as could not possibly have been allayed by the Magic of any Prince less wise or cautious than himself; who not only countermined all her Plots, but happily beat her at her own Weapon, by placing so many Flies and Familiars about her, that by frequent varying of their shapes and disguises, wriggled themselves into the knowledge of all her Secrets, and by turning picklocks to so many of her Plots, to the overthrow of all those that were engaged in the Conspiracy with her, that at last the very Fame and suspicion of them prevented all her designs, no man daring to adventure himself, for fear of being blown up by he knew not whom, whiles he himself continued still and quiet (like those that catch Moles) till he saw the manner of their working, and then he took them without striking a stroke, overcoming so easily as well as so wisely, that Caesar's VENI, VIDI, VICI, was not more terrible nor sudden in its execution than his. And herein he was more particularly like that great Emperor, in that he still opposed his own Person to all those dangers which were visible (especially Domestic) which however some (taking from the Reputation of his Fortitude to add to that of his Wisdom) ascribe not to his natural forwardness, so much as to the distrust he had of his Lieutenants; yet by how much it rendered him victorious, we ought to understand it in the best sense, and believe him very bold, if not very valiant, in that he chose rather to see then to hear of danger. In fine, look what description an Athenian once gave of God, may be given of him that was his Lieutenant, That he was neither Bowman nor Horsman, Pikeman nor Footman, but one that knew well how to command all these, perhaps no man better.  
Neither was he less fortunate than forward in Peace, as well as in War. So that as upon the one side he looked like Caesar, or Augustus rather, both of whom as they were armed with Lightning, so their Pardons went ever before and after their Swords: so on the other side he was not unlike those two famous Legislators, Solon and Lycurgus, who principally regarding the People, were yet so wise for themselves, as with the public safety to secure their own Authority: for he was an excellent Judge of times and seasons, and knew when to strain up the Laws to his Prerogative, and when to let down his Prerogative to the Test of the Law. And though 'twas observed never any man loved his own way nor his own will better than he, nor perhaps ever had so much Reason to do it, being as another Solomon, wiser than his Counsellors (and yet they perhaps as well chose as ever any King's Counsellors were) yet we find he was sometimes content to part with both, for the more orderly administration of Justice, leaving the disposition of his Mint, his Wars, and his Martial Justice (things of absolute power) not to say the Concerns of his unsettled Title, which was yet of higher and tenderer consideration, to the wisdom of his Parliaments. And lest the thing called Propriety (which is the same to the Subject, as the Prerogative to Majesty) should be thought to suffer in the least, he gave himself the trouble of hearing many Causes at his Councel-board, where sitting at the Fountain of Justice, assisted by the most learned, as well as the most reverend Professors of Law and Conscience, it was not to be supposed that any Cause could lose any thing of its due weight and allowance: yet it seems the Common Lawyers, unwilling the determination of Meum and Tuum should go besides their own Courts, traduced him with distrusting his Judges in matters of Common Right, as the Soldiers complained of his not trusting his Generals in point of common Security: And some there were who would have aggravated it to a Grievance; however 'twas apparent to be rather their own then the People's, who are apt to complain of the chargeableness, than the due Administration of the Laws. But these Causes being for the most part heard in the Vacation time, 'tis possible he had in his Thoughts something beyond their reach, with respect to the splendour of his Court, and the profit of the City: to which as he was always a Friend, so by this dispatch of Justice, while there was no other Courts sitting, he drew such a concourse of Clients to Town, as kept up a kind of Term all the Year round, and so quickened Trade, that by adding to theirs, it increased his own Wealth to that degree, that amongst other Reasons given of his neglecting the benefit of the Discovery of the Indies (first offered to him by Columbus) 'twas not the least that he had no want of Money; and having made himself a Member of the City, that by the benefit of that Community he might find his account as well in their Chamber as his own Exchequer, and prove (as after he did) the only Dragon that kept their Golden Fleece, sharing with Solomon himself in those two great points of Glory, to be reputed the wisest and richest King of his time: 'tis no wonder he should by Works Immortal (as he did) make his way to Immortality, leaving his Son Henry nothing to do but to inherit his envied Felicity.  
HONI · SOIT · QVI · MAL · Y · PENSE   coat of arms of King Henry VIII: quarterly France and England, the first and fourth quarters azure three fleur-de-lys or, the second and third quarters gules three lions passant guardant or; supporters, dexter a lion or crowned, sinister a dragon gules garnished and armed. 
Now as he began his Reign at the time when every thing gins to grow and blossom (it being in the Spring of the Year, as well as of his Age) so the Season complying with his Constitution, made it hard for him to resist the heat of his blood: yet we do not find that he engaged in any War abroad, till he had secured Peace at home; making his Justice as renowned amongst his People by revenging their wrongs, as he made his power afterward, when he came to revenge his own, executing Empson and Dudley as a terror to all Promoters, to show he did not esteem them faithful Servants to his Father, that had so betrayed their Country. Which Act of Justice being closed with another of Universal Grace, in restraining his Prerogative, to enlarge the Subjects Confidence and Affection, made him so clear a Conquest over all Discontents, arising by the Oppression of his Predecessor; that having nothing more to do at home, he bethought himself of what was to be done abroad: Providence offering him a Projection suitable to the greatness of his mind, to render the esteem of his Piety no less famous than that of his Justice, by undertaking to rescue the Pope out of the hands of the King of France, as a Dove delivered out of the Talons of a Vulture, who having already drove him to Covert, as we say, (that is, besieged him in his City of Bononia) and having his Confederates, the Emperor and King of Spain, ready at hand to make a retreive, doubted not but to devour him in a very short time. This, as it was a Design of Supererrogating Merit, so it carried in it no less of Advantage than Glory, giving him a fit occasion to show at once his Zeal and Power, and in serving him to serve himself upon him, in the promotion of his Title to France; it being no small addition of Credit to his Claim, that his Ho●iness, as an Earnest of his Spiritual Benediction, had bestowed upon his Majesty the forfeited Style of Christianissimus. However, before he would move himself in Person out of England, he thought it necessary to prevent any Motion of the King of Scots into England, who he knew would be ready to bruise his Heel, as soon as he advanced to break the Serpent's Head: and accordingly he got not only a confirmation of that Excommunication which Julius the Second had formerly granted against the said Scotch King, in case he broke his League with him (the Curse whereof followed him to his Grave for violating his Faith, he died in the attempt) but obtained a plenary Indulgence for all that should assist him. Thus armed as it were with the Sword of God and Gideon, he entered that goodly Kingdom, and long it was not ere he got the Maidenhead of that Virgin City Tournay, who having repulsed Caesar, had the Testimony of her Pucillage written upon its Gates, as the only Town had kept herself unconquered from that time, but now was forced to yield to him, by the Name and Title of Roy tres Christien, as appears by the Original Contract yet extant. The same day he received the News of the 
† James the Fourth slain in Flodden-field.  Scotch King's death, who attempting (as I said before) to divert the War, lost his Life, and 'twas happy he lost not his Kingdom too: a Victory so seasonable and super-successful, that Fortune, as enamoured of him, seemed to prostitute herself to him, and raised the Expectations of his future Successes to that height, that the Emperor Maximilian, who had before submitted (though Lord of no less than eight Kingdoms) to serve him in the condition of a private Soldier for the wages of One hundred Crowns a day, now (as some report) proffered to surrender his Empire and Duchy of Milan to him: and the King of France resolving to purchase his Friendship at any rate, conditioned to pay yearly to him, and his Successors Kings of England, for ever, Forty six thousand Crowns de Soleile, and twenty four Sols Turnois, with One thousand five hundred Crowns more as a Tribute, out of the Salt of Brovage, as may appear by the Agreement Anno 1527. the confirmation of which Treaty cost his Son Charles, after the death of his Father (who did not long survive the Composition) a Million of Crowns more. Now if his Enemies had such dread of him, what esteem must we imagine the Pope had, who owed his Deliverance to him. Silver and Gold he had none to tender, but such as he had, Glorious and Grateful Titles he was very prodigal of: For besides that of Liberator Urbis, & Orbis (the Style of his Ancestor Constantine the Great, and therefore though only fit for Henry the Great) it being occasional and temporary; the Conclave had under consideration such as might be perpetuated to all Ages. Some moved to have him called Defensor Romanae Ecclesiae: others proposed Protector Sedis Apostolicae: others again liked better to have him styled Rex Apostolicus, as some Rex Orthodoxus: but at last all agreed in that of Defensor Fidei. After this he was made Head of the Holy League, out of belief That there could no Authority Superior to his, be interposed either for the Conservation of good men in Peace, or repressing those that are ill by War (for so are the words of the Fourteenth Article of the League.) This shows that he was so much greater than any of the Kings were before him, by how much they only gave Laws at home, but he throughout all Christendom, disposing War and Peace as made most to the advantage of his own People, who were thereupon so well satisfied with the Conduct of his Government, that his Will seems to have been the Supreme Law. For as he needed to have said no more to his Parliaments, then as one of the Roman Emperors (cited by Suetonius) was used to say to the Senate, Scitis quid velim & quibus Opus habeo: So they could say no more to him, nor indeed any Parliament to any King, then was declared by their giving up themselves and their Liberties wholly to him, in that Act of highest Trust and Confidence, that ever Subjects passed, when they consented that he should (in case he had no Issue of his own) dispose the Imperial Diadem of this Realm as his Highness pleased, by Will or Patent.  
Thus great was this King whiles he continued to be himself, keeping the Rains of Government in his own hands: but after he suffered himself to be governed by others (who took advantage of his to serve their own Lusts) like one drawn from his Centre, his motions were so irregular, and the intrigues of State so perplexed, that we cannot wonder at those Disorders which followed, to the great interruption of his People's peace and prosperity, but much more of his own, whilst that which private men esteem their greatest happiness, fell out to be his greatest curse, the enjoyment of a most virtuous, discreet, and loving Wise; who being a Lady of that quick-sight, that she looked through all his great Ministers Ambitions, and occasionally detected their Designs, was undone by the same way she hoped to preserve herself and him. For the jealous Cardinal Wolsey, his great Minister, doubting that she might interpose herself betwixt the King and him, as the Moon betwixt the Sun and the Earth, and thereby deprive him of those warm influences of Grace from whence his power took life, he designed to blast her as it were by Lightning from Heaven, or rather by a Spark from Hell, casting a Scruple into the King's Conscience, which quickly set it on fire, upon the apprehension of being guilty of the incestuous Sin of knowing his Brother's Wife. This was so craftily managed, that it was not known for a while out of what Quiver the Arrow came: but a Treaty being had about a Marriage of the King of France with the Lady Mary, the King's Daughter by her, it was so ordered that the Bishop of Tarbe (the principal Commissioner on that side) should make some doubt of the Legitimacy of the Princess, thereby to bring on the Question of Incest. This though it was urged with somewhat more than usual vehemency, yet his Authority not being such as to move the King much at that time. The Cardinal secretly engaged the Bishop of Lincoln his Majesty's Confessor, to press him farther upon it, knowing well (as he acknowledged afterward) that whatever was once put into the King's head, would hardly ever be got out again; nothing doubting withal, but that it was in his power at any time to conjure the Devil down again as soon as he had done his Service; and after be had tumbled the Queen down (or at least) brought her into a necessity of making use of his Friendship, wherein he had two great ends. First, to flatter his great Patron the French King, with the hopes (in case of a Divorce) of marrying his fair Sister the Duchess of Alencon to the King, whose Alliance was then of great Importance to that Crown. Secondly, to perform a very real Service to his distressed Chief the Pope, who being now more persecuted by the Emperor, than before by the King of France, and at that present in Duress, might possibly be released by the very menace of such a Divorce as this; the Emperor, both as Uncle to the Queen, and as Competitor with the French King for the Universal Monarchy, being moved by Affection and Interest to prevent so violent a breach in his Alliance.  
But as a Mine when it is sprung, doth oftentimes other kind of Execution than they who fire it intended it should, so happened it in this Case: For instead of making a small breach upon the King's Peace, that might amount to no more but the causing a temporary abstinence from the Queen's Bed de praesenti only (to which 'twas hoped she herself might give occasion, by a voluntary Retirement into some Cloister, where she might remain civilly dead, till his Excellency the Cardinal made up the breach again) it begat such a rapture in his Thoughts, that he could have no rest: and as one sick at heart, thought himself not safe in the hands of any one Physician, neither indeed of all those that he had at home, till he had the Opinions of those in all the Universities abroad; which made the business so public, that Luther (who had a little before set up for himself) finding there might be a good Conclusion from so bad a Beginning, by making way for some Protestant Lady of that Country, that might advance the Reformation begun by him there, he vexed the Question a long while: and finding that the Pope, overawed by the Emperor, durst not consent to a Divorce, he to scandalise him the more, set forth, by many learned Arguments, the unlawfulness of the Marriage; and so nettled King Henry, that the Pope doubting the effects of his Impatience, proposed by way of Expedient (though but faintly) to Gregory Cassalis the English Resident, then at Rome, that he would permit him ut aliam duceret Uxorem, which in plain English was, That if the King pleased, he would allow him to have two Wives at once. Now whether it were that the King doubted his power, and thought he could not make good what he promised, for that he could not make that Marriage out, which he had already, to be either lawful or unlawful, so as to relieve him or dismiss it: Or whether he had (as is more probable) a clear Sentiment of the Pope's slight Opinion of him, in making so unusual, not to say unlawful a Proposal to him, is not certain; but certain it is, he never forgave the Affront, till by virtue of his own proper power he had divorced himself from his Authority: which the Cardinal labouring to uphold by his Legatine power, out of hope of being himself Pope, nor only lost himself in the attempt, but drew all he Clergy who took part with him into a Praemunire: Of whose Error his wise Servant Cromwell took the advantage, making his Masters fall the occasion of his own rising, by whom the thoroughly humbled Convocation we●e persuaded to petition the King for their pardon, under the Title and Style of Ecclesiae & Cleri Anglicani Protector, & supremum Caput; which raised a greater dispute upon the Supremacy not long after, then was before upon the point of Divorce. For the Bishop of Rochester, who by reason of his great learning and sanctity of Life, was a leading man, refusing to subscribe the aforesaid Petition, unless some words might be added by way of explanation of the King's Supremacy; Cromwell took the Defence thereof upon himself, and by advice with Bishop Cranmer, there were many Arguments brought to justify the same, both from the Authority of Kingship in general, de Communi Jure, by virtue of that Divine Law that has given the stile of a Royal Priesthood to all anointed Kings (and to which by a parallel Case the Pope himself did not long after give more than a seeming allowance:) For Clement the Seventh, at the interview of Marselles, when he was urged by some that desired Reformation, and pressed for the liberty of receiving the Sacrament in both kinds, by an Argument taken from the custom of the Kings of France, who always received both Elements; he answered, That it was a peculiar privilege by which Kings were differenced from other men, as being anointed with the Unction of Priesthood, as likewise from the particular Prerogative of the Kings of this Isle, de proprio Jure, or by the Common Law of this Land, which was of ancienter date than any Prescription made by the Pope, having been ratified by the Sanction of several Acts of Parliament, that had declared all Spiritual Jurisdiction to be inherent in the Crown. This Doctrine of his wanted not its Use, for the King had this immediate benefit of the Dispute, to be restored to the Annates and First-fruits of the Bishoprics: and now the Bond of his Holiness 's Authority being thus loosed, one privilege dropped out after another, till at length they not only divested him of the profit, but of the honour of his Fatherhood, forbidding any to call him any more 
* Anciently written Pa. Pa. i e. Pater Patriarcharum  Papa or Pater, for that there could be but one Lord and Father, but only Bishop of Rome.  
These Annates, as they were some of the principal Flowers of the Triple Crown, and could not well be plucked off without defacing the Sacred Tiara, so the whole Conclave took such an alarm at the loss of them, that apprehending no less than a total defection to follow, they most peremptorily cited the King himself to appear at Rome under pain of Excommunication. This was thought to be so unreasonable an Indignity offered to his Majesty (in respect it was neither convenient for him to abandon his Kingdom, by going so far in Person, nor any way decent to trust the Secrets of his Conscience to a pragmatical Proctor) that the Parliament, who were convened to consider of the matter, thought it but necessary to put a stop to all Appeals to be made out of the Realm, under the penalty of Praemunire; and prayed his Majesty without more ado to appoint a Court of Delegates here at home, to determine the Cause. Upon which the Marriage being not long after declared void, Cromwell hastened on the Match with the Lady Anne Boulogne; but the Court of Rome judging the first Marriage good, and the last void, anathematised all that were assistant in the Divorce: and to show how much they were incensed by the precipitation of their Sentence, they concluded it in one only, which by the usual Form could not be finished in less than three Consistories. This began that Fiery trial which followed not long after, wherein we may say his Holiness himself proved to be the very first Martyr, dying immediately after the pronunciation of that great Curse, as one blasted by the Lightning of his own Thunder, whereby the Church Universal being without a Head. The Reformists here took that opportunity to provide for their own, by declaring the King Supreme Head in Earth of the Church of England: for the support of which Dignity, they vested in the Crown the First-fruits of all Benefices (as they had before of all Bishoprics) Dignities: and Offices whatever spiritual. Setting forth in what manner Bishops Suffragans should be nominated and appointed, and what their Privileges and Authorities should be. In defence of which their proceed, the King himself wrote an excellent Book (or at least it passed for his) De Potestate Christianorum Regum in suis Ecclesiis, contra Pontificis Tyrannidem, etc. But there were many however, and those of no small note, who continued so obstinate in their Popish Principles, that they could neither be moved by his Pen nor his Penalties to submit, choosing rather to part with their Blood then their Blessing: And whether they were real or mistaken Martyrs, or not rather Sufferers than Martyrs, I will not take upon me to say, it being as hard for others to judge them, as for themselves to judge the thing they died for; Truth and Treason being in those day's Qualities, so like one another, that they were scarcely to be discerned, as appears by the nice Cases of those two, I think the most eminent persons of all that were so unhappy as to suffer for setting up the Papal above the Regal Authority, the Learned Bishop of Rochester, and the Judicious Chancellor Sir Thomas Moor; whose Contradiction could no way determine the Point, though it was the occasion of determining their Lives; their Cases being made worse by the same way they thought to have made their Causes better: The first being found Guilty of saying too much for himself; t'other of saying too little. The Bishop desiring to add to his Oath those words by way of Explanation, Quantum per Christi Legem liceret, had this interpretation by the Lawyers, upon his Interpretation, that the addition amounted to a flat denial and depriving the King of his Title and Dignity, within the Statute of 26. being in effect, that per Christi Legem non liceret. The wise Chancellor (admonished as he thought sufficiently by the Bishop's error) to avoid the danger of any Interpretation, ran into a worse: for answering nothing when the King's Council asked his Opinion of the Supremacy, his Silence was interpreted Misprision of Treason within the Statute aforesaid, for that (as the Indictment run) Malitiosè Silebat.  
Paul the third being in the Chair at the time when these two eminent men suffered, hearing the King had sealed his new Title in Blood, thought it in vain to expect longer his Return to the Apostolic Obedience (as he called it) and therefore peremptorily summoned him by a terrible Bull to appear within Ninety days, and make his submission, otherwise he and all that assisted him, should be given up to utter Damnation, as judged Heretics. The King deprived of his Realm, the Realm deprived of his Benediction, all the Issue by the last Match declared Illegitimate, all Ties of Allegiance discharged, all Commerce with other States forbidden, the Leagues made by other Princes with him nullified, the Nobility commanded to take up Arms against him, and the Clergy to departed the Kingdom: Now because this last seemed to be the greatest Menace, at least the Pope would have it thought so, both in respect of his power over them, and theirs over the Conscience: the King took the first advantage of it and sent away many of them against their wills, dissolving no less than Six hundred forty five of their Societies, which much forwarded his Designs with the Confederate Princes of Germany, whose Friendship now he seemed to have some need of, they believing by this he would wholly renounce all Papistry: to which his late Queen was highly disaffected, and against which his great Minister Cromwell was deeply engaged, and from which himself was sufficiently discharged by the Pope's declaring him (as he did) a Heretic: for now could he be no further bound to Paul the Third, than his Ancestor Henry the Second was to Alexander the Third (the first Pope that was ever acknowledged here) to whom he made only a Conditional Oath, Quod ab Alexandro summo Pontifice, & ab Catholicis ejus Successoribus non recederet, quamdiu ipsum sicut Regem Catholicum habuerint. Gern. Dowbern. Col. 1422. 18. then thereupon dispatched an Ambassador to him to desire him to accept the Title of Patron and Defender of their League. But the News of Queen Anne's Execution, which for the suddenness and severity of it, not to say any thing of the Injustice (because some were of Opinion that the least Cause of Jealousy in Queens is equivalent to guilt in private Women) begat such an abhorrence of his dire Inconstancy (for she was flourishing, accused, condemned, beheaded, and another placed in her room at Bed and Board, and all within a Month's space) that they fell off again from the Treaty they had entertained, almost as soon as they began it, believing it a Scandal to their Cause (as some of them said) to need the protection of the Devil: However the great Ministers here gave it out that the Discrepancy of Interest was the only cause of the Breach, they requiring Money of him, without being able to answer the Reciproc on their part. But the true State-Reason was, that some of the wiser sort conceived they could not safely admit his Supremacy, for fear they should be obliged by the same rule to set up a Title for their own Sovereign the Emperor, in his Dominions, which would be more inconvenient then to leave it where it was in the Pope, who being at further distance, could not so easily reach them. But long it was not ere the unexpected cause of that Innocent Queen's sufferings was made manifest by the unexpected Labour of Queen Jane her Successor, who made so good speed to bring the King a Son and Heir (which was the thing he desired above all things in the World) that being married on the Twentieth of May she fell in Labour the Twelfth of October following. But Providence that had decreed she should only Conceive, but not bring forth, to signalise the Revenge of Queen Anne's Death, by that of hers, put it into the King's heart to turn himself Man-Midwife, rather than lose the hopes of a Kingdom; who accordingly commanded the Child to be ripped untimely out of her Womb: an act of great horror, and so much more unwillingly performed, for that he was unprovided of another Wife for the present. In this Condition Bishop Gardner found him at his Return out of Germany, who putting him out of all hopes of any Closure with the Protestant Princes, unless he would come under the Standard of their Faith, and allow of the Augustan Confession; easily persuaded him to purge himself of the scandal of Heresy, by showing the World he had only shaken off the Pope, but not the Religion. Here the Scene changed again, and the first thing appeared was that bloody Statute containing the Six Articles, which being discharged as a Murdering Piece amongst the new Reformists, cut off most of those who stood in its way: the Report whereof was so loud and terrible, that the two great Prelates, Latimer Bishop of Worcester, and Shaxston Bishop of Salisbury, were frighted out of their Bishoprics; who not being willing to have any hand in the approbation or execution of them, suffered as patiently under his Title of Defender of the Faith, as the Bishop of Rochester and Sir Thomas Moor had before under that of his Supremacy. And now Conscience being revolted from its ancient way of resolving Doubts, to an abrupt Decision of the Common Law, that did not instruct but force the Offender's, 'tis not so much a wonder how so many came to suffer death under his Reign, as how so many survived it; all Papists being in danger to be hanged, and all Anti-papists to be burned. Yet in this great Storm Cromwell behaved himself like a wise Pilot, who finding he could not prevent the running of the Vessel in a contrary Course to his mind, thought it enough that he kept it from being quite over-set▪ and accordingly with great dexterity he brought on the Treaty once more with the Confederate Princes, who were it seems alarmed by the Counter-League which the Roman Catholics set up under the Title of The Holy League; the consequences of which being justly to be suspected, he made use of their present apprehensions to renew the Treaty, and by his contrivance there came a Letter to the King from Melancthon (to whom the King seemed always to have great regard) exhorting him to perfect the Reformation begun, as well in the Doctrinal as the Ceremonial part of Worship. To which the King, by advice of Gardiner, gave this Answer, That he would make a League with them in honest Causes, as he had done with the Duke of Juliers, and after that he would treat of an Accord in Religion. This being no way satisfactory to them, much less to Cromwell, who had slattered them with hopes of a better Accommodation, he cast about another way to compass his end, and knowing very well that the King did always prefer his Pleasure before his Revenge (as those that mean to take great Fishes bait their Hooks with flesh) so he held up the Treaty with the Proposal of a new Match, that he believed could not but be very acceptable, not only in respect of the Kings having been near three Years a Widower, but for that it was such as (he said) would at once anger and curb the Emperor, the Pope's only Executioner, to make good his late Fulmination: This was a Daughter to the Duke of Cleve, who being a Protestant, and Father in Law to the Duke of Saxony, and next Neighbour to the Emperor's Dominions in the Low Countries: there seemed to be in the Proposal great considerations of State, besides that of Riches and Beauty; the last being the first thing in the King's Thoughts, wherein Hans Holbin the famous Painter contributed much to the deceiving him, which whether it proved more unfortunate to her, or Cromwell, I cannot say: but it so fell out, that the King disgusting her after he saw her, was easily prevailed with to repudiate her, and consequently to reject the Matchmaker, who having it in his Fate to be undone (as he was at first set up) by the Smock, was sacrificed to the Envy of the People rather than his Master's Displeasure, who let them lay the load of his Faults upon him, and being a Prince that drew upon all his great Ministers more blame then either they could bear, or durst answer, he left him to perish under the weight of it. And which made his Case more deplorable perhaps then that of most others that felt the weight of his Iron Rod, and therefore looked more like a Judgement from Heaven then Earth, was, First, that he suffered him to be condemned, at the same time all other men, by a general and free pardon, were indemnified from the same Crimes, of which he stood accused. Secondly, in that he died like Phalaris, by an Instrument (as some say) of his own inventing. Thirdly and lastly, that after having been Vicegerent to the Defender of the Faith, he should die as an Heretic for opposing the Faith, after having had the repute of a faithful Servant, indeed so faithful, that (as Cranmers Letter to the King, yet to be seen, testifies) he cared not whom he displeased to serve his Majesty, he should die like one that had merited no favour from him. That he who was so vigilant to detect all Treasons in their Embryo, should die like a Traitor himself. That he that had no bounds set to his Authority, should die for exceeding his Commission. Lastly, That he who was the only Master of Requests, and gave an answer to all men that made any Addresses to the King, should himself die unheard as well as unpitied. But when we consider all this, we must conclude the end of some men's Rise is to keep others from Falling; Providence oftentimes upholding Justice even by Injustice, that so by correcting some men causelessly, she may certainly teach all men Caution.  
The King having thus rid himself of his new Wife, and his old Servant, both submitting to his Will; the first with the loss of her Estate and Dignity (for instead of being his Queen, she was adopted his Sister) the last with the loss of both his Estate and Life; he found the means to repair the want of the one (though he could not of the other) by taking to his Bed (perhaps with no disparity to his Greatness, if there had been none betwixt her own Virtue and Beauty) the fair Lady Katherine Howard, Niece to the Duke of Norfolk, who seems to be born to be a Scourge of the Injustice showed to his former Wives, whilst her Incontinence, under the veil of a clear and most modest behaviour appeared so notorious, that being confessed by herself, he himself was forced to suffer in the shame with her: which he was so sensible of, that we find by a Law ex post facto, he laboured to prevent the like for the future. And now being as it were weary of Pleasures of that kind, this being his fifth Wife that was executed, or suffered worse, his Love gave place once more to his Ambition, which he gratified with a new Title, or rather the Superfoetation of an old one, causing himself to be styled King of Ireland, whereas none of his Predecessors were otherwise styled then Lords thereof: which, as it was in the first place intended by him as an additional honour to that Nation, rather than to himself, so in the last place he did it to prevent James the Fifth of Scotland, who had an Invitation from some of the discontented Nobility there, to have taken it on him, having before affronted him by assuming the Title of Defender of the Faith, with the addition only of the word (Christian) as if there were any other Faith but what was in truth so: and because he was resolved to quarrel him upon it, he sent to require Homage to be paid him for that Kingdom, urging that the Kings of that Nation had for many Ages submitted themselves in a qualified Condition of Vassalage under the Kings his Ancestors, both before and since the Conquest.  
This begat a War which ended not with the Life of that King, being struck to the heart with the melancholy apprehensions of being overmatched: who dying, left a young Daughter to succeed, whom King Henry thought a fitting Wife for his Son Prince Edward; and accordingly afterward, in despite of all the tricks of the French Party, that then ruled there, he brought it to such a Treaty, as amounted to a Contract, being under Hands and Seals of both sides. But the Scots showing themselves by their wont breach of Faith, to be true Scots, all ended in War, wherein though he were victorious, yet the main business was nothing advanced by the Success, there being more done than became a Suitor for Alliance, and too little for one pretending to Conquest. Hereupon he was forced to try the Fortune of another Treaty with the discontented Earl of Lenox, who having formerly been set up by the French, to be Governor of the young Queen and the Kingdom, but deserted by them when he had most need of their aid, he was thought the fittest Person to be tampered with for regaining the Point, or at least to keep all quiet there: whilst the King, assisted by the Emperor, with whom he had newly entered into a strict League, sought more considerable Glory in the Invasion of France, whither he resolved to go again in Person: where, notwithstanding that King out of dread of his power, had summoned all his Feises, and brought together his Arrereban (as they call them) to oppose him; he took the Town of Boulogne, and had undoubtedly enlarged his Conquests to the very Walls of Paris, had not the Emperor privately patched up a Peace without him. Upon notice whereof he thought fit to return home to reinforce the War in Scotland: where, though he did not much, yet 'twas more perhaps then was expected at that time. For notwithstanding their conjunction with the French, who entered upon one side, whiles they pressed in on the other, both setting upon him, like two Mastiffs upon a Lion, yet he only rousing himself, shook them off again, and pursuing them home to their own doors, did them so much more mischief than they were able to do to him, that they called for quarter, choosing rather to treat then fight: upon which there ensued a Peace, the Conditions whereof whoever examines, will find that he knew how to yield, as well as how to conquer, giving them the reputation of having back their good Town of Boulogne, but they were to pay him for it Eight hundred thousand Crowns, and the possession was to be his till the last payment were made.  
And now having as it were tired himself with Victory, it was time to retire into the consideration of taking his eternal rest, having seen many of his brave men go before him; as the valiant Lord Poynings, the Hardy Duke of Suffolk, his constant Favourite, the Noble Lord Ferrer of Chartley, the brave Lord Grey, etc. And it being now the Eight and thirtieth year of his Reign, and the Six and fiftieth of his Age, labouring under an unusual heaviness of Body, and perhaps a greater of Mind, having made Peace with all Enemies, but the Scots and Pope, having disjointed the Frame of Religion, and drove away most of those that should put it in frame again, having by the Severity of his Justice taken off two Queens, two Cardinals (for Pool stood condemned, though not apprehended) three Dukes, Marquess', Earls, and Earls Sons twelve, Barons and Knights eighteen, which could not but irritate much the Temporal Nobility; and of Bishops, Abbots, Priors, Monks, Priests (which as much incensed the Clergy) no less than Seventy seven, having offended his Roman Catholic Subjects, by disowning the See of Rome, and his Protestant Subjects, by rejecting the Reformation; he was brought at last to that unhappy period, to leave the Crown to a Child, whose condition was like to prove as uncertain, under the Government of a Protector, as the Kingdom under his; which in case of want of Issue of his Body, was to descend to his two Sisters successively; of whose Legitimacy, Religion, and Title, there were as many scruples before they parted from the Sovereignty, as ever their Father conceived in point of State, Conscience, or Honour, before he parted from their Mothers. So from the Catastrophe of his whole Story we may bring this remark, That as no man could measure his Happiness by his Greatness, so neither can they take any scantling of his Greatness by any thing that the World calls Happiness: it being very true which the Marquis of Dorset told him very plainly, and not unpleasantly, at a time when he was ill disposed to hear a Jest, and not well prepared to be serious, to wit, That no man could be truly merry that had above one Wife in his Bed, one Friend in his Bosom, and one Faith in his Heart.  
EDW. VI. HONI · SOIT · QVI · MAL · Y · PENSE   coat of arms of King Edward VI: quarterly France and England, the first and fourth quarters azure three fleur-de-lys or, the second and third quarters gules three lions passant guardant or; supporters, dexter a lion or crowned, sinister a dragon gules garnished and armed. 
Now whether his Lady, that had been the Wife of a King before, did (while she was alive) put him upon any hopes of being so now (for ambitious Men, like sealed Doves, mount the higher for being blinded) is not certain; but certain it is, that as soon as she died (which was not long after) he resumed the confidence to approach so near the Throne, as to Court the Lady Elizabeth the second time, now grown a little riper for consent, then when he first moved the Question to her. Neither was it carried so secretly, but that his Brother had an insight into the whole practice, and at last discovered the whole Plot; but concealed his knowledge of it, either out of pity or prudence, as loath to ruin him with the hazard of losing himself; or as doubting perhaps that the Sword of Justice was not long enough to reach him, at least not sharp enough to cut through the knot of the whole Conspiracy. But as Fate never fails undoing the man she has determined to destroy, and when she falls upon him, makes the first stroke at his head: so happened it in this unhappy Lords case, who being unexpectedly undermined, was blown up by a Train that seems to have taken fire as it were by Lightning from Heaven, his Treason being first detected out of the Pulpit; and the Protector his Brother so pressed, by an eloquent Sermon of Bishop Latimer, to Impeach him, that he being not able to clear him, was in some sense obliged to clear himself by a Speech which proved as ominous as it was obvious, saying at the same time he caused him to be apprehended, That he would do and suffer Justice. And so he did, when he signed the Warrant for his Execution (after the Parliament found him Guilty) with his own Hand. A singular piece of Self-denial, and such as is rarely found in Story (there being very few that so much prefer the public before their own private Interest, as not to spare their own flesh and blood.) However, looking so like Revenge, it was by most men judged unnatural, and taking no less from the honour of his Justice, than t'other intended to have taken from the Prerogative of his Honour, so shuck the frame of his Authority, that it broke in pieces presently after; and both Factions of Papists and Protestants falling off from him, he was exposed to the cunning of Warwick, and the scorn of the Marquis of Dorset, his most unreconcilable Enemies. The Papists quit him as believing the Obligation ceased by which, when he ceased by whom they were held in, having been true to him no otherwise, but for his Brother's sake only. The Protestants failed him, because they doubted he might fail them: for how could they think he would give them any Assistance, that had given to his own Brother so little. Thus when two great Trees grow up together out of one and the same Stock, we see that the cutting down of the one commonly endangers the blowing down of the other; which remaining single and exposed to every storm, cannot stand unless it have a firm ground, as well as a spreading Root. Neither was it long that the Protector bore up after his Brothers Fall: the great care he took to build his 
* From his Tittle called   House, being no less fatal to him, than the little care he had to support his Family, whiles the Stones of those Churches, Chapels, and other Religious Houses that he demolished for it, made the cry out of the Walls so loud, that himself was not able to endure the noise; the People echoing to the defamation, and charging him with the guilt of Sacrilege so furiously, that he was forced to quit the place, and retire with the King to Windsor, leaving his Enemies in possession of the strength of the City, as well as the affections of the Citizens, who by the reputation of their power, rather than the power of their repute, prevailed with the King as easily to give him up to public Justice, as he was before prevailed with to give up his Brother: it being no small temptation to the young King to forsake him, when he forsook himself so far, as to submit to the acknowledgement of that Gild he was not conscious of. The Lawyers charged him with removing Westminster-hall to . The Soldiers with detaining their Pay, and betraying their Garrisons. The Statesmen with engrossing all Power, and endeavouring to alter the Fundamental Laws, and the ancient Religion. But he himself charged himself with all these Crimes, when he humbled himself so far, as to ask the Kings pardon publicly, which his Adversaries were content he should have, having first stripped him of his Protectorship, Treasurership, Marshalship, and Two thousand pound a year Land of Inheritance. But that which made his Fate yet harder was, that after having acquitted himself from all Treason against his Prince, he should come at last to be condemned as a Traitor against his Fellow-Subject, whilst the Innocent King labouring to preserve him, became the principal Instrument of his Destruction: who by reconciling him to his great Adversaries, made the Enmity so much the more incompatible; who at the same time he gave the Duke his Liberty, gave the Earl of Warwick and his Friends the Compliment of some new Titles, which adding to their Greatness, he reasonably judged might take from their Envy. The Earl himself he created Duke of Northumberland, and Lord High Admiral of England; and to oblige him yet more, married up his eldest Son the Lord Dudley, to his own Cousin, the second Daughter of the Duke of Somerset, whom he gave to him for the more honour with his own hand: and made Sir Robert Dudley, his fourth and his beloved Son (the same that was after made by Queen Elizabeth Earl of Leicester) one of the Gentlemen of his Bedchamber. And to gratify the whole Faction, he made the Marquis of Dorset, Duke of Suffolk, the Lord St. John, Earl of Wilts, and afterwards Marquis of Winchester, Sir John Russel, who was Northamberland's Confident, he created Earl of Bedford, Sir William Paget, another of his Tools, he made Lord Paget. This the good natured King did out of sincere Affection to his Uncle, in hopes to reconcile him so thoroughly to Northumberland, so that there might be no more room left for Envy or Suspect betwixt them. But as there is an invisible Erinys that attends all Great men, to do the drudgery of their Ambition, in serving their Revenge, and observing the Dictates of their power and pride; so it was demonstrable by the most unfortunate issue of this so well intended purpose, that by the same way the King hoped to please both he pleased neither: Somerset thinking he had done too much; Northumberland thinking that he had done too little; who having drunk so deep a Draught of Honour, grew hot and dry, and like one fallen into a State-Dropsie, swelled so fast, that Somerset perceiving the Fever that was upon him, resolved to let him blood with his own hand. And coming one day to his Chamber under the colour of a Visit, privately armed, and well attended with Seconds, that waited him in an outward Chamber, found him naked in his Bed, and supposing he had him wholly in his power, began to expostulate his wrongs with him, before he would give him the fatal stroke: whereby t'other perceiving his intent, and being armed with a Weapon that Somerset had not a ready fence for, (an Eloquent Tongue) he acquitted himself so well, and stringed upon him with so many endearing protestations, as kept the point of his Revenge down, till it was too late to make any Thrust at him. Whereby Northumberland got an advantage he never hoped for, to frame a second Accusation against him, so much more effectual than the former, by how much he brought him under the forfeiture of Felony, as being guilty of imagining to kill a Privy Counsellor, for which he was the more worthily condemned to lose his Head, in that he so unworthily lost his Resolution, at the very instant of time when he was to vindicate his too much abused Patience, thereby betraying those of his Friends that came to second him, into the scandal of a Crime, which (had it succeeded) would have passed for a magnanimous piece of Justice, in cutting off one, whom however he was content to spare, Providence it seems was not, reserving him to die a more ignoble death, and by a worse hand.  
The sorrow for his ignominious fall, as it much affected the Consumptive King his Nephew, who was now left as a Lamb in the keeping of the Wolf, the Duke of Northumberland, having got as high in Power as Title, by ruining the Family of the Seymours; so his end, which was not long after, put an end to the Reformation, and made way for the Dudley's to aspire with incredible Ambition, and not without hope of settling the Succession of the Crown in themselves. For the Duke finding that the King languished under a Hectical Distemper, and having better assurance, than perhaps any one else could, from his Son that always attended in his Bedchamber, that it was impossible for him to hold out long, for Reasons best known to him, he cast about how to introduce the far fetched Title of his other Son, who had married the Lady Jane Grace, eldest Daughter to the Duke of Suffolk by the Lady Frances, one of the Daughters and Heirs of Charles Brandon, by his Wife Mary Queen of France, the second Daughter of Henry the Seventh. And however this seemed to be a very remote pretention, yet making way to other great Families to come in by the same Line, in case her Issue failed (as to the Earl of Cumberland, who had married the other Daughter of Charles Brandon, and to the Earl of Derby that had married a Daughter of that Daughter, and to the Earl of Pembroke, that had married the Lady Jane's second Sister) it was backed with so many wellwishers, that it was become not only terrible to the Kingdom, but to the King himself. However, there were two Objections lay in the way, the one the preference that ought to be to the Duchess Dowager of Suffolk before the Lady Jane her Daughter, in case the right of Inheritance was set up. The other was that of the two next Heirs Females, in case the right of Immediate Succession should take place. There was a third also, but he thought it not worth the consideration, being so far off, to wit, the Title of the Queen of Scots, from the Lady Margaret eldest Daughter of Henry the Seventh, which being in the French, seemed to be of less weight then if it had been in the Scots, to neither of whom he believed the English would ever be brought to submit: but all these Difficulties were quickly digested in his ambitious Thoughts. The first, which was the pretention of the Lady Jane's Mother, he hoped to set aside, by introducing her as the next Successor, and not as the next Heir, by right of Descent: and because the King's Sisters were before her in the Succession, so that nothing could be available to set aside their Right, but a plain Disseisure, he made use of the Interest of the one, as a Wedge to drive out the other. And finding that the King their Brother, by the Equity of a Law made in his Father's time, had the power to nominate who he thought fit to come after him; he made it his great business to work upon his weakness, and to persuade him to set both aside, and admit the Lady Jane; taking his first Argument from his Piety and Care of the Church, under the present establishment made by himself: showing him what danger 'twas like to be in, if so obstinate a Papist as his Sister Mary succeeded, who having been convict before all the Lords of the Council, had most passionately justified her Popish Principles, saying, She would never change her Faith, much less dissemble it: Urging thereupon that God's Glory ought to be dearer to him then his own Flesh and Blood, that this was his last and greatest Act, of which he knew not how soon he might be called to give an Account to the King of Kings; and therefore desired him for God's sake, as well as for the Kingdoms and his own sake, not to let her take place. Then for the Lady Elizabeth, whom he could not deny to be a Protestant, he said if she should be preferred before her elder Sister, it might possibly give an occasion to unconceivable Troubles, and revive the Disputes about their Legitimacy, which had cost too much blood already: besides the hazard that would be of the Churches, no less than their own Peace, and the possibility of bringing the whole Nation under the Yoke of some stranger Prince, to whose Tyranny the People would never submit; concluding, that as the three Daughters of the Duke of Suffolk were nearest in Blood, and being married, took off all fears of introducing Foreigners; so having with their Natural, sucked in the Sincere Milk of the Word, they could not but maintain the Truth of the Reformed Religion, as well as the Dignity of the Succession, with universal good liking. And whereas the eldest of them (to wit, the Lady Jane before mentioned) was his own Sons Wife, he could be content they should both be bound by Oath to perform whatever his Majesty should Decree, for that he had no such regard to his own as to the general good. Which plausible pretences so prevailed over the weak King, whose Zeal had eaten up his Understanding, that he made his Will, and accordingly excluded both his own Sisters to let in the other. After doing of which weak act, having nothing more to do, but to die, 'tis thought the Duke was so grateful, as to contribute much to the delivering him out of his pains, as soon as might be, and with as much ease: for he slept away with that meekness, that those that could not find in their hearts to pray for him living, performed that Charity to him when he was dead. However, some there were who sowered with a Religious Leaven, took occasion to raise as great a scandal on the untimeliness of his death, as others had before upon that of his Birth, putting this remark upon it, to make it look like a Judgement, that it was in the same Month, and in the very same day of the same Month that Sir Tho Moor was put to death by his Father. Wherein whilst they maliciously reflected upon the Evil that was past, they considered not how (like another Josiah) he was taken from the Evil to come; departing with this Justification before Men and Angels, That he had done as much as could be reasonably expected from the tenderness of his Years or his Power.  
HONI · SOIT · QVI · MAL · Y · PENSE   coat of arms of Queen Mary I: quarterly France and England, the first and fourth quarters azure three fleur-de-lys or, the second and third quarters gules three lions passant guardant or; supporters, dexter a lion or crowned, sinister a dragon gules garnished and armed. 
And now it appeared how ominous it was for the Innocent Lady Jane to have been brought as she was in state to the Tower. But as she offered Violence to her own Inclinations, out of Obedience to those of her Father and Mother, so the assumption of that temporary was in order to the intituling her to a more lasting Glory; being taught the vanity of all humane Greatness by the brevity of that of her own, which lasted not so long as 'tis reported a Dream of one did but a little before; (for there is a Story of one Foxley, a Pot-maker to the Mint in Henry the Eight's time, that slept fourteen days together, and no body could wake him, no not with pinching or burning) whereas she came to herself in less than ten days, and then, poor Lady, found herself (where he was too) in the Tower ready to be translated (as after she was) from a Kingdom to a Scaffold, and from the Scaffold to a Kingdom again. Happy had it been for her if it had proved a Dream only: suffering not so much for any Crime of her own Ambition, as for not resisting that of others; having this aggravation of her affliction, to see her Husband and the Duke his Father executed before her, who both died for the same Fault, but not with the same Faith that she did: The Duke that had therefore importuned King Edward to give her this fatal honour, to the intent Popery might be utterly abolished, declaring when he came to suffer, that he himself was a Roman Catholic, which most think he: had not done, had not some Promises of Life upon condition of turning, deceived him at the very instant time of his Death; whereby Queen Mary was quit with him at the last, though she could not deal with him in the first place. For as he was reputed to have had no Faith whilst he lived, so by this abrupt Apostasy he was judged to have no Religion when he died. There is this further Remark upon him, That as he suffered under the same Fate, and upon the very same Block, the late Duke of Somerset did; so 'twas his hap to be laid under the same Stone, in the same Grave, where they now lie side by side as good Friends, that living were unreconcilable Enemies: Two headless Dukes, betwixt two headless Queens, 
The Lady Anna Buloigne, and the Lady Katherine Howard.  either as far divided in Religion, as they were in their Affections.  
