— Resoluta catenis  
Incedit Virgo, pretiumque & causa laboris.  Ovid. Metam▪ l. 4▪  

A BRIEF VIEW and SURVEY OF THE Dangerous and pernicious ERRORS TO CHURCH and STATE, In Mr. HOBBES' BOOK, Entitled LEVIATHAN.  
By EDWARD Earl of Clarendon.  
The second Impression.  
OXON: Printed at the THEATER. 1676.   

IMPRIMATUR  

S. r. Ed●: Northey Knight ●her Majesty's Attorney General   
RAD. BATHURST Vicecan. Oxon. July 1. 1676   

TO THE KING'S MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY  
May it please Your Majesty,  
IT is one of the false and evil Doctrines which Mr. Hobbes hath published in his Leviathan, (p. 114.) That a banished Subject, during the Banishment, is not a Subject. And (pag. 165.) that a banished man is a lawful Enemy of the Commonwealth that banished him, as being no more a member of the same. I thank God, from the time that I found myself under the insupportable burden of Your Majesty's displeasure, and under the in famous brand of Banishment, I have not thought myself one minute absolved in the least degree from the obligation of the strictest duty to your Person, and of the highest gratitude that the most obliged Servant can stand bound in, or from the affection that a true and faithful Englishman still owes and must still pay to his Country. And as I have every day since prayed for the safety of your Person, and he prosperity of your Affairs, with the same devotion and integrity as for the salvation of my own Soul; so I have exercised my thoughts in nothing so much, as how to spend my time in doing somewhat that may prove for Your Majesty's Service and Honor. And therefore assoon as I had finished (as far as I am able, without the supply of those Memorials and Records which are fit to be enquired into) a work at least recommended, if not enjoined, to me by your Blessed Father, and approved, and in some degree perused by Your Majesty, (which I hope will be to the Honour of His Majesty's memory, and your own magnanimous Sufferings) I could not think of any thing in my power to perform of more importance to your Majesty's service, then to answer Mr. Hobbes's Leviathan, and confute the doctrine therein contained, so pernicious to the Sovereign Power of Kings, and destructive to the affection and allegiance of Subjects; notwithstanding which, by the protection the Author hath from the Act of Indemnity, and I know not what other connivance, it is manifest enough, that many odious Opinions, the seed whereof was first sowed in that Book, have been since propagated, to the extreme scandal of the Government in Church and State. I have often heretofore, when I had liberty for that presumption, advertised Your Majesty, of the wickedness of very many of the Principles upon which that whole Book is supported, and was not without some hope of prevailing with Your Majesty to give yourself the leisure, and the trouble, to peruse and examine some parts of it, in confidence that they would no sooner be read, then detested by you; whereas the frequent reciting of loose and disjointed Sentences, and bold Inferences, for the novelty and pleasantness of the Expressions, the reputation of the Gentleman for parts and Learning, with his confidence in Conversation, and especially the humour and inclination of the Time to all kind of Paradoxes, have too much prevailed with many of great Wit and Faculties, without reading the context, or observation of the consequences, to believe his Propositions to be more innocent, or less mischievous, then upon a more deliberate perusal they will find them to be; and the love of his person and company, have rendered the iniquity of his Principles less discernible. Mr. Hobbes consulted too few Authors, and made use of too few Books; the benefit of which my present condition has also deprived me of; although the want which I complain most of, is of Friends to examine and control, upon the reading any impropriety or indecency in my Expressions, or defect of vigour in my Ratiocination; towards the weighing whereof I have had little contribution. However, I presume to think, that the antidote, how weak spirited soever, is seasonable to be administered, to expel or allay the poison that is still working very furiously. And if I know any thing of the constitution of the Government of England, and of the nature and temper of that faithful Nation, the publishing of his poor Discourse may be of some use and service to your Majesty; that all the World may know, how much you abhor all those extravagant and absurd Privileges, which no Christian Prince ever enjoied or affected. The consideration of this only, hath disposed me to expose myself to the licence of the Tongues and Pens of all those, who will never be without inclinations rather to insult upon my Fortune, and to reproach my Person, then to pity my Weakness, or rectify my Understanding. If the prefixing your Majesty's Name before it, as if you would countenance so disgraced and degraded a Person, or give any Protection to a Work of which he is the Author, doth not find your Majesty's approbation; I have appointed that presumption to be declined, being steadfastly resolved, by God's Blessing, never to displease You whilst I live, or after I am dead; and retaining still a hope, with some confidence (which sustains my weak decayed Spirits) that your Majesty will at some time call to your remembrance, my long and incorrupted Fidelity to your Person, and your Service: and that though I am for the present deprived of that most valued and precious Relation, your Majesty will not be offended, that I assume the title of being  
YOUR MAJESTY'S Most faithful and obedient Subject, and one of the oldest Servants that is now living, to your Father and yourself, Clarendon. Moulins, May 10. 1673.   

A Survey of Mr. Hobbes his Leviathan.  

The INTRODUCTION.  
I HAVE always thought it a great excess in those who take upon them to answer other men's Writings, to hold themselves obliged to find fault with every thing that they say, and to answer every Clause, Period, and Proposition which he, to whom they have made themselves an Adversary, hath laid down; by which, besides the voluminousness that it produces, which in itself is grievous to any Reader, they cannot but be guilty of many impertinences, and expose themselves to the just censures of others, and to the advantage of their Antagonists; since there are few Books which do not contain many things which are true, and cannot, or need not be contradicted. And considering withal, that those Books have in all times done most mischief, and scattered abroad the most pernicious errors, in which the Authors, by the Ornament of their Style, and the pleasantness of their method, and subtlety of their Wit, have from specious Premises, drawn their unskilful and unwary Readers into unwarrantable Opinions and Conclusions, being intoxicated with terms and Allegorical expressions, which puzzle their understandings, and lead them into perplexities, from whence they cannot disentangle themselves; I have proposed to myself, to make some Animad-versions upon such particulars, as may in my judgement produce much mischief in the World; in a Book of great Name, and which is entertained and celebrated (at least enough) in the World; a Book which contains in it good Learning of all kinds, politely extracted, and very wittily and cunningly digested, in a very commendable method, and in a vigorous and pleasant Style: which hath prevailed over too many, to swallow many new Tenets as Maxims without chewing; which manner of diet for the indisgestion Mr. Hobbes himself doth much dislike. The thorough novelty (to which the present Age, if ever any, is too much inclined) of the work, receives great credit and authority from the known Name of the Author, a Man of excellent parts, of great wit, some reading, and somewhat more thinking; One who has spent many years in foreign parts, and observation; understands the Learned as well as modern Languages, hath long had the reputation of a great Philosopher and Mathematician, and in his Age hath had conversation with very many worthy and extraordinary Men, to which, it may be, if he had been more indulgent in the more vigorous part of his life, it might have had a greater influence upon the temper of his mind, whereas age seldom submits to those questions, inquiries, and contradictions, which the Laws and liberty of Conversation require: and it hath been always a lamentation amongst Mr. Hobbes his Friends, that he spent too much time in thinking, and too little in ex●●●ising those thoughts in the company of other Men of the same, or of as good faculties; for want whereof his natural constitution, with age, contracted such a morosity, that doubting and contradicting Men were never grateful to him. In a word, Mr. Hobbes is one of the most ancient acquaintance I have in the World, and of whom I have always had a great esteem, as a Man who besides his eminent parts of Learning and Knowledge, hah been always looked upon as a Man of Probity, and a life free from scandal; and it may be there are few Men now alive, who have been longer known to him then I have been in a fair and friendly conversation and sociableness; and I had the honour to introduce those, in whose perfections he seemed to take much delight, and whose memory he seems most to extol, first into his acquaintance. In all which respects, both of the Author and the work, it cannot reasonably be imagined, that any vanity hath transported me, who know myself so incompetent for the full disquisition of this whole work, which contains in it many parts of Knowledge and Learning, in which I am not conversant; and also the disadvantage, that so many years have passed since the publication of this Book, without any thing like an answer to the most mischievous parts of it, as to Civil Government; at least I had seen none such, till after I had finished this discourse, which was a● Montpelier in the month of April, One thousand six hundred and seventy, where I wanted many of those Books which had been necessary to have been carefully consulted and perused, if I had proposed to myself to have answered many of those Scholastic Points, which seem to me enough exposed to just cen●ure and reproach, and which I did suppose some University Men would have taken occasion from, to have vindicated those venerable Nurseries from that vice and ignorance, his superciliousness hath thought fit to asperse them with. I do confess since that time I have read several Answers and Reflections, made by Learned Men of both the Universities, in English and in Latin upon his Leviathan, or his other works published before and after; which several Answers (though they have very pregnantly discovered many gross errors, and grosser oversights in those parts of Science in which Mr. Hobbes would be thought to excel, which are like to put him more out of countenance then any thing I can urge against him, by how much he values himself more upon being thought a good Philosopher, and a good Geometrician, than a modest Man, or a good Christian) have not so far discouraged me, as to cause me, either to believe what I had thought of and prepared before, to be the less pertinent to be communicated, or at all to enlarge, or contract my former conceptions (though probably many things which I offer are more vigorously urged, and expressed in some of the other Answers. Notwithstanding all which, his Person is by many received with respect, and his Books continue still to be esteemed as well abroad as at home: which might very well have prevailed, with those before 〈◊〉 Arguments, to have 〈◊〉 pretending to see farther into them then other Men had done, and to discover a malignity undiscerned that should make them odious. But then how prevalent soever these motives were with me; when I reflected upon the most mischievous Principles, and most destructive to the Peace both of Church and Sta●e, which are scattered though 〈◊〉 that Book of his Leviathan, (which I only take upon me to discover) and the unhappy impression they have made in the minds of too many; I thought myself the more obliged, and not the less comp●tent for those animadversions, by the part I had acted for many years in the public Administration of Justice, and in the Policy of the Kingdom. And the leisure to which God hath condemned me, seems an invitation and obligation upon me, to give a testimony to the World, that my duty and affection for my King and Country, is not less than it hath ever been, when it was better interpreted, by giving warning to both, of the danger they are in, by the seditious Principles of this Books, that they may in time provide for their Security by their abolishing and extirpating those, and the like excesses. And as it could not reasonably be expected, that such a Book would be answered in the time when it was published, which had been to have disputed with a Man that commanded thirty Legions, (for Cromwell had been obliged to have supported him, who defended his Usurpation;) so afterwards men thought it would be too much ill nature to call men in question for what they had said in ill times, and for saying which they had a plenary Indulgence and Absolution. And I am still of opinion, that even of those who have read his Book, and not frequented his Company, there are many, who being delighted with some new notions, and the pleasant and clear Style throughout the Book, have not taken notice of those downright Conclusions, which overthrow or undermine all those Principles of Government, which have preserved the Peace of this Kingdom through so many Ages, even from the time of its first Institution; or restored it to Peace, when it had at some times been interrupted: and much less of those odious insinuations, and perverting some Texts of Scripture, which do dishonour, and would destroy the very Essence of the Religion of Christ. And when I called to mind the good acquaintance that had been between us, and what I had said to many who I knew had informed him of it, and which indeed I had sent to himself upon the first publishing of his Leviathan, I thought myself eve● bound to give him some satisfaction why I had entertained so evil an opinion of his Book.  
When the Prince went first to Paris from jersey, and My Lords Capel and Hopton stayed in jersey together with myself, I heard shortly after, that Mr. Hobbes who was then at Paris, had printed his Book De Cive there. I writ to Dr. Earles, who was then the Prince's Chaplain, and his Tutor, to remember me kindly to Mr. Hobbes with whom I was well acquainted, and to desire him to send me his Book De Cive, by the same token that Sid. Godolphin (who had been killed in the late War) had left him a Legacy of two hundred pounds. The Book was immediately sent to me by Mr. Hobbes, with a desire that I would tell him, whether I was sure that there was such a Legacy, and how he might take notice of it to receive it. I sent him word that he might depend upon it for a truth, and that I believed that if he found some way secretly (to the end there might be no public notice of it in regard of the Parliament) to demand it of his Brother Francis Godolphin, (who in truth had told me of it) he would pay it. This information was the ground of the Dedication of this Book to him, whom Mr. Hobbes had never seen.  
When I went some few years after from Holland with the King (after the Murder of his Father) to Paris, from whence I went shortly his Majesty's Ambassador into Spain, Mr. Hobbes visited me, and told me that Mr. Godolphin confessed the Legacy, and had paid him one hundred pounds, and promised to pay the other in a short time; for all which he thanked me, and said he owed it to me, for he had never otherwise known of it. When I returned from Spain by Paris he frequently came to me, and told me his Book (which he would call Leviathan) was then Printing in England, and that he received every week a Sheet to correct, of which he showed me one or two Sheets, and thought it would be finished within little more than a month; and showed me the Epistle to Mr. Godolphin which he meant to set before it, and read it to me, and concluded, that he knew when I read his Book I would not like it, and thereupon mentioned some of his Conclusions; upon which I asked him, why he would publish such doctrine: to which, after a discourse between jest and earnest upon the Subject, he said, The truth is, I have a mind to go home.  
Within a very short time after I came into Flanders, which was not much more than a month from the time that Mr. Hobbes had conferred with me, Leviathan was sent to me from London; which I read with much appetite and impatience. Yet I had scarce finished it, when Sir Charles Cavendish (the noble Brother of the Duke of Newcastle who was then at Antwerp, and a Gentleman of all the accomplishments of mind that he wanted of body, being in all other respects a wonderful Person) showed me a Letter he had then received from Mr. Hobbes, in which he desired he would let him know freely what my opinion was of his Book. Upon which I wished he would tell him, that I could not enough wonder, that a Man, who had so great a reverence for Civil Government, that he resolved all Wisdom and Religion itself into a simple obedience and submission to it, should publish a Book, for which, by the constitution of any Government now established in Europe, whether Monarchical or Democratical, the Author must be punished in the highest degree, and with the most severe penalties. With which answer (which Sir Charles sent to him) he was hot pleased▪ and found afterwards when I returned to the King to Paris, that I very much censured his Book, which he had presented, engrossed in ●●llam in a marvellous fair hand, to the King; and likewise found my judgement so far confirmed, that few days before I came thither, he was compelled secretly to fly out of Paris, the Justice having endeavoured to apprehend him, and soon after escaped into England, where he never received any disturbance. After the Kings return he came frequently to the Court, where he had too many Disciples; and once visited me. I received him very kindly, and invited him to see me often, but he heard from so many hands that I had no good opinion of his Book, that he came to me only that one time: and methinks I am in a degree indebted to him, to let him know some reason, why I look with so much prejudice upon his Book, which hath gotten him so much credit and estimation with some other men.  
I am not without some doubt, that I shall in this discourse, which I am now engaged in, transgress in a way I do very heartily dislike, and frequently censure in others, which is sharpness of Language, and too much reproaching the Person against whom I write; which is by no means warrantable, when it can be possibly avoided without wronging the truth in debate. Yet I hope nothing hath fallen from my Pen, which implies the least undervaluing of Mr. Hobbes his Person, or his Parts. But if he, to advance his opinion in Policy, too imperiously reproaches all men who do not consent to his Doctrine, it can hardly be avoided, to reprehend so great presumption, and to make his Doctrines appear as odious as they ought to be esteemed: and when he shakes the Principles of Christian Religion, by his new and bold Interpretations of Scripture, a man can hardly avoid saying, He hath no Religion, or that he is no good Christian; and escape endeavouring to manifest and expose the poison that lies hid and concealed. Yet I have chosen, rather to pass by many of his enormous sayings with light expressions, to make his Assertions ridiculous, then to make his Person odious, for infusing such destructive Doctrine into the minds of men, who are already too licentious in judging the Precepts, or observing the Practice of Christianity.   

The Survey of Mr. Hobbes' Introduction.  
IT is no wonder that Mr. Hobbes runs into so many mistakes and errors throughout his whole discourse of the nature of Government from the nature of Mankind, when he lays so wrong a foundation in the very entrance and Introduction of his Book, as to make a judgement of the Passions, and Nature of all other Men, by his own observations of himself; and believes, (pag. 2.) that by looking into himself, and considering what he doth when he does think, opine, reason, hope, fear, etc. and upon what grounds, he shall thereby read, and know what are the thoughts and passions of all other men upon the like occasions. And indeed by his distinction in the very subsequent words (pag. 2.) between the similitude of passions; and the similitude of the object of the passions, and his confession, that the constitution individual and particular education do make so great a difference and disparity, he reduces that general Proposition to signify so very little, that he leaves very little to be observed, and very few Persons competent to observe. We have too much cause to believe, that much the major part of mankind do not think at all, are not endued with reason enough to opine, or think of what they did last, or what they are to do next, have no reflection, without which there can be no thinking to this purpose: and the number is much greater of those who know not how to comprehend the smilitude of the objects from the passions, nor enough understand the nature of fear, as it is distinguished from the object that is feared: so that none of these Persons (which constitute a vast number) are capable to make that observation, which must produce that knowledge which may enable them to judge of all the World. And how many there are left, who are fit from their individual constitutions or particular educations, and notwithstanding the corruption introduced by dissembling, lying, counterfeiting, and erroneous Doctrine, to make that judgement, I leave to Mr. Hobbes to determine. And 'tis probable, that those very few may conclude, that what they do when they think, opine, reason, hope, fear, contributes very little to their knowing what the thoughts and passions of other men are. And they may the rather be induced to make that conclusion, since there are so very few who think and opine as Mr. Hobbes doth, and whose hopes and fears are like his, with reference to the objects, or the nature itself of those passions, and that the dissimilitude is greater between the passions themselves, then between the objects; and that men are not more unlike each other in their faces, or in their clothes, then in their thinking, hoping, and fearing. Since than Mr. Hobbes found'st so much of his whole discourse upon the verity and Evidence of this first Proposition, that we shall very often have occasion to resort to it as we keep him company; and since the same seems to me to be very far from being the true Key to open the cipher of other men's thoughts; it will not be amiss to examine, and insist a little longer on this Conclusion, that we may discern whether all, or any of us are endued with such an infallible Faculty, that we can conclude what the thoughts and passions of other men are, by a strict observation and consideration of our own thoughts and passions; which would very much enable us to countermine and disappoint each others thoughts and passions, and would be a high point of wisdom. In the disquisition whereof, that we may not entangle the passion and the object together, for want of skill to severe them, it may not be amiss to suppose the same passion to be in two several men whose passions have the same object, and then consider whether they are like to discover each others thoughts and passions, their hopes and their fears, by each man's looking into himself, and considering what he does when he thinks, hopes, or fears. If Mr. Hobbes, loved, to as great a height as his passion can rise to, the same object that is likewise loved by another, he would hardly be able to make any judgement of the others love by his own; and upon a mutual confession and communication, their passions would not be found to be the same. If Mr. Hobbes, and some other man were both condemned to death, (which is the most formidable thing Mr. Hobbes can conceive) the other could no more by looking into himself know Mr. Hobbe's present thoughts, and the extent of his fear, than he could, by looking in his face, know what he hath in his Pocket. Not only the several complexions, and constitutions of the body, the different educations, and climates dispose the affections and passions of men to different objects, but have a great influence upon the passions themselves. As the fears, so the hopes of men are as unlike as their gate, and mien. If a Sanguine, and a Melancholic man hope the same thing, their hopes are no more alike each others, than their complexions are; the hope of the one retaining still somewhat like despair, whilst the hope of the other looks like fruition: so little similitude there is in the passions themselves without any relation to their objects. That a man of great courage, and a very cowardly man have not the same countenance, and presence of mind in an approach of danger, proceeds not from the one's liking to be killed more than the others, but rather from the difference of their natural courage. But let us suppose a man of courage, and a coward equally guilty, or equally innocent (that there may be no difference from the operation of conscience) to be brought to die together by a judgement which they cannot avoid, and so to be equally without hope of life (and death in Mr. Hobbes' judgement is equally terrible to all, and with equal care to be avoided, or resisted.) How comes it to pass, that one of these undergoes death with no other concernment, then as if he were going any other journey, and the other with such confusion and trembling, that he is even without life before he dies; if it were true that all men fear alike upon the like occasion? There will be the same uncertainty in concluding what others do, by observing what we ourselves do, when we think, opine, or reason. How shall that man, who thinks deliberately, opines modestly, and reasons dispassionately, and by his excellent temper satisfies his own judgement in a conclusion, in which at the same time he discerns others may differ from him: I say, how shall such a man by his own way of reasoning judge another man's, who usually thinks precipitately, opines arrogantly, and reasons superciliously, and concludes imperiously that man to be mistaken, who determines otherwise then he does? To conclude, Mr. Hobbes might as naturally have introduced his unreasonable Doctrine of the Similitude of the Passions, from the wisdom that he says is acquired by the reading of Men, as from his method of reading one's self. That saying of Nosce teipsum, in the sense of Solon who prescribed it, was a sober truth, but was never intended as an expedient to discover the similitude of the thoughts of other men by what he found in himself, but as the best means to suppress and destroy that pride and self-conceit, which might temt him to undervalue other men, and to plant that modesty and humility in himself, as would preserve him from such presumption.   

The Survey of Chapter 1, 2, 3.  
HAving resolved not to enter into the Lists with Mr. Hobbes upon the Signification of words, or Propriety of expressions, in which he exercises an absolute Dictatorship; and indeed not to enlarge upon any particular that to me seems erroneous, except it be an Error of that kind and consequence, as carries with it, or in it, somewhat that is hurtful to the Peace and Policy of the Kingdom, or prejudicial to the sincerity of Religion; I should have passed over the first, second, and third Chapters without any Animadversion, not troubling myself whether the imagination and memory are but one thing, which for divers considerations hath divers names, (p. 5.) if I had not some apprehension, that by an unnecessary reflection upon the Schools in the close of his second Chapter, and finding fault with the using some words in the sense they ought not to be used, he hopes to dispose his Readers to such a prejudice and contemt towards them, that they may more easily undervalue them in more serious instances: the principal foundation that he lays for the support of all his Novelties, being to lessen and vilify all the Principles, and all the Persons, which he well foresees most like to be applied to the demolishing his new Structure.  
Amongst the many excellent parts and faculties with which Mr. Hobbes is plentifully endowed, his order and method in Writing, and his clear expressing his conceptions in weighty, proper, and significant words, are very remarkable and commendable; and it is some part of his Art to introduce, upon the sudden, instances and remarks, which are the more grateful, and make the more impression upon his Reader, by the unexpectedness of meeting them where somewhat else is talked of: for thereby he prepares and disposes the fancy to be pleased with them in a more proper and important place. No man would have imagined, that in a Philosophical Discourse of Dreams, and Fairies, and Ghosts, and Goblins, Exorcisms, Crosses, and Holywater, he would have taken occasion to have reproved job for saying, that the inspiration of the Almighty giveth men understanding, Job 32. 8. which can be no good expression, if it be incongruity to say, that good thoughts are inspired into a man by God: and 'tis pity that St. Paul did not better weigh his words, when he said, that we are not sufficient of ourselves to think any thing of ourselves, but our sufficiency is of God, 2 Cor. 3. 5. or when he said to the Philippians, that it is God which worketh in you both to will, and to do of his good pleasure, Phil. 2. 13. and that St. john had not been better advised, when he said, He that committeth sin, is of the Devil, 1 Joh. 3. 8. Upon any of which Texts a man can hardly enlarge in discourse, without saying, that good thoughts are inspired, or infused (which he thinks he hath made the more ridiculous, by turning into other words of the like signification) by God, and evil thoughts by the devil, which in his understanding, are amongst the many words making nothing understood; whereas there are few expressions in which the sense of the speaker is better understood, or by which the sense of the Apostles can be made more clear than by those expressionss But this momical mention of the power and goodness of God, and of the Devil's activity and malignity, in a place so improper and unnatural for those reflections, will the more incline his Disciples to undervalue those common notions of the goodness and assistance of God, and of the malice and vigilance of the Devil; and by making themselves merry with that proper and devout custom of speaking, and the natural results from thence, by degrees to undervalue those other conceptions of Religion and Piety, which would restrain and control the licentious imagination of the excellency of their own understandings; and prepare them to believe, that all the discourses of Sanctity, and the obligations of Christianity, and the essentials of a Church, Faith, and Obedience to the dictates of God's Spirit, are but the artifice and invention of Churchmen, to advance their own pomp and worldly interest, and that Heaven and Hell are but words to flatter or terrify men; at least, that the places of either are so situated, and have no other extent or degree of pain and pleasure, than he had thought fit to assign to them towards the end of his Leviathan.  
Nor is his instance of the train of imaginations, in his third Chapter, less wonderful. And indeed, Mr. Hobbes had the more reason for his opinion of the similitude of thoughts, and that by looking into himself when he thinks, and upon what grounds, he can thereby know the thoughts of other men, when he was with the velocity of a thought, in a moment of time, able to decipher that impertinent Question, What was the value of a Roman penny; and to discover a succession of thoughts in the Enquirer, the last of which determined in the resolution of delivering up the King: which was so rare a faculty, that such a similitude of thoughts cannot be concluded to be in other men. And since erroneous Doctrines have so great an influence upon the minds of men, as to corrupt the natural motives, he knows best whether he had not before this form his new Scheme of Loyalty, and digested all those imaginations towards the dissolution of Allegiance, and eluding the obligation of all Oaths; which if he had done, he had the Key ready to decipher by, and might easily discover that which no man in England could discover who had not the same Key.   