Eight days and upwards passed between the proclaiming of this Queen and the calling her first Parliament; during which time the two Religions were publicly permitted with equal Indulgence. The Divine Service being so blended with Superstition, that (as one observes) the State of England before her Persecution, was not much unlike that of the Jews after theirs, who presently upon the Captivity, took a mid way between Hebrew and Ashdod: on the same day that Mass was sung in the Choir at Westminster, the English Service was sung in the Body of the Church. And the two Religions (if divided Opinions may deserve that Name) being thus brought to confront each other, no marvel if the Demagogues of each Persuasion, justled for Precedence; the Protestants being backed by the present Laws, the Papists by the Prerogative: these encouraged by the Queen's Opinion, those by her Promises. But as in the close of Day, light and darkness contesting for Superiority, seem equally matched, till in the end the latter prevails: So happened it now upon the death of the late King, whose Religion being different to that of his Successor, the Question was which must take place, and become the Religion of the State: She herself being not so forward to declare after she came to be Queen, as she was before. But to palliate the matter in discharge of her Obligations to the Loyal Protestant Gentry of Suffolk and Norfolk, that were the first set her up, she seemed content to call a Parliament, that might take off the Odium from her, making way to it by a general pardon, which had so many Exceptions in it, as showed there would be more found at the Convention.  
And now being fearless of any more danger by Rivals, happy in the single possession of herself and Throne, there wanted nothing to complete her felicity, save that she knew it not. Whereby it fell out so unluckily, that she brought upon herself very great hatred and clamour, by that whereby most Princes secure the love of their People to them: whilst being wholly guided by those of her Council, she submitted her Reason to their Passions, who under the pretence of Religion, engaged her in the greatest Persecution that ever was known under any Christian Government, causing her to shed more Blood, although she reigned only five years, four months, and some odd days, than was spilt by those two great Tyrants, Richard the Third, and her own Father, putting both together, there dying for Religion only (not to mention what suffered on Civil Accounts) no less than Three hundred; whereof there was one Archbishop, four Bishops, and twenty one Divines of note. But that which made it the more supportable was, that however she was prodigal of her Subjects Lives, she was yet more sparing of their Livelyhoods: For she began with a rare Example in pardoning the very first Subsidy she had, and she never had but one more. So that putting that which was remitted, against that which was received, she had upon the matter none at all all her time. And yet we find she was in continual Action at home or abroad, having always (as her Father before her) occasion to make use of men at Arms, either to defend or enlarge her Dominions. For as she was obstinate in the Resolution she had taken of restoring the Pope's Authority, contrary to the promise she made to those who first set her up; being persuaded by the Priests that ruled there, that she had no such way to manifest her Faith as by the breach of it: So she cut out so much matter for Rebellion, by the Violence she offered both to Conscience and Interest, that she had little Rest, but no Peace all her days.  
Now whether it were a natural Distrust of her weakness, as she was a Woman, or a Feminine Diffidence of her Wisdom, as she was a Maid, or that in truth she desired a help meet for satisfaction of her Affections, as well as for support of her Affairs, is not otherwise to be judged, then by the choice she made: But so it was, that finding she could not stand by herself without a Husband, no more than an Adjective without a Substantive, she proposed it as the first thing to her Council, directing them to make choice of such an one for her, as might be as fit to give Laws to her, as she to them. Three there were in Proposal for her; Philip Infant of Spain, Son to the Emperor Charles the Fifth, the old Cardinal Pool, and the young Marquis of Exeter: to each of which, as there were some Motives to draw her Affections, so there were many Arguments to dissuade her from them. Those that had respect to the settlement of the Kingdom, thought Philip the fittest match, as being a Puissant King, strengthened with many great Allies, and who had as great an Enmity to the French (the only Enemy England ought to fear) as they themselves. But against him the first Objection was, That he was a Stranger. The second, That being Native of Spain, he probably might by this Match bring England into some danger of Subjection to that Kingdom. And lastly, That there was somewhat of undecency, not to say inequality, in respect to his Person, for that it seemed strange that she should be the Wife of the Son now, who thirty years before should have been Wife to the Father. Those that stood for the Cardinal urged his Love to his Country, and the Love the Country had for him, in respect of his great Sanctimony and Wisdom, which rendered him particularly acceptable to the Queen: then for his Dignity, he was not much inferior to Kings, and by his Mother descended from Kings; and for his Age, it was more agreeable to that of the Queens, then that of either of the other two. But the principal end of Marriage being Procreation, he fell under an exception not to be answered, as being a Bachelor of near Sixty four years old, and so needed a Nurse rather than a Wife. The Youth of the Lord Courtney, being a brisk Cavalier, and by Birth, as well as the best Blood of England and France could make him, gave him the preferrence above the Cardinal. But some of the Juncto objecting, That he loved Popularity more than ever he could be brought to love the Queen, and that he smelled too rank of Lutherism to be her Bed-fellow, they carried it by a general Vote against him, for King Philip: as well to take off all Exceptions by the Disparagement of marrying a Subject, as for those seasonable and most Incredible Advantages it brought to England, which were expressed in the Instrument of Marriage yet extant, whereof there needs no further mention than the addition of the Netherlands and Burgundy, to be for ever a Member of the Imperial Crown of this Realm, in case there had been any Issue betwixt them. All this notwithstanding, such was the unsettledness of the Times, or of men's Minds rather, whilst some were led by Conscience, others by their Temporal Concerns; some out of Love to Reformation, and others out of fear of Superstition; some again out of desire of Change, but most out of dread of Foreign Servitude, that the Conclusion of this Match gave beginning to a desperate Rebellion, which, though at first it seemed despicable enough, being headed by no better a man then Sir Thomas Wyatt, a private Knight of Kent (the Duke of Suffolk, who was in the Conspiracy, being apprehended almost as soon as he appeared) yet before it could be suppressed, the wise Matchmakers found they had met with their Match in that Rebel, who was so fortunate as to rout the Queen's General, and take all their Ordnance and Ammunition. Upon which he marched up with full Assurance of taking the chief City; into which though he brought but sieve Ensigns, 'tis probable he might have carried it, had not Heaven taken part against him (as usually it doth against Rebels, first arming them with Impudence, and then disarming them with Fear) making the Arch-traitor a terrible Example of unparallelled Insolence; who, whiles he was at large, continued bold as a Lion, but being once apprehended, proved so base a Coward, that bribed with the hopes of Life, he made himself guilty of a greater Treachery than he was to die for; accusing Edward Earl of Devon, and the Princess Elizabeth, the Queen's Sister, to have been privy to his Conspiracy: which gained Credit not so much from the Suspect of any private Affection betwixt them two (although he alleged they were to be married) as from the secret disaffection either of them had, he to the King that should be, as being his Rival; she to the Queen that was, as being her Disseisor (the two Sisters as little agreeing in point of Right of Succession, as their two Mothers in point of Right of Marriage) but fain he would have acquitted them, when he found he could not be acquitted himself by it; for having served their turn of him, the Statesmen gave the fatal turn to him. However, the malicious Chancellor Gardner, resolving to take the Truth at the wrong end, and believe it as he pleased, secured them in several Prisons, till he were at leisure to examine the matter; being then deeply engaged in providing Fire and Faggots for those Learned Heretics, Cranmer, Ridley, and Latimer, etc. who were to make a Holocaust preparatory to the Queen's Nuptials: which having been deferred by this unexpected Rising, was now proposed in Parliament. For the greater confirmation, the three States of the Kingdom assenting thereto upon the Conditions following: First, That King Philip should admit no Stranger into any Office, but only Natives. Secondly, That he should Innovate nothing in the Laws and Customs of the Realm. Thirdly, That he should not carry the Queen out of the Realm without her consent, nor any of her Children without consent of the Council. Fourthly, That surviving the Queen, he should challenge no Right in the Kingdom, but suffer it to descend to the next Heir. Fifthly, That he should carry away none of the Crown Jewels, nor remove any Shipping or Ordnance. Sixthly and lastly, That he should neither directly nor indirectly entangle the Realm of England with the Wars betwixt Spain and France. Upon which Terms 'twas hoped by those affected not the Match, that Philip would knock off, there being neither Youth or Beauty to tempt him. But as the House of Austria did ever prefer their Ambition before their Love, so designing the universal Monarchy, he thought he made a great step to it, by being put in possession of England, and so near entitled to France.  
And now the most Catholic King being joined with the Faith defending Queen, it cannot be imagined, but that they must begin with Religion: In order to the Regulation whereof, Cardinal Pool (being first restored again in blood and reputation) was sent for over; who armed with his Legatine Power, and a natural Force of Eloquence, pressed hard upon the Parliament, and shown them the danger they were in, by their late Schism; being become (as he said) Exiles from Heaven, and in no capacity to have been ever readmitted, had he not brought from Rome the Keys, that opened the gates of Life: and thereupon he advised them to abrogate those Laws, which lay, as blocks, in their way, urging them thereto from the Example of their good King and Queen; who (he said) had resigned their Title of Supreme Head, to show themselves true Members of the Mystical Body, and had made Restitution of those Lands, which had been sacrilegiously taken from the Church by their Predecessor. Which Speech of his being very Methodically digested, and delivered with great gravity, startled many of the Lords, who reflected upon their Forefathers Devotion to the holy See: but those of the lower House, having it seems lower thoughts, and deeming it a rare Felicity, to have shaken off that heavy Yoke, that had so long galled their Forefathers necks, did not so readily assent to receive his proffered Fenediction, at so dear a rate, as to part with their Lands, which having been divided by the Queen's father amongst them, were by several Settlements and Alienations, so translated from one Family to another, that, without great Inconvenience, they could not be severed from their Temporal Proprieties. However, they so far complied, as to agree. That the first Fruits and Tenths granted, by the Clergy, to King Henry, Anno 1534, should be remitted. But after they came to consider the Poverty of the Treasure, the reason of the several Pensions, that had been granted in Lieu thereof, by the said King to divers Religious Persons, that were still living, they revoked their Decree again. Upon which the Legate (not skilful enough to deal with a Multitude, as appeared afterward by his losing the papal dignity) desisted; content it seems with the honour of having prevailed over the more devout Queen, the heat of whose Zeal, had so softened her heart, that it was fit for any Impression. Now as he had a better Faculty in Canvasing of the Feminine Sex (which Cardinal Carraffa afterward Pope Paul IV▪ upbraided him withal in the open Conclave) so he prevailed with her, to give up all that she had in her own possession; who to move others to imitate her piety did it, with that detestation of the Sacrilege of her Predecessors, that when one of her wise Counsellors (yet of the same Religion) told her it would be a great Diminution to the Revenues of her Crown, she answered piously, and, as she thought prudently, that she had another Crown to look after, that she valued a thousand times more than that.  
But while she is thus careful for the eternal, King Philip, her Husband, was no less busy to secure his Temporal Crown. In order to which, he went over to receive the Blessing of the Emperor, his Father, then in Flanders; who upon his Arrival delivered up to him the possession of the Low Countries, having given him the Kingdoms of Naples and Jerusalem before; of the first of which the Pope (either envying or fearing the Emperor's Greatness) had made the French King some Assurance, purposely to engage him thereby in a War, that might weaken them both. Great Preparations were made by either Party, to secure themselves both with Arms and Alliances; the Emperor leaving all his Dominions on this side to his Son, whilst himself retires into Spain, to alarm the French on the other side; and by his Vicinity to Italy, whose petty Princes he suspected not to be firm to his Interest, makes himself as terrible to his Neighbours as his Enemies. But whilst this great design was in Prospect only, King Philip was suddenly called home by a Brute, that his Queen was with Child; the Joy whereof was so universal, that it is strange to tell how much it transported the whole Kingdom; raising them by the hopes of a young Prince to a degree of seeming Infatuation: for they, not only, mocked God Almighty in the Church, with causeless Thanksgivings, but troubled the King and Queen every hour in Court, with●s groundless Petitions for Places of Attendance on the unborn Child; and so far did the Delirium prevail to delude even the Parliament themselves with extravagant apprehensions of their future happiness by the enjoyment of such a Prince, who however he were like to be Lord of the greatest part of Christendom, would yet, in all probability, make England the Seat of his Empire, that they humbly besought the King, in case the Queen should die in Travel, that he would be pleased to take upon him the rule and government of the Child and Kingdom▪ such ado have great Princes to be born as well as to die in quiet. But this mistaken Embryo proving at length to be nothing else but a Mis-conception, whereof she could not be delivered so, as to make way for any better Conception, turning to such a fleshy inform Substance as Physicians call a Mole, and we vulgarly English a Mooncalf, it put King Philip so ou● of Countenance, that he tarried not a Month here after her time of Reckoning was our, but passing into Flanders, put it out of his head (since he could not put it out of her belly) by beginning a War with France: whereto he had a good ground upon the account of the Five years' Truce being broken, that had been made but a little before. The Queen (to requite him for her late Miscarriage) broke with her People, and resolving not to stand Neuter whilst her Husband was engaged, found occasion to make the French Aggressors upon the Crown of England. Whereupon the Earl of Pembroke was sent over with Ten thousand Horse, and Four thousand Foot, who joining with the King's Forces (which were Thirty five thousand Foot, and Twelve thousand Horse before they came) they all of them sat down before St Quintin's, a Town of great importance, which the French in vain endeavouring to secure, lost Twenty five thousand upon the place: Amongst whom were divers of the greatest Quality, as John of Bourbon Duke of Anguin, the Dukes of Monpensier and Longevile, the Viscount Turein, etc. the Lord Chadenier, the Marshal St. Andrew, the Rhinegrave, the Constable Mount Morency and his Son, Brother to Count Lodowick Gonzaga, Brother to the Duke of Mantova, the Admiral Coligny and his Brother, with divers other Lords of no less eminence, who being all taken with the Town, made it look like the beginning of a War, which every Body judged could not end till the Rupture reached to the middle of France. The report of this Victory gave great matter of rejoicing to every Body, but most especially to the Queen herself: yet could it not divert that Melancholy occasioned by the conceit of her Misconception, which brought her into a Distemper that not long after killed her, by her Physicians mistaking her Malady: who giving her improper Medicines, without regard to the over-cooling of her Liver (which it seems is the mischief attends those Moles) found not their error till she was so far gone into that desperate kind of Dropsy which they call Ascites, that there was no help for her now. That which added to her Distemper was, an overnice resentment of the Pope's displeasure, who offended at her breach with the French, punished her (as Princes use to be by whipping their Favourites) with taking away the Legatine Power from her beloved Minister Cardinal Pool; to whom, as she had ever a great regard, so she opined that the disgrace put upon a Man of so great Authority and Credit, who had been so active in the Conversion of the Nation, would (as indeed it did) not only reflect something on her honour, but hazard much the reputation of the Catholic Cause, whiles the Roman Religion was not so fully established as she designed it should, and the Enemies of the Church no less dangerous to that of her State. This gave her great trouble of Mind; and that trouble being heightened by the absence of her beloved Husband, brought her into a burning Fever, that foretold a death that might have proved a living one, had it not been hastened by the news of the revolt of Calais, which being lost in less than six day's time, after it had continued English above Two hundred years, came so near her heart, that drying up all her Blood, brought her under such a fixed sadness, as left her not till she left the World. Now to say truth, she had great reason to resent the loss, for as it was the only Key left to let her into France, so it was no small oversight to hang it by her side with so slender a String, as she did, there being not above Five hundred Soldiers in it when it was attached, which were much too few to defend a place of that Importance, where there was a kind of necessity to keep the Gates always open.  
ELIZAB. HONI · SOIT · QVI · MAL · Y · PENSE   coat of arms of Queen Elizabeth I: quarterly France and England, the first and fourth quarters azure three fleur-de-lys or, the second and third quarters gules three lions passant guardant or; supporters, dexter a lion or crowned, sinister a dragon gules garnished and armed. 
Christ was the Word that spoke it.  
He took the Bread and broke it.  
And what the Word did make it,  
That I believe and take it.  
Which, however it seemed an obscure and uncertain Solution, so baffled all her Adversaries, that the Priests themselves, who hoped with like Success to have soiled her, as the First Temptor did the First Woman, upon the First great Question of Take and Eat, found themselves left in the dark, to grope after her meaning as well as they could, whilst she shut herself up from further Pressures, within the Closet of her own private Sense. But as Wisdom is perhaps the only Virtue that is distrustful of itself, so to show how little Confidence she had in the strength of her own Abilities, she made it her first business to fortify herself with able Counsellors. In the choice of whom, her Affections gave place to her Judgement, as her Fears to her Foresight: admitting divers of her Sisters great Ministers, who, having been privy to all the Secrets of State, were like sharp Tools, that are as dangerous as useful, if not skilfully handled: Whom therefore she counterpoised with as many of her own Religion, to the end, that holding the Balance in her own hand, she might turn the Scale as she saw cause.  
Neither was it a thing of small Moment that came first to be weighed by her, to wit, the great Business of Religion: The Materials whereof being prepared to her hand by her Brother, as the Foundation was laid to his by her Father, she resolved to proceed in Edification of the Church, as Solomon did in building of the Temple, with as little noise as might be. And accordingly, as she conformed to take her Assumption from the hand of a Popish Bishop, who performed all the Ceremonies of her Inauguration More Romano; so being crowned, she made choice (as I said) of such a mixed Council, as might put her out of all doubt of over-setting the Vessel, by loading too much upon any one side, and out of all danger of Foundering, by steering their Course in too straight a Line cross the Surges of the swelling Tide; and because she designed to show her Moderation, as well as her Wisdom, she did not put out the Candle-light of Popery all at once, but let in the Sunshine of the Gospel by such degrees, that the People might neither be left altogether in the Dark to grope after new Laws, nor yet exposed to be dazzled with the two sudden approach of the greater Light; refining the Mass with such a temperate heat of Zeal, as first took off the Scum only, that is, the foulest and grossest part of Superstition; then proceeded to purge out the thinner Dross of scandalous Matter; and in the last place, she took away what appeared superfluous and unnecessary, retaining only the sounder part▪ out of which she made up that Form of Service, which hath ever since continued to be used in the Church of England: Whose ground work she laid upon the Holy Scriptures, making up the Superstructure of the Doctrine of the 
* Nicen. Athanasian, and Apostles Creed.  Three Creeds approved and confirmed by those great Masters of Assemblies in the Four first General Counsels, worthily esteemed to be styled Synodi Firmissimi, and explained by several of the Orthodox Fathers in the several Ages following, to the intent that containing Ecclesiar●m ●●m●ium Fidem, they might be a Rule without all Exception. But whiles she proceeded with this great tenderness, in hopes to have pleased both Parties, she displeased either: The first being no less grieved by her Reforming so much, than the last by her Reforming no more. One would have thought that her Clemency would have silenced the Papish, for that she might have purged with Fire and Faggot, as her Sister did: And that her Honesty would have subdued the Protestants, who they found he● to continue to be Semper Eadem, notwithstanding the warm Temp●●tions wherewith the Pope plied her for a long time; offering 1. To take away the Sin of her Father, notwithstanding the many injuries don● to the Church, and confirming all his Alienations. 2. To take away the reproach of her Mother, by making Null the Sentence of Divorce, notwithstanding she never reconciled to the Church. 3. To honour the Memory of her Brother so far, as to allow the use of the Common-Prayer Book in English, recording to his establishment. And lastly, to indulge this to the hono●● of her own Memory, that her Realm should for her sake only (which never was offered before) have the Privilege to receive the Sacrament in both kinds. A well compounded Bait, and such as if it had been large enough to have covered the Hook, might probably have taken any other Woman: but as her Conscience forbidden her to close with the one, so Reason of State permitted not that she should come nearer the other then she did. For there was newly started up a Generation of Enlightened men, who took upon them to reform her Reformation, and make it more Suitable (they would not say Conformable) to Christ's Sceptre and Kingdom, by rooting out those Representatives of Antichrist, the Bishops, who they thought to differ no otherwise from the Popish Prelates, than Rooks do from Ravens; desiring instead of the Hierarchy, to set up a Gospel Ministry (so they phrased it) that was certain Evangelicks, after the example of those Congregational Pastors of Geneva, who despising all Order, Habit, or Title, were underpropt or assisted by two Lay-Elders chosen out of the gravest, though not the wisest of the People, whose Office (as one observes) like that of the Ears, is only to bear themselves upright and hear what the Praetor says, without any other Ecclesiastical privilege, pretence, or power. This projection was underhand carried on by some squint-eyed Lawyers, who having one eye upon the Jurisdiction of the Bishop, t'other upon her Prerogative, took all occasions to detect the nakedness of her Government, and to bespatter it with scurrilous Libels: Amongst which there could be nothing more bold and Seditious than those two notorious Books, the one entitled The Admonition to the Parliament; the other, The Defence of that Admonition: Not to mention those lewd Pamphlets, called by the Names of Martin Marr Prelate; Christ's Sceptre and Kingdom; England's Gulf, etc. by the Oath Ex Officio was rendered Antichristian; and the Oath of Supremacy not lawful, but in a qualified sense. This giving her sufficient warning to secure the State by fortifying the Church, she caused the Archbishop Whitguift to cast three Cannons, which were so placed, that Innovation could no way make its approaches to let in any of their Factious Teachers: For no man was to be admitted to the Cure of Souls that did not first recognize the Queen's Supremacy: Secondly, submit to the use of the Book of Common-Prayer and Ordination of Bishops: and Thirdly, to the Articles passed at the last Synod at London, 1562. and Lastly, Declare that they believed either of them consonant and agreeable to the word of God. However it was no small Interruption that these brainsick men gave to her intended Reformation: and the Mischiefs that attended it were so much more insupportable, by how much they proceeded from a Religious Madness, that reigned at that time over all Christendom; most of the Neighbour Nations, even as far as Italy itself (not excepting the very Dominions of the Pope) labouring under the same Distemper, which was a kind of Spiritual Fever, that caused such an Inflammation in their Consciences, as could be cured no other ways but by Blood-letting, the very worst of Remedies, whereof the King of France made the first experience, and no where so much; by whose Example the King of Spain afterwards did the like; and other Princes imitating them, it is since become a common practice. This troubled her the more, in respect of the advantages taken by the adverse Party, the Papists; who being more strictly united by these Divisions amongst the Protestants, and deluded by the belief of certain groundless Predictions, that her Reign should be but short, were easily drawn into many desperate Conspiracies, which ending with the Forfeiture of their own, brought her Life and Government into continual Jeopardy.  
The next great thing that fe●l under her Consideration, was the point of Marriage and Singularity: For it being doubtful in what state the Kingdom would be left, if the Queen of Scots Title should ever take place (who besides that she was an avowed Papist, had married the French Kings Son, who in her Right bore the Arms and Title of England as well as of Scotland) it was told her she would not show herself a true Mother of her Country, without she consented to make herself a Mother of Children. Whereunto King Philip of Spain (as soon as he heard of Queen Mary his Wife's death) gave her a fair Invitation by his Ambassador, the Conde Feria, whom he sent over publicly ●o Congratulate her as a Queen, but privately to Court her as a Mistress; assuring her that he much rather desired to have her to be his Wife, than his Sister: and as the Report of her being Successor to his Queen, had much allayed the grief he conceived for her death, so he said 'twas his desire she should take place in his Bed, as well as in his Throne, that so by giving herself to him, she might requite the kindness showed by him when he gave her to herself, after her Sister left her exposed to the malice and power of her Enemies. In fine, he omitted no Arguments to gain his end that might be raised from the Consideration of her Gratitude, or his own Greatness. But she being naturally Inflexible (not to say as some have said) Impenetrable, lest it to her Council to return this grave Answer for her, That she could not consent to have him of all men for a Husband, without as great reflection on her Mother as herself, since it could not be more lawful for two Sisters to marry the same Husband, then for two Brothers to marry the same Wife. Secondly, That she could not consent to a Match that was like to prove so unfortunate as this would be, if without Issue; and yet so much more unfortunate with it, in respect her Kingdom of England must by the same Obligation become subject to Spain, as she to him. Thirdly, That nothing could more conduce to the Establishing that Authority which had been so industriously abolished by her Father and Brother of blessed Memory, and conscientiously rejected by herself. Fourthly, That it could neither be satisfactory to herself or Subjects, to have such a King to her Husband, whose greatest Concerns being necessarily abroad, could neither regard her nor them, as he ought, much less as they desired. This Denial, though it seemed reasonable enough, yet King Philip inferring that she disliked his Person rather than his Proposal, very temperately recommended his Suit to his more youthful Kinsman, Charles Duke of Austria, second Son to the Emperor Ferdinand, who was Rivalled by Eric, eldest Son of Gustavus King of Sweden, as he by Adolph Duke of Holst, Uncle to Frederick III. King of Denmark: But neither of these being more successful than his most Catholic Majesty, the whole Parliament became Suitors to her to think of Posterity, and to eternize her Memory not so much by a Successor, like herself, as by one descended from herself. Which serious address she answered with a Jest, telling them she was married already: And showing them a Ring on her Finger, the same she had received at her Coronation, told them it was the Pledge of Love and Faith given her by her dear Spouse the Kingdom of England: which words she delivered with such an odd kind of Pleasantness, that all the Wise men amongst them thought she made Fools of them, and the Fools thought themselves made so much wiser by it, as to understand her meaning to be that she would not look abroad for a Husband, but take one of her own Subjects. Amongst the rest thus mistaken, was Leicester himself; who having the vanity to believe he might be the man, obstructed his own preferment, when he was proposed as a fitting Husband for the Queen of Scots.  
The Catholic King however he had been rejected, hoping that the Catholic Religion might find better acceptation, continued his Friendship a long time after his Courtship was ended, being so respectful to the Nation (not to say to the Queen herself) that he would make no accord with the French at the Treaty of Cambray, without the restoration of Calais to the English: But when he understood how far the Queen had proceeded in point of Reformation, how she had as resolutely refused to be the Pope's Daughter, as to be his Wife, how she had disallowed the Council of Trent, and set up a Synod of her own at London, he not only left her as slightly as she left him, but made such a Conclusion with the French, as gave her more cause of Jealousy, being not his Wife, than she could possibly have had if he had been her Husband. For marrying the Lady Isabel, eldest Daughter to that King, it was suspected that the two Crowns might thereupon unite against England, upon the account of the Queen of Scots her Claim; who being the Daulphins' Wife, and the next in Succession after Queen Elizabeth, or (as some will have it) in Right before her, as being the undoubted Heir of the Lady Margaret, eldest Daughter of Henry the Seventh, was therefore the only Person in the World to whom she could never be reconciled: holding herself obliged by the Impulse of Nature, Honour, and Religion, to oppose her (as after she did) to the death, wherein perhaps there was no less of Envy then Reason of State, being as much offended with her Perfections, as her Pretensions: For that t'other was a Lady that equalled her in all, surmounted her in some, and was inferior to her in no respects but Fortune only. This as it proved a Feud that puzzled that Age to unriddle the meaning of it, charging all the Misunderstanding betwixt them, upon the despite of Fate only (which to speak Impartially, was never more unkind, not to say unjust, all Circumstances of the Story considered, to any Sovereign Princess in the World, then to that poor Queen) so it was the wonder of this, till we saw by the no less fatal Example of that Queen's Grandson, our late Sovereign, how the best of Princes may fall under the power of the worst of men: For it was Flattery and Feminine Disdain questionless that first divided them beyond what the difference of Nation, Interest, or Religion could have done, which heightening their mutual Jealousies insensibly, engaged them before they were ware, in such a Game of Wit and Faction, as brought all that either had at last to stake, and made them so wary in their Play on both sides, that the Set ended not as long as the one lived, or the other reigned.  
The Queen of Scots had the advantage of Queen Elizabeth by the Kings in her Stock, the Kings of France and Spain being her secret Friends and Wellwishers; not to mention the nearer Obligations of her own Son, being then but young; and the Pope ever ready to pack the Cards for her as occasion served. The advantage Queen Elizabeth had, was by the Knaves in her hand, all the factious Demagogues of Scotland being at her Devotion, and so dependant on her Power, that their disloyalty stood her in better stead than the Loyalty of her own Subjects, whereof she made so good use, that her over-matched Rival being never able to fix their Obedience, much less recover their Affections, was fain to seek for help abroad. And after she became a Prisoner, finding none she could trust, was forced to attempt her Freedom singly, proceeding therein, for want of due intelligence, by such indirect ways and means, as proved very unprosperous; for the more she stirred the more she entangled herself, fastening the Bonds beyond all possibility of being shaken off again, which (had she sat still) might possibly have loosed of themselves. Neither could it prove otherwise, whiles she was neither able to take right measures of her Adversaries strength, nor of her own weakness; Queen Elizabeth having more Subjects than she knew of, for she had got the Ascendant of her Neighbours so far, that like her Father Henry, where she made not Kings, she gave them Laws. The Protestants, 'tis true, the only useful Party to her, were few in comparison of the Papists, who were all inclined to the other side. But the Security of Princes rests not so much in the number, as in the affections of their People of whom, whilst by extraordinary methods of Love, she testified herself to have so great a care, they made to her as extraordinary Returns of Loyalty: witness that voluntary Association (as 'twas called) which the Protestants so solemnly entered into, as soon as they found her imbarrased by the Queen of Scots Faction, binding themselves with mutual Oaths and Subscriptions to each other, to prosecute all those to death, who should attempt any thing against the Queen's life. This was it gave her that high repute, without which she could not have given that protection she did to those of other Countries, who afterward applied themselves to her as the only Defender of the Faith: for though it were no more than what they were before bound to do by their Oath of Allegiance, yet being a voluntary Recognition resulting out of the Sense they had of their own in her danger, it made such a noise in all Christendom, that all those who chose rather to change their Country then their Religion, cast themselves at her feet, and where they could not come to her, she sent to them: witness the aid she gave to the persecuted Protestants of France, when they were overwhelmed by the unholy Confederates of the Holy League (that had set up a Priest to make way for a Cardinal, by the Murder of a King, and by the Murder of many Thousands more, afterward made may to set up themselves) to whom, as she sent no ordinary supply of Men, so she gave so extraordinary a supply of Money, that Henry the Fourth himself was pleased to acknowledge, he never saw so much Gold together at any one time in his whole life before. More notable yet was that aid given to the distrested Protestants of the Netherlands, when Duke D'Alva falling on them with like Fury as Vespasian upon the Jews, put them in as great a fear of being drowned in a deluge of Blood, as they were but a little before of being overwhelmed by that of Water; who, when their Courage was sunk as low as their hopes, and that lay as low as their Country, for she put them into a Condition not only to defend their own Liberty, but to assert her Sovereignty, their gratitude prompting them to swear Allegiance to her, for that she had (as they said) an indubitable Title to those Provinces by Philippe, Wife of Edward the Third, who was one of the Daughters and Coheirs of Earl William the Third of Holland, a right precedent (as they alleged) to that of the King of Spain: But whether it were so that she rather approved the change of their Principles then of their Prince, or would have the World believe she rather favoured their Religion then their Rebellion; or judged it would be hard to make good what was so ill got, or was unwilling to do any thing that might give King Philip cause to question her Gratitude, no less than her Justice, or what other motives moderated her Ambition is not known: but so it was, that she laid aside for the present the consideration of her own Right, and to show she sincerely intended that Self-denial, she assisted the Spaniard with men at the same time she supplied the Dutch with Money, thereby giving those cause to extol her Generosity, whiles these magnified her Bounty; both alike desiring her Friendship, and admiring her Wisdom, whiles the one could not tell how she affected Peace, nor t'other how far she inclined to War.  
Thus she preserved herself by Arts as well as by Arms, which was the less easy for her to do, in respect of the many cross Designs that were then on foot in France, Spain, Germany, and Italy, in each of which she was deeply concerned; not to say in Scotland, which being on the same Continent, was under her Eye, as their Queen under her keeping. But the King of Spain finding that whatever was pretended overtly, she did underhand abet the Rebels of the Netherlands, he set his thoughts upon supporting the Rebels of Ireland; which how much she dreaded, appears by her ready acceptance of that feigned Submission of the Earl of Tyrone, the first that gave her trouble, and the last that repent him of it: But before he made any Rupture upon her, there happened a lucky hit, which contributed much to defraying the Charge she foresaw she must be at, whenever he broke the Peace made with her. A mighty Mass of Money, which King Philip had taken up from the Genoveses, and other Italian Merchants, to be sent by Sea to the Duke D'Alva, for carrying on that War of the Low-Countries, was driven into one of her Ports by a French Man of War, which she seizing to her own use, and justifying herself by necessity of State (the only reason for all unreasonable actions) thought it enough to give the Proprietors' Security for the Principal, without any consideration of Interest. This so incensed D'Alva, that he forthwith laid an Embargo upon all the English Merchants in the Low-Countries: She to requite that, did the like upon the Dutch Merchants here, upon which Letters of Mart were granted on both sides, and so that War began which she lived not to see and end of: For the King of Spain (as is said before) knowing the Irish to be naturally inclined to break out with the Itch of Rebellion, resolved to inflame their Blood with the hopes of a new Change, combining with Gregory the Thirteenth to reassume the Country into his hands, as one of the Kingdoms reputed parcel of St. Peter's Patrimony, and held of the Church (as he alleged) by the Kings of England, upon no other Condition but that of Fealty to the See of Rome, and therefore Forfeited by the Heresy of the Queen. His Holiness, who has been ever very captious of all Advantages of this kind, was easily prevailed with to bestow it upon his Natural Son the Marquis of Vincula; to whom one Stukely an Englishman, being therefore dignified with the Title of Marquis of Lempster, and Earl of Wexford, was appointed General, having Eight hundred Italians under his Command: Before whom was sent as a Vant-Currier, one Fitz-Morris, with a Consecrated Banner, two Priests, and three Ships. These dull Rebels were to join with those more active ones, the Earl of Desmond and his Brothers, and were to take Livery and Seisin till the rest could come upon the Place. But as was the Cause so was the Success: and sitter it was that he should meet with a Cross then a Crown, that being but Christ's Vicar, should be so ambitious of having a Kingdom in this World, when his Lord had none for himself. Stukely ended his life before he began his Rebellion; Fitz-Morris was betrayed by his Fellow-Traytors before his own Treachery could take any effect: San Joseph that succeeded him (one that was half Jew and half Italian) was glad to secure his own with the loss of all their Lives that were under him, whiles Desmond the Great Rebel was forced to yield to lower Conditions than any of them; and the two Priests that attended the holy Banner were starved upon the Mountains.  
But after these there started up yet several others; as the Mac Williams, since called the Burks, the Mac Connels in Connaught, the Mac Mahons and O Rorks in Monagan, the O Connors and O Mulloys in Ophaly, and some of the O Brian's and Cavenaghs in Lempster, who did what they could to raise Tumults, but so faintly, that we may rather call them Riots, than Rebellions, signifying no more to her, than the bitings of Fleas to a Lion. However, doubting how she might be pestered with more such Vermin in the heat of the Summer following, she took timely care to prevent the worst: and having Intelligence given her that they intended to dispute her Sovereignty at Sea, as they had done her Right by Land, she mustered up all her Naval Forces, determining to carry the War as far from home as possibly she could. These were commanded by the famous Drake, who resolving to fight them in the other World, as well as in this, advanced to the place where 'twas said the Golden Apples grew, where finding no Dragon to keep them, so fierce as himself, he made himself Master of as much Treasure as might have been a sufficient Found for a greater Empire then that he fought for, had either his Covetousness held any proportion with his Courage, or his Ambition with his Activity; for he brought home, besides what was embezzled and concealed, above two thousand pound weight of uncoyned Silver, and twelve Chests of ready coined, and no less than five hundred pound weight of Gold, besides Jewels of an inestimable value, having several Carcanets of Diamonds, Rubies, Topazes, Saphires, and Emeralds of an incredible Magnitude, issued Silks, and other rich Commodities of the growth and manufacture of the Country, being thought not worth the Portage. This added no less to the Fame, then to the Wealth of this great Queen, who being before compared to Solomon for her Wisdom, seemed now not unlike him for her Opulence. But not content with this single income of Glory, she commanded her Fortunate Admiral back again the second time, to brave them at Land as before at Sea; where, after having taken St. Jago, St. Domingo, and Cartagena, three of the most considerable Towns they had, he returned even surfeited with Victory, his Head being as giddy with new Contrivances, as his men's were with the Calenture, who, in the midst of all their Abundance, wanting health only, were forced to take leave of the place, being troubled that they could bring home no greater a booty, than what was esteemed at One hundred thousand pounds Sterling, and Two hundred and forty pieces of brass Cannon to report their Victory.  
But because this looked like wounding that King in the hinder parts only, she was not satisfied till she gave him one blow in the Face: and accordingly sent to defy him before his own Doors, entering his chief Port of Cales, in which they took and fired no less than One hundred Ships; and furnishing themselves with great store of Ammunition and Victuals, made for the Cape of St. Vincent, where having demolished the Forts, they passed on to the Assores, under the great Meridian, where they took a great Carack returning from the East-Indies, which having the name of St. Philip, it was by the Superstitious Seamen, looked on as an ominous Presage of the Future ill Fortune of their King Philip by Sea. Whilst Drake was thus active to the Southward, Candish was no less busy to the Westward, who having destroyed several Colonies in Chily, Peru, and Nova Hispania, returned home Laden with the Spoils of Nineteen rich Ships taken in his way.  
And now King Philip provoked no less by the shame, than the continued loss he had sustained for above two years together, with redoubled diligence and charge got ready a mighty Fleet, hoping to perform some wonders suitable to the Expectation of the Time, as well as of the Importance of the Affair, it being by Astronomers called The wonderful Year, and being the great Clymacterich of the World, they concluded it must produce some extraordinary Effects. Neither indeed was there any thing then in the World so extraordinary and amazing as the sight of that moving Wood of his, consisting of no less than One hundred and fifty tall Ships, which carried in them besides all Habiliments of War, Twenty thousand men, and expected Fifty thousand more to be joined with them, that the Duke of Parma was to bring out of Flanders: all which were to be Landed in the Thames mouth, that so by seizing on the Head, they might the more easily command every Member of the whole Body of the Kingdom.  
Well may we imagine that the report of such a Preparation as this (the work of no less than three years' time) was heard further than the noise of their Cannon could (though 'tis incredible how far they were heard;) and one would have thought the Sound of that terrible Name they gave their Fleet, El Invincible Armado, might have been sufficient to have made an universal Earthquake throughout Christendom: But it seems the Adamantine hearts of the Neighbour Princes were so impenetrable, that it did not much move them; for being satisfied in the Counterpoise of the Queen's Power, they stood at Gaze seemingly unconcerned. The Queen had prepared a double Guard, one for the Land, t'other for the Sea: that by Land was divided into two Armies, the one consisting of Two and twenty thousand Foot, and One thousand Horse, commanded by the Earl of Leicester, whose Post was at Tilbury: The other consisting of Four and twenty thousand Foot, and Two thousand Horse, which were the Guard of her Person, were Commanded by the Lord Hunsden; the Seaports being Garrisoned with Twenty thousand old Soldiers, who were seconded by the Trained Bands in the respective Counties where they lay. The Guard by Sea consisted of One hundred and forty Ships, divided into three Squadrons: The two first consisting of Fifty, each under the Lord Howard the Admiral, and Sir Francis Drake the Vice-Admiral, waited the coming of the Enemy in Plymouth Road: The last Squadron of Forty, Commanded by the Rere-Admiral the Lord Henry Seymour, second Son to the Duke of Somerset, road between Dunkirk and Callais, to prevent any Conjunction with the Prince of Parma. With this great Body she designed to show the World her Grandeur, but when she meant to show her Power, she made use but of Fifteen of them.  
Now as it happens oftentimes, that great Calms precede great Storms, so the Catholic King hoping to out-wit the Heretic Queen, a little before his great Fleet was ready to come forth, dissembling a passionate desire of Peace, pressed hard for a Treaty; but whilst he thought to deceive her, he was deceived by her: For she, to return the trick upon him, consented to the Proposal, and by the sending her Commissioners to Ostend, so possessed him of the supposed Advantage he had gotten by it, that its thought it made him appear a little sooner than he would; for before they could enter into the business, he was entered into the British Seas, and was no less shocked when he found her in readiness, than he expected she should have been if he had taken her unawares. This made them resolve rather to make a Chase fight, then lie by't, though they had the advantage of the Wind, their honour being preserved till they came to Callais, for that it was supposed all the haste they made away, tended only to the Conjunction with the Prince of Parma; but after they cut their Cables (having not the Courage to stay to weigh Anchor) and made all the Sail they could to fly from only eight Fireships, it then plainly appeared they neither understood their own Strength nor hers. But these Ships being the first of that kind that ever were seen, we may allow them to be The Wonder that gave Name to that wonderful Year.  
In this great Conflict were lost more than half of the Spanish Fleet, of the English only one Ship, and that of no great Consideration: so that 'twas believed, having sounded the danger of our Dark Seas, passing round by the North, they had taken their final Leave of England. However, the Queen was resolved not to leave them so, but after much mischief done them by several Privateers, whom she permitted to go forth upon their own Charge, she resolved to become herself the Aggressor, and repay to him the great dishonour of his Invasion; it being an Indignity not to be forgiven by Princes, because it cannot be forgotten by their People, who can never be discharged from the Fears they have of him who has once set upon them, till there be some Confront given, that may assure them their own Prince is not so weak, as the Enemy, by seeking him out, would have the World believe.  
The Fleet she set forth consisted of One hundred and fifty Sail, yet was not called the Invincible, though it proved so, being commanded by the Earl of Essex, as General at Land, and the Lord Howard, as General at Sea, who setting upon Cales the second time, took it, and in it, all the Wealth that may be imagined to be lodged in such a Storehouse as that is; and after having burned all the Ships they found there (for which they were offered Two Millions of Ducats if they would spare them) they spoiled the whole Island, and demolished all the Forts, and did, as 'tis thought, as much Damage as amounted to Twenty Millions of Ducats more: To requite which, the King of Spain rigged up another Navy, and manned it with Irish Runnagadoes, but either their Skill or their Courage failed them, at least the Winds did not so favour them, but that the Expedition came to nought.  
And now when all the Storms at Sea seemed to have been blown over and past, there risen a Cloud at Land which gave the Queen greater apprehensions of danger then ever she had before. The French King, who was joined with her in a League Offensive and Defensive against Spain, and had reaped this good Effect by it, to recover Amiens, which the Spaniard had surprised by the help of the English only, yielding to the Importunities of the Pope and his own People, made his Peace without her, who quitting his Religion at the same time he quit her Friendship, 'twas believed they would all join to set upon her at once. Hereupon there were great Debates in Council upon the point of her closing with the Spaniard, who seemed much to desire a Peace. Essex, the great Idol of the Swordmen, was for continuing the War; Burleigh, who was the great Patron of the Penmen, was for the Peace. And it seems they argued the matter so warmly, that being scarce able to keep Peace amongst themselves, 'twas not likely they should obtain it abroad: For Essex could not forbear unseemly Reflections upon the old man, nor he from retorting them back as sharply, who 'tis said (being more witty in his Anger) called for a Bible at the Table, and showing him that Verse in the Psalms, where 'tis said The bloody minded man shall not live out half his days, gave him grave warning by an ominous Presage of that which followed (for we know how shortly after he swelled and burst.) However the Queen moved with like Zeal to Religion, as Essex was with hatred to the Spaniard, inclined to his Opinion; whereupon Cecil submitted to her Judgement, but prayed to have the Question put first to the States of Holland her Confederates, Whether they would agree to her making Peace: and knowing it to be against their Interest so to do, he took the Advantage of their Refusal to demand an aid towards the carrying on of the War; out of whom, by that trick of State, he did her this good Service against her will, to screw Eight hundred thousand pounds, which being to be paid by Thirty thousand pounds yearly, for which the Queen had Cautionary Towns given as a Security, it looked so like a Tribute, that after their having offered her the Sovereignty (as they did) 'tis hard to prove it was not so.  
And now casting up the Account betwixt her and the Spaniard, who was her greatest, and not to say her only Enemy (for the Pope, however he bore no less hatred to her, yet being at that distance as he was, he could not come to close grapple with her, and as his quarrel was chief Spiritual, so his Machinations were for the most part invisible, proceeding by secret underhand Instigations of such Persons, as having not credit enough for raising War, had recourse only to such Clancular Contrivances and darker Treasons, which she easily enervated by the Spell of that Politic Motto of hers, VIDEO & TACEO, which she took up by the Example of her sage Grandfather Henry the Seventh, who though he was very wise, affected to seem wiser than he was, by pretending to more intelligence then really he had, whereby as he, so she left that impression upon their Gild who hated her, that many of them durst not attempt the betraying her, for fear of being betrayed themselves, and perhaps by themselves; as was that unfortunate Villain Squire, one of the Grooms of her Stable, who being tempted by an English Jesuit in Spain, to poison the Pommel of her Saddle, was by the Tempter himself, when he found it took not effect, discovered and accused, and confessing the Fact, executed for it) casting up the Account betwixt her and the Spaniard, it doth appear at the lowest rate set upon his Damages in contesting with her, that she consumed him no less than Five hundred Millions of Ducats, besides what he suffered by the Revolt of the United Provinces, which he had unquestionably reduced, had not she interposed with her Power to protect them, for which they paid her well at last. The only Requital he made her was by upholding the Irish Rebellion, which cost her not half the money she had of their Hogen-mogen-ships: for however she was induced to send over a greater Army than ever Ireland had seen before, when Oneil seized the Fort of Blackwater, and took his first and last Revenge upon the English there, to wit, Twenty thousand Foot, and One thousand three hundred Horse to reinforce the Governors there, after the Landing of the Spaniards under Don Aquila, yet she had a suitable Return in opening several Passages, till than altogether unknown to the English, whereby she found out convenient Situations for several Colonies, that have since Cultivated many thousands of (before unprofitable) Acres, and made Seats fit for men to dwell in, which till then were the Receptacles of Beasts only, or Men more Savage than they. So that what her great Enemy took from her Peace, he added to her Glory, who in despite of the Love and Hate of all those great Princes that courted or contemned her, died a Virgin and Unconquered; having this happiness by coming to the Crown so close after the Reign of her bustling Father, to be served by a race of choice Men, that having given him sufficient proof of their Loyalty, made themselves yet more valuable to her by their Experience, having by the Gravity and Grandeur of some of them, and by the Courage and Conduct of others, so well settled the Foundations of Government, that notwithstanding five several Changes in Religion, and the Interposition of a Woman, a Stranger, and a Child, they delivered up the Sceptre to her in Peace, and standing round the Throne, with like Constancy defended her, as she defended their Faith, which as it was not without great difficulty, so perhaps it had not been without an impossibility of Success, had she not strengthened the Reputation of their Authority by the Authority of her own Example.  
Quid Virtus, & quid Sapientia possit,  
Utile preposuit nobis Exemplar.    

THE SIXTH DYNASTY OF SCOTS.  

 Woodcut headpiece with a decorative pattern of archers and hunting dogs. OF SCOTS.  
THE Scots would be thought a Branch of the antique Scythian Stock, as well as all other cold Countries, and they have this colour above many others, that as their Ancestors are entitled to as ancient Barbarity as those of any other Nation whatever, so like those rude Scytheses, they have always been given to prey upon their Neighbours, and live without themselves, the very sound of their Name giving some semblable Testimony to the certainty of their Genealogy; for the Scythians were heretofore commonly called 
a Herodet. Melpoment.  Scolots, which by contraction (not to say corruption) might easily be turned into Scots: wherein possibly they do not more abuse themselves, than they are abused by him, who supposing them to have been anciently part of the Terra Incognita, would have the word Scoti to be quasi 
b i e. Obscu●i.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: I hope it was not Delos the Grecian, that came next into Ireland after Menethus the Scythian, that gave them that name. 'Tis true that few Authentic Authors (if any) make any mention of them (at least by this Name) before the Year of Christ 276: however Boys, Buchanan, and some others of their own Writers would support the credit of the black Book of Pashley, that derives their Kings from the Royal Line of Egypt by the surerside, 
It seems the High lands were never drowned.  boasting of the Conquest of Ireland 800 Years before the Flood, at what time they would be thought so famous a People, that 
c This Story is by Athenaeus cited out of Meschion.  Ptolomey Philadelph wrote to King Reuthen to be informed of their State, to whom Claud. Ptolomey was after beholding for that Information we find in his Geography.  
Whilst their own Archers shoot thus wide, that yet pretend themselves the true Descendants of the Scythians, who took their 
d Gorepius.  denomination from their Excellency in Archery, 'tis no marvel that Strangers came no nearer the Mark: Some thinking them a By-slip of the 
e Orosius.  Germans; others of the 
f Verstegan.  Scandians; some affirming them to be the Outcasts of some Mongrel 
g Nentus.  Spaniards, that were not permitted to live in Ireland; and others, yet fetching their Descent from the 
h Girald. Cambren.  Vandals, who being by divers Authors called Scytes, the broad-mouthed Northern People called Scots. And some there are, that with no small probability take them to be a Miscellany of all these Nations, driven by various Fortunes, at several times, into the Orcadeses and Hebrides, as the exiled Romans were heretofore into the desert Isles 
(i) Scyathus, Serephium, & G●●re.  of the Aegean-Sea, where life was held to be a civeller Punishment than Death: from whence, as their number increased, 'tis thought, they disburdened themselves into the upper part of Albania, now called the Highlands, where they lived obscurely, unknown indeed to all the World, but those of 
(k) Whence Ninn●us thinks they might originally come.  Ireland, who called them in scorn Gayothels, which was as much as to say, The 
(l) Flo●●●igus says they were compounded of divers Nations, as Spain, France, Britain, Ireland, and Norway.  mixed People; and as the Irish to this day call the Scotch Tongue Gaidelack, which signifies a Language gathered out of all Tongues. However, the Scotch Antiquaries would have the Name of Gayothel to be with Relation rather to their Descent from one Gayothel a noble Giant, who married Scota King Pharaoh's Daughter, not considering that this is to derive themselves from a Monster by the Father's side, and from a Gipsy on the Mother's side: But the name of Scot bearing the same signification with Gayothel, we may more reasonably conclude, it was first given them by the Saxons, either for the reason aforesaid, as the word 
(m) Scot illud dictum quod ex diversis rebus in unum Acervum aggregatum est. Camb. ex M. Westm.  Scot (like the word Alman with them) signified a Body aggregated out of many Particulars into one, or else by contraction of the word Attacot; for the High lander making their way into the Borders of the Low-lands inhabited by the Picts (who were the ancient Britain's beat out by the Romans) the Picts thereupon removed into the West, and left the East part of the Country entire to them, who since, which was near about Aurelian's time, or a little after, made themselves known to the Romans by the Name before mentioned of Attacots. The Picts and they made War upon each other for a long time, moved by want, as other Nations by wantonness; for the great Commodity they fought for was Bread, the want whereof brought them to accord a Cessation of Arms every Season during Seedtime, but the Corn being in ground they fought on till Harvest following after, which every Victor was known by his Garland of several sorts of Grain, as the Roman Conquerors by theirs of several sorts of Boughs: But when the Roman Empire began to decline, both of them united in one hope of recovering that part of the Isle which is since called England: And after the Romans totally quit it, they pressed so hard upon Vortigern the then Titular King, that he was forced, the Romans having denied him further assistance, to call in the Saxons to his aid, who finding them then called by the Name of Attacots, after their usual manner of abbreviation they termed them Scots.  
The first of all their Kings, at least the first worthy that Title, that broke over the great Clausura or Mound, then called the 
* By the Romans named the Picts-Wall.  Wiath, was one Fergus, Surnamed the Fierce, a Prince descended from the ancient Kings of Ireland (for I take the first Fergus and his One hundred thirty seven Successors to be at too great a distance to have their height truly taken) who not enduring that his Territories should be bounded, when his Ambition could not, that broke in like a Land-flood, and overrun all the adjacent Countries, making his Name so terrible, that the Romans themselves imputing that to his Fortune, which any other Nation would have ascribed to his Fortitude, made an honourable retreat, and left the poor Britain's to defend themselves, who doubtless had been overrun by him, had not the Picts, emulous of his Glory, interrupted his Successes, by whose vicinity both he and his Successors were so much straightened, that they could not much enlarge their Territories till the Reign of Keneth the First, a wise Prince, who reducing that Kingdom under him, not so much by Puissance as Policy, made that the middle which was before but the bounds of his Dominions; deserving therefore to be esteemed tanquam alter Conditor. About Sixty years after him, another of the same Name, tenth in descent from him; raised the Throne a step higher, having got as great a Conquest over the People, as the other did over the Picts, by turning the Optimacy into a direct Monarchy; for he made the Succession Hereditary, that till then was but Elective: The fittest and ablest (saith Buchanan) being till that time preferred before the nearest or noblest; since which time the eldest Son of the King of Scots hath been always styled the Prince of Scots. This King however gained not so much upon the Nobility, in point of Majesty, but that they gained much more upon his Successors in point of Power; so that their Superiority was scarce so distinguishable for a long time from a bare Precedency, but that they might rather be called Regnantes than Reges, so long as the Thanage lasted, who being a kind of Palatines, exercised an absolute Power over their particular Tenants and Vassals cum Jure Furci.  
Thus they continued, as it were under their good behaviour, absolute Princes, but bounded with many Restrictions, till the time of James the Fourth, whose Predecessors having cleared their Title from all Encumbrances by Competitors, leaving him sole Heir of the People's Affections, as well as of his Predecessors Glory, he married the Lady Margaret, eldest Daughter, and at length Heir to our Henry the Seventh, by which Match their Thistle being engrafted into our Rose, mended both its colour and smell: And their Kings, that had been a kind of Homagers to ours, from the beginning almost of their Monarchy, became as it were manumitted, by the expectation of their Title Paramount and by the possibility of being Lords of the Imperial Crown of this Realm: The premier Seizen of which happiness, after the death of Queen Elizabeth without Issue, was in James the Sixth, who Surnamed himself the Peaceable, to let the World know he came not in by Conquest, but Consent; having this honour above all that were before him, and probably beyond what any shall have that come after him, his way was made before him, not by any humane power, but by Divine Providence, long since revealed by a written Prophecy ingraved, though not understood, in that fatal Stone which is placed within the Regal Chair, where the Kings of Scots anciently, and ours since, have been crowned, brought by them out of Ireland in the first place, and by our King Edward the First, translated hither afterwards, whose words, now they are fulfilled, seem plain enough: 
Ni fallat fatum, Scoti quocunque locatum  
Invenient Lapidem, regnare tenentur ibidem.   
This by the Ancients was called Saxum Jacobi, as for that (as Tradition had delivered it) they believed this to be the Stone on which the Patriarch Jacob rested his Head: But we of later times have found it to be Saxum Jacobi, with relation to him who was to take up his rest here, who being by a Decree from Heaven declared Head of this Nation, may not improperly be called our Patriarch Jacob, the first King of that People that ever was crowned in this Kingdom; by whom the Scots may be said to Reign here, according to another Prophecy as ancient as the former, recorded by Higden in his Polichronicon, and evidently fulfilled at his coming in, when he transplanted so many of his Countrymen into our fat Soil, that they grew up (like Weeds) to that degree of rankness, as in the Age following to choke the best Flowers in our Garden; and taking advantage of us when we were drunk with Prosperity, brought us like drunken men to quarrel one with another, for what (since we came to ourselves) we cannot find, or are at least ashamed to tell; having by the corrupted Principles we first received from them, engaged ourselves in so groundless a War, that after Ages will not believe so unreasonable a Story, or not be able to write it so plainly, as that it may be intelligible: How a King was made a Subject to his Vassals, and how they were made Slaves to one another: How every man, who had any honesty was afraid, and every one who had any honour, ashamed to own it: How they that had any Reason were forced to deny or disguise it, lest their Wisdom should bring them under Suspect, and that Suspect under Condemnation, whiles Loyalty was the only proper Subject for a Tragedy, and Religion for a Farce: God with us being set up against Dieu & mon Droit: For all which we have no excuse to give to Posterity, but must disclaim with the Poet, and say to each Reader, 
Desit in hac tibi parte Fides, nec credite Factum.  