The Survey of Chapters 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9  
WE shall with less reflection pass over his fourth Chapter of Speech, which he says, was the noblest and most profitable Invention of all other, whether properly or improperly, he shall do well to consider; together with his fifth and sixth Chapters, which with those which precede, and two or three which follow, he intends as a Dictionary, for the better understanding and defining very many terms and words, which he is to make use of throughout the rest of his Work; and which whoever can carry with him in his memory, as he expects every man shall do, shall be often more confounded in the understanding many parts of his Book, then if he forgets them all. In which yet many things are said very wittily and pleasantly; though it may be many critical men, whom he hath provoked, may believe many of his Expressions to be incongruous; and his Definitions not so exact as might have been expected from so great an Artist; and that all those Chapters are rather for delight, in the novelty and boldness of the expression, then for any real information in the substantial part of knowledge: since few men, upon the most exact reading them over, find themselves wiser than they were before, but rather think that they better understood before what Contemt signifies, then by being now told, (pag. 24.) that it is nothing else but an immobility or contumacy of the heart, in resisting the action of certain things, and proceeding from that the heart is already moved otherwise, by other more potent objects, or from want of experience of them; or that they do better understand the nature and original of Laughter, by being informed (pag. 27.) that sudden glory is the passion which maketh some grimaces call●d Laughter, and is caused either by some sudden act of their own that pleaseth them, or by the apprehension of some deformed thing in another, by comparison whereof they suddenly applaud themselves. In which kind of Illustrations those Chapters, and in truth his whole Book abounds, and discovers a master faculty in making easy things hard to be understood: and men will probably with the more impatience and curiosity, though with the less reverence, enter upon the third part of his Book, which is to define Christian Politics, after he hath so well defined and described Religion to be Fear of Power invisible, feigned by the mind, or imagined from tales publicly allowed, (p. 26.) all which I leave to his Friends of the Universities. Nor shall I spend more time upon the seventh, eighth, a●d ninth Chapters, leaving them to the Schoolmen to examine, who are in his debt for much mirth which he hath made out of them, I for my part being very indifferent between them, as believing that the Schoolmen have contributed very little more to the advancement of any noble or substantial part of Learning, than Mr. Hobbes hath done to the reformation or improvement of Philosophy and Policy. Yet I may reasonably say so much on their behalf, that if Mr. Hobbes may take upon him to translate all those terms of Art (the proper signification whereof is unanimously understood, and agreed between all who use them, and which in truth are a cipher to which all men of moderate Learning have the Key) into the vulgar Language by the assistance of Riders Dictionary, he hath found a way to render and expose the worthiest Professors of any Science, and all Science itself to the cheap laughter of all illiterate men; which is contrary to Mr. Hobbes' own rule and determination, (pag. 17.) where he says, That when a man upon the hearing any Speech, hath those thoughts which the words of that Speech, and their connexion, were ordained and constituted to signify, than he is said to understand it. And surely the signification of words and terms, is no less ordained and constituted by custom and acceptation, then by Grammar and Etymologies. If it were otherwise, Mr. Hobbes himself would be as much exposed to ignorant Auditors, when he reads a Lecture upon the Optics, or even in his adored Geometry, if a pleasant Translator should render all his terms as literally, as he hath done the Title of the sixth Chapter of Suarez: for every Age, as new things happen, finds new words in all Languages to signify them. The Civilians, who are amongst the best Judges of Latin, can hardly tell how investitura came into their Books, to signify that which it hath ever signified since the Quarrel begun between the Emperor and the Pope upon that subject, which is now as well understood in Latin as any word in Tully. And if Bombarda had no original but from the sound, as Petavius (a very good Grammarian, besides his other great Learning) says it had not, we have no reason to be offended with the Schoolmen for finding words to discover their own Conceptions, which equally serveour own turn.   

The Survey of Chapters 10, 11, 12.  
I Do acknowledge, that in the tenth, eleventh, and twelfth Chapters, many things are very well said: and though somethings as ill, with reference to Religion, and to the Clergy, as if there were a combination between the Priests of the Gentiles, Aristotle, the Schoolmen, and the Clergy of all Professions, to defame, pervert, and corrupt Religion: yet he resumes that Argument so frequently, that I shall choose to examine the reason and justice of all his Allegations rather in another place, then upon either of these three Chapters; to which I shall only add, that according to his natural delight in Novelties of all kinds, in Religion as well as Policy, he hath supplied the Gentiles with a new God, which was never before found in any of their Catalogues, The God Chaos, (pag. 55.) to which he might as warrantably have made them an additional present of his own Idol, Confusion. And he will as hardly find a good authority for the aspersion with which he traduces the Policy of the Roman Commonwealth in all its greatness and lustre, (pag. 57) that it made no scruple of tolerating any Religion whatsoever in the City of Rome itself, unless it had something in it that could not consist with their Civil Government. Which how untrue soever, was a very unseasonable intimation of the wisdom of Olivers' Politics, at that time when he published his Leviathan: whereas in truth, that great People were not more solicitous in any thing, then in preserving the unity and integrity of their Religion from any mixtures: and the Institution of the Office of Pontifex Maximus was principally out of that jealousy, and that he might carefully watch that no alteration or innovation might be made in their Religion. And though they had that general awe for Religion, that they would not suffer the Gods of their Enemies, whom they did not acknowledge for Gods, to be rudely treated and violated; and therefore they both punished their Consul for having robbed the Temple of Proserpina, and caused the full damages to be restored to the injured Goddess: yet they neither acknowledged her Divinity, nor suffered her to have a Temple, or to have any Devotion paid to her within their Dominions; nor indeed any other God or Goddess to be adored, than those to whom Sacrifices were made by the Authority of the State. Nor will Mr. Hobbes be able to name one Christian Kingdom in the World, where it is believed, that the King hath not his Authority from Christ, unless a Bishop Crown him; though all Christian Kingdoms have had that reverence for Bishops, as to assign the highest Ecclesiastical Functions to be always performed by them: but they well know the King to have the same Authority in all respects before he is crowned, as after. And what extravagant Power soever the Court of Rome hath in some evil Conjunctures heretofore usurped, and would be as glad of the like opportunities again; yet in those Kingdoms where that Authority is owned and acknowledged, there want not those who loudly protest against that Doctrine, That a King may be deposed by a Pope, or that the Clergy and Regulars shall be exempt from the Jurisdiction of their King. And yet upon these unwarrantable suggestions, he presumes to declare, That all the changes of Religion may be attributed to one and the same Cause, and that is, unpleasing Priests; and those not only amongst Papists, but even in that Church that hath presumed most of Reformation, by which he intends the Church of England, at that time under the most severe and barbarous Persecution: and therefore it was the more enviously and maliciously, as well as dishonestly alleged.   

The Survey of Chapters 13, 14, 15, 16.  
THE thirteenth, fourteenth, fifteenth, and sixteenth Chapters, will require a little more disquisition, since under the pretence of examining, or rather (according to his Prerogative) of determining what the natural condition of mankind is, he takes many things for granted which are not true; as (pag. 60.) that Nature hath made all men equal in the faculties of body and mind, and imputes that to the Nature of Man in general, which is but the infirmity of some particular man; and by a mist of words, under the notion of explaining common terms (the meaning whereof is understood by all men, and which his explanation leaves less intelligible than they were before) he dazzles men's eyes from discerning those Fallacies upon which he raises his Structure, and which he reserves for his second part. And whosoever looks narrowly to his preparatory Assertions, shall find such contradictions, as must destroy the foundation of all his new Doctrine in Government, of which some particulars shall be mentioned anon. So that if his Maxims of one kind were marshaled together, collected out of these four Chapters, and applied to his other Maxims which are to support his whole Leviathan, the one would be a sufficient answer to the other; and so many inconsistencies and absurdities would appear between them, that they could never be thought links of one chain; whereas he desires men should believe all the Propositions in his Book to be a chain of Consequences, without being in any degree wary to avoid palpable contradictions, upon the presumption of his Readers total resignation to his judgement. If it were not so, would any man imagine that a man of Mr. Hobbes' sagacity and provoking humour, should in his fourth Page so imperiously reproach the Schools for absurdity, in saying, That heavy Bodies fall downward out of an appetite to rest, thereby ascribing knowledge to things inanimate; and himself should in his sixty second Page, describing the nature of foul weather, say, That it lieth not in a shower or two of rain, but in an inclination thereto of many days together; as if foul weather were not as inanimate a thing as heavy Bodies, and inclination did not imply as much of knowledge as appetite doth? In truth, neither the one or the other word signifies in the beforementioned instances, more than a natural tendency to motion and alteration.  
When God vouchsafed to make man after his own Image, and in his own Likeness, and took so much delight in him, as to give him the command and dominion over all the Inhabitants of the Earth, the Air, and the Sea, it cannot be imagined but that at the same time he endued him with Reason, and all the other noble Faculties which were necessary for the administration of the Empire, and the preservation of the several Species which were to succeed the Creation; and therefore to uncreate him to such a baseness and villainy in his nature, as to make man such a Rascal, and more a Beast in his frame and constitution than those he is appointed to govern, is a power that God never gave to the Devil; nor hath any body assumed it, till Mr. Hobbes took it upon him. Nor can any thing be said more contrary to the Honour and Dignity of God Almighty, then that he should leave his master workmanship, Man, in a condition of War of every man against every man, in such a condition of confusion, (p. 64.) That every man hath a right to every thing, even to one another's body; inclined to all the malice, force and fraud that may promote his profit or his pleasure, and without any notions of, or instinct towards justice, honour, or good nature, which only makes mankind superior to the beasts of the Wilderness. Nor had Mr. Hobbes any other reason to degrade him to this degree of Bestiality, but that he may be fit to wear those Chains and Fetters which he hath provided for him. He deprives man of the greatest happiness and glory that can be attributed to him, who divests him of that gentleness and benevolence towards other men, by which he delights in the good fortune and tranquillity that they enjoy, and makes him so far prefer himself before all others, as to make the rest a prey to advance any commodity or conveniency of his own; which is a barbarity superior to what the most savage Beasts are guilty of, 
— Quando leoni,  
Fortior eripuit vitam lo? quo nemore unquam  
Expiravit aper majoris dentibus apri?  Man only, created in the likeness of God himself, is the only creature in the World, that out of the malignity of his own nature, and the base fear that is inseparable from it, is obliged for his own benefit, and for the defence of his own right, to worry and destroy all of his own kind, until they all become yoked by a Covenant and Contract that Mr. Hobbes hath provided for them, and which was never yet entered into by any one man, and is in nature impossible to be entered into.  
After such positive and magisterial Assertions against the dignity and probity of mankind, and the honour and providence of God Almighty, the instances and arguments given by him are very unweighty and trivial to conclude the nature of man to be so full of jealousy and malignity, as he would have it believed to be, from that common practice of circumspection and providence, which custom and discretion hath introduced in human life. For men shut their Chests in which their money is, as well that their servants or children may not know what they have, as that it may be preserved from Thiefs; and they lock their doors that their Houses may not be common; and ride armed, and in company, because they know that there are ill men, who may be inclined to do injuries if they find an opportunity. Nor is a wariness to prevent the damage and injury that Thiefs and Robbers may do to any man, an argument that mankind is in that man's opinion inclined and disposed to commit those outrages. If it be known that there is one Thief in a City, all men have reason to shut their doors and lock their chests: and if there be two or three Drunkards in a Town, all men have reason to go armed in the streets, to control the violence or indignity they might receive from them. Princes are attended by their Guards in progress, and all their servants armed when they hunt, without any apprehension of being assaulted; custom having made it so necessary, that many men are not longer without their Swords then they are without their Doublets, who never were jealous that any man desired to hurt them. Nor will the instance he gives of the Inhabitants in America, be more to his purpose then the rest, since as far as we have any knowledge of them, the savage People there live under a most entire subjection and slavery to their several Princes; who indeed for the most part live in hostility towards each other, upon those contentions which engage all other Princes in War, and which Mr. Hobbes allows to be a just cause of War, jealousy of each others Power to do them harm. And these are the notable instances by which Mr. Hobbes hath by his painful disquisition and investigation, in the hidden and deep secrets of Nature, discovered that unworthy fear and jealousy to be inherent in mankind, (pag. 63.) That the notions of right and wrong have no place, that Force and Fraud are the two cardinal V●rtues; that there is no propriety, no dominion, no mine or thine distinct, but that only to be every man's that he can get, and for so long as he can keep it, and this struggle to continue, till he submits to the servitude to which he hath designed him for his comfort and security.  
Mr. Hobbes would do very much honour to Aristotle, and repair much of the injury he hath done to him, if he can persuade men to believe, (pag. 59) that the bringing in his Philosophy and Doctrine, hath been a cause to take away the reputation of the Clergy, and to incline the People to the reformation of Religion; and yet he hath more authority for that, then for most of his Opinions, though it may be he doth not know it. For in the year a thousand two hundred and nine, Aristotle's Metaphysics, which had been lately brought from Constantinople, were condemned, and forbidden to be read by a Council in Paris, upon a supposition or apprehension, that that Book had contributed very much to the new Heretical opinions of the Albigenses. So far the French Clergy of that Age concurred in opinion with Mr. Hobbes: but we may much more reasonably conceive, that it hath been illiterateness, stupid ignorance, and having never heard of Aristotle, that may at any time have brought contemt upon the Clergy: and though men may too unreasonably, it may be, adhere to Aristotle in some particulars, and so may be reasonably contradicted, yet no man of the Clergy or Laity was ever contemned for being thought to understand Aristotle. Indeed Mr. Hobbes may easily refute Aristotle, and all who have writ before or since him, if he be the Sovereign Magistrate, not only to enact what Laws he pleases, and to interpret all that were made before according to his pleasure, but to adopt them to be the Laws of Nature, which he declares (pag. 79.) to be immutable and eternal. And we have great reason to watch him very narrowly, when his Legislative fit is upon him, lest he cast such a net over us, knit by what he calls the Law of Nature, or by his Definitions, that we be deprived of both the use of our liberty, and our reason to oppose him. He is very much offended with Aristotle, for saying in the first Book of his Politics, That by Nature some are fit to command, and others to serve; which he says, (pag. 77.) is not only against reason, but also against experience, for there are very few so foolish, that had not rather govern themselves, then be governed by others. Which Proposition doth not contradict any thing said by Aristotle, the Question being, Whether Nature hath made some men worthier, not whether it hath made all others so modest as to confess it; and would have required a more serious Disquisition, since it is no more than is imputed to Horses, and other Beasts, whereof men find by experience, that some by nature are fitter for nobler uses, and others for vile, and to be only Beasts of burden. But indeed, he had the less need of reason to refute him, when he had a Law at hand to control him, which he says, is the Law of Nature, (pag. 77.) That every man must acknowledge every other man for his equal by nature; which may be true as to the essentials of human Nature, and yet there may be inequality enough as to a capacity of Government. But whatever his opinion is, we have Solomon's judgement against him, Insipiens erit servus sapientis, Prov. 11. 29. And many Learned men are of opinion, that the Gibeonites, who by the help of an impudent lie found the means to save their lives, were a People by nature of low and abject spirits, fit only to do the low and mean services for which they were prepared. And some of the Fathers believe, That when the Patriarch jacob, in his dying Prophecy of Issachar, declared Issachar is a strong ass, couching down between two burdens. And he saw that rest was good, and the land that it was pleasant, and bowed his shoulder to bear, and became a servant unto tribute, Gen. 49. 14. 15. jacob foresaw that in that Tribe there would be depressio intellectus, and that they would be only fit to servants. And 'tis very true, that Aristotle did believe, that Divine Providence doth show and demonstrate who are fit and proper for low and vile offices, not only by very notable defects in their understandings, incapable of any cultivation, but by some eminent deformity of the body (though that doth not always hold) which makes them unfit to bear rule. And without doubt, the observation of all Ages since that time hath contributed very much to that Conclusion which Mr. Hobbes so much derides, of Inequality by nature, and that Nature itself hath a bounty which she extends to some men in a much superior degree than she doth to others. Which is not contradicted by seeing many great defects and indigencies of Nature in some men, wonderfully corrected and repaired by industry, education, and above all, by conversation; or by seeing some early blossoms in others, which raise a great expectation of rare perfection, that suddenly decay, and insensibly wither away by not being cherished and improved by diligence, or rather by being blasted by vice or supine laziness: those accidents may sometimes happen, do not very often, and are necessary to awaken men out of the Lethargy of depending wholly upon the Wealth of Nature's store, without administering any supply to it, out of their industry and observation. And every man's experience will afford him abundance of examples in the number of his own acquaintance, in which, of those who have always had equal advantages of Education, Conversation, Industry, and it may be of virtuous Inclinations, it is easy to observe very different parts and faculties: some of quick apprehension, and as steady comprehension, wit, judgement, and such a sagacity as discerns at distance as well as at hand, concluding from what they see will fall out, what is presently to be done: when others born, and bred with the same care, wariness, and attention, and with all the visible advantages and benefits which the other enjoied, remain still of a heavier and duller alloy, less discerning to contrive and foresee, less vigorous to execute, and in a word, of a very different Classis to all purposes; which can proceed from no other cause, but the distinction that Nature herself made between them, in the distribution of those Faculties to the one with a more liberal hand then to the other.  
Did not all the World at that time, and hath it not ever since believed, that julius Cesar had from nature a more exalted Spirit and Genius, than any of those who were overcome by him; though some of them appeared or were generally believed to be superior in the conduct of great Affairs? There is judgement gotten by experience very necessary, but the first attemt and direction of the mind, the first daring proceeds purely from Nature and its influence. When we see a Marius from a common Soldier, baffle the Nobility of Rome, and in despite of opposition, make himself seven times Consul: or a Dioclesan, from a mean and low birth, and no other advantage of Education than every other common Soldier had with him, nor countenance or assistance from any Superior, but what his own Virtue purchased, to raise himself to the full state and power of the greatest Emperor, and to govern as great, or a greater part of the World, than ever Cesar did; and after having enjoied that Empire above eighteen years in the highest glory, to give it over, and divest himself of it, merely for the ease and pleasure of retirement to his private House and Garden, and to die in that repose after he had enjoied it some years; must we believe such a man to have no advantages by nature, above all other men of the same time? When Marmurius, or Vecturius (for he went by both names) one of the thirty Tyrants, from a common Blacksmith who made arms (for the man who killed him, having been before his servant, and wrought under him, told him, Hic est gladius quem ipse fecisti) raised himself, not by a sudden mutiny and insurrection, but by passing all the degrees of a Soldier, during many years in a regular and disciplined Army, to be Emperor by a common voice and election, as a Man the fittest for the Command; is it possible for us to believe, that this Man received no other talon from Nature, than she afforded to every other Blackfinith? Besides many particulat Examples of this kind in every particular Kingdom, in most of which the visible advantages of Friends, Patrons, and other accidental Concurrences have not at all contributed to the preferment of them before other men, the World hath yielded us an example near our own time (for it is little more than two hundred years since) of such a prodigious progress and success in the power of one Man, that there is nothing of Story ancient or modern that is parallel to it, The great Tamberlane, who (though not so mean a Person in his original, as he is vulgarly conceived to have been) was born a poor Prince over a contemned and barbarous Country and People, whose manners he first cultivated by his own native justice and goodness, and by the strength of his own Genius, improved his own Faculties and Understanding to a marvellous Lustre and Perfection, towards which neither his Climate nor his conversation could contribute. Upon this stock he raised and led an Army of his Subjects, into the better Dominions of their Neighbours who contemned them. With these he fought, and won many Battles, subdued and conquered many Kingdoms; and after the total defeat of the greatest Army that was then in the World, he took the greatest Emperor of the World Prisoner, and for the contemt that he had showed towards him, treated him as his vilest Slave. And it hath been as notorious, that after the death of these, and the like such extraordinary Persons, the Forces by which they wrought those wonders, and the Counsellors and Officers whose administration co-operated with them, suddenly degenerated; and as if the Soul were departed from the Body, became a Carcase without any use or beauty. And can we believe, that those stupendous men had no talon by nature above others? And are we bound to believe, (pag. 77.) that by the Law of Nature every man is bound to acknowledge other for his equal by nature?  
But where are those Maxims to be found which Mr. Hobbes declares, and publishes to be the Laws of Nature, in any other Author before him? That is only properly called the Law of Nature, that is dictated to the whole Species: as to defend a man's self from violence, and to repel force by force; not all that results upon prudential motives unto the mind of such as have been cultivated by Learning and Education, which no doubt can compile such a Body of Laws, as would make all other useless, except such as should provide for the execution of, and obedience to those. For under what other notion can that reasonable Conclusion, which is a necessary part of the Law of Nations, be called the Law of Nature, which is his fifteenth Law, (pag. 78.) That all men that mediate Peace be allowed safe conduct? And of this kind much of the Body of his Law of Nature is compiled; which I should not dislike, the Style being in some sense not improper, but that I observe that from some of these Conclusions which he pronounces to be (pag. 57) immutable, and eternal as the Laws of Nature, he makes deductions and inferences to control Opinions he dislikes, and to obtain Concessions which are not right, by amuzing men with his method, and confounding rather then informing their understandings, by a chime of words in definitions and pleasant instances, which seem not easy to be contradicted, and yet infer much more than upon a review can be deduced from them. And it is an unanswerable evidence of the irresistible force and strength of Truth and Reason, that whilst men are making war against it with all their power and stratagems, somewhat doth still start up out of the dictates and confessions of the Adversary that determines the Controversy, and vindicates the Truth from the malice that would oppress it. How should it else come to pass, that Mr. Hobbes, whilst he is demolishing the whole frame of Nature for want of order to support it, and makes it unavoidable necessary for every man to cut his neighbour's throat, to kill him who is weaker than himself, and to circumvent, and by any fraud destroy him who is stronger, in all which there is no injustice, because Nature hath not otherwise provided for every particular man's security; I say, how comes it to pass, that at the same time when he is possessed of this frenzy, he should in the same, and the next Chapter, set down such a Body of Laws prescribed by Nature itself, as are immutable and eternal? that there appears, by his own showing, a full remedy against all that confusion, for avoiding whereof he hath devised all that unnatural and impossible Contract and Covenant? If the Law of the Gospel, Whatsoever you require that others should do to you, that do ye to them, be the Law of all men, as he says it is (pag. 65.) that is, the Law of Nature, Naturâ, id est jure gentium, says Tully, it being nothing else but quod naturalis ratio inter omnes homines constituit; If it be the Law of Nature that every man strive to accommodate himself to the rest, as he says it is (pag. 76.) and that no man by deed, word, countenance or gesture, declare hatred or contemt of another; If all men are bound by the Law of Nature, (pag. 78.) That they that are at controversy, submit their right to the judgement of an arbitrator, as he says they are: If Nature hath thus providently provided for the Peace and Tranquillity of her Children, by Laws immutable and eternal, that are written in their hearts: how come they to fall into that condition of war, as to be every one against every one, and to be without any other cardinal Virtues, but of force and fraud? It is a wonderful thing, that a man should be so sharp-sighted, as to discern mankind so well enclosed and fortified by the wisdom of Nature, and so blind as to think him in a more secure estate by his transferring of right to another man, which yet he confesses is impossible entirely to transfer; and by Covenants and Contracts of his own devising, and which he acknowledges to be void in part, and in other parts impossibe to be performed.  
But I say, if in truth Nature hath dictated all those excellent Conclusions to every man, without which they cannot be called the Laws of Nature; and if it hath farther instituted all those duties which are contained in the Second Table, all which he says were the Laws of Nature: I know not what temptation or authority he could have, to pronounce mankind to be left by Nature in that distracted condition of war, except he prefer the authority of Ovid's Metamorphosis, of the sowing of Cadmus' teeth, before any other Scripture, Divine or Humane: And it is as strange, that by his Covenants and Contracts which he is so wary in wording (as if he were the Secretary of Nature) that they may bind that man fast enough whom he pleases to assign to those Bonds; and as if he were the Ple●potentiary of Nature too, to bind and to lose all he thinks fit: he hath so ill provided for the Peace he would establish, that he hath left a door open for all the Confusion he would avoid, when, notwithstanding that he hath made them divest themselves of the liberty they have by Nature, and transfer all this into the hands of a single Person, who thereby is so absolute Sovereign, that he may take their Lives and their Estates from them without any act of Injustice, yet after all this transferring and divesting, every man reserves a right (as unalienable) to defend his own life, even against the sentence of Justice. What greater contradiction can there be to the Peace, which he would establish upon those unreasonable conditions, than this Liberty, which he says can never be abandoned, and which yet may dissolve that peace every day? and yet he says, (pag. 70.) This is granted to be true by all men, in that they lead Criminals to execution and prison with armed men, notwithstanding such Criminals have consented to the Law by which they are condemned. Which indeed in an Argument, that men had rather escape then be hanged, but no more an Argument that they have a right to rescue themselves, than the fashion of wearing Sword is an argument that men are afraid of having their throats cu● by the malice of their neighbours: both which, are Arguments no man would urge to men, whose understandings he did not much undervalue. But upon many of these Particulars there is a more proper occasion hereafter for enlargement. And so we pass through his Prospect of the Laws of Nature, and many other Definitions and Descriptions, with liberty to take review of them upon occasion, that we may make haste to his Second Part, for which he thinks he hath made a good preparation to impose upon us in this First; and he will often tell us, when he should prove what he affirms, that he hath evinced that Point, and made it evident in such a Chapter in his First Part, where in truth he hath said very much, and proved very little. I shall only conclude this, with an observation which the place seems to require, of the defect in Mr. Hobbes' Logic, which is a great presumption, that from very true Propositions he deduces very erroneous and absurd Conclusions. That no man hath power to transfer the right over his own life to the disposal of another man, is a very true Proposition, from whence he infers, that he hath reserved the power and disposal of it to himself, and therefore that he may defend it by force even against the judgement of Law and Justice: whereas the natural consequence of that Proposition is, That therefore such transferring and covenanting (being void) cannot provide for the peace and security of a Commonwealth. Without doubt, no man is Dominus vitae suae, and therefore cannot give that to another, which he hath not in himself. God only hath reserved that absolute Dominion and Power of life and death to himself, and by his putting the Sword into the hand of the Supreme Magistrate, hath qualified and enabled him to execute that justice which is necessary for the peace and preservation of his People, which may seem in a manner to be provided for by Mr. Hobbes' Law of Nature, if what he says be true, (pag. 68) That right to the end containeth right to the means. And this sole Proposition, that men cannot dispose of their own lives, hath been always held as a manifest and undeniable Argument, that Sovereigns never had, nor can have their Power from the People.    