Ovid. Metam.  Vel si credatis, facti quoque Credite poenam.   
But we have this to attenuate our dishonour, if the condemning them can any whit excuse us, that the Scots were not disunited from us in point of Shame, more than in point of Gild, who having the impudence to make their King their Prisoner, sold him back to their Brethren of the Covenant here, at a dearer rate than the Jews paid for Christ, or then possibly those here would have given for him, had they not thought it the price of their own Freedom rather than his. But as the buyers found themselves not long after miserably disappointed by the Regicides, who took the Quarry from them, so those that sold him to them, lived to see themselves sold at a lower rate than he was, and bought by those who bought him of them: The Genius of the whole Nation of Scotland feeling a just reverberation of Divine Vengeance, in being rendered afterward no Kingdom, I might say no People (if we consider the Akephalisis that followed) but a miserable subjected Province to the Republicans of England, without any hope of Redemption, but what they must expect from the free grace of his Son, against whom they had thus sinned. And however they have since recovered something of their ancient Glory, by the Merits of some great Persons amongst them, eminent for their Loyalty, but more particularly by the merits of the brave Montross, whose incomparable Example alone is enough to buoy up the dishonour of their lost Nation, as being more lasting; yet 'tis to be feared they, as well as we, yet suffer so much in their reputation abroad, that the very Pagan Princes of the other part of the World, how remote soever, have been alarmed at the report of so unpresidented an Impiety, and accounting themselves therefore more secure in the F●ith of their Brutish Subjects, than our King can be in ours, rejoice at the happiness of having no Commerce with us, exalting himself in the words of the Poet: 