Second Part.  

The Survey of Chapters 17, 18.  
MR. Hobbes having taken upon him to imitate God, and created Man after his own likeness, given him all the passions and affections which he finds in himself, and no other, he prescribes him to judge of all things and words, according to the definitions he sets down, with the Authority of a Creator. After he hath delighted himself in a commendable method, and very witty and pleasant description of the nature and humour of the World, as far as he is acquainted with it, (upon many particulars whereof, which he calls Definitions, there will be frequent occasion of reflections in this discourse, without breaking the thread of it by entering upon impertinent exceptions to matters positively averred without any apparent reason, when it is no great matter whether it be true or no,) He comes at last to institute such a Commonwealth as never was in nature, or ever heard of from the beginning of the World till this structure of his, and like a bountiful Creator, gives the Man he hath made, the Sovereign command and Government of it, with such an extent of power and authority, as the Great Turk hath not yet appeared to affect. In which it is probable he hath followed his first method, and for the Man after his own likeness hath created a Government, that he would himself like to be trusted with; having determined Liberty, and Propriety, and Religion to be only emty words, and to have no other existence then in the Will and Breast of his Sovereign Governor; and all this in order to make his People happy, and to enjoy the blessing of Peace. And yet with all this, his Governor would quickly find his power little enough, that is, of little continuance, if his Government be founded upon no other security than is provided in his Institution: and the justice he assigns will be as weak a support to his Governor, as he supposes a Covenant would be to the people's benefit; the imagination whereof he conceives to be so ridiculous, that it can only proceed form want of understanding, that Covenants being but words and breath, have no force to oblige, contain, constrain, or protect any man, but what they have from the Public Sword, that is from the untied hands of his Sovereign Man: as if Justice, which is the support of his Governor when he breaks and violates all the Elements of Justice, because all men are in justice bound to observe contracts, were more than a word, or a more valiant word and stronger breath to constrain, and protect any man, when that Sword is wrested from his Sovereign Man, or his hand is bound by the many hands which should be governed by him. But the People need not be offended with him, for giving so extravagant a Power to a Person they never intended should have such an Empire over them; if they will have patience till he hath finished his Scheme of Sovereignty, he will enfeeble it again for them to that degree, that no ambitious man would take it up, if he could have it for ask. But to prosecute the Argument in his own order.  
As he hath made a worse man by much, by making him too like himself; so he hath made a much worse Commonwealth than ever yet was known in the World, by making it such as he would have: and nothing can be more wonderful, then that a man of Mr. Hobbes his sagacity, should raise so many conclusions of a very pernicious influence upon the Peace and Government of every Kingdom and Commonwealth in Europe, upon a mere supposition and figment of a Commonwealth instituted by himself, and without any example. He will not find any one Government in the World, of what kind soever, so instituted, as he dogmatically declares all Government to be; nor was mankind in any nation since the Creation upon such a level, as to institute their Government by such an assembly and election, and covenant, and consent, as he very unwarrantably more than supposes. And it was an undertaking of the more impertinence, since by his own rule, (pag. 95.) where there is already erected a Sovereign power, which was then, and still is in every Kingdom and State in Europe, and for aught we know in the whole world, there can be no other Representative of the same People, but only to certain particular ends limited by the Sovereign. So that he could have no other design, but to shake what was erected, and the Government was not at that time in any suspense but in his own Country, by the effect of an odious and detestable Rebellion; which yet could not prevail with an effective Army of above one hundred thousand men, with which the Usurper had subdued three Nation, to submit to the Usurper in such a new model, and to transfer their right by such Covenants, as he conceives mankind to be even obliged to do by the Laws of Nature; and to induce them to do which, I do heartily wish that Mr. Hobbes could truly vindicate himself from designing, when he published his Leviathan; upon which disquisition we cannot avoid enlarging hereafter upon further provocation.  
It had been kindly done of Mr. Hobbes, if according to his laudable custom of illustrating his definitions by instances, as he often doth with great pregnancy, he had to this his positive determination added one instance of a Government so instituted. There is no doubt there are in all Governments many things done by, and with the consent of the People; nay all Government so much depends upon the consent of the People, that without their consent and submission it must be dissolved, since where no body will obey, there can be no command, nor can one man compel a million to to do what they have no mind to do: but that any Government was originally instituted by an assembly of men equally free, and that they ever elected the Person, who should have the Sovereign power over them, is yet to be proved; and till it be proved, must not be supposed, to raise new doctrines upon, which shake all Government. How Sovereign power was originally instituted, and how it came to condescend to put restraints upon itself, and even to strip itself of some parts of its Sovereignty for its own benefit and advantage, and how far it is bound to observe the Contracts and Covenants it hath submitted to, I shall deliver my opinion before this Discourse is finished; and shall refer the approbation of ●it to Mr. Hobbes, supposing he will never think all the reason in the world to be strong enough to prove, that what all men see is▪ cannot be. But by the way, he had dealt more like the Magistrate he affects to be, if he had founded his Government upon his own imperious averment, and left every man to question it that dares; then to take notice, and foresee an objection, which he says is the strongest he can make, and make no better an answer to it, then to answer one question with another. He sees men will ask, (and it is not impossible they can avoid it) Where, and When such power hath by Subjects been acknowledged? which he would have us believe is substantially answered by his other Question, When, or Where has there been a Kingdom long free from Sedition and Civil War? which might receive a very full Answer, by assigning many Governments under which the Subjects have enjoied very long Peace, Quiet, and Plenty, which never was, nor ever can be enjoied one hour under his (as shall be proved when we examine it.) But it will serve his turn, if it hath once been disquieted by a Sedition or Civil War; and so all Government that is known and established, must be laid aside and overthrown, to erect another that he supposes will cure all defects. If Mr. Hobbes had thought fit to write problematically, and to have examined, as many have done, the nature of Government, and the nature of Mankind that is to be governed, and from the consideration of both, had modestly proposed such a form, as to his judgement might better provide for the security, peace, and happiness of a People, (which is the end of Government,) then any form that is yet practised and submitted to; he might well have answered one objection of an inconvenience in his new form, with another of a greater inconvenience in all other forms. But when he will introduce a Government of his own devising, as founded and instituted already, and that not as somewhat new, but submitted to by the Covenants, and Obligations, and Election ourselves have made, and so that we are bound by the rules of Justice founded upon our own consent, to pretend neither to liberty, or property, other than our Governor thinks fit to indulge to us; he must be contented not to be believed, or must vouchsafe to tell us when, and where that consent of ours was given, and we submitted to those obligations: and it will be no kind of answer of satisfaction, to say magisterially, that if it be not so, it should be so for our good, which we clearly find will turn to our irreparable damage and destruction. And it is a very confident thing, that he should hope to support his Sovereign right in so unlimited an extent upon the Law of Nature, because (p. 176.) that forbids the violation of Faith, without being pressed to tell us when, and where that Faith was given, that is so obligatory, and the violation whereof must be so penal. But it is more prodigiously bold, to confess upon the matter, that there hath not hitherto been any Commonwealth, where those rights have been acknowledged, or challenged, and to undervalue the Argument, by making it as ridiculous, as if the Savage People of America should deny there were any grounds or principles of reason so to build, as their Architecture is not yet arrived at: So he thinks, that though his Savage Countrymen, and Neighbours, have yet only been accustomed to Governments imperfect, & apt to relapse into disorders, he hath found out principles by industrious meditation, to make their constitution everlasting. And truly he hath some reason to be confident of his Principles, if though they cannot be proved by reason, he be sure they are Principles from authority of Scripture, as he professes them to be, and which must be examined in its course. In the mean time he may be thought to be too indulgent to his Sovereign Governor, and very near to contradict himself, that after he hath made the keeping and observation of promises to be a part of the Law of Nature, which is unalterable and eternal, and so the ground and foundation of that obedience which the Subject must render, how tyrannically soever exacted, yet all Covenants entered into by the Sovereign to be void; and that to imagine that he is or can be bound to perform any promise or covenant, proceeds only from want of understanding. And it would be worth his pains to consider, whether the assigning such a power to his Governor, or the absolving him from all Covenants and promises, be a rational way to establish such a Peace as is the end of Government: and since he confesses the justest Government may be overthrown by force, it ought prudently to be considered, what is like to prevent that force, as well as what the subject is bound to consent to; and whether the people may not be very naturally disposed to use that force against him that declares himself to be absolved from all Oaths, Covenants, and Promises, and whether any obligation of reason or justice can establish the Government in him, who found'st it upon so unrighteous a determination.  
If Mr. Hobbes did not affect to be of the humour of those unreasonable Gamesters, which he says (pag. 19) is intolerable in the society of men, who will after trump is turned, use for trump, upon every occasion, that suit whereof they have most in their hand, whom he likens to those men who clamour and demand right reason for Judge, yet seek no more, but that things should be determined by no other men's reason then their own; I say, if Mr. Hobbes were not possessed by his supercilious spirit which he condemns, since this his Institution of Sovereignty is a mere imagination, he might with as much reason, if he would have been pleased to have called it so, because it would have carried with it more equality, and consequently more security, have supposed a Covenant to be on the Sovereign's part: which that he may not do, he will not admit that they who are his Subjects make any Covenant with their Sovereign to obey him; which if he did, he could as well covenant again with them to govern righteously, without making them the Judges of his justice, or himself liable to their control and jurisdiction. So that the Sovereign hath no security for the obedience of his People, but the promise they have made to each other; and consequently if they rebel against him, he cannot complain of any injustice done to him, because they have broke no promise they made to him. And truly, by his own Logic, they may release to one another when they think it convenient: whereas if the promises be mutual, I do not say conditional, the Sovereign must not be at the mercy of his Subjects; but as they put themselves under his power, so he promises them not to use that power wantonly or tyrannically (which will be a proper and significant word against all his interpretation;) by which they have as much obligation upon him to be just, as he hath upon them to be obedient, which is no other, then that they swarve from justice, if they withdraw their obedience from him. This had been a more natural and equitable Institution, and more like to have lasted, having in it the true essential form of contracts, in which it will never be found that one party covenants, and the other not; which is the reason Mr. Hobbes himself gives, why no Covenant can be made with God, and that (pag. 89.) the pretence of Covenant with God, is so evident a lie, even in the pretenders own consciences, that it is not only ●n act of an unjust, but also of a vile and unmanly disposition; which assertion is destructive of our Religion, and against the express sense of Scripture.  
The impossibility alleged for such a Covenant, because it could not be done before he was Sovereign, for that the Subjects who submit to him were not yet one person, and after he is Sovereign what he doth is void, is but a fancy of words which have no solid signification. Nor is the instance which he gives of the popular Government, by which he would make the imagination of such a Covenant ridiculous, of any importance, for he says (pag. 90.) No man is so dull as to say, that the People of Rome made a Covenant with the Romans to hold the Soveraign●y on such or such conditions, which not performed the Romans might lawfully, depose the Roman People; which is, according to his usual practice, to put an objection into the mouth of a foolish Adversary to make his Readers merry. And yet he lays so much weight upon it, that he says it is only over inclination to a popular Government, that men do not see that there is the same reason with reference to Monarchy. And so there is, and the reason good to either. For doth not every man know, that knows any thing of the Government of Rome, that when the Sovereignty was entirely vested in the Senate, and had long been so, the People of Rome made a great alteration in the Sovereignty by making Tribunes (by which Machiavelli says their Government was the more firm and secure) and afterwards by introducing other Magistrates into the Sovereignty? Nor were the Admissions and Covenants the Senate made in those cases ever declared void, but observed with all punctuality: which is Argument enough, that the Sovereign power may admit limitations without any danger to itself or the People, which is all that is contended for.  
As there never was any such Person (pag. 88) of whose acts a great multitude by mutual Covenant one with another, have made themselves every one the author, to the end he may use the strength and means of them all, as he shall think expedient for their peace, and common defence, which is the definition he gives of his Commonwealth: So if it can be supposed, that any Nation can concur in such a designation, and divesting themselves of all their right and liberty, it could only be in reason obligatory to the present contractors, nor does it appear to us, that their posterity must be bound by so unthrifty a concession of their Parents. For though Adam by his Rebellion against God forfeited all the privileges which his unborn posterity might have claimed if he had preserved his innocence, and though Parents may alienate their Estates from their Children, and thereby leave them Beggars; yet we have not the draught of any Contract, nor is that which Mr. Hobbes hath put himself to the trouble to prepare, valid enough to that purpose, by which they have left impositions and penalties upon the Persons of their posterity: nor is it probable that they would think themselves bound to submit thereunto. And then the Sovereign would neither find himself the more powerful, or the more secure, for his cont●●●tors having covenanted one with another, and made themselves every one the author of all his actions: and it is to be doubted, that the People would rather look upon him as the Vizier Bassa instituted by their Fathers, then as God's Lieutenant appointed to govern them under him.  
It is to no purpose to examine the Prerogatives he grants to his Sovereign, because he found'st them all upon a supposition of a Contract and Covenant that never was in nature, nor ever can reasonably be supposed to be; yet he confesses it to be the generation (pag. 87.) of the great Leviathan, and which falling to the ground all his Prerogatives must likewise fall too; and so much to the damage of the Sovereign power, (to which most of the Prerogatives are due) that men will be apt to suppose, that they proceed from a ground which is not true, and so be the more inclined to dispute them. Whereas those Prerogatives are indeed vested in the Sovereign by his being Sovereign; but he does not become Sovereign by virtue of such a Contract and Covenant, but are of the Essence of his Sovereignty, founded upon a better title than such an accidental convention, and their designing a Sovereign by their Covenants with one another, and none with or to him, who is so absolutely to command them. And here he supposes again, that whatsoever a Sovereign is possessed of, is of his Sovereignty; and therefore he will by no means admit, that he shall part with any of his power which he calls essential and inseparable Rights, and that whatever grant he makes of such power, the same is void: and he does believe that this Sovereign right was at the time when he published his Book so well understood (that is, Cromwell liked his Doctrine so well) that it would be generally acknowledged in England at the next return of peace. Yet he sees himself deceived: it hath pleased God to restore a blessed and a general peace, and neither King nor People believe his Doctrine to be true, or consistent with peace. How, and why the most absolute Sovereigns may, as they find occasion, part with, and deprive themselves of many branches of their power, will be more at large discovered in another place: yet we may observe in this the very complaisant humour of Mr. Hobbes, and how great a Courtier he desired to appear to the Sovereign power that then governed, by how odious and horrible a usurpation soever, in that he found a way to excuse and justify what they had already done in the lessening and diminution of their own Sovereign power, which it concerned them to have believed was very lawfully and securely done. For, they having, as the most popular and obliging act they could perform, taken away Wardships and Tenors, he confesses after his enumeration of twelve Prerogatives, which he says (pag. 92.) are the rights which make the essence of the Sovereignty, for these, he says, are incommunicable, and inseparable, I say, he confesses the power to coin money, to dispose of the estates and persons of infant heirs, and all other Statute Prerogatives may be transferred by the Sovereign; whereas he might have been informed, if he had been so modest as to think he had need of any information, that those are no Statute Prerogatives, but as inherent and inseparable from the Crown, as many of those which he declares to be of the Essence of the Sovereignty. But both those were already entered upon, and he was to support all their actions which were passed, as well as to provide for their future proceedings.  
If Mr. Hobbes had known any thing of the constitution of the Monarchy of England, supported by as firm principles of Government as any Monarchy in Europe, and which enjoied a series of as long prosperity, he could never have thought that the late troubles there proceeded from an opinion received of the greatest part of England, that the power was divided between the King, and the Lords, and the House of Commons, which was an opinion never heard of in England till the Rebellion was begun, and against which all the Laws of England were most clear, and known to be most positive. But as he cannot but acknowledge, that his own Sovereignty is obnoxious to the Lusts, and other irregular passions of the People; so the late execrable Rebellion proceeded not from the defect of the Law, nor from the defect of the just and ample power of the King, but from the power ill men rebelliously possessed themselves of, by which they suppressed the strength of the Laws, and wrested the power out of the hands of the King: against which violence his Sovereign is no otherwise secure, then by declaring that his Subjects proceed unjustly; of which no body doubts but that all they who took up arms against the King, were guilty in the highest degree. And there is too much cause to fear, that the unhappy publication of this doctrine against the Liberty and propriety of the Subject (which others had the honour to declare before Mr. Hobbes, though they had not the good fortune to escape punishment as he hath done, I mean Dr. Manwaring, and Dr. Sibthorpe) contributed too much thereunto. For let him take what pains he will to render those precious words unvaluable, and of no signification; a better Philosopher than he, and one who understood the rules of Government better, having lived under just such a Sovereign as Mr. Hobbes would set up, (I mean Seneca,) will be believed before him, who pronounces, Errat siquis existimat tutum esse ibi Regem, ubi nihil à Rege tutum est; Securitas securitate mutua paciscenda est. And he goes very far himself towards the confessing this truth, when he is forced to acknowledge, (pag. 96.) That the riches, power, and honour of a Monarch, arise only from the riches, strength and reputation of his subjects; for no King can be rich, nor glorious, nor secure, whose Subjects are either poor or contemptible: which assertion will never be supported, by saying, that that condition shall be made good, and preserved to them by the justice and bounty of the Sovereign. For riches, and strength, and reputation, are not aery words, without a real and substantial signification, nor do consist so much in the present enjoying, especially if it shall depend upon the casual pleasure of any man, as in the security for the future, that being a man's property, that cannot be taken from him, but in that manner, and by those Rules, as are generally looked upon as the fundamentals of Government. And when he is transported by his passion and his appetite, and for making good his Institution, to cancel and tread under foot all those known obligations, and make the precious terms of Property and Liberty absurd and insignificant words, to be blown away by the least breath of his monstrous Sovereign, without any violation of justice, or doing injury to those he afflicts; I say, when he is thus warmed by the flame of his passions, which he confesses (pag. 96.) always dazzles, never enlightens the understanding, he is so puzzled by his own notions, that he make himself a way out by distinctions of his own modelling and devising: and so he is compelled to acknowledge, that though his illimited Sovereign, whatsoever he doth, can do no injury to his Subjects, nor be by any of them accused of injustice, yet that he (p. 90.) may commit iniquity, though not injustice or injury in the proper signification, which is far more intelligible than the Beatifical vision, for the obscurity and absurdity whereof he is so merry with the Schoolmen.  
As Mr. Hobbes his extraordinary and notorious ignorance in the Laws and constitution of the Government of England makes him a very incompetent judge or informer of the cause or original of the late woeful calamities in England, of which he knows no more the every other man of Malmesbury doth, and upon which there will be other occasion hereafter to enlarge; so his high arrogance and presumption that he doth understand them, makes him triumph in the observation, and wonder that so manifest a truth should of late be so little observed, that in a Monarchy, he that had the Sovereignty from a descent of six hundred years, was alone called Sovereign, had the title of Majesty from every one of his Subjects, and was unquestionably taken by them for their King, was notwithstanding never considered as their Representative, that name without contradiction, passing for the title of those men, which at his command were sent up by the People to carry their Petitions, and give him, if he permitted it, their advice; which he says (pag. 95.) may serve as an admonition for those that are the true and absolute Representative of a People (which he hath made his Sovereign to be) to take heed how they admit of any other general Representative upon any occasion whatsoever: all which is so unskilful and illiterate a suggestion, as could not fall into the conception of any man who is moderately versed in the principles of Sovereignty. And if Mr. Hobbes did not make war against all modesty, he would rather have concluded, that the title of the Representative of the people was not to be affected by the King, then that for want of understanding his Majesty should neglect to assume it, or that his faithful Counsel, and his Learned Judges, who cannot be supposed to be ignorant of the Regalities of the Crown, should fail to put him in mind of so advantageous a Plea, when his fundamental rights were so foully assaulted, and in danger. But though the King knew too well the original of his own power, to be contented to be thought the Representative of the People, yet if Mr. Hobbes were not strangely unconversant with the transactions of those times, he would have known, which few men do not know, that the King frequently, and upon all occasions reprehended the two Houses, both for assuming the Style and appellation of Parliament, which they were not, but in, and by his Majesty's conjunction with them, and for calling themselves the Representative of the People, which they neither were, or could be to any other purpose then to present their Petitions, and humbly to offer their advice, when and in what his Majesty required it, and this was as generally understood by men of all conditions in England, as it was that Rebellion was Treason. But they who were able by false pretences, and under false protestations to raise an Army, found it no difficult matter to persuade that Army, and those who concured with them, that they were not in rebellion.   

The Survey of Chapter 19  
I Shall heartily concur with Mr. Hobbes in the preference of Monarchy before all other kind of Government for the happiness of the people, which is the end of Government: and surely the people never enjoied (saving the delight they have in the word Equality, which in truth signifies nothing but keeping on their hats) Liberty or Property, or received the benefit of speedy and impartial Justice, but under a Monarch; but I must then advise that Monarch for his greatness and security, never so far to lessen himself, as to be considered as the people's Representative, which would make him a much less man than he is. His Majesty is inherent in his office, and neither one or other is conferred upon him by the people. Let those who are indeed the Deputies of the people, in those occasions upon which the Law allows them to make Deputies, be called their Representative; which term can have no other legitimate interpretation than the Law gives it, which must have more authority than any Dictionary that is, or shall be made by Mr. Hobbes, whose animadversion or admonition will never prevail with any Prince to change his Sovereign Title, for Representative of the people; and much the less for the pains which he hath taken (pag. 95.) to instruct men in the nature of that Office, and how he comes to be their Representative.  
I cannot leave this Chapter without observing Mr. Hobbes his very officious care that Cromwell should not fall from his greatness, and that his Country should remain still captive under the Tyranny of his vile Posterity, by his so solemn Declaration, that he who is in possession of the Sovereignty, though by Election (pag. 98.) is obliged by the Law of nature, to provide, by establishing his Successor, to keep those that had trusted him with the Government, from relapsing into the miserable condition of Civil War; and consequently he was, when elected, a Sovereign absolute. And then he declares positively, contrary to the opinion of all the world, that (pag. 100) by the institution of Monarchy, the disposing of the Successor is always left to the judgement and the will of the present possessor; and that if he declares expressly that such a man shall be his heir either by word or writing, then is that man immediately after the decease of his predecessor invested in the right of being Monarch. Mr. Hobbes was too modest a man to hope that his Leviathan would have power to persuade those of Poland to change their form of Government; and what Denmark hath gotten by having done it since, cannot in so short a time be determined; or that the Emperor would dissolve and cancel the Golden Bull, and invest his Posterity in the Empire in spite of the Electors; or that the Papacy should be made Hereditary, since Cesar Borgia was so long since dead, and he had carried that spirit with him: and therefore I must appeal to all dispassioned men what Mr. Hobbes could have in his purpose in the year One thousand six hundred fifty one, when this Book was printed, but by this new Doctrine scarcely heard of till then, to induce Cromwell to break all the Laws of his Country, and to perpetuate their slavery under his Progeny, in which he followed his advice to the utmost of his power, though his Doctrine proved false and most detested. And though Mr. Hobbes by his presence of mind, and velocity of thought, which had enabled him to foresee the purpose of rebelling, and taking the King Prisoner, and delivering him up, from that question proposed to him, concerning the value of a Roman penny, might at that time discern so little possibility of his own Sovereign's recovery, that it might appear to him a kind of absurdity to wish it; yet methinks his own natural fear of danger, which made him fly out of France, assoon as his Leviathan was published and brought into that Kingdom, should have terrified him from invading the right of all Hereditary Monarchies in the World, by declaring, that by the Law of Nature which is immutable, it is in the power of the present Sovereign to dispose of the succession, and to appoint who shall succeed him in the Government; and that the word Heir doth not of itself imply the Children or nearest Kindred of a man, but whomsoever a man shall any way declare he would have succeed him, contrary to the known right and establishment throughout the World, and which would shake if not dissolve the Peace of all Kingdoms. Nor is there any danger of the dissolution of a Commonwealth by the not nominating of a Successor; since it is a known maxim in all Hereditary Monarchies, That the King never dies, because in the minute of the expiration of the present, his Heir succeeds him, and is in the instant invested in all the dignities, and preeminences of which the other had been possessed: and if there were no other error or false doctrine in the Leviathan (as there are very many of a very pernicious nature) that would be cause enough to suppress it in all Kingdoms.   

The Survey of Chapter 20.  
IT is modestly done of Mr. Hobbes at last, after so many Magisterial determinations of the institution of Sovereignty, and the rights and authority of it, and what is not it, to confess that all these Discourses (pag. 105.) are only what he finds by speculation and deduction of Sovereign Rights from the nature, need, and designs of man in erecting of Commonwealths, and putting themselves under Monarches, etc. and therefore if he finds that all his speculation is positively contradicted by constant and uncontroverted practice, he will believe that his speculation is not, nor aught to be of authority enough to introduce new Laws and Rules of Government into the World. And it is high time for the Sovereign Power to declare, That it doth not approve those Doctrines, which may lessen the affections and tenderness of Princes towards their Subjects, and even their reverence to God himself, if they thought that they could change Religion, and suppress the Scripture itself; and that their power over their Subjects is so absolute, that they give them all that they do not take from them; and that Property is but a word of no signification, and lessens the duty and obedience of Subjects, and makes them less love the constitution of the Government they live under; which may prove so destructive to them, if they have temptation from their passions or their appetite to exercise the authority they justly have. It is fit therefore that all men know, that these are only his speculations, and not the claim of Sovereign Power.  
It had been to be wished, that Mr. Hobbes had first taken the pains to have informed himself of the p●wer and authority exercised by Elective Princes over their Subjects, and their submission rendered to them by their subjects, before he had so positively determined, that Elective Kings are not Sovereigns, at least that he had given a better reason for his assertion. He that hath supreme authority over all, and against whom there is no Appeal, may very justly and lawfully be called a Sovereign. And if he would inquire into the authority of the Emperor, in the proper Dominion of the Empire, he would find that he hath as Sovereign a power as any Prince in Christendom claims, and yet he is Elective. And it is a more extravagant speculation to conclude, That because the Electors have the absolute power to choose the Emperor, that the Sovereignty is in them before they choose him, and that they may keep it to themselves if they think good, because none have a right to give that which they have no right to possess; when it is known to all the World that the Electors have a right to choose the Emperor, and yet that till they have chosen him, the Sovereignty is not in them, nor that they can possess it themselves, and choose whether they will give it to another; and that when they have chosen him, he is a Sovereign Prince, and superior to all those who have chosen him, by all the marks of Sovereignty which are known in practice, though not possibly in speculation. And he knows well there is another Sovereign Prince greater than the Emperor, and almost as great as he would have his Sovereign to be in the extent of his power, who is likewise Elective, and that is the Pope, and that the Conclave cannot retain that Sovereignty to themselves, but having by their Election conferred ●t upon him, he is thereby become as absolute a Monarch as Mr. Hobbes can wish. And truly, if he would rectify his speculations, that is, his conceptions and imaginations, by examining those of other men (a fatal neglect he hath been guilty of throughout his whole life) he could hardly have avoided the knowing▪ that on every Michaelmas day the whole common People of London choose the Lord Major, and yet the Office is not in them till they do choose him, though his Predecessor were dead, nor can they keep it to themselves; and so they can give that which they cannot possess, which is diametrically contrary to his speculation, which would likewise have been controlled by all Elections of the Kingdom.  
He might have saved himself much labour (since he agrees that a Sovereign by acquisition, which is somewhat we understand, hath the same full Sovereignty with his other by institution) if he had spared all that which is mere speculation; and I will gratify him, by not insisting upon the Paternal Dominion, otherwise then as it must be confessed to be the original of Monarchy, because we will do the Mother no wrong, who is so meet a help in the generation. And before I proceed further upon this Argument, to which I will presently return, I must lament in this place Mr. 〈◊〉 so positive determining a point of Justice, in which he could have no experience, and against all th● practice of the Christian World, (pag. ●04.) that he who hath Quarter granted 〈…〉 his life given, but deferred till farther deliberation; which Doctrine, found only as he confesses by speculation, served to confirm that Tyrannical Power in a Judgement they had given, when three great and noble Persons, who were Prisoners of War, were contrary to all form and rule condemned to be murdered; which Sentence was barbarously executed, and afterwards reiterated upon others, the rather probably upon his speculative determination.  
And since we are now come to the Chapter of Dominion Paternal and Despotical, in which he discourses of his Government by acquisition, which he will have by force; or by institution, which he calls by consent, and confesses, that the rights▪ and consequences of Sovereignty are the same in both; it may not (I conceive) be unseasonable to state, and lay down that Scheme of Government, which men reasonably believe was originally instituted, and the progress and alterations which were afterwards made, and all those Covenants, Promises, and Conditions which were annexed to it, and by the observation of which it hath always acquired strength and lustre, and been as much impaired, when endeavours have been used to extend it beyond its bounds and just limits, and to make it more absolute, then is consistent with the Peace and Happiness of the People, which was, and is the end of its Institution. And in the first place we must deny, as we have hitherto done, Mr. Hobbes his ground work, upon which, with many ill consequences even from thence his foundation is supported, and that is, that War is founded in Nature, which gives the stronger a right to whatever the weaker is possessed of, so that there can be no peace, or security from oppression, till such Covenants are made, as may appoint a Sovereign to have all that power which is necessary to provide for that peace and security; and out of, and by this Institution, his Magistrate grows up to the greatness and size of his Leviathan. But we say, that peace is founded in nature; and that when the God of nature gave his Creature, Man, the dominion over the rest of his Creation, he gave him likewise natural strength and power to govern the World with peace and order: and how much soever he lost by his own integrity, by falling from his obedience to his Creator, and how severe a punishment soever he underwent by that his disobedience, it does not appear that his dominion over Mankind was in any degree lessened or abated. So that we cannot but look upon him during his life, as the sole Monarch of the World▪ and that lasted so long, as we may reasonably compute, that a very considerable part of the World, that was peopled before the Flood, was peopled in his life, since it lasted upon the point of two parts of that term; so that his Dominion was over a very numerous People. And during all that time, we have no reason to imagine that there was any such Instrument of Government by Covenants and Contracts, as is contained in this Institution. And yet we do acknowledge, that he was by nature fully possessed of all that plenitudo potestatis, which doth of right belong to a Magistrate; and we may very reasonably believe, having no colour to think the contrary, that his Son Seth, who was born a hundred and thirty years after him, and lived above a hundred years after he was dead, governed his descendants with the same absolute Dominion, which might well be continued under his Successor to the very time of the Flood▪ for we may very reasonably believe that Noah conversed with Seth, since it is evident they lived one hundred years together in the same Age. Nor have we the least colour to believe, that there was either Sedition or Civil War before the Flood; their rebellion against God in a universal exercise of Idolatry, which implies a general conse●●● amongst themselves, being in the opinion of most Learned men, the crying Sin that provoked God to drown the World.  
After the Flood, we cannot but think that Noah remained the sole, Monarch of the World during his life, according to that model with which he had been very well acquainted for the space of five hundred years; and he lived long enough after to see a very numerous increase of his Children and Subjects, who after his death, when the multiplication was very great, came from the East into the Land of Shinar, the pleasant v●●ly of Shinar, where God, in the beginning, had placed the Father of mankind, Adam; and Learned men are of opinion, that the great and principal end of the building of Babel, over and above the high Tower for their fame and renown to posterity, was, that they intended it for the Metropolis of an Universal Monarchy; so little doubt there was yet made of an entire subjection and obedience. Sure we are, that the Generations of Noah, when mankind was exceedingly increased, did divide the Nations in the Earth; and Mr. M●ad assures us, that the word which we translate divided, signifies not a scattering, or any thing of confusion, but a most distinct partition. So that this great division of the Earth being performed in this method and order, there is no room for the imagination and dream of such an irregular and confused dispersion, that every man went whither he listed, and settled himself where he liked best, from whence that Institution of Government might arise which Mr. Hobbes fancies. Under this Division, we of the Western World have reason to believe ourselves of the posterity of japheth, and that our Progenitors did as well know under what Government they were to live, as what portion they were to possess: and we have that blessing of japheth, that God would enlarge him into the Tents of Shem, and that Cham should be his servant, to assure and confirm us, that the Inundation, which almost covered us, of the Goths and Vandals from Scythia, and other Northern Nations (whose original habitations we cannot to this day find) were not of the Children of Cham, which we might otherwise have suspected.  
As Mankind increased, and the age of man grew less, so that they did not live to see so great a Progeny issue out of their own loins as formerly, and their subjects growing less, their kindred also grew at so great a distance, that the account of their relations was not so easily or so carefully preserved; hereby they who had the Sovereign Power, exercised less of the Paternal Affection in their Government, and looked upon those they governed as their mere Subjects, not as their Allies: and by degrees, according to the custom of exorbitant Power, considering only the extent of their own Jurisdiction, and what they might do, they treated those who were under them not as Subjects, but as slaves, who having no right to any thing but what they gave them, would allow them to possess nothing but what they had no mind to have themselves. Estates they had none that they could call their own, because when their Sovereign called for them, they were his; their persons were at his command when he had either occasion or appetite to use them, and their Children inherited nothing but the subjection of their Parents: so that they were happy or miserable, as he who had the power and command over them exercised that power with more or less rigour or indulgence, they submitting to both, acknowledging the dominion to be naturally absolute, and their subjection and obedience to be as natural. Kings had not long delighted themselves with this exorbitant exercise of their power (for though the power had been still the same, the exercise of it had been very moderate, whilst there remained the tenderness or memory of any relation) but they begun to discern (according to their faculties of discerning, as their parts were better or worse) that the great strength they seemed to be possessed of, must in a short time end in absoulte weakness, and the plenty they seemed to enjoy, would become exceeding want and beggary; that no man would build a House that his Children should not inherit, nor cultivate Land with good husbandry and expense, the fruit and profit whereof might be taken by another man; that whilst their Subjects did not enjoy the convenience and delight of life, they could not be sure of the affection and help of them, when they should enter into a difference with one who is as absolute as themselves, but they would rather choose to be subject to him, whose Subjects lived with more satisfaction under him: in a word, that whilst they engrossed all power, and all wealth into their own hands, they should find none who would defend them in the possession of it; and that there is great difference between the subjection that love and discretion pays, and that which results only from fear and force; and that despair puts an end to that duty, which nature, and it may be Conscience too, would still persuade them to pay, and to continue; and therefore that it was necessary that the Subjects should find profit and comfort in obeying, as well as King's pleasure in commanding. These wise and wholesome Reflections prevailed with Princes for their own benefit to restrain themselves, to make their Power less absolute, that it might be more useful; to give their Subjects a property that should not be invaded but in such cases, and with such and such circumstances, and a liberty that should not be restrained, but upon such terms as they could not but think reasonable. And as they found the benefit to grow from those condescensions in the improvement of Civility, and those additions of delight which makes Life and Government the more pleasant, they enlarged the Graces and Concessions to their Subjects, reserving all in themselves which they did not part with by their voluntary Grants and Promises. And if we take a view of the several Kingdoms of the World, we shall see another manner of beauty, glory and lustre in those Governments, where those condescensions, concessions, and contracts have been most or best observed, then in those Dominions where the Sovereigns retain to themselves all the Rights and Prerogatives which are invested in them by the original nature of Government; upon which we shall enlarge hereafter.  
This is the original and pedigree of Government, equally different from that which the levelling fancy of some men would reduce their Sovereign to, upon an imagination that Princes have no authority or power but what was originally given them by the People, and that it cannot be presumed that they would give them so much as might be applied to their own destruction, and from that which Mr. Hobbes hath instituted, by framing formal Instruments by which an assembly of mankind (which was never heard of, nor can be conceived practicable) hath devolved from themselves into one man of their own choice, an absolute Power by their own consent, to exercise it in such a manner as to his pleasure is agreeable, without the observation of the common rules of Justice or Sobriety; whereas it cannot be imagined possible in nature, that ever such an assembly of men of equal authority in themselves, will ever agree to make one Man their Sovereign with such an absolute Jurisdiction over the rest, as must divest them of all property as well as power for the future; and whereas in truth all power was by God and Nature invested into one Man, where still as much of it remains as he hath not parted with, and shared with others, for the good and benefit of those (and the mutual security of both) for whose benefit it was first entrusted to him▪ the rest, which is enough, remains still in him, and may be applied to the preservation of the whole, against the fancies of those who think he hath nothing but what they have given him; and likewise against those who believe that so much is given him, that he hath power to leave no body else any thing to enjoy; the last of which are no less enemies to Monarchy then the former.  
I am very unwilling to enter into the lists with Mr. H●bbes upon the interpretation of Scriptures, which he handles as imperiously as he doth a Text of Aristotle▪ putting such unnatural interpretation on the words, as hath not before fallen into the thoughts of any other man, and drawing very unnatural inferences from them; insomuch as no man can think he is really in earnest, when, to prove that the King's word is sufficient to take any thing from any Subject when there is need, and that the King is Judge of that need, he alleges the example of our Saviour, who, he says, as King of the Jews (p. 106) commanded his Disciples to take the Ass' Colt to carry him to jerusalem, which he says the owner permitted, and did not ask whether his necessity was a sufficient title, nor whether he was judge of that necessity, but did acquiesce in the will of the Lord: which is a very bold and ungrave wresting of Scripture to purposes it could not intend; since our Saviour did not profess to do one act as a King of the Jews, but declared that his kingdom was not of this world. And at the time he told the Messengers who were sent for the Ass, that if they were asked what they meant by it, they should answer, that the Lord had need of him, upon which he knew, and he said, that they would let him go, and upon that he grounded their Commission. If the owner would not permit them to take it, the Messengers had no authority to have brought it to him. And his inference from, and the gloss he makes upon the question that God asked of Adam, (p. 106.) Hast thou eaten? hath as little warrant from that text, as the other improper instance of our Saviour. And sure when Mr. Hobbes thought fit by this example of our Saviour in this place to wrest all property from the Subject, he did not intend in any other place so far to divest him of any authority, that men were not bound to believe any thing he said, or to do any thing he commanded, because he had no Commission which required obedience, his Kingdom being not yet of this world. So unwary he is in the contradicting himself; as all men are, who first resolve what they are to prove, before they consider what it is that is true.  
We are not obliged, nor indeed have any reason to believe, that God was offended with the Children of Israel for desiring a King, which was a Government himself had instituted over them, and to which they had been long accustomed, and had undergon much misery, and confusion whilst there was no King in Israel; but for their mutinous manner of ask it, and the reason they gave for it, that they might be like other nations, which God had taken all possible care that they should not be, and enjoined them to learn nothing of them. And the description which Samuel made of the exorbitant power of Kings, which indeed the Kings of the Nations did exercise, by whose example they desired to be governed, was rather to terrify them from pursuing their foolish demand, then to constitute such a Prerogative as the King should use whom God would appoint to go in and out before them; which methinks is very manifest, in that the worst Kings that ever reigned over them, never challenged or assumed those Prerogatives. Nor did the people conceive themselves liable to those impositions; as appears by the application they made to Rehoboam upon the death of Solomon, that he would abate some of that rigour his Father had exercised towards them; the rough rejection of which, contrary to the advice of his wisest Counsellors, cost him the greater part of his Dominions: and when Rehoboam would by Arms have reduced them to obedience, God would not suffer him, because he had been in the fault himself.  
I am willing to take an occasion in this place to wish, that no better Divines then Mr. Hobbes had from this place in Samuel, presumed very unwarrantably to draw inferences, to lessen the Subjects reverence and obedience to Kings, and to raise a prejudice and disesteem in Kings towards their Subjects, as people whose affections and good will are of no use to them, since they can present nothing to them that is their own, nor have any thing to give, but what they may take from them; which two very different rather then contrary Conclusions▪ too many Divines (and some of parts) according to their several inclinations and appetites, have presumed to wrest from that place of Scripture; the one party of them, as is said before, endeavouring maliciously to render Monarchy odious and insupportable, by the unlimited affections, and humours, and pretences, and power of a single uncontrollable person; the other believing as unreasonably, that the dispositions, natures, and hearts of the people, cannot be applied to the necessary obedience towards their Princes, nor their reverence and duty be so well fixed and devoted to them, as by thinking that they have nothing of their own, but whatsoever they enjoy they have only by the bounty of the King, who can take it from them when he pleases: and to this last party Mr. Hobbes his speculation hath for the present disposed him to adhere, though in any other particular opinion he doth not concur with any Divine of any Church in Christendom. For the first, whoever doth well consider the wonderful confused Government that was exercised over the Children of Israel from the death of joshua, when the Monarchy was interrupted, under the Judges for the space of above three hundred years, the barbarous negligence in the instructions of the people in the knowledge of God, and of their duty to him, insomuch that the very next generation after the death of joshuah had lost, or was without the whole History of what God had done for them, and of what he expected from them; so unfaithful a guide, or remembrancer is Tradition, when the Scripture itself is not to be found: I say, whosoever considers likewise the quality, and talon, and humour of many of the very Judges who had been over them, as the repeated Acts of indiscretion and folly in Samson, which could not but make his judgement to be in the less reverence, & the strength of his arms to be more admired than that of his head; with the present state they were then in under the sons of Samuel, who were no better than the Sons of Ely had been, will not perhaps so very much blame them for desiring a King: and though the manner of their ask it might, as hath been said, offend Samuel, and in some degree displease God, yet he might not be offended absolutely with the thing itself, since it was no more than God himself had in a manner prescribed to them, as well as foretold, without any kind of disapprobation. When thou art come into the Land which the Lord thy God giveth thee etc. and shalt say, I will set a King over me, like as all the Nations which are about me, Thou shalt in any wise set him a King over thee, whom the Lord thy God shall choose. Deut. 17. 14, 15, 16, 17. God was well content that they should have a King, but reserved the election of him to himself: he would have no transferring of rights, or covenanting for one another, he would choose his own Representative. Nor amongst all the customs of the Nations, which he orbad them to follow, did God ever show the least dislike of their Government by Kings, which had been instituted originally by himself, and probably been continued by them even from the time of the institution, however their manners were degenerated and the knowledge of him totally forgotten. And in what degrees of grace and favour that high calling hath been ever since with him, appears by the mention of them throughout the whole current of Scripture, by the Prerogatives he hath granted to them, and by his imparting to them even his own appellation.  
They who will in the next place, deduce the extent of the absolute and illimited power of Kings from that declaration by Samuel, which indeed seems to leave neither Property, or Liberty in their subjects, and could be only intended by Samuel to terrify them from that mutinous and seditious clamour, since it hath no foundation from any other part of Scripture, nor was ever practised or exercised by any good King who succeeded over them, and was blessed, and approved by God: and therefore when those State Empirics, of what degree or quality soever, will take upon them to prescribe a new diet and exercise to Sovereign Princes, and invite them to assume new power and prerogatives over the people, by the Precepts, Warrants, and Prescriptions of the Scripture, they should not presume to make the sacred writ subject to their own private fancies. And if according to the more authentic method of interpreting doubtful places, they had recourse to that place, where the same matter is first handled, they would then have found, by resorting to the before mentioned place in Deuteronomy, another their kind of Scheme for the power, and government of Kings. There, when God intended that they should be governed by a King whom he would himself choose, he prescribed what he should not do and what he should do. He should not multiply Horses to himself, etc. which only concerned that people, that they might have no temptation to return to Egypt, Ye shall henceforth no more return that may, etc. Nor shall he multiply Wives, etc. Tho multiplying of Wives seemed to be permitted, yet he was to have a care that the number of them did not turn his heart away. Nor should he greatly multiply unto himself Silver, and Gold, etc. not so affect, and set his heart upon being rich, to be tempted to oppress his Subjects, or to injure his Neighbours; and so far the negative directed. Then for the affirmative, That he should write a copy of the Law in a Book, etc. Deut. 17. 18, 19, 20. that it should be with him, and he should read therein all the days of his life, that he might learn to fear the Lord his God, and to keep all the words of the Law, and these Statutes to do them; that his heart be not lifted up, and that he turn not aside from the Commandment to the right hand, or to the left; and from this Text the Rabbins concluded, that he was to write a Book of the Law for himself, and if he had none before he was King, he was obliged assoon as he was King to have two, one whereof he was to have always which him, sive cum vadit ad praelium, sive cum sedet in judicio, ●ut in mensa, &c, Those were the injunctions which God prescribed to his King, and were observed by all those who were blessed and approved by him, for David seems by the words of Nathan to have some particular allowance for the great number of his Wives; and multiplying gold, and silver, was for the building of the Temple, and no private use of his one; and Solomon's excessive greatness, was from the immediate bounty of God himself; but he no sooner violated those Precepts, and exceeded that moderation that was prescribed to him towards his Subjects, and with reference to the multiplying Wives; then his heart turned away from God, and God turned away from him.  
This pleasant suggestion by which he would discountenance that importunate and impertinent demand of an example of such a Government as he would institute, that though in all places of the world men should lay the foundation of their houses in sand, it could not thence be inferred that so it ought to be, will never persuade men to change a Government they have been for many hundred years happy under (though with some vicissitudes of fortune) for an imaginary Government by his Rules of Arithmetic and Geometry, of which no Nation hath ever yet had the experiment: and if there be any Country where is a Sand of that nature, that hath supported the greatest edifices for hundreds of years, against all the storms of wind and rage of tempests, he shall be much too nice and scrupulous a person, who will by any Rules of Architecture forbear to builds his House there, because he will not lay his foundation upon Sand, which by experience is found to be of equal firmness with a Rock.   