Ovid. Metam.  Si tamen admissum sinit hoc Natura videri,  
Gratulor huic terrae, quod abest Regionibus illis,  
Quae tantum fecêre nefas—    

THE ORDER AND SUCCESSION OF THEIR KINGS.  
I. 
date of accession 1603 JAMES the Sixth of Scotland, and first of England, being after the death of Queen Elizabeth (the last of the direct Line) the next Heir, as only Son of Mary Queen of Scots, sole Daughter and Heir of James the Fifth, Son and Heir of James the Fourth, by Margaret eldest Daughter of Henry the Seventh of England, was on S. James 's day, 1603. Crowned King of Great Britain; and Prince Henry his eldest Son dying before him, the Crown descended to his second Son  II. 
date of accession 1627. CHARLES the First, a Prince who deserving the best of any other, was the worst used by his People that ever any King was, but Heaven has been pleased to recompense him for the indignities he suffered here on earth, by compelling all those who would not allow him the honour of a KING, whiles he was alive, to reverence him as a PROPHET, being dead; themselves being made the instruments in the accomplishment of his dying Prediction, That God would at last restore his Son  III. 
date of accession 1648 CHARLES the Second, our present Sovereign, who (blessed be Divine Providence for it) after twelve years' rejection by those Sons of Zerviah that were too hard for him, was brought back triumphant, and placed upon the Throne by an invisible hand, which having now recorded hu right as it were with the Beams of the Sun, unworthy are they of that light, who do not willingly submit to him; being (as he is) the undoubted Heir to his Father's Virtues, as well as to his Kingdoms.   
HONI · SOIT · QVI · MAL · Y · PENSE  
DIEV ET MON DROIT   coat of arms of King James I: quarterly, in the first and fourth quarters the arms of France and England quartered, in the second, or a lion rampant in a double tresure flory gules, in the the third azure a harp or, stringed argent; supporters, dexter a lion or crowned, sinister a unicorn argent armed, unglued, craned, and gorged with a royal coronet or, having a chain affixed thereto and reflexed over the back all or. 
Now if it be one of the most desirable points of happiness (because the most durable) to have such Subjects as wish no other Sovereign but himself, as himself desired no other Subjects but those he had; so we may believe he had a large share of Joy with the People, and possibly more transcendent, than most men conceived, in respect of the Reflections he could not but make upon his past Troubles, which in some sort may be said to have taken their beginning, even before he took his; there being such a Sympathy in Nature, that he could not but have some Convulsion fits in his Mother's Womb, at the time when that unhappy Prince received his death, to whom he was indebted for his life; especially since the same men, by the same Principle they were moved to deprive him of a Father, were obliged to deprive him of his Sovereignty, as after they attempted to do, when they disputed his Right of Succession. Thus far he suffered being yet unborn.  
Now being born, he seemed to be in no less danger in his Cradle, than that great Legislator of the Jews was, at the same Age, in his Bulrush Ark, being tossed and tumbled by the agitation of several swelling Factions, as t'other by the motion of the troubled Waters, whilst they that made away his Father, began with no less Audacity to fall upon his Mother: and as they strangled the King first, and then blew up the House afterward, so now they restrained the Queen under so straight a Confinement, that she could scarce breathe, and blew up her Power (which we may call her Castle) by a train of Popularity, to which Buchanan gave Fire by that Invective he wrote against the Monarchy of that Kingdom, entitled, De Jure Regni apud Scotos: wherein, as much as in him lay, he subjected Kingship to be trampled underfoot by the Beasts of the People; affirming that they had the Right to create or depose their Princes as they pleased: And accordingly they compelled his Mother to resign into their hands the Crown she had received in her Cradle, to be given to him that was now lying in his. Thus far he suffered being yet uncrowned.  
Five days after his Mother's Resignation he was Crowned and Anointed, and being but thirteen Months old, was acknowledged King by the Name of James the Sixth. But at very same time they agnized his Right, they admitted a Protestation for saving the Right of another James, to wit, the Duke of Chasteau Herald, who it seems had some Pretensions, in Right of his Great-Grandmother, the Daughter and Heir of James the Second. So that this was as yet but to make him a King in Name and show, whilst he must continue under the Pupilage of Ambitious Regent's, that designed rather to give Laws to him, then advise him how to give Laws to others. 'Tis true, whilst he was under the care of those two Patriots of known Honour and Loyalty, his Grandfather Matthew Earl of Lenox, and the old Earl of Marre; the one his Governor by the right of Nature, t'other by that of Custom, he had some Satisfaction, though no Security (for how could they be able to protect him, that were not able to defend themselves, the first of them being murdered, the last heart-broke by the insupportable Troubles he met with in his short breathed Regency.) But how melancholy a life he lead under his next Regent the Earl of Morton, who, under pretence of keeping all Papists and Factious Persons from him, suffered him to see almost no body, appears by that strict Order of his, by which every Earl was forbid to approach his Presence with any more than two attending him, every Baron with any above one, and all of lesser Quality were not to come but single. Upon this, 'tis true, the offended Nobility (to affront Morton) declared him Major, and made some show of leaving him to his own dispose, but in respect he was but twelve years old, they thought fit to appoint him eleven Lords more to be assistant in Council to him, three and three by turns, which in effect was to put twelve Regent's over him instead of one, which was designed by some that intended their own advancement more than his. Thus he suffered during the Nonage of his years: How he suffered further during the Nonage of his Power, will appear in the Sequel.  
For Morton, notwithstanding the Prescript Form of Government, drew to himself (being one of the twelve) the Administration of all Affairs, and keeping the Power still within his own hands, as the King within his own Power, admitted none to see or speak with him but whom he thought fit; whereby he was now brought to lose his Liberty wholly, because t'other had loss his Authority in part only. This Tyranny held till the Lords headed by the Earl of Athole, freed him by force of Arms: After which, believing himself clearly manumitted out of his Pupillage, to show himself accountable to none but himself, he began to single out such Friends for his Confidents, as by nearness of Blood, or the nobleness of their Natures, he judged most worthy to be trusted. Two there were above the rest, on whom he seemed to cast a disproportionate Grace; these were Esme Lord Aubigny, Grandson of the Lord John Stuart, his Grandfathers younger Brother (whom he created first Earl, and after Duke of Lenox) and Charles Earl of Arran, who being a Hamilton, was his near Kinsman too: but both of them being suspected to be of the French Faction, it gave fresh occasion of offence to the chief of the Factions there, and no less umbrage to the jealous Queen here, who knew the former of the two to be much honoured by the Guises. This new conceived Envy heightened the old Rancour of the mutinous Nobility, and made them have recourse to the same Remedy for prevention of the same Mischief as before; whereunto there being a fair opportunity given by the absence of these Lords (the one being in a Journey, t'other at Edinburgh) the Earl of Gowry, with whom confederated the young Earl of Marre, and the Earl of Lindsey, finding the King alone at St. Johnstons', invited him over to his Castle of Reuthen. As soon as they had him there they made him Prisoner, and accusing the two Lords as Enemies to the Protestant Religion, having first put all his trusty Servants from him, they forced him by an Instrument under his Hand and Seal, to banish the Lord Aubigny, and to imprison the Lord Arran; and which was yet more insupportable, compelled him to approve all that they did by Letters to Queen Elizabeth. But it was not long ere the death of the Duke of Lenox in France (who, 'tis said, however died a Protestant) made the Conspirators so secure in the possession of him, that he found the means to make his escape from them: And recovering himself now the second time, as one that once more became Lord of himself, he recalled his trusty Councillor the Lord Arran, by whose advice he was guided in all his Concerns. This so provoked Gowry beyond all patience, that in defiance of all Reason as well as of all Right, he made a second attempt upon him: But as those who are forewarned are forearmed, so the King having an eye upon him, defeated his purpose, and made him what he should himself have been made by him, a Prisoner at Mercy, whilst his Complices escaped into England, to seek Protection from Q. Elizabeth: Who hoping to have prevented Gowry's Sentence, dispatched away her Secretary Walsingham to the King, to admonish him to take heed how he was led away by evil Counsellors, and to show him how difficult a thing it was to distinguish betwixt good and bad Counsel, at his Age, being then but eighteen years old: to which the King returned a sudden, not to say a sharp Answer, That he was an absolute Prince, and would not that others should appoint him Counsellors whom he liked not. Wherewith the testy Queen was so offended, that she set her Terriers upon Encouraging the factious Ministry (whereof there was good store there, and those fit Tools for her purpose) to say those things which became not her to own, who clamoring upon his Government, and raising many slanders upon Himself and Council, tending to the making them Popishly affected, were thereupon cited to Answer for their Seditious Practices: But they refused to appear, avowing that the Pulpit was exempt from all Regal Authority, and that no Ecclesiastical Persons were accomptible for what they preached, to any but to God and their Consistory. In the mean time the Queen followed the blow, and furnishing the proscribed Lords with Money, secretly dismissed them home: Who as soon as they returned, upon the Credit of declaring for the Confirmation of the Truth of the Gospel, for freeing the King from evil Counsellors, and maintaining Amity with the Protestant Interest of England, raised Eight thousand men in an Instant, with whom they marched up directly to Court, and so far surprised the King, that he was forced to render himself▪ to them, and to engage to give up to their Mercy all their Adversaries, and who they were, was left to their own liberty to declare: Next, he was compelled to put into their hands the four Keys of the Kingdom, Dumbritton, Edinburgh, Tantallon, and Sterling Castles. After which Glames, one of the principal Rebels, was made Captain of his Guard: All persons outlawed for Treason had their Utlaries reversed: all the bad Subjects were declared good, and some of the best declared Traitors. A Treaty of Peace was concluded with England, upon Conditions that the Queen-Mother should never be released, and in order to the bringing on her Trial, as after it fell out: which Trial of the Mother proved yet a greater trial to the King her Son, who having before lost his Father and Grandfather by a dismal Fate (both privately murdered) was much more abashed to appear so much a King, and no King, as to be a helpless Spectator now of his Mother's Tragedy, made away by such a public Trial, as seemed to proclaim his weakness and shame, more than her guilt. This seemed to be the very dregs of that bitter Cup whereof he had drank so largely a little before, but being, as he hoped, the last draught he was to take of Infelicity, he bore it with suitable patience, as became a Christian and a King: But his Destinies decreed that there must yet be one Throw more before the Birth of his Greatness. For however his Majesty cleared up from the time of his Mother's departure, like the Sun after a stormy Morning, which becomes brighter and brighter, as it draws nearer its Meridian, yet there happened after all this an Eclipse, that lasting only half an hour, had like to have extinguished all his Light and Glory, if a Hand from Heaven had not rescued him. For the young Gowry, who at the time of his Father's death, and long after, continued in Italy (the Country where they are learned in the Art of Revenge) having found an opportunity to draw him again into that fatal Castle, where he was before Prisoner to his Father, under pretence of showing him some Chemical Rarities, got him up into some higher Rooms, whiles his Servants were retired to eat (it being presently after he had dined himself) where, by the help of his younger Brother and another appointed to assist them, they intended to have assassinated him, had not he that was to do the horrid Deed, not only relented at the very instant when he drew his Sword upon him, but turned his point upon his Fellow Regicide, and thereby gave him time to step to a Window and call for help, which came so timely to him, as to rescue him by the death of the two Gowrys. This, though it was the last of Treasons, was not yet the last of dangers he met with: For after this, moved by what Obligations, besides that of Love, I know not (which commonly is not so domineering a Passion over Princes as private men) he run as much danger at Sea, as he had before at Land, exposing himself to the mercy of that unruly Element, at the most dangerous Season of the year, to fetch over his Queen, the Daughter of Frederick II. King of Denmark, who having attempted several times to come to him, was driven back (and as 'tis said by the power of Sorcery) into Norwey; which hazard being afterward recompensed by the satisfaction he had in the Virtue of his Wife, and the hopes conceived of the Children he had by her, two Sons and a Daughter, as he had no further cause to Fear, so he had nothing further to wish, but that lucky hit that came by the death of the late Queen Elizabeth, to have the Glory of bringing this Isle, so long divided from all the World, to be at Unity within itself.  
And now to the end he might take the Inclinations of the People at the first bound (wherein no man was ever more skilful than he) he abrogated the two names of Distinction, England and Scotland, and reconciled them to each other, under the comprehensive Appeliation of Great Britain, restoring England to its old Name, as he from whom he claimed, had restored the Crown to its ancient stock. Fain he would have brought them under the unity of the same Laws, but finding neither Nation pleased with the Proposal, either being partial to their own Constitutions, as fitted with due and different respects, to their different Tempers, Interests, and Proprieties, he quitted that Design as a Labour of too hard digestion. But however the Reasons of State varied, he was resolved to reconcile the Polity of the two Churches, as in an Union of Possession, so in an Uniformity of Government and Worship: Those of his own Country having then no other Form, but that imposed upon them by Boanerges Fox, without taking Counsel of Prince or Prelate, which was not otherwise to be made good, but by the same Violence with which it was at the first introduced against the Will of any of the Nobility, but such whose Ancestors were bribed by the Alienation of the Church Lands. But before he could impose any thing upon them, understanding there were many here in England that followed that Classical way, he resolved to have a free Conference with the ablest of their Demagogues, to the end, that sounding the depth of their Principles, he might, if possible, fathom that of their Piety, which no man could better do then himself, being an universal Scholar, as well read in Men as Books, and so transcendently versed in the last, that he was not improperly styled Rex Platonicus. How confident he was of his skill in discussing all points Theological, appears by his entering the List with Pope Pius the Fourth, and making him give ground. Neither was he a little provoked to this Spiritual Warfare by a clamorous Petition pretended from a thousand dissatisfied Ministers, who not having yet matter enough of just Complaint, made up the Cry by the number of Complainants. To whom, while he was considering what Answer to give, or rather how to make them answer themselves (as after he did, by taking each of them apart, and commanding him to set down in Writing, what it was he singly desired; which when compared altogether, proved so contradictory and absurd, that like men brought to cudgel one another in the dark, they withdrew with broken Pates) he was interrupted by the Discovery of a Treason, which (coming on so early in the Dawn of his Government) could not well be discovered what it was, nor whereto it tended. For whereas most other Conspiracies are hatched by men of the same Faction, Interest, and Judgement, this strangely involved People of all sorts and conditions, without respect to any Repugnancy of Quality or Concern; Priests and Laymen, Papists and Puritans, Noblemen and Ignoble, Citizens and Countrymen, were all pieced up together in the same Combination; but whether engaged by Faction, Ambition, Covetousness, or Malice, was not known, or at least by the King's Wisdom concealed: However by the well-known Names of the Principal Conspirators, the Lord Cobham, who was Lord-Warden of the Cinque Ports, the Lord Grace of Wilton, who had a great Post in the late Queen's Government, Sir Walter Raleigh Lord-Warden of the Stanneries, Sir John Fortescue Chancellor of the Exchequer, Sir Griffith Markham, Sir Edward Parham, and several others, all men of good Families, and of as good Education, one would have thought it a soberer and deeper design than it proved to be. Some think their intention was to have seized on the Persons of the King and Queen, and their Children, and so to have made Conditions with him for the Kingdom in general, and perhaps for themselves in particular; being persuaded by some cunning Casuist amongst them, That it could be no Treason, being entered into before the King was Crowned and Anointed. And in case they could not bring the King to their terms, 'twas said they resolved to set up the Title of the Lady Arabella, as the next presumptive Heir to the Crown, being sole Daughter of Charles Earl of Lenox, younger Brother to the King's Grandfather, whom the King, when her Father died, put besides that Title (as by Custom of Scotland he might, being a Donation during his Minority) to give it to his Cousin Esme Lord Aubigny, the Heir Male of the Lord John, the other younger Brother. Now that which gave colour to this unreasonable Conjecture of setting up this Lady, was the particular respect Sir Walter Raleigh professed to her: but if his enmity to Spain had not been a more unpardonable sin then his amity with her, the Charge Count Gundamore brought against him could not have been so much more pressing upon him, than the Attorney Generals upon his Fellows, to make his much Merit no less criminal than their much Gild: and which was more unlucky, to render him a greater Sufferer by the King's Mercy, then divers of them were by his Justice; who, having freed him after Condemnation, was prevailed with by the Spaniard to condemn him after that freedom, contrary to the opinion of divers learned Gownsmen, who held that his Majesty's Pardon lay inclusively in that Commission he gave him afterward upon his setting out to Sea; it being incongruous that he should have had the disposing of the lives of others, who was not clearly Master of his own. But herein those that were his particular Friends and Relations, were not more surprised than all the World beside: For as they expected to have been indebted to his Sword for bringing home more Gold than would have paid the price of his forfeited Head, so every Body e●se hoped to have been no less indebted to his Pen for finishing that most excellent Piece of his, The History of the Old World, which ended as untimely as himself, by attempting a Discovery of The new One.  
Now as this Plot seems to have been as dark as the place itself where it was first hatched, so it was made yet darker by the wisdom of the King, who kept the Cause unknown, to the intent it might have no Seconds: However, some have concluded from the appointment of that Conference of Divines, which happened not long after at Hampton-Court, that whatever Reasons of State topped the Plot, Religion lay at the bottom of it, which being at all times a sure foundation for any treasonable practices, was at this time so much more seasonably pretended, by how much the King being as yet a stranger and unsettled, not knowing whom to suspect, much less whom to trust, would necessarily be distracted with various apprehensions, and not think himself secure in the Glory of being Defender of the Kingdom, till he appeared to be The True Defender of the Faith here in England, as well as Defender of the True Faith (for so run his Title) in Scotland. Neither were they deceived that took this measure of his Zeal or Fears; it being well known that he was as ambitious to show the first, as other Princes were careful to conceal the last. Witness the pleasure he took in wrestling (as I said before) with Pope Pius the Fourth, not as Jacob wrestled with the Angel to obtain his Blessing, but as he contested with Esau, to show how little he regarded his Cursing. After which he entered the List to grapple with that more dreadful Monster the Presbyter, who professing to hate the pomp of Superstition, disdained to give Obedience to any kind of Order in the Church; being like the Chymara which the 
* Vid. Ovid. Metam. lib. 6.  Poets feigned to have breathed out fire, having the head and breast of a Lion (a bold voracious Creature but very dull) with the belly of a Goat, and therefore much followed by the Female Sex, and the tail of a Dragon to sting the Consciences of those that follow him, and make them spiritually mad. Betwixt him and the Pope, finding Religion to be placed, as his own Arms were betwixt the Lion and the Unicorn, who trampled under their feet his Beati Pacifici, with as much scorn as they have since Di●u & Mon Droit: He thereupon deferred the matter no longer, but calling before him the ablest of those that took upon them to oppose the Monarchy of the Church, he resolved to preside himself in the Controversy betwixt them and the Bishops. He that was the Prolocutor of the Non-conformists, happening to be a man worthy a better employment than that Religious Drudgery they had engaged him in, was so modest (notwithstanding it was his business to oppose all Formality) as to offer nothing that was altogether void of Form, beginning with a General Discourse of the Necessity of a thorough Reformation, he brought the Desires of his dissatisfied Brethren under four Heads, beseeching his Majesty that there might be, 1. An establishment of true Doctrine in the Church; as if that received from Christ and his Apostles had not been as yet sufficiently cleared. 2. That there might be a settlement of true and faithful Pastors; meaning men of known simplicity and plainness, and if not Fishermen (as were the Apostles) yet of any other Trade or Occupation. 3. That there might be a sincere Administration in point of Government; meaning that the Presbyter might he joined in Commission with the Bishop (as Calves-head and Bacon are better meat together then either of them alone) that by his letting in as many at the back door as the Bishop did at the fore door, great might be the multitude of Preachers. 4. That the Book of Common Prayer might be fitted to a more increase of Piety; by lengthening the Prayers (which as one of the Fraternity, and doubtless a Tailor, objected, were like short shreds, or ends of threads, that were too quickly wrought off) and spiritualizing them with some less intelligible Phrases, to prevent praying by rote. These Proposals of his being enforced by a not unlearned Discourse, however more like an Orator than a Divine, he concluded with sundry Objections: 1. Against Confirmation, as being altogether needless and unnecessary, because it added nothing (as he said) to the Validity and Sufficiency of the Sacrament. To which Answer was given, That the Church held it no essential part of the Sacrament, but judged it a thing most reasonable, that Children, who at their Baptism had made Profession of their Faith by others, should so soon as they came to years of understanding, do it by themselves before the Bishop. 2. They deemed it most laudable, as being warranted by the practice of the Primitive Church, from the very Apostles time. Lastly, they judged it necessary that the Children should receive Benediction by the Imposition of Hands, after the Example of 
† Matt. 19.13:  Christ himself. This Answer being so solid, that it could not well admit of any Reply, he very dexterously grafted a Desire upon it, That every private Pastor might Confirm as well as the Bishop: But Doctor Andrews challenging him to show where ever it was done by any but Bishops, he lost the Point for want of ready proof. After this he objected in the second place against Absolution, as savouring too much of Popery. To which was answered, That the Commission of Pardoning Sins was originally given by Christ himself, and allowed of by the Church of England upon no other but Gospel Terms of sincere Repentance and amendment of Life, which differenced it sufficiently from the Pope's Pardons and Indulgences granted upon far other and easier respects; and being agreeable to the practice of other Reformed Churches, particularly that of Geneva (the pattern which they themselves desired to follow) it was thought not only immodest and inconvenient, but scarcely justifiable before God or Man to condemn the practice of it. Which Answer, how it satisfied him at that present time I know not, but I have been credibly informed, that when he was upon the point of Death, he earnestly desired the Absolution of a Reverend Divine that came to pray with him, and taking his hands between his own, kissed them with all imaginary show of Devotion and Humility. The third Objection was against the use of the Cross in Baptism; but it appearing to have been used in Constantine's time, and proved out of several of the Fathers to have been used in Immortali Lavacro (by which either side understood Baptism) the King judged it Antiquity enough to justify the continuance of it still: Upon which, waving any further Objection to the Antiquity, he urged the scandal of it, for that it had been Superstitiously abused (as he said) in the time of Popery: to which the King himself gave Answer, That it should be used no otherwise then as it was before the time of that abuse, the Antiquity thereof being employed in their own Objection. Hereupon one of the out-lying Objectors sallied forth impertinently enough, and desired to know how far an Ordinance of the Church was binding without Impeachment of Christian Liberty: Whom immediately the King took off with a sharp Reply, telling him, That as the Church taught him Faith, he would teach him Obedience. Many other Objections there were against the 4. use of the Surplice; 5. The Ring in Marriage; 6. The Ordination by Bishops; 7. Baptising by Women; 8. Predestination; 9 The Oath ex Officio; 10. The High Commission Court, etc. to all which the King himself gave Answers so like a Prince in respect of Authority, and yet so like a Priest in point of Divinity, that not knowing whether they less understood him, or themselves, as men at once ashamed, afraid, and confounded, they begged to be dismissed, and promised to Conform for the Future, now they knew it to be his Will to have it so.  
However, there were some Gainsayers that risen up afterwards, taking upon them to speak evil of the things they understood not, men of perverse spirits, puffed up with pride, rather than pricked in Conscience, who found out an Engineer fi● for their purpose, a filthy Dreamer, more impudent than can be imagined (however he was by his Profession a Physician of Bodies, and not of Souls) took upon him to preach in his sleep: whose Story is not altogether unpleasant or impertinent, having rendered himself so famous by his counterfeit Trances, that the King himself, curious to find out the cheer, had a desire to hear him. His manner was after having passed through a Rhapsody of Prayers, to take some apt Text for his purpose, to inveigh against Pope, Prince, and Prelate, which he did so smartly, and yet so methodically, that the King clearly perceived he was awake, although being called, stirred, or pulled, he would make no show of having any sense of hearing or feeling: Whereupon he commanded every Body out of the Room saving two or three persons only, to whom (drawing near the Bed where the Fellow lay seemingly asleep) he said, I well perceive this Fellow is an irreconcilable Enemy to Church and State, and I believe it is the Devil speaks in him whilst he sleeps; now because I know not what effects his preaching may have amongst the ignorant Rabble, I command you (making secret Signs to them that he was not in earnest) to strangle him with the pillows before he awake, which (said he) cannot be perceived to be other than a natural Death; and I think myself the rather obliged to take away his life, that I may not be forced to take away the lives of many innocent persons who will be seduced by his Doctrines: Therefore as soon as I am withdrawn into the next Room, be sure you stifle him immediately. The Fellow surprised with the apprehension of this unexpected Judgement so near execution, imagining it might be too late to call for Mercy when the King was gone away, risen up, and pitching upon his knees, confessed his Imposture, begging his Majesty's pardon. Whose Wisdom by this Discovery was magnified to that degree, that all men looked on him as another Solomon in point of Kingcraft; and had his bodily abilities born any proportion to those of his mind, doubtless the Women would have extolled him no less than the men.  
Having now settled all things to his mind in the Church of England, he proceeded in the next place to the Reformation of the Kirk of Scotland, whither he sent divers grave and learned Divines upon an Apostolic Embassy, to prepare the way for the establishment of a like Hierarchy there as here. Which Work proved so successful, that without any great Dispute they admitted as many Bishops as there had been ancient Sees in that Church, i. e. Thirteen; of which number there were three that received their Consecration from the Archbishop of York, who was, it seems, accounted and obeyed as Metropolitan of that Kingdom till the Year 1478. all the rest being Consecrated at home by their own Prelates, whose Authority was not long after confirmed both by Synodical Acts, and Acts of Parliament. After which the Liturgy, and certain Books of Canons, extracted out of scattered Acts of their old Assemblies were likewise ratified and confirmed by Parliament: And at the Assembly of Perth (now called St. Johnstown) there passed two years after (though not without great difficulty) those five notable Articles for 1. Episcopal Confirmation, 2. Kneeling at the Communion, 3. Private Baptism, 4. the Celebration of the four great Anniversary Feasts of the Birth, Passion, and Resurrection of our Saviour, and the Pentecost, and 5. for the settling the Church Habits. All which were likewise confirmed by Act of Parliament, the great Lords having as yet heard nothing of any Commission of Surrendries, which was that great Rock of Offence against which his Successor King Charles the First did so unluckily dash himself to pieces.  
Due care being thus taken for Establishment of Truth and Order in the Church, the next great Work was to establish quiet in the State, that Righteousness and Peace might kiss each other, which he judged to be a consideration not less necessary than prudent: the active Government of his Predecessor Queen Elizabeth, who led all the brave men in her time to hard duty, having tired out almost a l the stirring Spirits of the Nation. However, though it did ease, it did not generally please the People, the humour of Fight being not so wholly spent, but that it broke out afterward to worse purpose; it being in our Fate, as has been observed by some Melancholy Statesmen, that whenever we are long kept from quarrelling with others, we are apt to quarrel with one another. But that which discontented the Men of Mars most was, to see the Faction of the Gownsmen pricking up, and wholly predominant.  
Upon this lower Orb, as in the Sky, 
Aleyn Vit. H. 7.   
Sol constantly is nearest Mercury.  
Neither did he take part with them so much out of the pleasure he had in Books, as out of an averseness to Arms, whereunto he seemed to have such an Antipathy, that by his good will he did not care to see any Swordman within his Palace; whereby the Court came by degrees to lose two points of its ancient Lustre: one in the Exercise of Tilting, which was an Entertainment that added much to the Grandeur and Magnificence of the late Queen, and King Henry her Father: the other in the choice of the Gentlemen Pensioners; an Order which being set up by the Wisdom of her Grandfather Henry the Seventh (a Prince of severe Gravity) she was so fond of, and so curious in ordering the state of their attendance, that none could attain to that honour all her time, but who were men of very good Quality, and yet more goodly Stature, who by their graceful Personage might set forth the place, as she designed the place should set forth them, so that in time it became a kind of Nursery for Officers and Men of Command, who were sent abroad into France and the Low-Countries, to learn the Art of cutting Throats, if need were, and so returned again. But this King, it seems, being taken with no such armed Pomp, neglected it so far, that some of the ruffling Gallants about the Town began to speak of it with more freedom than became their Duty or Discretion, taxing him downright with Pusillanimity and causeless fears, saying that he trifled away more money in insignificant Embassies and Negotiations, for a dishonourable Peace, then would have maintained an honourable War. But he having before shut up the Gates of Janus, all his talk was (as we commonly say) without Doors, for he esteemed it honour enough that he had conquered himself, according to that of the Poet: 
Fortior est qui se, quam qui fortissima vincit  
Moenia—   
Peace he had at home without his seeking for it: O Neil the great Disturber of his Predecessors quiet being presented to him as a Prisoner by the Lord Mountjoy, as soon almost as he came in, which gave him the occasion to begin with the settlement of Ireland first, by giving the possession of the whole Province of Ulster (O Neil's Country, and the sink of Rebellion) to the Citizens of London, who thereupon settled two Colonies there, the one at Derry, every since called ; t'other at Colraine, which they stored with Four hundred Artisans; whilst the King, for the better supplying them with Soldiers, erected a new Order of Knighthood, called Baronet's, from their taking place next the Sons of Barons, each of which was engaged to lay down as much money at the Sealing of his Patent, as would maintain thirty Foot Soldiers one whole year, at the rate of Eight pence a day a piece, which came to twenty shillings a day: And the Compliment of these Knights being Two hundred, there was a complete Establishment of Three thousand Soldiers without any further noise, to be ready for his Service whenever he had occasion to make use of them.  
Now in order to the having Peace abroad, there needed no more but to renew the Leagues he had made before with the Princes his Neighbours, under another stile. The great Question was, Whether he should accept of the Olive-branch from the King of Spain, with whom his Predecessor had so long contended for the Laurel: and upon debating the whole matter, besides the motives of the Half-peace already made with him, whilst he was King of Scotland, and the whole benefit of Trade that he was like to have as he was King of England, the certainty of setting the Catholic and the most Christian Kings together by the Ears, the uncertainty of being able to raise moneys to maintain a War so easily as Queen Elizabeth did (who had the knack of borrowing money, which served her to as good purpose as if it had been given, the Parliament being for the most part the Paymasters) there were many Reasons of State, some whereof were not fit to be published, perhaps not to be understood, which induced him to call in the Letters of Mart, and conclude that League, which how acceptable it was to both Kings, may be guessed by the mutual Caressing of each other, with extraordinary Embassies and Presents, and the more than ordinary Ratification of the Articles of Peace; but how far the People were content to have any Friendship with the Catholic King, it is easy to guests, especially after the discovery of that Catholic Plot, commonly called the Gunpowder Treason, which as it was contrived in a hotter place than Spain, so it was hatched up in Darkness, never to partake of the Light, but when it was to be all Light, and to give such a terrible blow, as was at once to Extinguish the Light, the Hope, and the Glory of this Nation. This the Allseeing Eye of Providence (which pierces thorough the dark Womb of Conspiracy, and blasts the Embryo of Treason before it can be formed) miraculously detected, to the amazement of all Mankind; no body imagining there could be such danger by Fire so near unto the Water: the meaning of it being so little understood, even after it was discovered, that neither could the Lord Monteagle (who received the first notice in a Letter writ in an unknown hand) tell to what Friend he owed his Preservation, nor any one else guess, from what Enemy they were to expect their destruction, till the King himself by inspiration rather than instinct (yet admonished perhaps by the subversion of that House wherein his Father was murdered) apprehended by the word Blow, what the Element must be that was to be so subtle in its Execution, as that they who were hurt (for so were the words of the Letter) should not see who hurt them. Which Discovery of his being a kind of Revelation as elevated the Opinion conceived of his Wisdom to that degree, that the Vulgar began to idolise his Understanding, and reverence him as the Jews did Moses, for the shining of his Face, as believing it almost impossible for any humare Judgement to have sounded the depth of so profound a Plot. And as this begat a great regard to his Person, a greater to his Parts, so looking on him as a kind of Illuminated Man, they gave him the Reverence of a Prophet, which did not a little please him, who having it in his humour to pretend to a Faculty in Divination, easily prevailed with them to receive his Conjectures as Oracles; which served him to so good purpose for that (which is pleasant to tell) whatever almost he desired to have done, he needed no more to effect it, but to foretell it would so fall out, which (give him his due) he improved by his Kingcraft (as himself was wont to call it) to many good uses, both for the Public benefit, and his own private Security, and not seldom for his Mirth and Pleasure, as often he was disposed to let down his Majesty, and play the Goodfellow; at which times he let down no Drink which was not a kind of Inspiring Liquor, being for the most part strong, sweet Wines, as Canary, Frontiniack, White Muskadels, High-Country-wines, or Hippocras, which though he would make it seem otherwise, had contrary Effects upon him, then usually upon other men, for instead of opening his Heart, they opened his powel's, and not filling his Head, never provoked him to empty his Mind, but rather to digest many serious Affairs, by seeming all the while in Jest. And as he loved to Droll, so he would sometimes please himself by singling out some wise Fool of the Company, and be very grave with him, in ask his Opinion of something that never was, nor ne'er was like to be, and otherwhile giving him some little State hints, as who should say, A word to the Wise, whereby he not only obliged them to keep secret the nothing he had entrusted them with, but by that Secrecy created in him a self-conceipt that made him matter of much Mirth another time: In fine, he had so excellent a Faculty in seeming to be what he was not, and in being what he pleased, that if it be true, that Dissimulation is a Virtue in Kings, though it be not so in private men, he was so great a Master of Art in that Liberal Science, that he could dissemble without seeming to be a Dissembler, and vary his shape so naturally, and so easily, that he could cousin whom he pleased, and when he pleased, though in truth he never cozened any Body, unless it were himself, and that he did very often, being not seldom prevailed with by those of his bribed Countrymen about him, to make underhand Agreements with the Farmers of his Revenue, whilst his Council were contriving how to raise their Rents to ten times the value. Which easiness of his had been an oversight not agreeable to the rest of his Understanding, had he not had the knack of breaking those blind Bargains again, as easily as he made them hastily; upon the account of being (as 'twas apparent he was) mistaken in his Grant, whereby he left that Imputation of Folly at their Doors, which otherwise would have rested at his own, whilst he made them his Creditors with more advantage than they could have made themselves his Tenants, filling his privy Purse with a Superfluity of what they had only got out of the Public. But when he came to have any thing to do with his Parliament, who were to treat with him upon the Public Faith in the behalf of the People, he always gave them a pennyworth for their Penny; and as oft as they presented h●m any Aids, Benevolences, or Subsidies, made them a Return of good and wholesome Laws, which has been always accounted good payment; and if they were not the best that ever this Nation had, yet (as Plutarch says by those of Solon) they might have been so, had not the fault been more theirs then his.  
It were too tedious to give further Instances of his Prudence, the wise choice of his Servants and Favourites, the equal distribution of his Rewards and Punishments, the solid managery of all the Actions of that time, as well English as Scotch and Irish, Ecclesiastic or Civil, not suffering any of the Factions to rise higher than he could reach them, nor to grow stronger than he could either alter or divert them, keeping a due Temperament, sometimes by Preventions, sometimes by Lenitives, other while by strict Justice, but oftenest by unexpected Mercy; testifies his great Abilities and Knowledge in Men and Manners, in Books and Sciences: and if the Sum of the Accounts betwixt him and the Subject be rightly placed with Relation to his Justice and Judgement; we shall find they were more indebted to him for a long Peace and Prosperity, than he to them for any extraordinary Payments. The Londoners we know prevailed with him to pay the Debts of his Predecessor, which he was in no manner obliged to do; yet we find not that they discharged their Gratitude in any suitable Returns to him, giving down their Milk no longer than they were stroked; insomuch that he was forced to send his Privy Seal often abroad to particular Friends in the Country, to discharge his immediate Expense of State, whereof he was so frugal and provident a Manigeer, that notwithstanding the many Occasions he had for Money (perhaps beyond any of his Predecessors) by keeping a double Court, by receiving at home, and employing abroad so many Ordinary and Extraordinary Ambassadors as he did, some to Compliment, others to Expostulate with, but all to have an Eye upon his Neighbours; by being obliged to stop the mouths of his querulous Countrymen, who presuming on his Goodness (for as one observes, he was no more troubled at their robbing him, than a Bridegroom at the losing his Points or Garters) thought it so much their Right to share with him in his new Acquests, that they drew many strange Boons from him: One of them (not to mention any more) having the confidence to beg no less than Twenty thousand pounds in ready Money at one time, and had obtained his desire, had not the wise Lord Treasurer, by showing the King the whole Sum in Silver upon a Table altogether, brought it down to a Composition of Five hundred pounds only. I say, notwithstanding all these great and pressing Occasions for Money (for certainly there is no one Virtue in a Prince, so advantageous to himself, as Bounty, while, like the Sun, he nourishes the whole Creation under him, by letting down the Dew which he shall certainly draw up again with increase) he found like means, though not by a like way, to enlarge his Empire, as the great Augustus did his, — super & Garamantus & Indos. The first possession we had of New-England being principally ascribed to that of his here in Old England, both that Virginia and Bermudas, three of our most famous Plantations (however discovered before his time) having in no measure recovered so much strength as to make good the Ground they laid Title to, till influenced by his Wisdom. The chief Town therefore of Virginia, the chief Plantation, being in honour of his Memory called James town; by which remote Landmark if we take the Dimensions of his Greatness, considering the Ocean he commanded, betwixt this and that other World, which was no less properly his Dominion, than the Terra Firma beyond it. We need not wonder at the Learned Grotius his making him a Rival with Neptune, since his Trident was nothing so glorious as tother's three Sceptres.  
— tria Sceptra Profundi 
Grot. Silvar. lib. 2.   
In magnum Coiêre Ducem. Licet omnia Casus  
Magna suos metuunt, Jacobo Promissa Potestas  
Cum Terris Pelagoque manet—  
HONI · SOIT · QVI · MAL · Y · PENSE  
DIEV ET MON DROIT   coat of arms of King Charles I: quarterly, in the first and fourth quarters the arms of France and England quartered, in the second, or a lion rampant in a double tresure flory gules, in the the third azure a harp or, stringed argent; supporters, dexter a lion or crowned, sinister a unicorn argent armed, unglued, craned, and gorged with a royal coronet or, having a chain affixed thereto and reflexed over the back all or. 
Neither was it the least cause of his Misfortunes, that he had a War devolved upon him by his peaceable Father, without any means to carry it on: so that to save a Sister, he in some sort hazarded the losing himself; the ill beginning of the Recovery of the Palatinate being the first, if not the principal Cause of losing (as after he did) his own Dominions, beyond all Recovery. For as it was evident that his Parliaments, taking the first Occasion from his Necessities, to put what price they pleased upon their Supplies, made this the first Occasion of a breach betwixt them; so 'tis as evident, That the King of France taking his measure of his weakness by that of their strength, was tempted to provoke him to a second, before he had ended the first War, which he not being able to sustain, was necessitated to stoop to such low Conditions as proved the Foundation of a more Fatal War at home, then that he declined abroad.  
Thus the sour Grapes his Father eat, set his Teeth on edge; and however the same Fruit is said to have cost his elder Brother his Life, yet when he came to declare what 'twas he loved best, he preserved the 
* The French before the Spa●●st. Lady.  Vine before the pomegranate; whether as judging it more flexible, or certainly more fruitful, is not known: but it appears by what followed, that he rather pleased himself in that choice, than his People, who as they ever preferred Spanish before French Wine, so their averseness to the French Nation, made them not only pass by many unbeseeming Censures upon the Match (not condering they denied him that Liberty every private man of them contested for) but maliciously to charge the Innocent Queen with all the Ills that followed afterward as oft as his Parliaments and he differed, which was as often as they met, and that was not seldom, for he had no less than five in fifteen years, who, notwithstanding never any Prince desired more to give them satisfaction, were all very froward and ill disposed towards him: The very first he called, showing themselves not willing to understand him; and the second behaved themselves so, that he was ashamed to own he understood them; and at the third meeting, either understood one another so well, that they began to quarrel; the fourth gave him the Justle; and the fif●h made it good by fight him.  
Neither were the States of Holland shorter sighted than the K. of France; who, as they were false to their own, and naturally hated all Kings, so they took Occasion to fish in our troubled Waters, breaking in upon his Sovereignty at Sea, as his own Subjects upon his Prerogative at Land: which, though it were as great an Affront to the whole Nation as to him, yet the grand Representatives of that time took so little notice of it, that one would have thought they had designed to have expressed no less disdain of his, than the Roman Senate did of the Government of the Decemviri, Qui, nequid eorum Ductu aut Auspicio prosperè gereretur, vinci se Patiebantur (saith Tacitus:) for when he came to demand aid of them, they not only denied him, but left him in a worse Condition than they found him, making him as great a Sufferer in his Reputation as he was in his Right. And that which made this Misfortune the more notorious was, That the same Course he took to make the matter better, made it worse: For having no ready money to set out a Navy, nor means to get any, he was forced to make use of a little Treasure-trove (if I may call it) for which he was beholding to his Attorney-General Noy, who encouraged him to lay a Tax upon the People, by the dubious Authority of an antiquated, and (as it was afterward called) Arbitrary Law, whereby the Kings of England heretofore had power given them to impose a Naval Tax, in case of eminent danger by Sea: A Law, which at the first making was judged to be as reasonable as necessary, being intended to prevent the frequent Incursions of the Danes before the Norman Conquest: but all Fears of that Nature having vanished so long since, to revive it now, was looked on like the drawing forth of an old rusty Sword, which gave such a wound to the Liberty of the Subject, that though it were not very deep, rankled to that degree, as notwithstanding the many good applications afterward to heal it, the inflammation could not be taken off till it turned to a Gangreen. Thus, whilst he resolved to do nothing but by Law, the legality of his proceed is taken for an act of the highest Tyranny. Neither was this the worst on't, to see his Fleet as it were dry-foundered at Land before it could put to Sea; for the Parliament, instead of maintaining his, busied themselves wholly in asserting their own Rights, bringing them to the old Standard of Magna Charta, and the Petition of Right. Which, however it seemed to be bad enough in the Intention, all Circumstances then considered, proved yet worse in the Explication, being construed not long after to the prejudice of his Right of Tonnage and Poundage; in discussing whereof, they committed a Violence upon themselves, which declared what they intended upon him, by leaving a Precedent that as much outlasted their Cause, as the Cause did their Privilege, shutting up the Doors of their House (as if guilty that they deserved to be disturbed) till they had fully vented their Passion, in some menacing Vores that urged him to dissolve them, by such a kind of Force, as was every whit as rare as their Insolence, the breaking up their Doors (for so he was fain to do before he could get Entrance, though himself was there in Person to demand it) making so great a noise, that it was heard not only thorough every part of the discontented City, but Kingdom; and the sound became the more terrible by the ominous Reverberations from Scotland, who echoed to those Murmurs here with such a dismal Concordance, as showed to what Instrument they were tuned.  
This drew him into that Kingdom, to correct the growing Distemper before it because too virulent, wherein he proceeded as wise Physicians do, that draw the pains from the Head by Applications to the Feet: but as it is hard to discern the true meaning of any man's Intention (which being the Soul of every Action, is invisible) and very easy to abuse it with a malicious Interpretation, that is not only against its own, but against all Sense and Reason; so it happened to him, who beginning with the Ratification of the Negative Confession subscribed by his Father and the whole Kingdom, Anno 1580. (which was a Renuntiation of the Papal Authority, and all the corrupt Principles depending thereon) he was charged by those that had before felt the smart of the Commission of Surrendries, and were enforced to disgorge those Sacrilegious grants they had obtained during his Father's minority, to have a design of bringing in Popery; a word that turned every man's Blood into Choler, and gave the hottest alarm to tender Consciences that ever that cold Clime knew, the train of whose Calumnies was so laid, that it quickly took fire here in England, where the Presbyterian (as yet called the Puritan) Party, having, as they thought, matter enough of Scandal long before, from the unhappy Toleration of Sports on the Sabbath-day, and the turning of the Communion Table Altarwise, began to chackle (as one expresses it) like the Geese in the Capitol, bespattering the Bishops with that vehemency, that much of their unbeseeming Froth fell upon the King himself. And for the more entire Concurrence of Civil and Religious Clamours, the same evil Spirit that furnished them with meet matters of Complaint, turning Man-Midwife, eased them of many a Spiritual Throw, by opening the Womb of their Conspiracy before its full time, making way for the new birth of that long expected Parliament, from whose heat all the Factions took life, and like quickened Snakes, began to hiss with such envenomed rage, as showed a manifest contempt of all Authority, pressing now upon the King's Conscience, as much as they would have the World to think he had pressed upon theirs before; not only refusing to admit the use of the Liturgy (however composed by their own Bishops) in any of their Parochial Churches, but denying the King himself the privilege of having it read in his own private Chapel at Edinburgh. And lest the World should doubt that their Insolence was not come to its wished for height, they took upon them the marks of Sovereign Power, indicting without his Licence or Knowledge, four principal Tables or Counsels in the said City; one of the Nobility, another of the Gentry, a third of the Burgesses, and a fourth of the Ministry. Out of which there was set up a general Table of select Commissioners, all alike Enemies to Unity and Uniformity, who were to chalk out the Methods for abolishing Superstition and Tyranny, by which was meant in their mystical Sense, Episcopacy and Monarchy. In order to the carrying on of which disorderly Proceed, they seized as well the Crown as the Church Lands; and notwithstanding their hate of Forms, began so well a Formed Rebellion, that the unhappy King was provoked beyond his natural temper to repel Force by Force: But before his Justice could reach them, they had so firmed their Faction, by their Solemn League and Covenant (which was not like that ancient Bond taken in the Year 590. wherein they were bound to the maintenance of the King's Person and Authority; for in this they swore all to the mutual Defence and Assistance of each other, against all Persons opposing them whatever, not excepting the King himself) that he was glad to close in a Pacification, which after produced a Cessation, that by the Artifice of some of their Friends here (working upon his tenderness of shedding Blood) concluded with a disbanding of his, in order to the letting down their Army; but after abusing him in this, as well as in all other their Intrigues, for they determined never to sheathe the Sword till they got their ends, he was forced to reinforce himself by new Levies, which necessitated the calling another Parliament here at home.  
This proved so much worse than all that had been before it, in that they were grown more learned in the Discipline of Daring; and being fully instructed by the Complaints of all that were weary of the Government, or Governors, like the first Reformers of Germany, they summed up their Centum Gravamina in a general Remonstrance, which was carried on with that unparallelled Contumacy, that every one that was licentiously, inclined, pleased himself with the Imagination of having the Ball of Sovereignty fling down, to be scambled for by the Multitude; whose Heads being made giddy by the continual Noise of those Spiritual Trumpeters, that filled their Ears with the joyful sound of the long looked for Promises of a new Heaven and a new Earth, and the Description of such a Kingdom, wherein (as they said) the Saints and Servants of the most High were to reign, by a Special Commission written in the Stars, which none could read but these Astronomical Rabbins themselves. They began like men Spiritually drunk, to defy all Carnal Powers, and having before broke the Windows of the Royal Palace, resolved in the next place to pluck down the two great Pillars of the Throne: These were the Archbishop of Canterbury, and the Earl of Strafford, the one presiding in Spiritual, t'other in Temporal Matters; both of whom were Impeached of High Treason, the one to gratify their Malice, t'other to secure their Fears: the last was the first brought to stake, whose Crimes savouring rather of Injustice to the Subject, than Unfaithfulness to the King, proving not otherwise Treasonable, but by accumulation of so many lesser Misdemeanours together as might make up by heap what was wanting in the weight of his Gild. The King refused to condemn him till he had first consulted the Judges in point of Law, and the Bishops in point of Equity; by either of whom being left in greater doubt (if possible) then before, having a natural aversion to all State Phlebotomy, as well knowing that this Blood-letting, though it might stop the Fever for some little time, would so weaken his Power, that he should not be able to resist any future Distemper; the consideration whereof brought him into a State Convulsion, that drew his Judgement several ways before he could determine what to do. Honour and Justice pressed him on the one side, the Common Interest (as 'twas pretended) on which hung the weight of the Public, as well as his own private Peace, urged him on the other side, either grating upon the most tender and sensible part his Conscience, which (like a Needle betwixt two Lodestones, that trembling with equal Inclinations to either, at the same time seems to turn to both, yet neither) was so tortured between the Consideration of what was safe, and what was Just, that it appeared in bringing the Earl, they had brought him to Trial, and put him into such an Agony, as shook the very Foundations of the Government. And this Hesitation of his proved to be the Groundwork of three the most Important Jealousies that ever troubled any State, the Parliament thereupon declaring themselves dissatisfied in the Security of their Religion, Proprieties, and Privileges: to the clearing whereof they made not long after three as strange Proposals: 1. For the Extirpation of Bishops: 2. The Establishment of a Triennial Parliament: 3. The Delivery of the Militia into their Disposal.  
This Contumacy of theirs taking its rise from the Confidence they had in their Brethren the Scots (who all this while continued in Arms upon the Borders for want of money to disband them, eating like a Fistula Insensibly into the Bowels of the Kingdom) he made it his first care to cure that Malady; wherein he proceeded with that great judgement and skill, that in paying them off, the Parliament gave the Money, but he the Satisfaction, having thereby so far recovered the good Opinion of those People (however they came to be perverted afterward) that as soon as he arrived in their Country (whither he went in Person presently after the Peace was concluded) they gave him two notable Instances of their Duty and Submission: The first Public, in reviving that good old Law there, which made it Treason for any to Levy Arms without the Kings Leave and Commission: The second Private, in the discovery of the five Members here that had been the principal Engineers to draw them into England.  
But whilst he was busy in quenching the Incendiations of Scotland, behold a more dreadful Fire breaks out in Ireland, the Matter whereof was so prepared, that there appeared very little or no smoke of Suspicion, till it was all in a Flame; and which made it more terrible was, That the Rebels pretended to take their Rule from the English, as their Precedent from the Scots, in defending their Religion, Proprieties, and Liberties by Arms, all which being (as they said) undermined, not knowing how soon the Blow might be given, they thought it justifiable enough to prevent what they could not withstand. Now to prove that their Religion was in danger, they urged the Preparatory Votes and Menaces of the House of Commons in England: and for the proof of the Impairing their Liberty and Proprieties, they referred to the Remonstrances of those, in Scotland, who made it the first motive of their rising, that they were like to be reduced to the slavish Condition of Ireland, in being brought under the Form of a Province, and subjected to the insupportable Tyranny of a 
* The placing a Precedent ov r the Council of State being the Ground of that Fear.  Lord Lieutenant. And now to add a Varnish to this Colour, they declared for Preservation of the King's Rights, as well as their own, swearing to oppose with Life, Power, and Estate, all such as should directly or indirectly endeavour to Suppress the Royal Prerogative of the King, his Heirs and Successors, or do any 
† Referring to the Proceed of the Parliament in England, who had but a little before taken away the Tonnage & Poundage, the Shipmoney, Court of Wards, High Commission-Court, and were earnestly contesting for the Militia, etc.  Act or Acts contrary to the Royal Government. This Declaration of theirs was written with a Pen of Iron in Letters of Blood, as believing that no Rebels in the World had more to say for themselves then they; at least, that they had much more matter of Justification then either the Scots or English could pretend to, who justified themselves by feigning only to suspect, what t'other really suffered under. Neither perhaps had the World so condemned them (all Circumstances considered) had there not appeared a Self-condemnation within themselves, by counterfeiting a 
* Whi●h that it might be the more authent c●, they take off an old Seal from an Absolute Patent to Far●ham-Abby, which they annexed to it.  Commission from the King to justify this their Arming, falsely bragging that the Queen was with them, and that the King would very shortly come to them: Which as it was a base and abject piece of Policy, that lost them more Credit when it was detected, than it got them Repute while it was believed; so it was malicious towards the King to that degree (with respect to the Condition he was then in) that it cannot otherwise be thought, but that having murdered so many of his Protestant Subjects, they had a mind to murder him too: The Consequences of that great Suspicion it brought upon him being such, as he could never recover the disadvantages it fastened on him, till he fell finally under the power of those Sons of Belial, who destroyed him for no other Reason, but to destroy Monarchy itself. So that he was not much mistaken who confidently averred, It was the Papists brought him to the block, the Presbyterians that tucked up his hair, and the Fanatic that cut off his head. Whereof he himself was so sensible, that the very last words he used (as if to show he alike abhorred either of them) was to profess, He died a Christian according to the Profession of the Church of England, as he found it left him by his Father; foreseeing that he should suffer more by Reproach, then by the Axe. After which he resigned himself to the fatal stroke with that cheerfulness, as showed he believed by removing that Scandal only, he should get a greater Victory over his Enemies when he was dead, then ever they got over him whilst he was alive.  
The ill news of Ireland drew him with all imaginable haste out of Scotland. But before he could come to the Consideration of that great Affair, he was prevented by the Parliaments renewing their old Complaints, who found a slight occasion of quarrel to introduce other matters that they knew would widen the Difference beyond all reconciliation (for his Majesty having taken public notice of a Bill that was depending in the House, whereby he thought his Prerogative pinched, to which therefore he offered a Provisional Clause, with a Salvo Jure to himself and the people, to prevent all Disputes at the passing of it) they interpreted this to be so high a violation of their Privilege, that they prayed to have the Informers brought in to condign punishment: Seconding that Petition with a Remonstrance against all those, whose Affection or Interest they thought might be serviceable to him, under a new coined name of Malignants, which they ranged into three Classes, 1. Jesuited Papists, 2. Corrupted Clergymen and Bishops, 3. Interested Counsellors and Courtiers, concluding thereupon, 1. That no Bishops should have any Votes in Parliament; 2. That no People should be employed about him but such as they could confide in; 3. That none of the Lands forfeited by the Irish Rebels should be alienated or disposed otherwise then by their Orders. Which last Request was grounded upon two Reasons, 1. To render the Irish more desperate by cutting off all hopes of ever recovering their Estates again. 2. To encourage all that would take up Arms under their Commission to hope that they might be stated in them, as many of them since have. And lastly, that none might, under pretence of arming against the Irish, raise any Forces to alarm them; wherein they were so cautelous, that they would not consent that the King (who earnestly desired it) should go himself in Person.  
This unexpected breach upon him, gave him the second Provocation to make another breach upon them: for being well assured that the Five Members were the great Botefeus' that kept in the fire, he caused a Charge of High Treason to be drawn up against them, upon the Articles following. 1. As having endeavoured the Subversion of the Kingdom and Laws. 2. The depriving him of his Legal to set up an Arbitrary Power. 3. To have endeavoured to alienate his good People's Affections from him, by divers false Scandals 4. To have attempted to corrupt his Army. 5. To have invited a Foreign Power to Invade the Kingdom. 6. To have designed the Subversion of the very Rights and Being's of Parliament. 7. To have raised and countenanced Tumults, to over-awe him and the Parliament. 8. To have traitorously conspired to levy, and actually had leavy'd War against him. The next day after these Articles were exhibited, he himself went in Person to the House of Commons to demand Justice. But this as it was like the breaking into an Hornets Nest, so the confused buzz that followed him to the Court Gates, showed how dangerous an Undertaking he had past: The tumultuous Citizens keeping him awake with continued Complaints of decay of Trade, of the danger of Popish designs, and the general Fears arising from his 
† Having ●●●●ed ●ome ●●anon to be ●r●ught to prevent the forcing open of his Gates.  Fortifying of Whitehall (as they called it) the Invasion of the House of Commons, the Restraint of the Five Members, etc. showing by the Insolence of their Deportment, that there wanted nothing to blow up the Government, but to give Fire to the Train that was already laid.  
What Tempestuous Wether it was like to prove at Westminster (the whole City being already thus overshadowed with a Cloud o● Popular discontent) was easy to foretell; and accordingly his Majesty thought fit to remove into the clearer Air of Hampton Court, whence he returned the Parliament a very gracious Message, assuring them, That if they would digest all the Grievances of the Kingdom into one Body, he would so far redress them, that (as he said) he would not only equal, but exceed the most Indulgent Princes that ever this Nation had. But this Condescension of his contributed much to the increasing their Insolence (as soft Medicines do cause proud Flesh) for as they found he gave ground, they pressed the more upon him, sending him word, That the only Catholicon to cure the growing Distemper, was to deliver up the Militia into their hands. That of London and the Tower he did not long dispute with them, and that of the Country he was content to part with, so as their Power were confined within some limited time, but they having past the bounds of modesty in ask, could not contain themselves within any moderation of acceptance, but rejecting all his Concessions, proceeded to take the Power he would have given, without tarrying for any Confirmation, and resolving to magnify their own Cause rather than his Grace, they possessed themselves of the Fleet, the trust whereof they committed to the Earl of Northumberland, a Person that rather honoured their Cause, than was honoured by it. But because it was a preposterous thing to provide for War, before there was any Cause given to fear a breach of the Peace, much more to fly to Arms before there was any prospect of an Enemy, they resolved to Treat with him no longer, lest he should be too hard for them, and undeceive the inconstant Multitude, not yet sufficiently hardened with Envy or Ignorance. From this time therefore they began downright to quarrel with him, taking occasion from the late Impeachment of their Members, the Information against whom, though it were with-drawn and quashed, and the prosecution wholly declined, yet they would abate nothing of their Resentment of it, being, as they alleged, a Reflection upon the whole House, that they required the Informers might be delivered up to them: and at the same time they would not allow the dishonour of having any of their Members accused, they sent a personal Accusation against the King himself, Charging him 1. To have attempted the Incensing the late Northern Army against them; 2. To have been the Author of all the Troubles of Scotland; 3. To have underhand promoted the Irish Rebellion; 4. To have sent away the Lord Digby but a little before, in order to the bringing over Foreign Forces to invade the Kingdom; maliciously affirming, That the Pope's Nuntio had been very earnest with his privity, in soliciting the Kings of France and Spain, to send over Eight thousand men to his Assistance. Having thus spit in his Face, it could not be expected he should not return it with a blow; upon which both sides armed: They vote him guilty of a breach of the Trust reposed in him by his People, making it contrary to his Oath to defend himself, and tending (as they said) to the dissolution of his Government. He to requite them, set forth a general Declaration, wherein he took notice of all their bold Proceed, which he said he expected to break out into all Disloyal practices; and forasmuch as they had already most preposterously declared for him against himself (as indeed they did) thereby to betray wellmeaning People into Rebellion; he forbidden all his Loving Subjects to be any ways aiding or abetting to them, in those their traitorous Attempts, to bring on a Civil War, and by no means to levy any Forces, or contribute any thing to such Levies, contrary to the known 
* 1 Ed. 1. 2 Ed. 3. 11 R. 2.  Laws, without express Licence from him.  
Here the two great Interests, IMPERIUM & LIBERTAS res olim insociabiles (saith 
† Vit. Agricolae. The beginning of the War.  Tacitus) began to Encounter each other, like those two unruly Elements of Fire and Water, neither of which yielding to one another (whilst the one proscribed by a Divine, t'other by a natural Right) begat so horrible a Confusion, that the Cause on either side seemed better in the Pretention than the Prosecution. Those who stood up for the Plebiscitum, professing only to defend their just Proprieties, made use of all Advantages that time or sufferance had entitled them to; and as men that at the same time they drew their Swords, had slung away the Scabards, scorning Pardon as they hated Peace, followed Providence (as their expression was) thorough all Dangers and Discouragements. Whilst those of the Royal Party, impatient to see the King so much less than he should be, thought it as necessary as just, to attempt the making him something more than ever he had been; but straining the Sinew-shrunk Prerogative beyond its wont height, disjointed the whole Frame of Government, and broke those Ligaments of Command and Obedience, whereby Prince and People are bound up together. Unhappy King, to whom the love and hatred of his People was alike fatal; who whilst himself was thus unhappily engaged against himself, was sure to be the Loser, which side soever was the Gainer; and so much the more miserable, by how much even Victory itself must at once weary and waste him, but great was his Prudence as great his Patience.  
And next the Power of making Tempests cease, 
Walleri   
Was in this Storm, to have so calm a Peace.  
Behold now the great Sovereign of the Seas exposed (as it were upon a small Raft) to the raging of the People, as a Shipwrackt Pilot to that of the Sea, without any hope but what was next despair, to recover some desolate Rock or Isle, where he might rest himself in the melancholy expectation of being delivered as it were by Miracle. So he being drove first from London to York, from thence (having in vain tried to touch at Hull) passed on to Nottingham, where he set up his Standard, but not his rest; from thence he marched to Leicester, so towards Wales; and having a while refreshed himself at Shrewsbury, after divers toss and deviations, fixed at last at Oxford, the famous Seat of the Muses; ill Guards to a distressed King, and perhaps no great Assistants to those about him, who were to live by their Wits. Here he continued near three years, acting the part of a General rather than a King, his Prerogative being so pinioned, and his Power so circumscribed, that as none of his own People paid him Homage, where he could not come to force it; so the Neighbour States of the United Netherlands, though they disowned not a Confederation with him, made so little show of having any regard to his Amity, as if it were Evidence enough of their being his Friends, that they did not declare themselves his Enemies: Only the Complimental State of France sent over a glorious 
* Prince liurcourt.  Ambassador, who under the pretence of Mediating a Peace, was really a Spy for continuing the War. The only fast Friend he had was his helpless Uncle the King of Denmark, who was so overmatched by the Swede all that time, that he could give little or no assistance to him.  
During his abode here, he did as much as the necessity of his straightened Condition would permit, convening another Parliament there, to Counter those at Westminster, lest it should be thought there was a Charm in the name, where there appeared no less than One hundred and forty Knights and Gentlemen in the lower House; and in the upper House Twenty four Lords, Nineteen Earls, Two Marquesses, and Two Dukes, besides the Lord Treasurer, the Lord Keeper, the Duke of York, and the Prince of Wales, who if they were not equal in number (as some think they were) were much more considerable in quality then that other Parliament at London. But being a Body without Sinews, they sat as so many Images of Authority, or (if with decency we may say it) like Legislators in Effigy: Those at Westminster having in this the better of them, that they had got into their hands that pledge of extraordinary Power, the Dominion of the Sea, which was a sufficient Caution for that by Land, 
† Cic. ad Artic. lib. 10. Epist. 7.  Nam qui Mare teneat eum necesse est Rerum potiri. This brought in Wealth, that brought in Men, the Men brought in Towns and Provinces under their Subjection: so that we find they had an entire Association of divers whole Counties, when the King could assure himself of no more, than what he made Title to by his Sword: Even Yorkshire itself, the first County that he made trial of, entering almost as soon as he was gone out of it, into Articles of Neutrality. But notwithstanding all the disadvantages he had by want of Men and Money, of Means and Credit, yet we see he brought the Balance of the War to that even poise, that it rested at last upon the Success of one single Battle to turn the Scale either way: for had they been beaten at Naseby (where they got the day) they had been as undoubtedly ruined, as he was by losing it; which Battle being the last, ended (as Edge-hill did that was the first) with that sinister Fortune, to have the left Wings on each side routed by those of the right: But the advantage the 
* So those who served the Parliament were called, from the shortness of their hair, as it was generally worn generally worn amongst those of the Puritan party.  Roundheads had in this was, that they had not forgot the disadvantage of the former Fight, but early quitting their pursuit, returned time enough to relieve their distressed Foot, and so by their Wisdom recovered that fatal advantage, which the 
† The King's Party were so called, because those that appeared first on his side were most of them Gentlemen on Horseback.  Cavaliers lost by their Courage, who pursuing their half-got Victory too far, lost the whole unexpectedly. In this Battle, as in that, the Royal Standard was taken, and as the King lost his General then, so he lost himself (acting the General's part) now, his Power crumbling away so fast after the loss of this Day (for in less than four months' time, twenty of his chief Garrisons surrendered: General Goring was routed at Lamport, the Lord Digby and Sir Marmaduke Langdale near Sherborn (which we know caused a more unlucky Rout after at Newark) the Lord Wentworth was surprised are Bovy-tracy, the Lord Hopton routed at Torrington, the Lord Ashly at Stow upon the Wold) that he was never able to repair the Breaches made daily upon him, but was forced to quit his faltering Friends, and cast himself into the hands of his fawning Enemies, the Scots: who having kept all this while hover at a distance (like Eagles that follow Armies for prey) expecting what might be the Issue, whilst the English were so busy in cutting one another's Throats, were resolved to let him know what value they put upon him; and accordingly gave notice to the Parliament of his being with them, which begot a hot dispute betwixt them for a while, to whom of right the Royal Prisoner belonged, till in the end it concluded with redeeming the good King by a good Sum, who taught them thus to betray him, by first betraying himself, the failure of their Faith being grounded upon that of his own; who had he kept upon the Wing (as one observes) whilst his Party was beating in the Covert, might possibly have retrieved the Quarry, and by retiring into some place of present safety, recovered himself when he was so seemingly lost, by the help of the same Invisible Hand, that after led his Son thorough many greater dangers, and brought him home safe beyond all hope; but stooping to this low Pitch, to subject himself to those, who had so much despised all Subjection, they thought it a Compliment to him, to estimate him at so high a rate as that of their Arrears.  
Had he cast himself upon the Parliament in the first place, 'tis possible by letting go his hold so unexpectedly as he did, he might have given them the Fall, when they were so hard tugging with him; it being more than probable that the long abused People finding how he not only sought Peace, but pursued it, might have been moved to have endeavoured his Restoration, as tumultuously as they did his Dethronation; restoring his Dignity as disorderly as they took it from him, which how much the Hogen mogen's of Westminster dreaded, appears by the surprise upon them, when (a little before his giving himself up to the Scots) it was bruited that he was concealed in London. But as in great Storms great Pilots are forced, when they can no longer bear Sail, to let the Vessel drive, and take its chance, so he being no longer able to Stem the Tide, after having done all that could be hoped for from Prudence, was fain to commit himself to Providence, and follow it without Light or Compass, thorough many dark Dispensations, and fantastic Changes, the result of their Inconstancy, Inhumanity, and Impiety, from whom he was afterward to expect his doom.  
Trust makes us our own Traitors, nor could he 
Al●yn. Vit. H. 7.   
Be saved by Faith, but Infidelity.  
Having now lost his Authority from the time he lost his Liberty, as the last was the occasion of ending the first Civil War, so the first was the cause of beginning a second: For now all the Dogs fell together by the Ears over the Marybone. The Army quarrelled with the Parliament, they with one another, the Commons differed from the Lords, the Scots divided as much from the English, the Presbyterians from the Independants: Great was the Dissension amongst the Brethren, and all for Place, Power, or Profit, for either of which the King appearing to be the best Pawn, the Army took him from the Parliament Commissioners, to secure him in their own Custody, which was so ill resented by the ruling Members, that all their Consultations were about disbanding them. Upon which the Army drew up a Charge, and disbanded Eleven of them (the first 
* The now Lord Hollis.  whereof was the first of those Five Members impeached by the King) who were so little able to trifle with them (as they did with him) that they were feign not only to quit the House but the Kingdom. After this the Army sent up a 
† The A mies Representation, An. 1647.  Representation (as they called it) to the two Houses; proposing 1. To purge out all those that ought not to sit there (meaning all the Presbyterian Party.) 2. To disable those who had showed themselves disaffected to the Army, that they might do no mischief (meaning those who had voted with the Eleven Secluded Members.) 3. To settle a determinate Period for their Sitting (intending to have all ruled by the Sword.) 4. To give Account of the vast Sums they had received during the War (intending the Overplus to be divided amongst themselves.) This so encouraged the Independent Party, that they voted (in favour of the Army) to take the Militia of the City of London out of the Citizen's hands, who were for the most part of the Presbyterian Faction. Upon which a Party of Apprentices came down, and making the grand Representatives Prisoners in their own House, did (as I may say) ram their Vote down their Throats, making them not only retract it, but Vote the Militia back again to the City. Hereupon they called for Aid to the Army; and the apprehensions of what Effects their coming up might have, divided the Common-Councel of London, as much as the last Riot had those of Westminster; so that the General easily entered at the breach, and possessed himself of the Strength of the City. Now as Maggots are engendered by warmth out of Corruption, so by the heat of these corrupted Factions, there was kindled a Generation of Vermin, called Agitators, which were like the Locusts that risen out of the smoke of the bottomless Pit, mentioned in the Revelations, c. 9 v. 3. to whom (says the Text) was given power like as the Scorpions of the Earth have power; who not liking that the King should continue so near as Hampton-Court, found an expedient to fright him from thence, by muttering something like an intended Assassination; the discovery whereof they knew would quickly be brought to him, and tempt him to make a private Escape, knowing well that they had him as a Bird in a string, and could take him again when they pleased; which Counsel if it had been rejected by him, 'tis probable he had been murdered in good earnest: but he flying thereupon to the Isle of Wight, where he was secured by their fast Friend the 
* Hamen.  Governor there, they thought they might adventure to treat with him at that distance. Accordingly they consented that the Parliament should tender him these four modest Propositions following, to be reduced into Acts. 1. That it should be lawful for the Parliament to order and dispose the Militia as they pleased for the future, without his consent; and Treason for any to assemble in Arms above the number of Thirty, without Commission from them. 2. That the Houses should sit at what time they pleased, and adjourn their sitting to what place they pleased, and meet at their own pleasure and discretion for ever after. 3. That all Oaths, Interdictions, and Declarations, set forth in Public by the King against either House, should be accounted and declared void. 4. That all whom the King had dignified with any Titles, from the time himself departed with the Great Seal, should be degraded of their Honour. Which the Scotch Commissioners (we must remember it to their Honour) thought so derogatory to that of the Kings, and contrary to former Engagements, that they followed after the Parliament Commissioners with a kind of State Hue and Cry, and protested against them. I hope it was not all a Juggle (for they had been undone doubtless if the King had signed them) but it took effect as they desired. The King refused them, and thereby gave them (as they would have it thought) just cause to refuse him. Whereupon they passed that never to be forgotten Vote of Non-Addresses. After which the Agitators vanished and the Committee of Darby-house took place, which consisting most of Officers, were now the Plenipotentiaries of the Kingdom. And near the same time the Power of England was thus given up to them, they had the Resignation made of that of Ireland too.  
The King being now civilly dead, and one would think buried, the Prisons of Princes proving (as himself observed) for the most part their Graves, the Vote of Non-Addresses being as Earth fling upon him; Fortune cruelly brings him to Life again, by the Cordial of unexpected hopes, heightened by the Zeal of several Counties declaring for him. Divers Lords in Arms again at Land, and his own Son with others at Sea; these encouraged by the Revolt of several Towns, those by the coming in of several Ships; so that there were no less than Two thousand in Arms for him at Sea, with Twenty good Ships, and not so litt e as Ten thousand at Land, with Horses, Arms, and Ammunition suitable. And which was yet more considerable, the Grand 
* Called The Committee of Danger.  Committee of State in Scotland (whose very name carried Danger in it) alarmed them, by sending the Propositions following; 1. To bring the King to London, or some of his Houses near, with Freedom and Safety. 2. To disband the Army. 3. To punish those that had detained him in Obscurity. 4. To restore the Secluded Members. 5. To establish the Presbyterian Government, and suppress Sectaries. And that they might yet appear more like a Committee of Danger, they sent a formidable Army under the Conduct of Duke Hamilton, to make good their Demands, and to give their Nation the Honour of being the last, as they were the first in Arms in this unhappy War.  
The terror of these formidable Preparations, encouraged by several Petitions out of the City and Country, moved the affrighted Parliament to consent to a Personal Treaty, whilst the Army was busy in disputing the Points with the Sword: and accordingly they recalled the Vote of Non-Addresses, and sent their Commissioners to wait on the King at the Isle of Wight; where he argued so like a Divine with the Divines, so like a Lawyer with the Lawyers, so like a Statesman with their Matchiavillians, that they went all away fully satisfied in their belief of his Wisdom, Piety, and Justice: and upon the publishing his Conditions, the Houses voted him to be in Honour, Freedom, and Safety, according to the Laws. Here seemed to be nothing wanting now but a Sword in his hand, to have once more disputed it with the Swordmen too, and then possibly he might have saved himself and the despairing Nation.  
But just as every man was making ready to bring in his Peace-Offering, in Confidence that the King and Parliament were fully agreed; the enraged Army, returning home from the Conquest of all those that had opposed them, doubly died with Blood and Treason, alike Enemies to Peace and Reason, broke down the great Chain of Order, which binds even the Devils themselves, and first seizing on him, next on them, sent no less than Forty of their principal Members to Hell; a Place purposely made their Prison, not so much for any conveniency of Reception, or nearness of Situation, as the Uncoughness of the Name, that by the conceit of being typically damned, they might bring them into despair, and tempt some of them (as after they did) to become their own Executioners: Ninety more they turned quite out of the House, and appointed a day for turning out all the rest. In the mean time they published a Modification, which (to make the more acceptable) they termed The Agreement of the People, by which the number of the Representatives of the Nation was reduced to Three hundred, half which were to have power to make a Law; and during the Intervals of Sessions, a Council of State was to govern: This Model was put into the hands of those Members of their own Faction, who besides the Confirmation thereof, had Instructions given them for passing six other Votes. 1. For renewing that of Non-Addresses. 2. For annulling the Treaty and Concessions at the Isle of Wight. 3. For bringing the King to public Justice, to answer with his own all the Blood shed in the War. 4. For summoning in his two Sons, the Prince of Wales and the Duke of York, to render themselves by a day certain, to give satisfaction on their parts, otherwise to stand exiled as Traitors to their Country. 5. For doing public Justice upon all the King's Partakers. 6. For paying off all their own Arrears forthwith. How obedient Slaves this Rump of a House were to these their own Servants, who could not find in their Heart to pay the least respect to their natural Prince, appears by the Sequel: For immediately they gave them (or rather permitted them to give themselves) above Sixty thousand pounds, and voted that the General should take care to secure the King, and the Council of war to draw up a Charge of High Treason against him.  