The Survey of Chapter 21.  
MR. Hobbes is so great an enemy to freedom that he will not allow Man that which God hath given him, the Freedom of his Will, but he shall not entangle me in that Argument, which he hath enough exercised himself in with a more equal Adversary, who I think hath been much too hard for him at his own weapon, Reason, the Learned Bishop of Derry, who was afterwards Archbishop of Armagh, and by which he hath put him into greater choler than a Philosopher ought to subject himself to, the terrible strokes whereof I am not willing to undergo, and therefore shall keep myself close to that freedom and liberty only that is due to Subjects, and of which, his business in this Chapter, is to deprive them totally.  
A man would have expected from Mr. Hobbes' Inventory of the several rights and powers of his Sovereign in his eighteenth Chapter, of which one was to prescribe Rules (pag. 91.) whereby every man might know what goods he may enjoy, and what actions he might do without being molested by any of his fellow Subjects, which he says, Men call Propriety, that some such Rule should be established as might secure that Porpriety, how little soever: but he hath now better explained himself, and finds, that Liberty and Property are only fences against the Invasion or force of fellow Subjects, but towards the Sovereign of no use or signification at all. No man hath a Propriety in any thing, that can restrain the King from taking it from him, and the liberty of a Subject (pag. 109.) ●eth only in those things, which in regulating their actions, the Sovereign hath pretermitted, such as is the liberty to buy and sell, and otherwise contract with one another; to choose their own abode, their own diet, their own trade of life, and to institute their children as they think fit, and the like. I wonder he did not insert the liberty to wear his Clothes of that fashion which he likes best, which is as important as most of his other Concessions. And yet he seems to be jealous, that even this liberty should make men imagine, that the Sovereign power should be in any degree limited, or that any thing he can do to a Subject, and upon what pretence soever, may be called injustice or injury, the contrary whereof he says he hath showed already; for he takes it as granted, that all that he hath said he had proved: and if he hath not, he hath done it now substantially by the example of jepthah, in causing his daughter to be sacrificed (of which he is not sure) and by David's killing Vriah, which he says, though it was against equity, yet it was not an injury to Vriah, because the right was given him by Vriah, which I dare swear Vriah never knew he had done. And by such unnatural Arguments he would persuade men to be willing to be undone; very like those which the Stoics as obstinately maintained, That a wise man could not be injured because he was not capable nor sensible of it. But I wonder more, that he doth not discern what every other man cannot but discern, that by his so liberal taking away, he hath not left the Subject any thing to enjoy even of those narrow concessions which he hath made to him. For how can any man believe that he hath liberty to buy and sell, when the Sovereign power can presently take away what he hath sold, from him who hath bought it, and consequently no man can sell or buy to any purpose? Who can say that he can choose his own abode, or his own trade of life, or any thing, when assoon as he hath chosen either, he shall be required to go to a place where he hath no mind to go, and to do somewhat he would not choose to do? for his person is no more at his own disposal than his goods are; so that he may as graciously retain to himself all that he hath granted.  
Whether the Sovereign Power, or the Liberty of the Subject receive the greater injury and prejudice by this brief state and description he makes of the no liberty, that is, the portion he leaves to the Subject, would be a great question, if he had not been pleased himself to determine, that his Subject (for God forbid that any other Prince should have such a Subject) is not capable of an injury; by which the whole mischief is like to fall upon the Sovereign. And what greater mischief and ruin can threaten the greatest Prince, then that their Subjects should believe, that all the liberty they have, consists only in those things which the Sovereign hath hitherto pretermitted, that is, which he hath not yet taken from them, but when he pleases in regulating their actions to determine the contrary, they shall then have neither liberty to buy or sell, nor to contract with each other, to choose their own abode, their own diet, their own trade of life, or to breed their own children; and to make their misery complete, and their life as little their own as the rest, that nothing the Sovereign can do to his Subject, on what pretence soever, as well in order to the taking away his Life as his Estate, can be called injustice or injury; I say, what greater insecurity can any Prince be in or under, then to depend upon such Subjects? And alas! what security to himself or them can the Sword in his hand be, if no other hand be lift up on his behalf, or the Swords in all other hands be directed against him, that he may not cut off their heads when he hath a mind to it? and it is not Mr. Hobbes' authority that will make it believed, that he who desires more liberty, demands an exemtion from all Laws, by which all other men may be masters of their lives; and that every Subject is author of every act the Sovereign doth, upon the extravagant supposition of a consent that never was given; and if it were possible to have been given, must have been void at the instant it was given, by Mr. Hobbes' own rules, as shall be made out in its place. He himself confesses, (pag. 295.) and says it is evident to the meanest capacities, that men's actions are derived from the opinion they have of the good and evil which from those actions redound unto themselves, and consequently men that are once possessed of an opinion that their obedience to the Sovereign power will be more hurtful to them then their disobedience, will disobey the Laws, and thereby overthrow the Commonwealth, and introduce confusion and civil War, for the avoiding whereof, all civil Government was ordained. If this be true, (as there is no reason to believe it to be) is it possible that any man can believe, that the People, for we speak not of convincing the Philosophers and the Mathematicians, but of the general affections of the People, which must dispose them to obedience, that they can be persuaded by a long train of Consesequences, from the nature of man, and the end of Government, and the institution thereof by Contracts and Covenants, of which they never heard, to believe that it is best for them to continue in the same nakedness in which they were created, for fear their clothes may be stolen from them, and that they have parted with their liberty to save their lives? There is no question, but of all calamities the calamity of War is greatest, and the rage and uncharitableness of civil War most formidable of all War. Indeed foreign War seldom destroys a Nation without domestic Combinations and Conspiracies, which makes a complication with civil War; and sure nothing can more inevitably produce that, than an universal opinion in the People, that their Sovereign can take from them all they have whenever he hath a mind to it, and their lives to, without any injustice, and consequently that their obedience to him will be more hurtful to them then their disobedience, so well hath he provided for the security of his Sovereign, if his doctrine were believed.  
Mr. Hobbes is too much conversant in both those learned Languages, to wish that the Western World were deprived of the Greek and Latin Tongues, for any mischief they have done; and upon my conscience, what ever errors may have been brought into Philosophy by the authority of Aristotle, no man ever grew a Rebel by reading him; and if the greatest Monarch that hath ever been in the World, except the Monarch of the World, had thought his Tutor Aristotle had been so great an enemy to Monarchy (yet he knew he was born and bred in a Republic) and that his Works contribute so much to sedition, as Mr. Hobbes supposes, he would not have valued his Person so much, nor read his Works with such diligence as he did. And if Mr. Hobbes would take a view of the Insurrections, and the civil Wars which have at any time been stirred up in the Western parts, he will not find that they have been contrived or fomented by men who had spent much time in the reading Greek and Latin Authors, or that they have been carried on upon the Maxims and Principles which they found there. jack Straw and Wat Tyler, whose Insurrection, in respect of the numbers and the progress it made, was as dangerous as hath happened in any Age or Climate, had never read Aristotle or Cicero; and I believe, had Mr. Hobbes been of this opinion when he taught Thucydides to speak English, which Book contains more of the Science of Mutiny and Sedition, and teaches more of that Oratory that contributes thereunto, than all that Aristotle and Cicero have published in all their Writings, he would not have communicated such materials to his Countrymen. But if this new Philosophy, and Doctrine of Policy and Religion should be introduced, taught, and believed, where Aristotle and Cicero have done no harm, it would undermine Monarchy more in two months, than those two great men have done since their deaths; and men would reasonably wish, that the Author of it had never been born in the English Climate, nor been taught to write and read.  
It is a very hard matter for an Architect in State and Policy, who doth despise all Precedents, and will not observe any Rules of practice, to make such a model of Government as will be in any degree pleasant to the Governor, or governed, or secure for either; which Mr. Hobbes finds; and though he takes a liberty to raise his Model upon a supposition of a very formal Contract, that never was, or ever can be in nature, and hath the drawing and preparing his own form of Contract, is forced to allow such a latitude in obedience to his Subject, as shakes the very pillars of his Government. And therefore, though he be contented that by the words of his Contract, (pag. 112.) Kill me, and my fellow if you please, the absolute power of all men's lives shall be submitted to the disposal of the Governors will and pleasure, without being obliged to observe any rules of Justice and Equity; yet he will not admit into his Contract the other words, (pag. 112.) I will kill myself, or my fellow, and therefore that he is not bound by the command of his Sovereign to execute any dangerous or dishonourable office; but in such cases, men are not to resort so much to the words of the submission, as to the intention: which distinction surely may be as applicable to all that monstrous authority which he gives the Governor to take away the Lives and Estates of his Subjects, without any cause or reason, upon an imaginary Contract, which if never so real, can never be supposed to be with the intention of the Contractor in such cases. And the subtle Distinctions he finds out to excuse Subjects from yielding obedience to their Sovereigns, and the Prerogative he grants to fear, for a whole Army to run away from the Enemy without the guilt of treachery or injustice, leaves us some hope, that he will at last allow such a liberty to Subjects, that they may not in an instant be swallowed up by the prodigious power which he pleases to grant to his Sovereign. And truly, he degrades him very dishonourably, when he obliges him to be the Hangman himself, of all those Malefactors, which by the Law are condemned to die; for he gives every man authority, without the violation of his duty, or swerving from the rules of Justice, absolutely to refuse to perform that office. Nor hath he provided much better for his security, than he hath for his honour, when he allows it lawful for any number of men, (pag. 112.) who have rebelled against the Sovereign, or committed some capital crime, for which every one of them expects death, then to join together, and defend each other, because they do but defend their lives, which the guilty man, he says, may do as well as the innocent. And surely, no man can legally take his life from him who may lawfully defend it; and then the murderer, or any other person guilty of a capital Crime, is more innocent, and in a better condition than the Executioner of Justice, who may be justly murdered in the just execution of his office. And it is a very childish security that he provides for his Sovereign against this Rebellion, and defence of themselves against the power of the Law, (pag. 113.) that he declares it to be lawful only for the defence of their lives, and that upon the offer of pardon for themselves, that self-defence is unlawful: as if a body that is lawfully drawn together, with strength enough to defend their lives against the power of the Law, are like to disband and lay down their Arms, without other benefit and advantage then only of the saving of their lives. But though he be so cruel as to divest his Subjects of all that liberty, which the best and most peaceable men desire to possess, yet he liberally and bountifully confers upon them such a liberty as no honest man can pretend to, and which is utterly inconsistent with the security of Prince and People; which unreasonable Indulgence of his cannot but be thought to proceed from an unlawful affection to those, who he saw had power enough to defend the transcendent wickedness they had committed, though they were without an Advocate to make it lawful for them to do so, till he took that office upon him in his Leviathan, as is evident by the instance he gives in the next Paragraph, that he thinks it lawful for every man to have as many wives as he pleases, if the King will break the silence of the Law, and declare that he may do so; which is a Prerogative he vouchsafes to grant to the Sovereign, to balance that liberty he gave to the Subject to defend himself and his companion against him, and is the only power that may enable him to be too hard for the other.  
If Mr. Hobbes did not believe that the authority of his Name, and the pleasantness of his Style, would lull men asleep from enquiring into the Logic of his Discourse, he could not but very well discern himself, that this very liberty which he allows the Subject to have, and which he doth without scruple enjoy, to sue the Sovereign, and to demand the hearing of his Cause, and that Sentence be given according to the Law, results only from that condescension and contract which the Sovereign hath made with his Subject, and which can as well secure many other Liberties to them, as their power to sue the King; for there could be no Law precedent to that resignation of themselves and all they had, at the institution of their supreme Governor; and if there had been, it had been void and invalid, it being not possible that any man who hath right to nothing, and from whom any thing that he hath may be taken away, can sue his Sovereign for a debt which he might take, if it were due from any other man, but can by no means be due from him to whom all belongs, and who hath power to forbid any Judge to proceed upon that complaint, or any other person to presume to make that complaint, were it not for the subsequent contract which he calls a precedent Law, by which the Sovereign promises and obliges himself to appoint Judges to exercise Justice even where himself is party, and that he will be sued before those Judges, if he doth not pay what he owes to his Subjects. This is the Contract which gives that capacity of suing, and which by his own consent and condescension lessens his Sovereignty, that his Subjects may require Justice from him. And yet all these promises, and lessenings, he pronounces as void, and to amount to contradictions, that must dissolve the whole Sovereign power, and leave the people in confusion and war. Whereas the truth is, these condescensions, and voluntary abatements of some of that original power that was in them, have drawn a cheerful submission, and been attended by a ready obedience to Sovereignty, from the time that Subjects have been at so great a distance from being considered as Children, and that Sovereigns have been without those natural tendernesses in the exercise of their power, and which in the rigour of it could never have been supported. And where these obligations are best observed, Sovereignty flourishes with the most lustre, and security; Kings having still all the power remaining in them, that they have not themselves parted with, and released to their Subjects, and thei● Subjects having no pretence to more liberty or power then the King hath granted and given to them: and both their happiness, and security consists in containing themselves within their own limits, that is, King, not to affect the recovery of that exorbitant power, which their Ancestors wisely parted with, as well for their own as the people's benefit; and Subjects to rejoice in those liberties which have been granted to them, and not to wish to lessen the power of the King, which is not greater than is necessary for their own preservation. And to such a wholesome division, and communication of power as this is, that place of Scripture (with which Mr. Hobbes is still too bold) a Kingdom divided in itself cannot stand, cannot be applied.  
But that this Supreme Sovereign, whom he hath invested with the whole property and liberty of all his Subjects, and so invested him in it, that he hath not power to part with any of it by promise, or donation, or release, may not be too much exalted with his own greatness, he hath humbled him sufficiently by giving his Subjects leave to withdraw their obedience from him when he hath most need of their assistance, for the (pag. 114.) obligation of Subjects to the Sovereign is understood (he says) to last as long, and no longer, than the power lasts to protect them. So that assoon as any Town, City, or Province of any Prince's Dominions, is invaded by a Foreign Enemy, or possessed by a Rebellious Subject, that the Prince for the present cannot suppress the Power of the one, or the other, the people may lawfully resort to those who are over them, and for their Protection perform all the Offices and duties of good Subjects to them, (pag 114.) For the right men have by nature to protect themselves when none else can protect them, can by no covenant be relinquished, and the end of obedience is protection, which wherever a man seeth it either in his own, or in an others sword, nature applieth his obedience to it and his endeavours to maintain it. And truly it is no wonder if they do so, and that Subjects take the first opportunity to free themselves from such a Sovereign as he hath given them, and choose a better for themselves. Whereas the duty of Subjects is, and all good Subjects believe they owe another kind of duty and obedience to their Sovereign, then to withdraw their subjection because he is oppressed; and will prefer poverty, and death itself, before they will renounce their obedience to their natural Prince, or do any thing that may advance the service of his Enemies. And since Mr. Hobbes gives so ill a testimony of his Government (which, by the severe conditions he would oblige mankind to submit to for the support of it, aught to be firm, and not to be shaken) (pag. 114.) that it is in its own nature not only subject to violent death by foreign war, but also from the ignorance and passion of men, that it hath in it from the very institution many seeds of natural mortality by intestine discord, worse than which he cannot say of any Government, we may very reasonably prefer the Government we have, and under which we have enjoied much happiness, before his which we do not know, nor any body hath had experience of, and which by his own confession is liable to all the accidents of mortality which any others have been; and reject his that promises so ill, and exercises all the action of War in Peace, and when War comes, is liable to all the misfortunes which can possibly attend or invade it.  
Whether the relation of Subjects be extinguished in all those cases, which Mr. Hobbes takes upon him to prescribe, as Imprisonment, Banishment, and the like, I leave to those who can instruct him better in the Law of Nations, by which they must be judged, notwithstanding all his Appeals to the Law of Nature; and I presume, if a banished Person (p. 114) during which, he says, he is not subject, shall join in an action under a Foreign power against his Country, wherein he shall with others be taken prisoner, the others shall be proceeded against as Prisoners of War, when he shall be judged as a Traitor and Rebel, which he could not be, if he were not a Subject: and this not only in the case of an hostile action, and open attemt, but of the most secret conspiracy that comes to be discovered. And if this be true, we may conclude it would be very unsafe to conduct ourselves by what Mr. Hobbes (p. 105.) finds by speculation, and deduction of Sovereign rights from the nature, need▪ and designs of men. Surely this woeful desertion, and defection in the cases above mentioned, which hath been always held criminal by all Law that hath been current in any part of the World, received so much countenance and justifications by Mr. Hobbes his Book, and more by his conversation, that Cromwell found the submission to those principles produced a submission to him, and the imaginary relation between Protection and Allegiance so positively proclaimed by him, prevailed for many years to extinguish all visible fidelity to the King, whilst he persuaded many to take the Engagement as a thing lawful, and to become Subjects to the Usurper, as to their legitimate Sovereign; of which great service he could not abstain from bragging in a Pamphlet set forth in that time, that he alone, and his doctrine had prevailed with many to submit to the Government, who would otherwise have disturbed the public Peace, that is, to renounce their fidelity to their true Sovereign, and to be faithful to the Usurper.  
It appears at last, why by his institution he would have the power, and security of his Sovereign, wholly and only to depend upon the Contracts, and Covenants which the people make one with another, to transfer all their right to a third person (who shall be Sovereign) without entering into any Covenant with the Sovereign himself, which would have devested them of that liberty to disobey him, which they have reserved to themselves; or receiving any Covenant from him, which might have obliged him to have kept his promise to them; by which they might have had somewhat left to them which they might have called their own, which his institution will not bear, all such promises being void. But if he be so tender-hearted, as to think himself obliged to observe all the promises, and make good all the Grants he hath made, by which he may be disabled to provide for their safety, which is the ground that hath made all those Grants and Promises to be void, he hath granted him Power to remedy all this, by (P. 114.) directly renouncing, or transferring the Sovereignty to another: and that he might openly, and in plain terms renounce, or transfer it, he makes no doubt; and then he says, if a Monarch shall relinquish the Sovereignty both for himself, and his heirs, his subjects return to the absolute liberty of nature. Because though nature may declare who are his sons, and who are the nearest of his kin, yet it dependeth on his own will who shall be his Heir: and if he will have no Heir, There is no Sovereignty, or Subjection. This seems the hardest condition for the poor Subject that he can be liable unto, that when he hath devested himself of all the right he had, only for his Sovereign's protection, that he may be redeemed from the state of War and confusion that nature hath left him in, and hath paid so dear for that protection, it is left still in his Sovereign's power to withdraw that protection from him, to renounce his subjection, and without his consent to transer the Sovereignty to another, to whom he hath no mind to be subject. One might have imagined that this new trick of transferring, and covenanting, had been an universal remedy, that being once applied would for ever prevent the ill condition and confusion that nature had left us in, and that such a right would have been constituted by it, that Sovereignty would never have failed to the World's end: and that when the subject can never retract, or avoid the bargain he hath made, how ill soever he likes it, or improve it by acquiring any better conditions in it, it shall notwithstanding be in the Sovereign's power without his consent, and it may be without his privity, in an instant to leave him with out any protection, without any security, and as a prey to all who are too strong for him. This indeed is the greatest Prerogative that he hath conferred upon his Sovereign, when he had given him all that belongs to his Subjects, that when he is weary of Governing, he can destory them, by leaving them to destory one another. For Kings and Princes to resign and relinquish their Crown and Sovereignty, is no new transaction, nor, it may be, the better for being old. Some have left them out of Melancholy, and devotion, and when they have ceased to be Kings made themselves Monks, and repented the change of their conditions afterwards. Some out of weakness and bodily infirmities, have not been able to sustain the fatigue that the well exercising the Government required, and therefore have desired to see those in the quiet possession of it, to whom it would of right belong when they were dead; and the more reasonably, if they foresaw any difficulties like to arise about their admission in those seasons; as Charles the fifth apprehended with reference to some of his dominions in Italy, if his Son Philip was not in possession of them, before his Brother Ferdinando came to be Emperor. Some Princes have been so humorous, as upon the frowardness and refractoriness of their Subjects, and because they could not govern in that manner they had a mind to do, to abdicate the Government, and would have been glad afterwards to have resumed it. And others have been to wanton, as to relinquish their Crown because they did not like the Climate in which their Dominions lay, and only that they might live in a better Air, and enjoy the delights and pleasures of a more happy Situation. But all these generally never attempted it, or imagined they could do it, without the approbation and consent of their Subjects, which was always desired, and yielded to, with great formality. And it is very strange that in those seasons of Abdication, which supposes a suspension of Sovereignty, especially in Elective Kingdoms, for in Hereditary the immortality of the King▪ who never dies, may make a difference, this invention of Mr. Hobbes, of transferring one another's right, and covenanting with one another, hath never been heard of; and though the Sovereignty is invested by election, the People have very little share in that election.  
If Mr. Hobbes would have exercised his Talon in that spacious field, as he might have done with more innocence, and▪ it may be, more success, and have undertaken by his speculation and deduction of Sovereign rights, from the nature, need, and designs of men, to prove that it is not in the just power of a Monarch to relinquish and renounce his Sovereignty, with what formality and consent soever; nor more in the authority and power of the King to abdicate and relinquish his Sovereignty over his people, than it is in the authority of the people to withdraw their submission and obedience from him; and that the practice of such renunciations, though never very frequent, hath been the original and introduction of that mischievous doctrine sowed amongst the people, of their having a coordinate power with the Sovereign, which will be much cherished by his new institution, since men are easily persuaded to believe, that they can mar what they can make, and may lawfully destroy what they create, that is, the work of their own hands; I say, if he would have laid out his reason upon that argument, he could have made it shine very plausibly, and might have made many Proselytes to his opinion; since many Learned men are so much in their judgement against that right of relinquishing and transferring in Princes, that they believe it to be the only cause wherein Subjects may lawfully take up defensive Arms, that they may continue Subjects, and to preserve their Subjection and Obedience from being aliened from him to whom it is due; and that no consent or concurrence can more make such an alienation lawful, than it can dissolve the bonds of Wedlock, and qualify both parties to make a new choice for themselves, that may be more grateful to them. But he thinks it to be more glory, to discover that to be right reason, which all other men find to be destructive to it, and (page. 91.) that the sudden and rough bustling in of a new truth, will raise his fame, as it hath done that of many other Heretics before, and which he says, doth never break the pe●ce, but only sometimes awake the War; which, to use his own commendable expression, is (pag. 8.) like ●anding of things from one to another, with many words making nothing understood.   

The Survey of Chapter 22.  
I Should pass over his two and twentieth Chapter of Systemes, Subject, Political, and Private, which is a title as difficult to be understood by a literal translation as most of those to any Chapter in Suarez; as few Congregations, when they meet in a Church to pay their devotions to God Almighty, do know that they are an irregular system: in which, besides vulgar notions well worded, every man will discover much of that which he calls signs of error, and misreckoning, to which, he says, (page. 116.) all mankind is too prone, and with which that Chapter abounds, and will require no confutation, but that I find, and wonder to find mention of Laws, and Letters Patents, Bodies Politic, and Corporations, as necessary Institutions for the carrying on, and advancement of Trade, which are so many limitations and restraints of the Sovereign power, and so many entanglements under Covenants and Promises, which as they are all declared to be void, it is in vain to mention. I did not think Mr. Hobbes had desired to establish trade, or any industry for the private accumulation of riches in his Commonwealth. For is it possible to imagine, that any Merchant will send out Ships to Sea, or make such a discovery of his Estate, if it may be either seized upon before it goes out, or together with the benefit of the return when it comes home? If trade be necessary to the good of a Nation, it must be founded upon the known right of Propriety, not as against other Subjects only, but against the Sovereign himself; otherwise trade is but a trap to take the collected wealth of particular men in a heap, and when it is brought into less room, to have it seized on, and confiscated by the omnipotent word of the King with less trouble, and more profit. And if any Laws, Letters Patents, Charters, or any other obligations or promises, can oblige the Sovereign power in these cases which refer to trade and foreign adventures, why should they not be equally valid for the securing all the other parts and relations of Propriety? However, whatsoever rigour Mr. Hobbes thinks fit to exercise upon the Nobility and Gentry of the Nation, he must give over all thoughts of trade, if he doth not better provide to secure his Merchants both of their liberty, and propriety.  
It is a good observation, and an argument for the preference of Monarchy before any other form of Government, in that where the Government is popular, and the depressing the interest and reputation of particular Subjects is an essential policy of that Government, yet in the managing the affairs of their Colonies and Provinces at a distance from them, they choose to commit the same to a single person, as they do the Government and conduct of their Armies, which are to defend their Government; which is a tacit implication, if not confession, that in their own judgement they think the Monarchical the best form of Government. But he might have observed likewise, that in all those Monarchical Commissions, at what distance soever, there are limits and bounds set, by referring to instructions for the punctual observation and performance of what that State or Government hath been bound by promise and contract to perform; which hath the same force to evince, that the performance of promises and conditions, is very consistent with Monarchical Government: for the hazards that may arrive from thence may be as dangerous to that Government if it be at a great distance, as upon any supposition whatsoever, yet is never left to the discretion of a Governor.  
It is a wonderful latitude that Mr. Hobbes leaves to all his Subjects, and contradictory to all the moral precepts given to the World, and to all the notions of Justice, that he who hath his private interest depending, and to be debated and judged before any Judicatory, may make as many Friends as he can amongst those Judges, even by giving them money; as if, though it be a crime in a Judge to be corrupt, the person who corrupts him may be innocent, because he thinks his own cause just, and desires to buy justice for money which cannot be got without it; and so the grossest and most powerful Bribery shall be introduced, to work upon the weakness and poverty, and corruption of a Judge, because the party thinks his cause to be just, and chooses rather to depend upon the affection of his Judge whom he hath corrupted, then upon the integrity of his cause, and the justice of the Law. But he doth not profess to be a strict Casuist▪ nor can be a good observer of the Rules of moral honesty, who believes that he may induce another to commit a great Sin, and remain innocent himself. Nor is he in truth a competent Judge of the most enormous crimes, when he reckons (pag. 56.) Theft, Adultery, Sodomy, and any other vice that may be taken for an effect of power, or a cause of pleasure, to be of such a Nature, as amongst men are taken to be against Law, rather than against Honor.   

The Survey of Chapter 23.  
I Should with as little trouble have passed by his twenty third Chapter of his Public Ministers, and the fanciful Similes contained therein, not thinking it of much importance what public or private Ministers he makes for such a Sovereignty as he hath instituted; but that I observe him in this place (as most luxurious Fancies use to do) demolishing and pulling down, what he had with great care and vigilance erected and established as undeniable truth before. And whereas he hath in his eighteenth Chapter, (pag. 91.) pronounced the right of judicatory, of hearing and deciding all Controversies which concern Law, either Civil or Natural, or concerning Fact, to be inseparably annexed to the Sovereignty, and incapable of being aliened and transferred by him; and afterwards declares, That the judgements given by judges qualified, and commissioned by him to that purpose, are his own proper judgements, and to be regarded as such, which is a truth generally confessed; in this Chapter, against all practice and all reason, he degrades him from at least half that Power, and fancies a Judge to be such a party, that if the Litigant be not pleased with the opinion of his Judge in matter of Law, or matter of Fact, he may therefore (pag. 125.) (because they are both Subjects to the Sovereign) appeal from his Judge, and aught to be tried before another: for though the Sovereign may hear and determine the Cause himself if he please, yet if he will appoint another to be Judge, it must be such a one as they shall both agree upon; for as the Complainant hath already made choice of his own Judge, so the Defendant must be allowed to except against such of his Judges, whose interest maketh him suspect them; which was never heard of before this Institution, and the consequence of it will best appear by an instance to be very ridiculous. Let us suppose that an Information were preferred in the King's Bench (as it may well be) against Mr. Hobbes, for writing and publishing such a seditious Book against the established Government of Church and State, as his Leviathan is; because the Sovereign Judge will not hear & determine this himself, but refers it those Judges who are appointed and commissioned by him to examine and punish Crimes of such a nature, would it be reasonable that Mr. Hobbes should except against his Judges, because by their knowing the Law he may suspect them, and refuse to be tried before any but those whom he shall agree upon? and (pag. 125) can those be the properties of just and rational judicature? He hath forgotten, that before he erected his Sovereignty, when there could be no Judicature, he says, (pag. 78.) it is of the Law of Nature, That they who are at Controversy, submit their right to the judgement of an Arbitrator; there indeed, for want of Judicature, there was a necessity of a mutual consent, without which no man could take upon him to be an Arbitrator. If a man hath a Suit upon matter of Title or Interest with a Judge, notwithstanding that he is sworn to do right, he is so far from being bound to bring his Action before that Judge, that he may choose whether it shall depend in that Court of which that Judge is a Member, though the major part be unconcerned, but may have his Right tried in another Court: but if he should have any part in the choice of his own Judge, especially if he be criminal, Justice would be well administered. Himself acknowledges, that the judgement of such Judges, is the judgement of the Sovereign; and a greater Person than the Sovereign hath given a fair warning to those Judges; Take heed what ye do, for ye judge not for man, but for the Lord, who is with you in the judgement, 2 Chron. As it is the King's judgement, he will punish it severely if it be corrupt; and if he cannot discover it to be corrupt, for want of complaint, or want of evidence, God will punish it because it was his judgement: a corrupt Judge, of all guilty persons, can never escape punishment.  
I am very glad that Mr. Hobbes is pleased with any part of the administration of Justice in his own Country (which he would hardly like if he were exposed to it:) and he might have observed that great Privilege of the Lords in England, of being tried in all capital Crimes by their Peers, by Men of their own quality and condition, to be a greater Privilege than the Nobility of any Nation in Europe enjoy. The Grandees of Spain, and the Dukes, and Peers, and Mareschals of France, in those Transgressions undergo the same forms of Justice, and are tried before the same Judges, as the meanest Peasant is for the like or the same Crime: and though he calls it, and says it hath been ever acknowledged as a Privilege of Favor, yet they look upon it as a Privilege of Right, of which they cannot be deprived by the Word and Authority of the King. And it may be he would be hardly able to bring this Privilege under his original Institution of Government, since probably men being then all equal, they would never have consented to such a difference, rather than equality, in the form of Justice that was to be exercised towards them: and he values it too lightly, who thinks it can be taken from them by any Arbitrary Power.  
I cannot comprehend what Mr. Hobbes' meaning is, in making an Ambassador sent from his Prince, to congratulate, or condole, or to assist at a Solemnity, to be but a private Person, because he says, (pag. 126.) the business is private, and belonging to him in his natural capacity: whereas, his being sent Ambassador, and having in the performance of his Office of congratulating or condoling, or in his assistance at the Solemnity, the respect showed to him, and the privilege and precedence of the Person of his Master, he cannot but be a public Person. Nor can an Ambassador come to be but a private Person any other way, then by presuming to negotiate some unlawful thing, which he is not warranted by his Commission to do; and even in that case he expects to be treated as a public Person, as well by the security that Prince gave him by his Reception, as by the authority of the Prince who sent him, and expects to be sent to, and tried before his own Master: which depends much upon the nature and circumstances of the Transgression. But I wonder how Mr. Hobbes could bring the Rights and Privileges of Ambassadors under his disquisition, since they cannot depend upon his Institution: for they neither do nor can proceed from the Covenant, or Contracts, or teansferring of Rights between private persons; but he must make a new Institution for Sovereigns, in which he will hardly be able to preserve them without some Covenants, which he hitherto so much abhors.   