Lord Faul●land.  Behold the frailty of all humane things,  
How soon great Kingdoms fall, much sooner Kings.  
This as it was an Insolence beyond all hope of pardon, so nothing could justify it, but such a Violation of all sacred and humane Rights, as must not only outdo all Example, but outface all Divinity and Majesty at once, by erecting that High Court of Justice (as they called it) to try him as a Rebel against himself: Preparatory whereunto they made Proclamation at Westminster-hall, Cheapside, and the Old Exchange, that all that had any thing to say against him, should come in at the prefixed time and be heard. And for the greater solemnity of their intended Parricide, the Law was silenced, that is, the Term put off for fourteen days, in order to the better formalizing the disorder that was to follow.  
And now having brought the Royal Prisoner to their Judgement Seat, they proceed to arraign him with not unlike Impudence and Impiety to that, of the Rascal Jews, when they brought the King of Kings to Trial, whom as they charged to be a Perverter, so these charged him with being a Subverter of his People; both Prisoners being in this alike Guilty, that either's Crime was the owning himself to be a King; which as the Jews could not endure then, so neither could these now: Their King thought not fit to give any Answer to his Accusers; this King preparing to give sitting Answers, could not be heard. But he had this satisfaction, to hear Pontius Bradshaw the Precedent, by whom he was to be condemned, condemn himself first, and all his Fellow Parricides, by a Reply to him not less absurd than observable: For his Majesty reasoning upon the unreasonableness of not being suffered to speak for himself, said, Where is there in all the World that Court in which no Place is left for Reason? to which t'other unwittingly replied, Sir, you shall find that this very Court is such an one. Nay then (retorted the King) in vain will my Subjects expect Justice from you, who stop your Ears to your King ready to plead his Cause.  
Thus they strangled him before they beheaded him, and designing to murder his Soul (if possible) as well as his Body, added to their Denial of Justice, so many Contumelies, Indignities, and Affronts, as were enough to have tempted him to despair, had not his Faith been as strong as his Reason, and the Greatness of his Mind much more impregnable than that of his Power; wherein though his Patience came not so near to that of our Saviour's, as his Passion did, or as their barbarity rather, did to that of those Soldiers employed in that accursed drudgery of his Execution, yet it appears to have been such, as was as much above their Expectation, as himself was above their Malice. Witness his Exit, not like a Lion but a Lamb: For notwithstanding the sight of those Ropes and Rings which they had provided, in case he had struggled with them, to bind him down to the Scaffold as a Sacrifice to the Altar, had been enough to have disordered the Passions of any man, much more a King; yet having a firm belief that his honour should not suffer with him, but (as his own words are) 
* In his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Rise again like the Sun (after Owls and Bats had had their freedom in the night) to recover such lustre, as should dazzle the eyes of those feral Birds, and make them unable to behold him; he was so well fortified with that assurance, that he despised the shame, and endured the fatal stroke with alike Magnanimity, as that Great 
† Galba●  Emperor, who stretched forth his neck, and bid the Soldiers strike boldly, if it were for their Country's good.  
Here seemed to be the Consummatum est of all the happiness of this Kingdom, as well as of the Life of this King: For upon his Death the Veil of the Temple rend, and the Church was overthrown. An universal Darkness overspread the State, which lasted not for twelve hours only, but twelve years. The two great Luminaries of Law and Gospel were put out: Such as could not write supplied the place of Judges, such as could not read of Bishops. Peace was maintained by War, Licentiousness by Fasting and Prayer. The Commonalty lost their Propriety, the Gentry their Liberty, the Nobility their Honour, the Clergy their Authority and Reverence. The Stream of Government ran down in newcut Channels, whose Waters were always shallow and troubled: And new Engines were invented by the new Statesmen that had the steerage, to catch all sorts of Fish that came to their Nets: some were undone by Sequestration, others by Composition, some by Decimation or Proscription: In sine, it appeared (when too late) that the whole Kingdom suffered more by his suffering than he himself, who being so humbled as he was, even unto death, falling beneath the scorn, mounted above the Envy of his Adversaries, and had this advantage by their Malice, to gain a better Crown than they took from him; whiles not enduring that he should be their King, they considered not that they made him their Martyr.  
Quando ullum invenient parem? 
Horat. Ode 24. lib. 1.   
Multis ille bonis flebilis occidit.  
HONI · SOIT · QVI · MAL · Y · PENSE  
DIEV ET MON DROIT   coat of arms of King Charles II: quarterly, in the first and fourth quarters the arms of France and England quartered, in the second, or a lion rampant in a double tresure flory gules, in the the third azure a harp or, stringed argent; supporters, dexter a lion or crowned, sinister a unicorn argent armed, unglued, craned, and gorged with a royal coronet or, having a chain affixed thereto and reflexed over the back all or. 
Now whether the Plot of this imaginary Structure came first from Hell or Holland, matters not much; but so it was, that (like the New-buildings there) it cost more to make good the Ground it stood on, than the Superstructure was worth, which made the People, in a very little time, so weary both of the Projection and the Projectors, that it was not long ere it fell into visible decay. Now as ill-built Houses whose Foundations fail, do not suddenly fall, but cracking, sink by degrees, so the wiser Brethren the Scots, foreseeing what the end would be, withdrew themselves betimes, whereby they not only avoided the danger of being crushed under the ruins of so ill-grounded a Democracy, but did themselves that right, to be then first returned to, as they were the first went from, their Allegiance: and however many than thought they did but like Foxes, who having once slipped Collar, are hardly ever to be chained up so fast, but that they will one time or another get lose again; yet this honest Apostasy of theirs made such a Schism for the present in the Brotherhood, that had not Cromwell very opportunely stepped into the Gap to stay them, the whole Flock (like frighted Sheep) had then broke out to follow the right Shepherd.  Non aliud discordantis Patria remedium est, quam ut ab uno regeretur. 
Tacit. Annal.  
This he very well knew, and resolving to make the advantage to himself, like a second Antipater that would not wear the Purple outwardly, but was all Purple within, under an humble habit of Meekness, he so deluded them, that they chose him for their Supreme Magistrate, under the Title of Protector of the Commonwealth of England, Scotland, and Ireland. Now lest they should discover his Ambition before he could master their affection, he began his Government not much unlike Tiberius, who (saith Tacitus) would have all things continue at the manner was in the ancient 
* Meaning under their Consuls.  Free State: for as he was willing to be thought irresolved whether to accept of the Empire or not, and thereupon would not permit any Edict, though it were but to call the Lords of the Senate to Council, to be proclaimed by the Virtue and Authority of any other but a Tribune (himself being one:) so Cromwell retaining still the name of Commonwealth, that his Tyranny might seem to differ from the former no otherwise then a Wolf doth from a Dog, submitted all to the Authority of the Parliament, whereof himself was a Member. And to assure the faithful of the Land that the Rule over them, however it were by a single Person, dissered much from Antichristian Monarchy, he did so far adventure to deny himself, as to admit of those Popular Votes which every Body thought were so incompatible with all Kingly Principles, that it was impossible for any one ever to cheat them into Allegiance again: As 1. That the People under God are the Original of all just Power. 2. That the Commons of England in Parliament assembled, being chosen by, and representing the People, have the Supreme Authority of this Nation. 3. That whatsoever is enacted by them, and declared for Law, hath the force of Law. 4. That all the People of this Nation were concluded thereby, although the consent and concurrence of the King and House of Peers were not had thereto. But long it was not ere he extracted out of the dregs of these Votes certain Spirits that made those about him so drunk with Ambition and Courage, that they forgot all their Republican Resolves; and as 'tis said that Caesar encouraged the fearful Pilot that was to waft him over Sea in a Storm, by only telling him he carried Caesar and his Fortunes: so they were animated by the confidence they observed in him, who on the sudden was exalted to that wonderful pitch of boldness, as altered his very Countenance, & made it not much unlike that of 
* Sutton. Vit. Neron.  Lucius Domitius the great Ancestor of the Aenobarbi, whose face being stroked by two Cluii or familiar Damon's, is said to have been transformed into a kind of Copper-colour. And having to that brazen face of his such an Iron heart as deemed nothing too difficult for him to attempt, they were easily persuaded to join themselves with him, whiles he threw himself upon dangers seemingly invincible; so seemingly unconcerned, as if he had known, or at least believed, that he earrled the Fate of the three Nations upon the point of his single Sword: So that it is no marvel, after a long Series of Successes, both in Ireland and Scotland, where his very name (like that of Caesar's) made his way to Victory, having at the last got the better of the King himself, in the fatal Battle of Worcester (whom yet with a Politic Modesty he denied to have been defeated by his, but (as he said) by an Arm from Heaven) he should be so hardy as with the same Club he wrested out of Hercules hand, to dash out the Brains of the Infant Commonwealth (not then full five years old) making himself the sole Administrator of all its Goods and Chattels; to wit, the Moneys raised by sale of Crown and Church Lands, the growing benefit of all Forfeitures, Confiscations, and Compositions, together with the annual Rent of Ninety thousand pounds per mensem; over and besides which he had advantage of all the quaint Projections then on foot, as the years rend laid on Houses built upon new Foundations in and about London, the Contributions for the distressed Protestants in Savoy, the Collections of the Committee of Propagation (as 'twas called) who were to take care for the planting the Gospel in the dark Parts of the World, being no inconsiderable Levies. These I take to have been the personal Estate of the Commonwealth: To the real Estate of Inheritance (which he principally aimed at) viz. the Sovereignty and Dominion of the three Kingdoms by Sea and Land, since he could make no better Title then as the first Occupant by his Premier Seisin, which in effect was none other but plain Disseism, so long as the right Heir was alive, against whom there could be no bar by Fine or Recovery, whilst he continued beyond the Seas; the Learned Knaves about him advised him to entitle himself to it by Act of Parliament: Now forasmuch as by the first Instrument of Government, it was Articled that there should be a Parliament once in three years, two whereof he had already called, that had neither pleased him, nor were pleased with him (the first being so bold to question his Authority, the next himself) he resolved now to appear like the Grand Signior with his Bashaws about him; and accordingly he chose several Prefects of Provinces, whom he called by the name of Major Generals, whose business it was first to keep down the unreconcilable Cavaliers; secondly, to new mould the Linsy-wolsie Covenanters, many of whom about this time began to be corrupted with Principles of Honesty; and lastly, to reform the Elections of Burgesses, so that he might with no less satisfaction than safety call (as a little after he did) the third Parliament, whom yet he vouchsafed not the honour of that Name: but to show them how little he feared any Battery of their Ordinance, permitted them to be nicknamed The Convention, a strange Pack, made up on purpose for the strange Game he was to play, of all Knaves; but Knaves, as it appeared afterward, of different Complexions. These having framed another Instrument of Government, 
Endeavours to make the Protector King.  pressed him by their humble Petition and Advice, as they termed it, with not unlike flattery and falsehood as M. Anthony did Caesar, to legitimate his Usurpation by taking upon him the Title of King. The Lawyers that were of his Common-Council, urged him to it, for that (as they said) there was no other way left for him to guard the Laws, or for the Laws to guard him. The Statesmen that were of his Privy-Councel, provoked him to it, by the Example of Brutus the Roman Liberator, whose folly (they said) it was, that having murdered Caesar, he did not set up himself, or some other, King, though by some other name: since, as he could not be ignorant, that such abortive Liberty as he had given life to, must needs prove the Parent of a lasting servitude; so he might foresee, that Caesar had so engrafted himself into the Body Politic, that one could not be separate from the other, without the destruction of both: and as he had need of Forces, so had they of a Head, and better one crazed than none at all. His nearest Friends and Relations pressed him upon the point of Honour: Neither could there be a readier Argument to persuade him to take upon him to be a Prince, then to tell him he was descended from Princes: For who knew not that his great Ancestor Cradoc Vraych Vras, Earl of Ferlix, having (as the Herald said) married the Princess Tegaire, Daughter and Heir of Pelinor King of Great Britain, many hundred of years before either the Norman or Saxon Conquerors could pretend to any thing: so that now the Question was not so much with what right he could make himself King of England, as by what right he had been so long kept out of it.  
In this confusion of Counsels, it came to his own turn at last to advise himself, and accordingly he weighed all their Arguments, and taking the last first into consideration, he easily over-passed the honour of his Extraction, for two Reasons: First, for that his was not the chief Family of Wales: and secondly, for that he was not the Chief of his Family. Besides, common Fame had debased him, by an odd kind of Disparagement, which (however perhaps mistaken) took much from the dignity of his Person, as being believed to have been an ordinary Brewer: though it proved to be (as Daniel observes by Jaques D' Artevile, the great Stickler of Flanders in Edward the Third his time) a Brewer of more than of Beer. Neither did he much more regard the point of Law, for that he knew it to be no otherwise binding then as a silken Cord, which upon any force used to it, is apt to slip and let go its hold. That which moved him most was the point of State, raised out of that pinching Precedent of Brutus; yet there was an unanswerable scruple rested upon that too, to wit, How it could be reasonable for him to expect to hold them in with a twine thread of voluntary Submission, who had so lately by his own advice broken the strong bond of Allegiance; and (which yet he durst not object to any but himself) he foresaw his Death would make way for some of his Fellow Regicides, to usurp (by his own Example) as much upon his Successors, to the disseisin of those who called him Father, as he had done, by disinheriting the Sons of the true Father of his Country. This showing him, that the thing called Chance would have its share, in despite of all his wisdom and providence, and that there was unknown danger attended that unknown Chance, he retreated into his first disguise, acting over the dissembling part of 
* Who so reads Cromwell's Speech at dissolving the Convention, Jan. 1657 will find this parallel of Tiberius very properly applied to him.  Tiberius, boggling with the Convention, as t'other with the Senate, and telling them that from the Experience he had in matters of State, he had by good proof learned the ill of Sovereignty, how hard and difficult a thing it was, how subject to change and clamour: and seeing there were so many famous and worthy Personages (able and confiding men, as he called them) to bear the burden, better it were and more easy, that many joining their cases and studies together, should undertake the Charge, than cast all on one man's shoulders. These words (as the 
† See Tiberius his Speech in Tacitus. Suspensa semper & obscura verba, 1 An.  Author hath it) carried greater Majesty than Truth: For Tiberius (saith he) and Cromwell (say we) either by nature, or by custom, spoke those things which he would have known darkly and doubtfully, but of set purpose endeavouring to hid his drifts, wrapped himself then, more than ever, in dark Clouds of Incertainty and Ambiguity, and canted (as our Phrase is) more skilfully than ever: Our Senate (as theirs) having in the mean time that awe upon their Spirits, that as he says by them, that they thought it great peril if the Emperor, I may say by these, that they thought it no less dangerous if the Protector, should doubt they perceived his Dissimulation; and so they acquiesced in the final Answer he gave them, that he accepted the Government, but not by the Title of KING.  
To say truth, he was afraid of those only, by whom only he used to make others afraid, his emulous Bashaws, those mighty men of War before mentioned, who wheeling about, declared against all Monarchy on Earth, but that of Jesus Christ, under whom they thought themselves as well entitled to be Major Generals, as under him. Amongst whom, not to mention the rest, I take Lambert, Desborow, Whaley, Goffe., Harrison, and Pride, to be six more unruly Beasts, than those six Oldenburgh Horses, which but a little before disdaining his lash (however three Nations lay patiently under it) had ominously fling him from his Seat, when in a frolic he took upon him to drive his own Chariot, and having got him under their feet, so bruised and battered him, that he was taken up for dead, which being the only fatal Accident that ever lighted on his Body, by doing him that hurt, did him this good, to teach him that it was no jesting matter to take the Reins into his hands: For in case these head strong Beasts should have taken the Bit between their Teeth too, as those other did, they would certainly have fling him down beyond all Recovery, having before that, so far derided and scorned his mimical Majesty, that they would by no means admit of his new House of Lords, or vouchsafe them any other name than that of The 
* Yet after his death they got to be called The Upper House.  other House; whereby he found himself if not only uneasy, but so unfixed in his Greatness, that the apprehensions thereof put him into such a kind of a Frenzy for the time being, that he could not forbear in great passion to 
† See his Speech at the breaking of the Convention, 1657.  tax them with having betrayed him into that great Charge he had, which (as he said) could not be made secure but by making it greater; and it troubled him the more for that it looked like a Judgement, to have his Ambition so stifled in the very birth, after his having endured the Throws and Pangs of so many anxious thoughts, and sharp contradictions, and the convulsions of a more than a common guilt: but that which came yet nearer the quick was, that as he was dashed out of all hopes of being a King, so he began to lose his confidence of continuing a Tyrant, perceiving a daily defection of many of those in whose firm disloyalty he most confided. This turned all his Blood into Choler, and that became more adust, by the grief conceived for the death of his second and most beloved Daughter, who expiring under the apprehensions of being tormented for his sins, made it seems that impression upon him, by her Sentiments of his Cruelty and Injustice, that the disturbance of hers brought such a distraction into his mind, as meeting with a suitable Distemper of Body, left him not till he left the World, out of which he departed with no less blustering and noise, than he continued in it, his Exit being attended with as dreadful a Storm, as that which happened at the departure of Romulus, to whom therefore a witty Flatterer of those times took the confidence to compare him, though without any Testimony given of his (as there was of tother's) going to Heaven: his Death suggesting no less matter of shame then grief to the inspired Party that depended on him, whilst one of their Seers assured them, that God had given him his life. His Son Richard succeeded him, but was so daunted with the horror of that unexpected height he arrived at, that not being able to keep the Reins long in his hands, he fell like another Phacton, leaving all in Flames about him.  
Then began that Chaos of The Committee of Safety, out of which Fleetwood started up like the Beast in the 
* Cap. 13.  Revelations, that risen out of the Sea with 
(a) Th● seven Commissioners for Government of the Army made by Act of Parliament, who were to execute the Office and Power of lieutenants Geneal from 11 Oct. 59 to 22 F●l● following.  seven Heads 
(b) Lambert who was restored after his Commission was taken away.  one whereof was wounded to death and healed again) and 
(c) The ten Persons chose by the Chief Officers of the Army at Whitehall, to act as the Supreme Council for the Commonwealth.  ten Horns, to whom (saith the Text) was given a Mouth speaking great things and Blasphemies, till God (as himself expressed it) spitting in his face blasted him. This many headed Monster receiving its power from the Dragon (by which we may either understand the Devil in a mystical, or the Army in a literal sense) had Instruction 1. To bring all Delinquents to Justice (that was to murder whom they pleased) 2. To prevent and suppress all Insurrections and Rebellions (that was to rob, rifie, and imprison whom they thought fit.) 3. To treat with Foreign States (that was to sell the whole Nation whensoever they could find a fit Chapman for it.) 4 To raise the Militia in every County (that was to make the People Instruments of their own Servitude.) 5. To fill up all places of Trust that were void, and to remove such as were scandalous (in order to the making void of more.) 6. To make sale of all Delinquents Estates (and as an Appendix to that Power, they might make whom they would Delinquents.) Neither indeed did they spare any Body, but preyed upon all Interests with so unsatiable a rage, that no individual Propriety seemed to be safe from their Rapacity, insomuch that the afflicted Genius of the Nation, like that helpless Virgin delivered by St. George, stood trembling in expectation of being devoured by them, till Heaven moved by her Prayers and Tears, sent another St. George to be her Deliverer, who animated by the benign Influences of that blessed 
* At His Nativity a Star was seen at noonday.  Star, which appeared at the Birth of our present Sovereign, as a Harold from Heaven, to proclaim his Right on Earth, cut off the Monster's Head, or rather its Tail (for like to that Serpent which is called the Amphisbena, its Rump was its Head) and so dispelled the whole Enchantment of those Sorcerers at Westminster: Upon which the Mists of Reformation vanishing, the blinded Multitude came to themselves again, and were so overjoyed to see all their Troubles end no less strangely than they began, that they offered up an Holocaust of Rumps, in memory of their Deliverance from the Tyranny of that Rump Parliament, as they called it: After which it was not in the power of Novelty, Ambition, or Profit, to stop them in the return to their Allegiance, till they were blessed with the sight of their natural Sovereign, who appearing with a trine aspect of Majesty (squared to the Idea of that Divinity to which he owes his three Kingdoms) that is to say, great in the Energy of his Power, greater in that of his Justice, but greatest in that of his Mercy, was brought home triumphant thorough his chief City, and welcomed with like Acclamations and Prayers, as heretofore his great Sire Charlemagne was by those of Rome, to whose Votes Heaven seemed to Echo Amen, whilst each man loudly cried  
Carolo à Deo Coronató Vità & Victoria.  