The Survey of Chapter 24.  
IT is the custom and delight that Mr. Hobbes takes in the frequent repeating, almost in every Chapter, the lewd principles in his Institution, with some variety of pleasant expressions and instances, which he would have understood to add new vigour to his former Arguments, that obliges me by Tautologies to put the Reader in mind of what I have said before, and to repete the same that hath been said; and so I must say again upon this Chapter of the nutrition and procreation of a Commonwealth, that he hath proposed a very ungracious method to himself in forming his Government, by assigning a greater power and authority to his Sovereign, than any honest Magistrate desires, or will ever exercise, or can think himself secure in; and such a liberty and property to the Subject, as they can take no delight in, and consequently can never wish well to that Government, under which they shall enjoy no more. Nor will they ever believe themselves to be in possession of liberty or plenty, when it is in the power of any one man to dispossess them of both, or either, at his good will and pleasure, without any violation of any Justice that they can resort to, or complain of. It is a very uncomfortable Propriety that any man can have in his Lands and Goods, because his Neighbour cannot take them from him, if his Prince can justly take them from him, and give them to his Neighbour. Princes have their particular Affections and Inclinations which sway them as much as other men, and are prevailed upon by the same strong motives and impulsions; and if they may take away all from those they do not like, and as much as they think fit from those they like less, to give to those they love, and to such as they like better, there can be no valuable propriety in any body but the Sovereign alone: and when it is once found to be in him alone, he will not be long able to defend his own Propriety, or his own Sovereignty. It is Machiavels exception against the entertaining of foreign Forces, that they are only mercenary, and therefore indifferent in their affections which party wins or loses; and no doubt those Soldiers fight most resolutely, who fight to defend their own. And surely they who have nothing of their own to lose but their lives, are as apt to throw those away where they should not, as where they should be exposed▪ and it is the usual Artifice in all Seditions, for the Leaders and Promoters of them, to persuade the People, that the tendency and consequence of such and such actions done by the Magistrate, extends to the depriving them of all their propriety, the jealousy of which hurries them into all those acts of rage and despair, which prove so fatal to Kingdoms. And there was never yet a wise and fortunate prince, who hath not enervated those Machinations, by all the professions, and all the vindications of that Propriety, which they are so vigilant to preserve and defend. And therefore it is a wonderful propesterous foundation to support a Government, to declare that the Subject hath no propriety in any thing that excludes the Sovereign from a right of disposing it; and it may be easily believed, that there is not one Prince in Europe, I mean that is civilised (for of the absolute power of the Great Turk, from whence Mr. Hobbes hath borrowed his Model, we shall have occasion to discourse in another place) would be able to retain his Sovereignty one whole year, after he should declare, as Mr. Hobbes doth, that his Subjects have no propriety in any thing they possess, but that he may dispose of all they have. For though they do too often invade that propriety, and take somewhat from them that is not their own, they bear it better under the notion of oppression and rapine, and as they look upon it as the effect of some powerful Subjects evil advice (which will in time be discovered, and reformed by the justice of the Prince, as hath often fallen out) than they would ever do under a claim of right, that could justly take away all they have, because it is not the Subjects but their own. And if Mr. Hobbes had taken the pains, and known where to have been informed of the Proceedings and Transactions of W●lliam the Conqueror, he would have found cause to believe, that that great King did ever dexterously endeavour, from the time that he was assured that his Possession would not be disturbed, to divest himself of the Title of a Conqueror, and made his Legal Claim to what he had got by the Will of Edward the Confessor, whose Name was precious to the Nation, and who was known to have a great Friendship for that Prince, who had now recovered what had been his. And he knew so well the ill consequence which must attend the very imagination that the Nation had lost its Propriety, that he made haste to grant them an assurance, that they should still enjoy all the benefits and privileges which were due to them by their own Laws and Customs, by which they should be still governed; as they were during that King's whole Reign, who had enough of the unquestionable Demesnes and Lands belonging to the Crown, of which he was then possessed without a Rival, and belonging to those great men who had perished with their Posterity in the Battle with Harold, to distribute to those who had born such shares, and run such hazards in his prosperous adventure. And those Laws and Customs which were before the Conquest, are the same which the Nation and Kingdom have been since governed by to this day, with the addition of those Statutes and Acts of Parliament, which are the Laws of the successive Kings, with which they have gratified their Subjects, in providing such new security for them, and advantages to the public, as upon the experience and observation of the Ages and Times when they were made, contributed to the honour and glory of the King, as well as the happiness of the People; many of which are but the Copies and Transcripts of ancient Landmarks, making the Characters more plain the legible of what had been practised and understood in the preceding Ages, and the observation whereof are of the same profit and convenience to King and People.  
Such were the Laws in Tully's time, which Mr. Hobbes wonderfully citys, to prove that which Tully never heard of, and which indeed is quite contrary to the end of his Discourse. (Pag. 127.) Is it possible that Tully could ever have said, Let the Civil Law be once abandoned, or but negligently guarded (not to say oppressed) and there is nothing that any man can be sure to receive from his Ancestor, or to leave to his Children? and again, take away the Civil Law, and no man knows what is his own, and what another man's? I say, he could never have mentioned and insisted upon this grand security of mankind, if he had understood the Law to be nothing but the breath of the Sovereign, who could grant, and dissolve, or repeal this Law, with the speaking a word that his will or fancy dictates to him. How can any man receive from his Ancestor, or leave to his Children, if he ben o● sure that his Ancestor had, and that his Children shall have a propriety? It was the importance of, and delight in this propriety, that produced that happy and beneficial agreement between the Sovereign power and the naked Subject, which is mentioned before; that introduced the beauty of Building, and the cultivating the Earth by Art as well as Industry, by securing men, that they and their Children should dwell in the Houses they were at the charge to build, and that they should reap the harvest of those Lands which they had taken the pains to sow. Whatsoever is of Civility and good Manners, all that is of Art and Beauty, or of real and solid Wealth in the World, is the product of this paction, and the child of beloved Propriety; and they who would strangle this Issue, desire to demolish all Buildings, eradicate all Plantations, to make the Earth barren, and mankind to live again in Tents, and nourish his Cattle by successive marches into those Fields where the grass grows. Nothing but the joy in Propriety reduced us from this barbarity; and nothing but security in the same, can preserve us from returning into it again. Nor will any man receive so great prejudice and damage by this return, as the Kings and Princes themselves, who had a very ample recompense which they still enjoy, by dividing their unprofitable propriety with their Subjects, having ever since received much more profit from the propriety in the hands of the Subjects, than they did when it was in their own, or then they do from that which they reserved to themselves; and they continue to have the more, or less upon a true account, as this paction is the more or less exactly observed and complied with.  
Mr. Hobbes is much mistaken in his Historical conclusions, as for the most part he uses to be, when he says, (pag. 129.) that the Conqueror, and his Successors, have always laid arbitrary Taxes on all Subjests Lands: except he calls what hath been done by the free consent of the Subject, which is according to the paction, to be the arbitrary Tax of the Sovereign, because the Law is the stamp of his own Royal Authority. And if such arbitrary Taxes have in truth at any time been laid upon the Subjects, he might have observed (for sometimes it hath been done) that the Sovereign hath received much more damage than profit by it, and the Kingdom been in a worse state of security than it was before. Nor can any Argument be made from the glory and prosperity of some Crowns, which have sometimes exercised that arbitrary Power, and reduced the Rules they ought to govern by, to the standard of their own Will; which yet they have done with such formality, as implies the consent of their Subjects, though they dare not but consent. It hath been too frequently seen too, that the hurt and wounded patience of the People, hath, when it may be it was least apprehended, redeemed themselves (for l●sa patientia est furor) by as unwarrantable Rebellion from unwarrantable Oppression, or out of contemt of their own ruin, because they have so little comfort in their preservation, have obstinately refused to give any assistance to their Sovereign when he hath real need of it, because he hath wantonly extorted it from them when he had no need. And then men pay too dear for their want of providence, and find too late, that the neglect of Justice is an infallible underminer, how undiscerned soever, of that security which their Policy would raise for themselves, in the place of that which Wisdom and Justice had provided for them. I agree, that it being impossible to foresee what the expenses which a Sovereign may be put to, will amount to, it is as impossible by land, or otherwise to set aside such a proportion as is necessary; but those extraordinary occasions must be supplied by such extraordinary ways, and with those formalities which the Sovereign obliges himself to observe; by observing whereof, much less inconvenience shall befall Him or the Public, then by cancelling those Laws which establish Propriety.  
If Mr. Hobbes had not been a professed Enemy to Greek and Latin Sentences, as an Argument of indisgestion, when they come up again unchewed and unchanged, he might have learned from Seneca, who understood, and felt the utmost extent of an absolute Sovereignty, and had a shrewd foresight what the end of it would be, how the propriety of the Subject might well consist with the power of the Prince: jure civili, says he, omnia Regis sunt, & tamen illa quo●um ad Regem pertinet universap ss●ssio, in singulos d●minos descripta sunt, & un●quaeque res habet possessorem suum. Itaque dare Regi, & domum, & mancipium, & pecuniam possumus, n●c d●nore illi de suo dicimur. Ad Reges enim potestas omnium pertin t●ad singulos proprietas. And that Prince who thinks his power so great, that his Subjects have nothing to give him, will be very unhappy if he hath ever need of their hands, or their hearts.   

The Survey of Chapter 25.  
WHen Mr. Hobbes hath erected such a Sovereign, and instituted such a People, that the one may say and do whatsoever he finds convenient for his purpose, and the other must nei●her say or do any thing that may displease him; the consideration of what, and how counsel should be given under such a Government, can require very little deliberation. And the truth is, the discourse of this Chapter, with the differences between Command and Counsel, is more vulgar and pedantic than he is usually guilty of, and it is easy to be observed, that in his description of the office of a Counsellor, and of the ability of counselling, (pag. 134.) that it proceeds from experience and long study, and that it requires great knowledge of the disposition of mankind; of the rights of Government, and of the nature of Equity, Law, justice, and Honour, not to be attained without study: and of the strengths, commodities, places bo●k of their own Country and their Neighbours; as also of the inclinations and designs of all Nations that may any way annoy them, and this, he says, is not attained without much Experience; he makes so lively a representation of that universal understanding, which he would be thought to be possessed with, that he could not be without hope that C●omwell would think him worthy to be a Counsellor, who had given him such an earnest that he would serve him with success, and without hesitation. Yet I see no reason (if to ask Counsel of another, is to permit him to give such Counsel as he shall think best; and if it be the Office of a Counsellor, when an Action comes into deliberation, to make manifest the consequence of it in such a manner, as he that is counselled may be truly and evidently informed) why he is so very angry with those two words, exhort and dehort, as to brand those who use either, with the style of corruption, and being bribed by their own interest; since it is very agreeable to the faith and integrity of a Counsellor, to persuade him that asks his advice to do that which he thinks best to be done, and to dissuade him from doing that which he thinks to be mischievous, which is to exhort and dehort; and the examples of Persons, and the authority of Books, may be pertinently applied to either: since few accidents fall out in States and Empires, which have not in former times happened in such conjunctures: and then if the same hath been faithfully represented to posterity, with all the circumstance and successes, which is the natural end of all good Histories to transmit; nothing can more properly be reflected on, or bring clearer light to the present difficulties in debate, than the memory of what was upon those occasions done fortunatly, or unhappily left undone, which surely cannot but introduce useful and pertinent Reflections into the consultation. And it is not easy to comprehend what that great ability is, which his Counsellor is to attain to by long study, and cannot be attained without, if that study be not to be conversant with Books, and if neither the examples in, or authority of Books be in any degree to be considered. Nor are such expressions which may move the affections or passions of him who asks Counsel, or of those who are to give it, repugnant to the office of a Counsellor, since the end of Counsel is to lead men to choose that which is good, and avoid that which is worse; and he to whom the Counsel is given, will best judge whether it tends to others ends rather than his own, and will value it accordingly. And he is much a better Counsellor, who by his experience and observation of the nature and humour of the People who are to be governed, and by his knowledge of the Laws and Rules by which they ought to be governed, gives advice what ought to be done, than he who from his speculative knowledge of mankind, and of the Rights of Government, and of the nature of Equity and Honour, attained with much study, would erect an Engine of Government by the rules of Geometry, more infallible than Experience can ever find out.  
I am not willing now, or at any time, to accompany him in his sallies which he makes into the Scripture, and which he always handles, as if his Sovereign power had not yet declared it to be the word of God; and to illustrate now his Distinctions, and the difference between Command and Counsel, he thinks fit to fetch instances from thence, Have no other Gods but me, Make to thyself no graven Image, etc. he says, (pag. 133.) are commands, because the reason for which we are to obey them, is drawn from the will of God our King, whom we are obliged to obey: but these words, Repent, and be baptised in the name of jesus, arc Counsel, because the reason why we should do so, tendeth not to any benefit of God Almighty, who shall be still King in what manner soever we rebel, but of ourselves, who have no other means of avoiding the punishment hanging over us for our sins; as if the latter were not drawn from the will of God as much as the former, or as if the former tended more to the benefit of God than the latter. An ordinary Grammarian, without any insight in Geometry, would have thought them equally to be commands: But Mr. Hobbes will have his Readers of another talon in their understanding, and another subjection to his dictates.   

The Survey of Chapter 26.  
HOwever Mr. Hobbes enjoins other Judges to etract the judgements they have given when contrary to reason, upon what authority or precedent soever they have pronounced them, yet he holds himself obliged still tue●i opus, to justify all he hath said; therefore we have reason to expect, that to support his own notions of Liberty and Propriety, contrary to the notions of all other men, he must introduce a notion of Law, contrary to what the world hath ever yet had of it. And it would be answer enough, and it may be the fittest that can be given to this Chapter, to say, that he hath erected a Law, contrary and destructive to all the Law, that is acknowledged and established in any Monarchy or Republic that is Christian; and in this he hopes to secure himself by his accustomed method of definition, and defiles, that Civil Law (which is a term we do not dislike) is to every Subject those Rules which the Common wealth hath commanded him by word, writing, or other sufficient sign of the W●●l to make use of for the distinction of right▪ in wh●ch he says there is nothing that is not at first sight evident, that is to say of what is contrary, and what is no● contrary to the Rule. From which definition his first deduction is▪ that the Sovereign is the sole Legislator, and that himself is not subject to Laws, because he can make, and repeal them: which in truth is no necessary deduction from his own definition; for it doth not follow from thence, though he makes them Rules only for Subjects, that the Sovereign hath the sole power to repeal them; but the true definition of a Law is, that it is to every Subject the rule which the Commonwealth hath commanded him by word, writing, or other sufficient sign of the Will made, and published in that form and manner, as is accustomed in that Commonwealth to make use of for the distinction of right, that is to say; of what is contrary, and what is not to the Rule? and from this definition, no such deduction can be made, since the form of making and repealing Laws is stated, and agreed upon in all Commonwealths.  
The opinions and judgements which are found in the Books of eminent Lawyers, cannot be answered, and controlled by Mr. Hobbes his wonder, since the men who know least are apt to wonder most; and men will with more justice wonder, whence he comes by the Prerogative to control the Laws and Government established in this, and that Kingdom, without so much as considering what is Law here or there, but by the general notions he hath of Law; and what it is by his long study, and much cogitation. And it is a strange definition of Law, to make it like his propriety, to be of concernment only between Subject and Subject, without any relation of security as to the Sovereign, whom he exemts from any observation of them, and invests with authority by repealing those which trouble him, when he thinks fit, to free himself from the observation thereof, and by making new: and consequently he says, he was free before, for he is free that can be free when he will. The instance he gives for his wonder, and displeasure against the Books of the Eminent Lawyers, is, that they say, that the Common Law hath no controller but the Parliament, that is, that the Common Law cannot be changed or altered but by Act of Parliament, which is the Municipal Law of the Kingdom. Now methinks if that be the judgement of Eminent Lawyers, Mr. Hobbes should be so modest as to believe it to be true, till he hears others as Eminent Lawyers declare the contrary: for by his instance, he hath brought it now only to relate to the Law of England, and then methinks he should be easily persuaded, that the Eminent Lawyers of England do know best whether the Law be so, or no. I do not wish that Mr. Hobbes should be convinced by a judgement of that Law upon himself, which would be very severe, if he should be accused for declaring, that the King alone hath power to alter the descents and inheritances of the Kingdom; and whereas the Common Law says the Eldest shall inherit, the King by his own Edict may declare, and order, that the younger Son shall inherit: or for averring, and publishing, that the King by his own authority can repeal and dissolve all Laws, and justly take away all they have from his Subjects; I say, if the judgement of Law was pronounced upon him for this Seditious discourse, he would hardly persuade the World, that he understood what the Law of England is, better than the Judges who condemned him, or that he was wary enough to set up a jus vagum and incognitum of his own, to control the established Government of his own Country. He says the Sovereign is the only Legislator: and I will not contradict him in that. It is the Sovereign stamp, and Royal consent, and that alone, that gives life, and being, and title of Laws, to that which was before but counsel and advice: and no such constitution of his can be repealed and made void, but in the same manner, and with his consent. But we say, that he may prescribe or consent to such a method in the form, and making these Laws, that being once made by him, he cannot but in the same form repeal, or alter them; and he is obliged by the Law of Justice to observe and perform this contract, and he cannot break it, or absolve himself from the observation of it, without violation of justice: and any farther obligation upon him then of justice, I discourse not of. For the better clearing of this to that kind of reason by which Mr. Hobbes is swayed, let us suppose this Sovereignty to reside, and be fixed in an assembly of men; in which kind of Government it is possible to find more marks and footsteps of such a deputing, and assigning of interests, as Mr. Hobbes is full of, than we can possibly imagine in the original institution of Monarchy. If the Sovereign power be deputed into the hands of fifteen, and any vacant place to be supplied by the same Authority that made choice of the first fifteen, may there not at that time of the election certain Rules be prescribed (I do not say conditions) for the better exercise of that Sovereign power? and by the accepting the power thus explained, doth not the Sovereign, though there should be no Oath administered for the observation thereof, which is a circumstance admitted by most Monarches, tacitly covenant that he will observe those Rules? and if he does wilfully decline those Rules, doth he not break the trust reposed in him? I do not say forfeit the trust, as if the Sovereignty were at an end, but break that trust, violate that justice he should observe? If the Sovereign power of fifteen, should raise an imposition for the defence of the Commonwealth, if they should appoint this whole imposition to be paid only by those whose names are Thomas (when Thomas was before in no more prejudice with the Commonwealth, than any other appellation in Baptism) may not this inequality be called a violation of Justice, and a breach of trust, since it cannot be supposed that such an irregular authority was ever committed to any man, or men by any deputation? Of the Prerogative of necessity to swerve from Rules prescribed, or to violate Laws tho sworn to, shall be spoken to in its due time.  
It needs not be supposed, but must be confessed, that the Laws of every Country, contain more in them concerning the rights of the Sovereign, and the common administration of Justice to the people, then can be known to, and understood by the person of the Sovereign, and he can as well fight all his Battles with his own hand and sword, as determine all causes of right by his own tongue and understanding. The consequence of any confusion which Mr. Hobbes can suppose, would not be more pernicious, then that which would follow the blowing away all these maxims of the Law, if the King's breath were strong enough to do it. It is a maxim in the Law (as is said before) that the eldest Son shall inherit, and that if three or four Females are heirs, the inheritance shall be equally divided between them. Doth Mr. Hobbes believe that the word of the King hath power to change this course, and to appoint that all the Sons shall divide the Estate, and the Eldest Daughter inherit alone? and must not all the confusion imaginable attend such a mutation? All Governments subsist and are established by firmness and constancy, by every man's knowing what is his right to enjoy, and what is his duty to do: and it is a wonderful method to make this Government more perfect, and more durable, by introducing such an incertainty, that no man shall know what he is to do, nor what he is to suffer, but that he who is Sovereign to morrow, may cancel, and dissolve all that was done or consented to by the Sovereign who was yesterday, or by himself as often as he changes his mind. It is the King's Office to cause his Laws to be executed, and to compel his Subjects to yield obedience to them, and in order thereunto, to make choice of Learned Judges to interpret those Laws, and to declare the intention of them, who (pag. 140) by an artificial perfection of reason gotten by long study, and experience in the Law, must be understood to be more competent for that determination, than Mr. Hobbes can be for the alteration of Law and Government, by the artificial reason he hath attained to by long study of Arithmetic and Geometry.  
No Eminent Lawyer hath ever said that the two Arms of a Commonwealth are Force and Justice, the first whereof is in the King, the other deposited in the hands of the Parliament; but all Lawyers know, that they are equally deposited in the hands of the King, and that all justice is administered by him, and in his name; and all men acknowledge that all the Laws are his Laws; his consent and authority only giving the power and name of a Law, what concurrence, or formality soever hath contributed towards it: the question only is, whether he can repeal, or vacate such a Law, without the same concurrence and formality. And methinks the instance he makes of a Princes (pag. 139.) subduing another people, and consenting that they shall live, and be governed according to those Laws under which they were born, and by which they were formerly governed, should manifest to him the contrary. For though it be confessed, that those old Laws become new by this consent of his, the Laws of the Legislator, that is of that Sovereign who indulges the use of them; yet he cannot say that he can by his word vacate and repeal those Laws, and his own concession, without dissolving all the ligaments of Government, and without the violation of faith, which himself confesses to be against the Law of Nature.  
Notwithstanding that the Law is reason, and (pag. 139.) not the letter, but that which is according to the intention of the Legislator (that is of the Sovereign) is the Law, yet when there is any difficulty in the understanding the Law, the interpretation thereof may reasonably belong to Learned Judges, who by their education, and the testimony of their known abilities before they are made Judges, and by their Oaths to judge according to Right, are the most competent to explain those difficulties, which no Sovereign as Sovereign can be presumed to understand or comprehend. And the judgements and decisions those Judges make, are the judgements of the Sovereigns, who have qualified them to be Judges, and who are to pronounce their sentence according to the reason of the Law, not the reason of the Sovereign. And therefore Mr. Hobbes would make a very ignorant Judge, when he would not have him versed in the study of the Laws, but only a man of good natural reason, and of a right understanding of the Law of Nature; and yet he says, (pag. 154.) that no man will pretend to the knowledge of right and wrong without much study. And if that power of interpretation of Law be vested in the Person of the Sovereign, he may in a moment overthrow all the Law; which is evident enough by his own instances, if, to use his own expressions, his understanding were not dazzled by the flame of his passions. For to what purpose is all the distinction and division of Laws into human and divine, into natural and moral, into distributive and penal, when they may be all vacated, and made null by the word, or perverted by the interpretation of the Sovereign? to what purpose is a penalty of five shillings put upon such an action, if the Sovereign may make him who doth that action, by his interpretation, or omnipotence, to pay five hundred pounds? Nor by his rule, is his adored Law of Nature of any force, which he says, (pag. 144) is the Law of God immutable and eternal, nay Heaven and Earth shall pass away, but not one title of the Law of Nature shall pass, for it is the eternal Law of God; He, I say, hath as much subjected that to the arbitrary power and discretion of his Sovereign, as he hath done the Liberty and property of the Subject; for he says, (pag. 138.) the Law of Nature is a part of the Civil Law in all Commonwealths in the World, and that though it be naturally reasonable, yet it is by the Sovereign pow●r that it is Law, and he says likewise, that all Laws written, and unwritten, and the Law of Nature it se●f, have need of interpretation: and then he makes his supreme Sovereign the only legitimate interpreter. So that he hath the Law of Nature as much in his power, and under his jurisdiction, as any other part of the Civil Law: and yet he confesses his subject is not bound to pay obedience to any thing that his Sovereign enjoins against the Law of nature. In such Labyrinths men entangle themselves, who obstinately engage in opinions relating to a science they do not understand; nor was it possible for him to extend the Prerogative of his Sovereign to such an illimited greatness, without making some invasion upon the Prerogative of God himself. I believe every man who reads Mr. Hobbes, observes that when he entangles himself in the Laws of England, and affects to be more learned in them then the Chief Justice Cook, the natural sharpness and vigour of his reason is more flat and insipid then upon other Arguments, and he makes deductions which have no coherence, involves himself in the terms without comprehending the matter, concludes the Law says that which it does not say, and that the Law hath made no provision in cases which are amply provided for, and in a word loses himself in a mist of words that render him less intelligible than at other times. Nor hath he better luck, when out of justinian's Institutions, he would make a parallel between the Imperial Laws and the Laws of England, and resolves that the Decrees of the Common People, which were put to the question by the Tribune, and had the force of Laws, were like the Orders of the House of Commons in England; whereas no Orders made by a House of Commons in England, are of any validity or force, or receive any submission longer than that House of Commons continues: and if any order made by them be against any Law or Statute, it is void when it is made, and receives no obedience. Indeed when Mr. Hobbes published his Leviathan, he might have said that it had the authority and power of the Emperor, or of the whole People of Rome, and which would have lasted till this time, if he had been believed, and his doctrine could have been supported by him, or them for whom it was provided.  
Probably Mr. Mobbes did take delight in being thought to confute a great Lawyer in the Common Law of England 'tis certain he hath been transported to slight usage of him, by that delight or some like passion, more than by the defect of reason in that which he would contradict. He says 'tis against the Law of Nature to punish the innocent; that he is innocent that acquits himself judicially, & is acknowledged for innocent by the Judge: and yet he says, when a man is accused of a Capital crime, and seeing the power of the Enemy, and the frequent corruption of Judges, runs away for fear of the effect, yet being taken and brought to Trial, maketh it appear that he was not guilty of the crime, and is acquitted thereof, however is condemned to lose his goods, this he says, is a manifest condemnation of the innocent. He confesses afterwards, that the Law may forbid an innocent man to fly, and that he may be punished for flying; but he thinks it very unreasonable, that flying for fear of injury, should be taken for presumption of guilt, whereas it is taken only for the guilt of flying, when he is declared innocent for the other. And methinks he confesseth, that a man, who must know his own innocence better than any body else, and knows that he must lose his Goods, if he flies his trial, hath no reason to complain, if after he be cleared from the crime, he be condemned to lose his goods, which he knew he must lose when he fled; and therefore though he be judicially acquitted for the crime, he is not innocent, but as judicially condemned to lose his goods for his guilt in flying, the Law and penalty of flying being known to him, whether written, or not written, as well as the Law against the crime was. To his other dictates of the Office of a Judge, that he needs not be learned in the Laws, because he shall be told by the Sovereign what judgement he shall give; and of the Laws of England, that the Jury is Judge of the Law, as well as of the fact, there needs no more be said, then that he is not informed, nor understands what he delivers; and whether his notions of the divine positive Law be more agreeable to truth, will be examined hereafter.   

The Survey of Chapter 27.  
(Pag. 151.) THat to be delighted in the imagination of being possessed of another man's Wife, or Goods, is no breach of the Law that says, Thou shalt not covet: That the pleasure a man may have in imagining the death of him from whose life he expects nothing but damage and displeasure, is no sin: That to be pleased in the fiction of that which would please a man if it were real, is a passion so adherent to the nature of man, and every other living creature, as to make it a sin, were to make a sin of being a man, is a Body of Mr. Hobbes' Divinity, so contrary to that of our Saviour and his Apostles, that I shall without any enlargement leave it to all men to consider, which of them they think most fit to believe and follow. Yet methinks he gives some encouragement to those who might expect Justice against him, by his own judgement (pag. 152.) upon the man that comes from the Indies hither, and persuades men here to receive a new Religion, or teach them any thing that tends to disobedience to the Laws of this Country: though he be never so well persuaded of the truth of what he teacheth, he commits a crime, and may be justly punished, not only because his Doctrine is false, but because he does that which he would not approve in another, that coming from hence should endeavour to alter Religion there. And how far this Declaration of his own judgement, may operate to his own condemnation, and to the condemnation of most of his Doctrines in his Leviathan, which are so contrary to all the Laws established in his Country, he should have done well to have considered before he committed the transgression; for he doth acknowledge, that in a Commonwealth, where by the negligence or unskilfulness of Governors and Teachers, false Doctrines are by time generally received, the contrary truths may be generally offensive; and prudent men are seldom guilty of doing any thing, at least when it is in their own election to do it or not to do it, which they foresee will be offensive to the Government, or Governors whom they are subject to and must live under; especially when he confesses, (pag. 91.) that though the most sudden and rough bustling in of a new truth that can be, does never break the peace, yet it doth sometimes wake the war: and if the secure and sound sleep of Peace be once broken, and that fierce and brutish Tiger War is awakened, when, or how he will be lulled into a new sleep, the wisest Magistrate cannot foretell, and therefore will with the more vigilance discountenance and suppress such bustlers, who impudently make their way with their elbows into modest company, to dispose them to suspect, and then to censure the wisdom of their Forefathers, for having been swayed by their own illiterate experience, so as to prefer it before the clear reason of thinking and Learned Men, who by cogitation have found a surer way for their security: and there cannot be a more certain Expedient found out for the dissolving the Peace of any Nation, how firmly soever established, then by giving leave, or permitting men of parts and unrestrained fancy, to examine the constitution of the Government both Ecclesiastical and Civil, and to vent and publish what their wit and inventions may suggest to them, upon or against the same, which would expose the gravity and wisdom of all Government, the infallibility of Scripture, and the Omnipotence of God himself, by their light and scurrilous questions and instances, to the mirth and contemt of all men, who are without an awful veneration for either; of which there needs not be a more convincing evidence, than the presumption of Mr. Hobbes throughout his Leviathan; of which it will not be possible not to give some in the progress we shall make.  
He is over subtle in his Distinction, that every crime is a sin, but not every sin a crime; that from the relation of sin to the Law, and of crime to the Civil Law, may be inferred, that where the Law ceaseth, sin ceaseth, that the Civil Law ceasing, crimes cease; and yet that violation of Covenants, Ingratitude, Arrogance, can never cease to be sin, yet are no crimes, because there is no place for accusation, every man being his own Judge, and accused only by his own conscience, and cleared by the uprightness of his own intention; and when his intention is right, his fact is no sin; if otherwise, his fact is sin but no crime: that when the Sovereign power ceaseth, that is, when the King is so oppressed that he cannot exercise his power, crime also ceaseth, there being no protection where there is no power, which he is careful to repete, whether it be to the purpose, or, as sure it is not, very pertinent in the difference between sin and crime. And to all that huddle of words in that whole Paragraph, I shall say no more, but that it looks like the Discourse of some men, which himself says (pag. 39) may be numbered amongst the sorts of madness, namely, when men speak such words, as put together, have in them no signification at all, by their non-coherence and contradiction.  
False Principles of right and wrong cannot but produce many crimes, and the greater the presumption of those is who publish them, the confusion that results thereby must be the greater: and yet notwithstanding this bundle of false Principles which are contained in this Book, the strength of the Laws, and the good constitution of the Government, hath hitherto, for aught appears, resisted the operation and malignity of the Institution of his Sovereignty, with how much confidence soever offered by him, and a true and lawful Sovereign could never be induced to affect that power which Mr. Hobbes so frankly assigned to the Sovereign whom he intended to institute. And without doubt that unreasonable Proposition, That Justice is but a vain word, can never be established for Reason, so unanswerably as by the establishment of his Principles, which would make all Laws Cobwebs, to be blown away by the least breath of the Governor; nor by his ratiocination did Marius, or Sylla, or Cesar, ever commit any crime, since they were all Sovereigns by acquisition, and so in his own judgement possessed of all those powers which arise from his Institution, whereby they might do all those acts which they did, and no man could complain of injury or injustice, every man being the Author of whatever damage he sustained or complained of; nor will he be able to lay any crime to any of their charges (though he seems to condemn them) and at that same time to support his Institution of a Commonwealth. But it is the less wonder, since from his own constitution, according to his first model, and knowing from whence his own obedience proceeds, he concludes, that of all passions, that which least inclines men to break the Laws, is fear. He provides such terrible Laws as no body can love, and must fear too much to be willing to be subject to them; which want of willingness must make them glad of any alteration, which can bring no security to the Sovereign. And I cannot enough recommend to Mr. Hobbes, that he will revolve his own judgement and determination in this Chapter, (pag. 158.) That he, whose error proceedeth from a peremptory pursuit of his own Principles and reasonings, is much more faulty than he whose error proceeds from the authority of a Teacher, or an Interpreter of the Law publicly autorized; and that he that groundeth his actions on his private judgement, aught, according to the rectitude or error thereof, to stand or fall. And if his fear be so predominant in him, as he conceives it to be in most men, it will dispose him first to inquire what the opinion of the Judges is, who are the autorized Interpreters of Law, before he publishes his seditious Principles against Law, lest he be obliged to stand or fall according to the rectitude or error thereof. Tho every Instance he gives of his Sovereign's absolute power, makes it the more unreasonable, formidable, and odious, yet he gives all the support to it he can devise. And indeed, when he hath made his Sovereign's word, a full and enacted Law, he hath reason to oblige his Subject to do whatsoever he commands, be it right or wrong, and to provide for his security when he hath done; and therefore he declares, (pag. 157.) That whosoever doth any thing that is contrary to a former Law by the command of his Sovereign, he is not guilty of any crime, and so cannot be punished, because when the Sovereign commands any thing to be done against a former Law, the command as to that particular Fact is an abrogation of the Law; which would introduce a licence to commit Murder, or any other crime most odious, and against which Laws are chiefly provided. But he hath in another place given his Subject leave to refuse the Sovereign's command, when he requires him to do an act or office contrary to his honour: so that though he will not suffer the Law to restrain him from doing what the Sovereign unlawfully commands, yea his honour, of which he shall be Judge himself, may make him refuse that command though lawful: as if the Sovereign commands him to Prison, as no doubt he lawfully may for a crime that deserves death, he may in Mr. Hobbes' opinion refuse to obey that command. Whereas Government and Justice have not a greater security, then that he that executes a verbal command of the King against a known Law, shall be punished. And the Case which he puts in the following Paragraph, that the Kings Will being a Law, if he should not obey that, there would appear two contradictory Laws, which would totally excuse, is so contrary to the common Rule of Justice, that a man is obliged to believe, when the King requires any thing to be done contrary to any Law, that he did not know of that Law, and so to forbear executing his Command. And if this were otherwise, Kings of all men would be most miserable, and would reverse their most serious Counsels and Deliberations, by incogitancy, upon the suggestion and importunity of every presumptuous Intruder. Kings themselves can never be punished or reprehended publicly (that being a reproach not consistent with the reverence due to Majesty) for their casual or wilful errors and mistakes, let the ill consequence of them be what they will; but if they who maliciously lead, or advise, or obey them in unjust resolutions and commands, were to have the same indemnity, there must be a dissolution of all Kingdoms and Governments. But as Kings must be left to God, whose Vice-gerents they are, to judge of their breach of Trust; so they who offend against the Law, must be left to the punishment the Law hath provided for them, it being in the King's power to pardon the execution of the Sentence the Law inflicts, except in those cases where the Offence is greater to others then to the King; as in the murder of a Husband or a Father, the offence is greater to the Wife and to the Son for their relation, then to the King for a Subject; and therefore, upon an Appeal by them, the Transgressor may suffer after the King hath pardoned him.  
It is a great prerogative which Mr. Hobbes doth in this Chapter indulge to his fear, his precious bodily fear of corporal hurt, that it shall not only extenuate an ill action, but totally excuse and annihilate the worst he can commit, that, if a man by the terror of present death be compelled to do a Fact against the Law, he is wholly excused, because no Law can oblige a man to abandon his own preservation: and supposing such a Law were obligatory, yet a man would reason, (pag. 157.) If I do it not I die presently, if I do it I die afterwards, therefore by doing it there is time of life gained, Nature therefore compels him to the Fact: by which a man seems by the Law of Nature to be compelled, even for a short reprieve, and to live two or three days longer, to do the most infamous and wicked thing that is imaginable: upon which fertile soil he doth hereafter so much enlarge, according to his natural method, in which he usually plants a stock, supposes a principle, the malignity whereof is not presently discernible, in a precedent Chapter, upon which in a subsequent one he grafts new and worse Doctrine, which he looks should grow and prosper by such cultivation as he applies to it in Discourse; and therefore I shall defer my Considerations to the contrary, till I wait upon him in that enlarged disquisition.   

The Survey of Chapter 28.  
THe eight and twentieth Chapter being a Discourse of Punishments and Rewards, it was not possible for him to forget in how weak a condition he had left his Sovereign, for want of power to punish; since want of power to punish, and want of authority to cause his punishment to be inflicted, is the same thing; especially when the guilty person is not only not obliged to submit to the Sentence, how just soever, but hath a right to resist it, and to defend himself by force against the Magistrate and the Law: and therefore he thinks it of much importance, to inquire, by what door the right and authority of punishing in any case came in. He is a very ill Architect, that in building a House, makes not doors to enter into every office of it; and it is very strange, that he should make his doors large and big enough in his institution, to let out all the liberty and propriety of the Subject, and the very end of his Institution being to make a Magistrate to compel men to their duty (for he confesses, they were before obliged by the Law of Nature to perform it one towards another, but that there must be a Sovereign Sword to compel men to do that which they ought to do) yet that he should forget to leave a door wide enough for this compulsion to enter in at by punishment, and bringing the Offender to Justice; since the end of making the Sovereign is disappointed, and he cannot preserve the peace, if guilty persons have a right to preserve themselves from the punishment he inflicts for their guilt. It was very improvidently done, when he had the draught of the whole Contracts and Covenants, that he would not insert one, by which every man should transfer from himself the right he had to defend himself against public Justice, though not against private violence. And surely reason and Self-preservation, that makes a man transfer all his Estate and Interest into the hands of the Sovereign, and to be disposed by him, that he may be secure against the robbery and rapine of his neighbours & companions, will as well dispose him to leave his life to his discretion, that it may be secure from the assault of every other man, who hath a right to take it from him. But he thinks life too precious to part with willingly, and therefore cares for no more than to invest his Sovereign with a just title to punish, how unable soever he leaves him to execute it. And truly his fancy is very extraordinary in bringing it to pass. He will not suffer his power to punish to be grounded upon the concession or gift of the Subjects, from which fountain all his other extravagant powers flow, which are as unnatural for them to give, but says it was originally inherent in him by the right of Nature, by which every man might subdue or kill another man, as he thought best for his own preservation; which right still remained in him, when all other men transferred all their rights to him, because he never contracted with them to part with any thing, and so he comes (pag. 162.) to a right to punish, whi●h was not given but left to him, and to him only, as entire as in the condition of mere nature. Is not this mere fancy without any reason? which he needed not have exercised to so little purpose, to erect a lawful Power, which any man may lawfully resist and oppose. Nor is the right much greater that is left him, then what, it seems, is tacitly reserved to every man, who notwithstanding all transferring, hath still right to resist the Sword of Justice in his own defence, and for aught appears, to kill him that carries it. So that in truth, his Sovereign is vested in no other authority, then lawfully to fight so many Duels as the Law hath condemned men to suffer death, since he can command none of his Subjects to execute them, and they have all lawful power to defend their own lives. How this right and authority of punishing came into the hands of the Sovereign, we shall not follow his example in repeating, having before confessed, that it neither is nor can be grounded on any concession or gift of the Subject, but is indubitably inherent in the office of being Sovereign, and inseparably annexed to it by God himself.  
Corporal, or Capital punishment, Ignominy, Imprisonment, or Exile, are not better understood than they were before his Definitions and Descriptions which he makes of them, and in which he doth not so much consider the nature of a Definition, as that he may insert somewhat into it, to which he may resort to prove somewhat, which men do not think of when they read those Definitions: and assuming to himself to declare what will serve his turn to be the Law of Nature, or the Law of Nations, he makes such Inferences and Consequences, as he thinks necessary to prove his desperate Conclusions. There cannot be a more pernicious Doctrine, and more destructive to Peace and Justice, then that all men who are not Subjects are enemies; & that against enemies, whom the Commonwealth judges capable to do them hurt, it is lawful by the original right of Nature to make War; which would keep up a continual War between all Princes, since they are few who are not capable to do hurt to their Neighbours. Nor can this mischief be prevented by any Treaty or League; for whilst they are capable of doing hurt, the lawfulness still remains, and being the original right of Nature, cannot be extinguished. But the wisest and most Learned who have wrote of the Law of Nature and of Nations, abominate this Proposition; and the incomparable Grotius says, (De jure B. & P. lib. 2. cap. 1. part. 17.) Illud minime ferendum est, quod quidam tradiderunt, jure gentium arma recte sumi ad imminuendam potentiam crescentem, quae nimium aucta nocere potest. It may be a motive when there is other just cause in prudence towards the War, but that it gives a title in Justice, ab omni aequitatis ratione abhorret. And he says in another place (cap. 22. part. 5.) that it must constare, non tantum de potentia, sed & de animo; & quidem ita constare, ut certum id sit ea certudine quae in morali materia locum habet. And yet from this erroneous Proposition, and because in (pag. 165.) War the Sword judgeth not, nor doth the victor make distinction of nocent and innocent, nor hath other respect of mercy, then as it conduceth to the good of his own People, he makes no scruple to tell Cromwell, That as to those who deliberately deny his Authority (for the Authority of the Commonwealth established, could have no other signification) the vengeance is lawfully extended, not only to the Fathers, but also to th● third and fourth generations, not yet in being, and consequently innocent of the fact for which they are afflicted, because they that so offend suffer not as Subjects but as Enemies, towards whom the Victor may proceed as he thinks fit and best for himself. After the giving which advice, it was a marvellous confidence that introduced him into the King's presence, and encouraged him still to expect, that his Doctrine should be allowed to be industriously taught and believed.  
If Mr. Hobbes were condemned to depart out of the dominion of the Commonwealth, as many men believe he might with great Justice be, and so become an exiled person, he would be a more competent Judge to determine whether Banishment be a punishment, or rather an escape, or a public command to avoid punishment by flight; and he would probably then be of opinion, that the mere change of air is a very great punishment. And if he remembers his own Definition, (pag. 108.) That a free man is he, that in those things which by his strength and wit he is able to do, is not hindered to do what he hath a will to, he would believe that the taking that freedom from him, and the restraining that liberty, is a very severe punishment, whether justly or unjustly inflicted, and is in no degree mitigated by his declaring, (pag. 165.) that a banished man is a lawful enemy of the Common wealth that banished him, as being no more a member of the same, and then he may be lawfully prosecuted as well in, and after he hath undergon the punishment of Banishment, as he was before; but the duty that a banished Person still owes to his Country, and to the Sovereign of it, is set down before. But the truth is, he hath very powerfully extinguished all those differences and privileges, which all Writers of the Ius gentium have carefully preserved between a just and unjust War, between lawful Enemies and the worst Rebels and Traitors, and hath put the last into a better condition than the former, by making them liable only to those pains and forfeiture which the Law hath literally provided for them, and which in some cases preserves their Estates for their Families; whereas the lawful Enemy, even after quarter given, remains at the mercy of the Victor, who may take his life, and inflict any other punishment upon him arbitrarily, and according to his own discretion. In the last place, he hath very much obliged his Sovereign, in telling him so plainly why he hath compared him to Leviathan, because he hath raised him to the same greatness, and given him the same power which Leviathan is described to have in the 41 Chapter of job, There is nothing on Earth to be compared with him, he is made so as not to be afraid, be seethe every high thing to be below him, and is King of all the children of pride, Job. 41. 33, 34. And if he had provided as well to secure his high station, as he hath for the abatement of the pride of the Subject, whom he hath sufficiently humbled, he might more glory in his work: but the truth is, he hath left him in so weak a posture to defend himself, that he hath reason to be afraid of every man; and the remedies he prescribes afterwards to keep his prodigious power from dissolution, are as false and irrational as any other advice in his Institution, as will appear hereafter.   