Non rapit Imperium vis tua sed recipit Auson: de severo.   an engraved cartouche, crowned.    

THE TABLE.  

A. 

ADrianus 79  
Aur. Ambrose 95  
Arthur 98  
Athelstan 142  
Anlaff I 168  
Anlaff II. 170  
Anlaff III. 172    
B. 

BRute 51  
Belin 55  
Belinarvirag 64  
Bassianus 82    
C. 

CAssibelin 57  
Cunobelin 61  
Coelibelin 66  
Cymbelin 67  
Claudius 77  
Constant. Chlorus 84  
Constantin. Magnus 86  
Constantine II. 88  
Constantine III. 91  
Constantine IV. 99  
Clemens Max. 89  
Caredic 100  
Charles I 342  
Charles II. 356  
Canute 180    
D. 

DYnasty of Britain's 41  
Dynasty of Romans 69  
Dynasty of English 103  
Dynasty of Danes 155  
Dynasty of Normans 189  
Dynasty of Scots 323    
E. 

EAst-Sexe Kings 116  
East-Angle Kings 123  
Egbert 132  
Ethelwolph 134  
Ethelbald 135  
Ethelbert 136  
Ethelred 137  
Elfrid 138  
Edmund 144  
Endred 145  
Edwin 146  
Edgar 147  
Edward the Martyr 149  
Edward the Elder 140  
Ethelred the Unready 151  
Edmund Ironside 153  
Eric I 164  
Eric II. 166  
Eric III. 171  
Edward the Confessor 182  
Edward I 229  
Edward II. 234  
Edward III. 240  
Edward IV. 271  
Edward V. 274  
Edward VI 298    
G. 

GUithbelin 62  
Gratianus 90  
Gurmo 163    
H. 

Hunger 161  
Harold I 178  
Harold II. 185  
Henry I 205  
Henry II. 212  
Henry III. 223  
Henry IV. 253  
Henry V. 259  
Henry VI 266  
Henry VII. 282  
Henry VIII. 288    
J. 

JUlius Caesar 75  
John 218  
James 328    
K. 

KNute 175  
Kings of Kent 107  
Kings of South-Sexe 111  
Kings of West-Sexe 113  
Kings of East-Sexe 116  
Kings of Mercia 119  
Kings of East-Angles 123  
Kings of Northumberland 126    
L. 

LUdbelin 56    
M. 

MAlmud 53  
Meriobelin 65    
O. 

ORder of the English Kings 130  
Order of the Danish Kings 159  
Order of the Norman Kings 194  
Order of the Scots Kings 327    
P. 

PErtinas 80    
Q. 

QUeen Mary 304  
Queen Elizabeth 311    
R. 

RIchard I. 215  
Richard II. 245  
Richard III. 279    
S. 

SEverus 81  
Swain 174  
Stephen 209    
T. 

TUbelin 59    
V. 

VOrtigern 93  
Uter Pendragon 97    
W. 

WIlliam I. 197  
William II. 201     
FINIS.