The Survey of Chapter 29.  
MR. Hobbes takes so much delight in reiterating the many ill things he hath said, for fear they do not make impression deep enough in the minds of men, that I may be pardoned if I repete again sometimes what hath been formerly said; as this Chapter consisting most of the same pernicious doctrines which he declared before, though in an other dress, obliges me to make new, or other reflections upon what was I think sufficiently answered before, and it may be repete what I have said before. He is so jealous that the strength of a better composition of Sovereignty may be superior, and be preferred before that of his institution, that be devises all the way he can to render it more obnoxious to dissolution, and like a Mountebank Physician accuses it of diseases which it hath not, that he may apply Remedies which would be sure to bring those or worse diseases, and would weaken the strongest parts, and support of it, under pretence of curing its defects. So in the first place he finds fault (pag. 167.) that a man to obtain a Kingdom is sometimes content w●th l●ss power, then to the peace and defence of the Commonwealth is necessarily required, that is, that he will observe the Laws and Customs of the Kingdom, which by long experience have been found necessary for the Peace and defence of it. And to this he imputes the insolence of Thomas Beckett Archbishop of Canterbury (pag. 168.) who was supported against Harry the Second by the Pope, the Subjection of Ecclesiastics to the Commonwealth having, he says, been dispensed with by William the Conqueror at his reception, when he took an Oath, not to infringe the liberty of the Church. And this extravagant power of the Pope he imputes to the Universities and the doctrine taught by them; which reproach to the Universities being in a Paragraph of his next Chapter, I choose to join in the answer with the case of Thomas Beckett and Henry the Second.  
Mr. Hobbes hath so great a prejudice to the reading Histories (as if they were all enemies to his Government) that he will not take the pains carefully to peruse those, from which he expects to draw some advantage to himself; presuming that men will not believe, that a man, who so warily weighs all he says in the balance of reason, will ever venture to allege any matter of fact that he is not very sure of. But if he had vouchsafed to look over the Records of his own Country before the time of King Henry the Eight, he would have found the Universities always opposed the power of the Pope, and would have no dependence upon him, and that the Kings alone introduced his authority, and made it to be submitted to by their Laws. Nor did the Church of England owe their large privileges to any donation of the Popes, whose jurisdiction they would never admit, but to the extreme devotion and superstition of the People, and the piety and bounty of the Kings, which gave greater donatives and exemtions to the Church and Clergy, than any other Kingdom enjoied, or then the Pope gave any where. Christianity in the infancy of it wrought such prodigious effects in this Island upon the barbarous affections of the Princes and People who then were the inhabitants of it, that assoon as they gave any belief to the History of our Saviour, they thought they could not do too much to the Persons of those who preached him, and knew best what would be most acceptable to him. From hence they built Churches, and endowed them liberally, submitted so entirely to the Clergy, whom they looked upon as Sacred persons, that they judged all differences, and he was not looked upon as a good Christian who did not entirely resign himself to their disposal: they gave great exemtion to the Church and Church men, and annexed such Privileges to both, as testified the veneration they had for the Persons, as well as for the Faith. And when they suspected that the Licentiousness of succeeding ages might not pay the same devotion to both, they did the best they could to establish it, by making Laws to that purpose, and obliging the several Princes to maintain and defend the rights and privileges of the Church; rights and privileges which themselves had granted, and of which the Pope knew nothing, nor indeed at that time did enjoy the like himself. It is true, that by this means the Clergy was grown to a wonderful power over the People, who looked upon them as more than mortal men, and had surely a greater authority than any Clergy in Christendom assumed in those ages, and yet it was generally greater than in other Kingdoms, than it hath ever been since. Nor could it be otherwise during the Heptarchy, when those little Sovereigns maintained their power by the authority their Clergy had with their people, when they had little dependence upon the Prince. But when by the courage and success of two or three courageous Princes, and the distraction that had been brought upon them by strangers, the Government of the whole Island was reduced under one Sovereign, the Clergy, which had been always much better united then the Civil state had been, were not willing to part with any authority they had enjoied, nor to be thought of less value than they had been formerly esteemed, and so grew troublesome to the Sovereign power, sometimes by interrupting the progress of their Councils by delays, and sometimes by direct and positive contradictions. The Princes had not the confidence then to resort to Mr. Hobbes' original institution of their right; the manners of the Nation still remained fierce and barbarous, and whatsoever was pliant in them, was from the result of Religion, which was governed by the Clergy. They knew nothing yet of that primitive contract that introduced Sovereignty, nor of that Faith that introduced subjection: they thought▪ it would not be safe for them to oppose the power of the Sacred Clergy, with a mere secular, profane force, and therefore thought how they might lessen and divide their own troublesome Clergy, by a conjunction with some religious and Ecclesiastical combination. The Bishops of Rome of that age had a very great name and authority in France, where there being many Sovereign Princes then reigning together, he exercised a notable Jurisdiction under the Style of Vicar of Christ. The Kings in England by degrees unwarily applied themselves to this spiritual Magistrate; and that he might assist them to suppress a power that was inconvenient to them at home, they suffered him to exercise an authority that proved afterwards very mischievous to themselves, and for which they had never made pretence before, and which was then heartily opposed by the Universities, and by the whole Clergy, till it was imposed upon them by the King. So that it was not the Universities, and Clergy, that introduced the Pope's authority to sh●ke and weaken that of the King, but it was the King who introduced that power to strengthen, as he thought, his own, howsoever it fell out. And if the precedent Kings had not called upon the Pope, and given him authority to assist them against some of their own Bishops, Alexander the Third could never have pretended to exercise so wild a jurisdiction over Henry the Second, nor he ever have submitted to so infamous a subordination; nor could the Pope have undertaken to assist Beckett against the King, if the King had not first appealed to him for help against Beckett.  
For the better manifestation of that point, which Mr. Hobbes his speculation and Geometry hath not yet made an enquiry into, it will not be amiss to take a short Survey of the Precedent times, by which it will be evident how little influence the Pope's authority had upon the Crown, or Clergy, or Universities of England; and how little ground he hath for that fancy, from whence soever he took it, (pag. 168.) that William the Conqueror at his reception had dispensed with the subjection of the Ecclesiastics, by the Oath he took not to infringe the liberty of the Church: whereas they who know any thing of that time, know that the Oath he took was the same, and without any alteration, that all the former Kings, since the Crown rested upon a single head, had taken, which was at his Coronation, after the Bishops and the Barons had taken their Oath to be his true and faithful Subjects. The Archbishop, who crowned him, presented that Oath to him, which he was to take himself, which he willingly did, to defend the Holy Church of God, and the Rectors of the same, To govern the universal people subject to him, justly, To establish equal Laws, and to see them justly executed. Nor was he more wary in any thing, than (as hath been said before) that the people might imagine, that he pretended any other title to the Government, then by the Confessor: though it is true, that he did by degrees introduce many of the Norman Customs which were found very useful, or convenient, and agreeable enough, if not the same, with what had been formerly practised. And the common reproach, of the Laws being from time to time put into French, carries no weight with it: for there was before that time so rude a collection of the Laws, and in Languages as foreign to that of the Nation, British, Saxon, Danish, and Latin, almost as unintelligible as either of the other, that if they had been all digested into the English that was then spoken, we should very little better have understood it, than we do the French, in which the Laws were afterwards rendered; and it is no wonder, since a reduction into Order was necessary, that the King who was to look to the execution, took care to have them in that Language which himself best understood, and from whence issued no inconvenience, the former remaining still in the Language in which they had been written.  
Before the time of William the First, there was no pretence of jurisdiction from Rome over the Clergy, and the Church of England; though the infant Christianity of some of the Kings and Princes had made some journeys thither, upon the fame of the Sanctity of many of the Bishops who had been the most eminent Martyrs for the Christian Faith, and when it may be they could with more ease and security make a journey thither, than they could have done to any other Bishop of great notoriety out of their own Country; for Christianity was not in those times come much nearer England than Dauphine, Provence, and Languedoc in France, and those Provinces had left their bountiful testimonies of their devotion, which grew afterwards to be exercised with the same piety in Pilgrimages first, and then expeditions to the Holy Land, without any other purpose of transferring a Superiority over the English Nation, to Rome, then to jerusalem. And after the arrival of Austin the Monk and his Companions, who were sent by Pope Gregory, and who never enjoyed any thing in England but by the donation of the Kings, the British Clergy grew so jealous of their pretences, that though the Nation was exceedingly corrupted by the person and the doctrine of Pel●gius, which had been spread full two hundred years before Austin came, the reformation and suppression of that Heresy was much retarded by those men's extolling or mentioning the Pope's authority, which the British Bishops were so far from acknowledging, that they would neither meet with them, nor submit to any thing that was proposed by them, and declared very much against the pride and insolence of Austin, for assuming any authority, and because when any of them came to him, he would not so much as rise to receive them. I can hardly contain myself from enlarging upon this subject at this time, but that it will ●eem to many to be foreign to the argument now in debate, and Mr. Hobbes hath little resignation to the authority of matter of fact, by which when he is pressed, he hath an answer ready, that if it were so, or not so, it should have been otherwise, I shall therefore only restrain my discourse to the time of William the Conqueror, and when I have better informed him of the State of the Clergy, and Universities of that time, I shall give him the best satisfaction I can to the instance of Thomas of Beckett, in which both the Clergy, and the Universities will be easily absolved from the guilt of adhering to the Pope.  
When William found himself in possession of England, whatever application he had formerly made to the Pope (who was then in France) and as some say had received from him a consecrated Banner with some other relic, beside one single hair of St Peter, for the better success of his expedition, he was so far from discovering any notable respect towards him, that he expressly forbade all his Subjects from acknowledging any man to be Pope, but him whom he declared to be so. And there was a Precedent of such a nature in his Reign by Lanfranke the Arch●B. of Canterbury, who had the greatest credit and authority with him, as cannot be paralleled by the like don, or permitted in any State, and impossible to be done, or permitted in any State that was in any degree subject to the Pope, which was the Canonization of a Saint. There being at that time very great fame of Aldelmus, who first brought in the composition of Latin verse into England, and besides his eminent Piety, had so great a faculty in singing, that by the music of his voice he wrought wonderful effects upon the barbarous and savage humour of that People, insomuch as when they were in great multitudes engaged in a rude or licentious action, he would put himself in their way and sing, which made them all stand still to listen; and he so captivated them by the melody, that he diverted them from their purpose, and by degrees got so much credit with them, that he reduced them to more civility, and instructed them in the duties of Religion, into which, though they had been baptised, they had made little enquiry. He lived a little before the time of Edward the Confessor, and the general testimony of the Sanctity of his Life, and some miracles wrought by him (which it may be were principally the effects of his Music) being reported, and believed by Lanfrank, Edicto sancivit, ut per totam deinde Angliam Adelmus inter eos, qui civibus coelestibus ascripti erant, honoraretur & coleretur, as by the authors nearest that time is remembered, and at large related by Harpsfield in his Ecclesiastical History of England without any disapprobation. Nor is it probable, that Lanfrank who was an Italian, born and bred in Lombardly, and of great reputation for learning and piety, would have assumed that authority, if he had believed that he had entrenched upon the Province of the Bishop of Rome. The truth is, Canonisations in that age were not the chargeable commodities they have since grown to be, since the Pope hath engrossed the disposal of them to himself; and it is very probable, that the Primitive Saints, whose memories are preserved in the Martyrologies very erroneously, were by the joint acknowledgement of the upon the notorious sanctity of their lives, and of their deaths, not by any solemn declaration of any particular authority of Rome; otherwise we should find the Records of old Canonisations there, as well as we do of so many new. But of so many of this Nation, who suffered in the ten first persecutions under the Roman Governors more than of any other, especially if St. Ursula, and her Eleven thousand Virgins be reckoned into the number, there is no other Record but of the days assigned for their Festivities. And in their whole Bullarium, which for these latter hundred years so much abounds in Canonisations, the first that is extant is of Vldricke Bishop of Ausburg, by john the Fifteenth, Anno Nine hundred ninety three, in a very different form, and much different circumstances from those which are now used. Finally, if the Pope's inhibition or interposition could have been of any moment in that time of William the Conqueror, he would have been sure to have heard of it, when he seized upon the Plate and Jewels of all the Monasteries, and laid other great impositions upon the Clergy, which they had not been accustomed to, and of which they would have complained, if they had known whither to have addressed their complaints.  
The two next Kings who succeeded him, and reigned long (for Henry the First reigned no less than five and thirty years) wore not their Crowns so fast on their heads, in respect of the juster title in their Brother Robert, as prudently to provoke more enemies than they had; and therefore they kept very fair quarter with Paschal, who was Pope likewise many years, and were content to look on unconcerned in the fierce quarrels between the Emperor and him, for he was very powerful in France though not in Italy. And Anselm the Archbishop of Canterbury had great contests with them both upon the privileges of the Clergy, and had fled to Paschal to engage him in his quarrel; yet the Pope pretended to no jurisdiction in the point, but courteously interceded so far with Henry the First on the behalf of Anselm, that he made his peace with the King: but when he afterwards desired to send a Legate into England, the King by the advice of the Bishops, and Nobles, positively refused to admit him. And whosoever takes a view of the constitution of Christendom, as far as had reference to Europe at that time, how far the greatest Kingdoms and Principalities, which do now control and regulate that ambition, were from any degree of strength and power; that Italy was then crumbled into more distinct Governments, than it is at present; that France, that is now entire, was then under the command of very many Sovereign Princes, and the Crown itself so far from any notable superiority, that the King himself was sometimes excommunicated by his own Bishops and Clergy, without, and against the Pope's direction, and sometimes excommunicated, and the Kingdom interdicted by the Pope, even whilst he resided in France, and in Councils assembled by them there, as in the Council of Clermont; that Spain, that is now under one Monarch, was then divided into the several Kingdoms of Castille, Arragon, Valentia, Catalonia, Navarr, and Leon, when the Moors were possessed of a greater part of the whole, than all the other Christian Kings, the whole Kingdom of Granada with the greatest part of Andoluzia, and Estremadura, and a great part of Portugal being then under the Dominion of those Infidels; that Genmany was under as many Sovereign Princes as it had names of Cities and Provinces; and that England, which hath now Scotland and Ireland annexed to it, was then, besides the unsettlement of the English Provinces upon the contests in the Norman Family, without any pretence to the Dominion of Wales, at least without any advantage by it: I say, whosoever considers this, will not wonder at the starts made by many Popes in that Age, into a kind of power and authority in many Kingdoms, that they had not before, and which was then still interrupted and contradicted; and that when Alexander the Third came to be Pope, who reigned about twenty years, he proceeded so imperiously with our Henry the Second upon the death of Thomas Beckett, even in a time when there was so great a Schism in the Church, that Victor the Fifth was chosen by a contrary party, and by a Council called at Pavia by the Emperor there owned, and declared to be Canonically chosen, and Alexander to be no Pope, who thereupon fled into France: so that if our King Henry the Second had not found such a condescension to be very suitable to his affairs both in England, and in France, it is probable he would have declined so unjust and unreasonable an imposition.  
I am afraid of giving Mr. Hobbes an occasion to reproach me with impertinency in this digression, though he hath given me a just provocation to it: and since the Roman Writers are so solicitous in the collecting and publishing the Records of that odious Process, and strangers are easily induced to believe, that the exercise of so extravagant a jurisdiction in the Reign of so Heroical a Prince, who had extended his Dominions farther by much than any of his Progenitors had done, must be grounded upon some fixed and confessed right over the Nation, and not from an original Usurpation entered upon in that time, and when the Usurper was not acknowledged by so considerable a part of Christendom; it may not prove ungrateful to many men, to make a short view of that very time, that we may see what unheard of motives could prevail with that high spirited King to submit to so unheard of Tyranny. That it was not from the constitution of the Kingdom, or any preadmitted power of the Pope formerly incorporated into the Laws and Customs of the Kingdom, is very evident, by the like having been before attempted. For though the Clergy enjoied those great privileges and immunities which are mentioned before, whereby they had so great an influence upon the hearts of the people, that the Conqueror himself had been glad to make use of them, and William the Second, Henry the First, and King Stephen had more need of them to uphold their Usurpation; yet those privileges how great soever, depended not at all upon the Bishop of Rome, nor was any rank of men more solicitous than the Clergy to keep the Pope from a pretence of power in the Kingdom. And the Bishops themselves had in the beginning of that Archbishops contumacious and rebellious contests with the King, done all they could to discountenance and oppose him, and had given their consent in Parliament, that for his disobedience all his goods and moveables should be at the King's mercy; and it was also enacted with their consent (after the Archbishop had fled out of the Kingdom, and was known to make some application to the Pope) that if any were found carrying a Letter or Mandate from the Pope or the Archbishop, containing any interdiction of Christianity in England; he should be taken, and without delay executed as a Traitor both to the King and Kingdom; that whatsoever Bishop, Priest, or Monk should have, and retain any such Letters, should forfeit all their Possessions, Goods, and Chattels to the King, and be presently banished the Realm with their kin; that none should appeal to the Pope; and many other particulars, which enough declare the temper of that Catholic time, and their aversion to have any dependence upon a foreign jurisdiction. And after the death of Beckett, and that infamous submission of the King to the Pope's Sentence thereupon (which yet was not so scandalous as it is vulgarly reported, as if it had been made and undergon by the King in Person) when the same King desired to assist the Successor of that Pope, Lucius the Third, who was driven out of Rome, and to that purpose endeavoured to raise a collection from the Clergy, which the Pope's Nuntio appeared in, and hoped to advance, the Clergy was so jealous of having to do with the Pope, or his Ministers, that they declared, and advised the King, that his Majesty would supply the Pope in such a proportion as he thought fit, and that whatever they gave might be to the King himself, and not to the Pope's Nuntio, which might be drawn into example to the detriment of the King.  
The King himself first showed the way to Thomas a Beckett to apply himself to the Pope, till when the Archbishop insisted only upon his own Ecclesiastical rights and power, in which he found not the concurrence of the other Bishops or Clergy, and the King not being able to bear the insolence of the man, and finding that he could well enough govern his other Bishops, if they were not subjected to the authority and power of that perverse Arch bishop, was willing to give the Pope authority to assist him, and did all he could to persuade him to make the Archbishop of York his Legate, meaning thereby to divest the other. Archbishop of that Superiority over the Clergy that was so troublesome to him, and which he exercised in his own right as Metropolitan. But the Pope durst not gratify the King therein, knowing the spirit of Beckett, and that he would contemn the Legate, and knew well the Ecclesiastical superiority in that Kingdom to reside in his person as Archbishop of Canterbury, who, had been reputed tanquam alterius Orbis Papa, yet he sent to him to advise him to submit to the King; whereupon the haughty Prelate than fled out of the Kingdom, and was too hard for the King with the Pope, who was persuaded by him to make use of this opportunity to enlarge his own power, and to curb and subdue that Clergy that was indevoted to him; and so by his Bull he suspended the Archbishop of York, and the other Bishops who adhered to the King in the execution of his commands; which so much incensed the King, that he let fall those words in his passion, that encouraged those rash Gentlemen to commit that assassination, that produced so much trouble. It must also be remembered, that the King, when he bore all this from the Pope, was indeed but half a King, having caused his son Henry to be crowned King with him, who thereupon gave him much trouble, and joined with the French King against him: and that he had so large and great Territories in France, that as the Pope's power was very great there, so his friendship was the more behooveful and necessary to the King. Lastly, and which it may be is of more weight than any thing that hath been said in this disquisition, it may seem a very natural judgement of God Almighty, that the Pope should exercise that unreasonable power over a King, who had given him an absurd and unlawful power over himself, and for an unjust end, when he obtained from our Countryman Pope Adrian, who immediately preceded Alexander, a Dispensation not to perform the Oath which he had taken, that his Brother Geoffery should enjoy the County of Anjoy according to the Will and desire of his Father, and by virtue of that Dispensation, which the Pope had no power to grant, defrauded his Brother of his inheritance, and broke his Oath to God Almighty, and so was afterwards forced himself to yield to the next Pope, when he assumed a power over him in a case he had nothing to do with, and where he had no mind to obey. And this unadvised address of many other Princes to the Pope, for Dispensations of this kind to do what the Law of God did not permit them to do hath been a principal inlet of his Supremacy, to make them accept of other Dispensations from him, of which they stand not in need, and to admit other his encroachments from him, which have proved very mischievous to them. Of the condition of King john we need not speak, whose Usurpation, Murders, and absence of all Virtue, made him fit to undergo all the reproaches and censures which Pope Innocent the Third exercised him with, when he usurped upon France with equal Tyranny.  
The succeeding Kings no sooner found it necessary to expel, or restrain that power which the Popes had so inconveniently been admitted to, and which they had so mischievously improved, but the Universities not only submitted to, but advanced those Acts which tended thereunto; as appears by the Writings of Occam, and other Learned men in the University of Oxford, in the Reigns of those Kings both Edward the First and Edward the Third, in which times as much was done against the power of the Pope, as was afterwards done by Henry the Eighth himself. And the Gallican Church would not at this time have preserved their liberties and privileges to that degree, as to contemn the power of the universal Bishop, if the University of the Sorbone had not been more vigilant against those encroachments than the Crown itself. So far have the Universities been from being the Authors, or promoters of those false doctrines, which he unjustly lays to their charge. And I presume they will be as vigilant and resolute, to preserve the Civil Authority from being invaded and endangered, by their receiving and subscribing to his pernicious and destructive principles, which his modesty is induced to believe may be planted in the minds of men, because whole Nations have been brought to acquiesce in the great mysteries of Christian Religion which are above reason, and millions of men have been made to believe, that the same body may be in innumerable places at one and the same time, which is against reason: and therefore he would have the Sovereign power to make his Doctrine, so consonant to reason, to be taught and preached. But his Doctrine is fit only to be taught by his own Apostles, who ought to be looked upon as Seducers, and false Prophets; and God forbid that the Sovereign powers should contribute to the making those principles believed, which would be in great danger to be destroyed, if it were but suspected that they affected to have that power, which he would have to belong to them. And such Princes who have been willing to believe they have it, have been always most jealous that it should be known, or thought, that they do believe so; since they know there would be a quick determination of their power, if all their Subjects knew, that they believed, that all they have doth in truth belong to them, and that they may dispose of it as they please.  
(Pag. 168.) He says a Commonwealth hath many diseases, which proceed from the poison of Seditious doctrines, whereof one is, That every private man is judge of good and evil actions, which is a doctrine never allowed in any Commonwealth, the Law being the measure of all good or evil actions under every Government; and where that Law permits a liberty to the Subject to dispute the commands of the Sovereign, no inconvenience can arise thereby: but if the Sovereign by his own authority shall vacate and cancel all Laws, the Commonwealth must need be distracted, or much weakened.  
Mr. Hobbes will have too great an advantage against any adversary, if he will not have his Government tried by any Law, nor his Religion by any Scripture: and he could never think, that the believing, that (pag. 168.) whatsoever a man doth against his conscience is sin, is a Doctrine to civil Society repugnant, if he thought any of the Apostles good Judges of Conscience, who all, upon all occasions and in all actions, commend themselves to every man's conscience, 2. Cor. 4. 2. as also, Our rejoicing is this, the Testimony of our conscience 2 Cor. 1 12. and throughout the whole New Testament the conscience is made the Judge of all we do. And if Mr. Hobbes had not so often excepted against Divines for being good Judges in Religion, I could tell him of very good ones, who are of opinion, that it is a sin to do any thing against an erroneous conscience, which is his own best excuse, that he will not depart from his own judgement, which is his conscience, how erroneous soever it is. But this liberty of Conscience is restrained only to those Cases where the Law hath prescribed no rule; for where the Law enjoins the duty, no private conscience can deny obedience. In case of misperswasion, it looks upon the action as sinful in him, and so chooses to submit to the penalty, which is still obedience, or removes into another Climate as more agreeable to his constitution.  
If Mr. Hobbes proposes to himself to answer all extravagant discourses or private opinions of seditious men, which have no countenance from public Authority, he will be sure to choose such as he can easily confute. All sober men agree, that though Faith and Sanctity are not to be attained only by study and reading, yet that study and reading are means to procure that grace from God Almighty that is necessary thereunto. And himself confesseth, that with all his education, discipline, correction, and other natural ways, it is God that worketh that Faith and Sanctity in those he thinks fit. So that if he did not think men the more unlearned for being Divines, it is probable that there is very little difference between what those unlearned Divines, and himself say upon this point, saving that they may use inspiring and infusing, which are words he cannot endure as insignificant speech, though few men are deceived in the meaning of them.  
If all Sovereigns are subject to the Laws of Nature (as he says they are) because such Laws are divine, and cannot by any man or Commonwealth be abrogated, they then are obliged to observe and perform those Laws which themselves have made, and promised to observe, for violation of faith is against the Law of Nature by his own confession. Nor doth this obligation set any Judge over the Sovereign, nor doth any civil Law pretend that there is any power to punish him; it is enough, that in justice he ought to do it, and that there is a Sovereign in Heaven above him, though not on Earth.  
The next indeed is a Doctrine that troubles him, and tends, as he says, (pag. 169.) to the dissolution of a Commonwealth, That every private man has an absolute propriety in his goods, such as excludes the right of the Sovereign, which if true, he says, (p. 170.) he cannot perform the Office they have put him into, which is to defend them both from Foreign Enemies, and from the injuries of one another, and consequently there is no longer a Common wealth. And I say, if it be not true, there is nothing worth the defending from Foreign Enemies, or from one another, and consequently it is no matter what becomes of the Commonwealth. Can he defend them any other way, then by their own help, with their own hands? and it is a marvellous thing that any man can believe, that he can be as vigorously assisted by people who have nothing to lose, as by men who defending him defend their own Goods and Estates, which if they do not believe their own, they will never care into what hands they fall. Nor is the Sovereign power divided by the Sovereign's consenting that he will not exercise such a part of it, but in such and such a manner, and with such circumstances; for he hath not parted with any of his Sovereignty, since no other man can exercise that which he forbears to exercise himself; which could be done, if he had divided it. And it is much a greater crime in those who are totally ignorant of the laws, to endeavour by their wit and presumption to undermine them, then that they who are learned in the study and profession of the Law, do all they can to support that, which only supports the Government. Much less is the Sovereign power divided by the Sovereigns own communicating part of it to be executed in his name, to those who, by their education and experience, are qualified to do it much better than he himself can be presumed to be able to do▪ as to appoint Judges to administer Justice to his people, upon all the pretences of right which may arise between themselves, or between him and them▪ according to the Rules of the Law, which are manifest to them, and must be unknown to him; who yet keeps the Sovereign power in his hands to punish those Deputies, if they swerve from their duty.  
To the mischiefs which have proceeded from the reading the Histories of the ancient Greeks and Romans, I shall say no more in this place, then that if Mr. Hobbes hath been always of this opinion, he was very much to blame to take the pains to translate Thucyd●des into English, in which there is so much of the Policy of the Greeks discovered, and much more of that Oratory that disposes Men to Sedition, then in all Tully's, or Aristotle's works. But I suppose he had then, and might still have more reason to believe, that very few who have taken delight in reading the Books of Policy and Histories of the ancient Greeks and Romans, have ever fallen into Rebellion; and there is much more fear, that the reading this and other Books writ by him, and the glosses he makes upon them in his conversation, may introduce thoughts of Rebellion into young men, by weakening, and laughing at all obligations of conscience, which only can dispose men to obedience: and by persuading Princes, that they may safely and justly follow the extent of their own inclinations and appetites in the Government of their Subjects, which must tyre and wear out all Subjection, at least the cheerfulness, which is the strength of it, by lessening the reverence to God Almighty, which is the foundation of reverence to the King; and undervaluing all Religion, as no otherwise known, and no otherwise coustituted then by the arbitrament of the Sovereign Prince, whom he makes a God of Heaven, as well as upon the Earth, since he is upon the matter, the only author of the Scripture itself; the swallowing of all which opinions, must be the destruction of all Government, and the ruin of all obedience.  
Tho most of his reflections are reproaches upon the Government of his own Country, which he thinks is imperfectly instituted; yet he cannot impute the doctrine of kill Kings, whether Regicide or Tyrannicide, to that Government, nor the unreasonable distinction of Spiritual and Temporal jurisdiction, to rob the Sovereign of any part of his Supremacy, and divide one part of his Subjects from a dependence upon his justice and authority. God be thanked the Laws of that Kingdom admit none of that doctrine, or such distinctions to that pernicious purpose. Nor do the Bishops, or Clergy of that Kingdom (however they are fallen from Mr. Hobbes his grace) use any style or title, but what is given or permitted to them by the Sovereign power. And therefore this Controversy must be defended by those (who justly lie under the reproach) of the Church of Rome, who, it may be, consider him the less, because, though they know him not to be of theirs, they think him not to be of any Religion.  
The power of levying Money, which depending upon any general assembly, he says, (pag. 172.) endangereth the Commonwealth, for want of such nourishment, as is necessary to life and motion, shall be more properly enlarged upon in the next Chapter, when, I doubt not, very wholesome remedies will be found for all those diseases which he will suppose may proceed from thence; but 'tis to be hoped none will choose his desperate prescriptions, which will cure the disease by killing the Patient.  
He concludes this Chapter, after all his bountiful donatives to his Sovereign, with his old wicked doctrine, that would indeed irreparably destroy and dissolve all Commonwealths, That when by a powerful invasion from a foreign Enemy, or a prosperous Rebellion by Subjects, his Sovereign is so far oppressed that he can keep the field no longer, his Subjects owe him no farther assistance, and may lawfully put themselves under the Conqueror, of what condition soever; for though, he says, (pag. 174.) The right of the Sovereign is not extinguished, yet the obligation of the members is, and so the Sovereign is left to look to himself. There are few Empires of the World, which at some time have not been reduced, by the strength and power of an outrageous Enemy, to that extremity, that their forces have not been able to keep the field any longer, which Mr. Hobbes makes the period of their Subjects Loyalty, and the dissolution of the Common wealth; yet of these at last many Princes have recovered, and redeemed themselves from that period, and arrived again at their full height and glory by the constancy and virtue of their Subjects, and their firmly believing, that their obligations could not be extinguished as long as the right of their Sovereign Monarch was not. So that there is great reason to believe, that the old Rules which Sovereignty always prescribed to itself, are much better, and more like to preserve it, than the new ones which he would plant in their stead; because it is very evident, that the old subjection is much more faithful and necessary to the support and defence of the Sovereignty, than that new one which he is contented with, and prescribes; which he will not only have determined as to any assistance of his natural Sovereign, though he confesses (pag. 174.) his right remains still in him; but that he is obliged, (so strictly obliged, that no pretence of having submitted h●mself out of fear, can absolve him) to protect, and assist the Usurper as long as he is able. So that the entire loss of one Battle, according to his judgement of subjection, and the duty of Subjects, shall, or may put an end to the Sovereignty of any Prince in Europe. And this is one of the grounds and principles, which he concludes to be against the express duty of Princes, to let the People be ignorant of.  
If Mr. Hobbes had a Conscience made and instructed like other men's, and had not carefully provided, that whilst his judgement is fixed under Philosophical and Metaphysical notions, his Conscience shall never be disturbed by Religious speculations and apprehensions; it might possibly smite him with the remembrance, that these excellent principles were industriously insinuated, divulged and published within less than two years after Cromwel's Usurpation of the Government of the three Nations, upon the Murder of his Sovereign; and that he then declared in this Book (pag. 165.) that against such Subjects who deliberately deny the authority of the Common wealth, then, and so established, (which, God be thanked, much the major part of the three Nations then did) the vengeance might lawfully be extended not only to the Fathers, but also to the third and fourth generation not yet in being, and consequently innocent of the fact for which they are afflicted; because the nature of this offence, consists in renouncing of subjection, which is a relapse into the condition of War, commonly called Rebellion, and they that so offend, suffer not as Subjects, but as Enemies. And truly he may very reasonably believe, surely more than many things which he doth believe, that the veneme of this Book wrought upon the hearts of men, to retard the return of their Allegiance for so many years, and was the cause of so many cruel and bloody persecutions against those, who still retained their duty and Allegiance for the King. And methinks no man should be an Enemy to the renewing war in such cases, but he who thinks all kind of war, upon what occasion soever, to be unlawful; which Mr. Hobbes is so far from thinking, that he is very well contented, and believes it very lawful for his Sovereign, in this Paragraph of cruelty, to make war against any whom he judges capable to do him hurt.   

The Survey of Chapter 30.  
MR. Hobbes having invested his Sovereign with so absolute Power and Omnipotence, we have reason to expect that in this Chapter of his Office, he will enjoin him to use all th● authority he hath given him; and he gives him fai● warning, that if any of the essential Rights of Sovereignty, specified in his eighteenth Chapter (which, in a word, is to do any thing he hath a mind to do, and take any thing he likes from any of his Subjects) be taken away, the Commonwealth is dissolved: and therefore that it is his office to preserve those Rights entire, and against his duty to transfer any of them from himself. And lest he should forget the Rights and Power he hath bestowed upon him, he recollects them all in three or four lines, amongst which he puts him in mind, that he hath power to levy money, when, and as much as in his own conscience he shall judge necessary: and then tells him, that it is agaist his duty to let the People be ignorant, or misinformed of the grounds and reasons of those his essential Rights, that is, that he is obliged to make his Leviathan Canonical Scripture, there being no other Book ever yet printed, that can inform them of those rights, and the grounds and reason of them. And how worthy they are to receive that countenance and authority, will best appear by a farther examination of the Particulars; and yet a man might have reasonably expected from the first Paragraph of this Chapter another kind of tenderness, indeed as great as he can wish, of the good and welfare of the Subject, when he declares, (pag. 175.) That the office of the Monarch consists in the end for which he was trusted with the Sovereign power, namely, the procuration of the safety of the People, to which he is obliged by the Law of Nature, and to render an account thereof to God the Author of that Law. But by safety, he says, is not mea●● a bare preservation, but also all other contentments of life, which every man by lawful industry, without danger or hurt to the Commonwealth, can acquire to h●mself. Who can expect a more blessed condition? Who can desire a more gracious Sovereign? No man would have thought this specious Building should have its Foundation, after the manner of the foolish Indians, upon sand, that, assoon as you come to rest upon it, molders away to nothing; that this safety, safety improved with all the other contentments of life, should consist in nothing else, but in a man's being instructed and prepared to know, that he hath nothing of his own, and that when he hath by his lawful industry acquired to himself all the contentments of life which he can set his heart upon, one touch of his Sovereign's hand, one breath of his mouth, can take all this from him without doing him any injury. This is the Doctrine to be propagated, and which he is confident will easily be received and consented to, since if it were not according the principles of Reason, he is sure it is a principle from authority of Scripture, and will be so acknowledged, if the People's minds be not tainted with dependence upon the Potent, or scribbled over with the opinions of their Doctors.  
One of the reasons which he gives, why his grounds of the rights of his Sovereign should be diligently and truly taught, is a very good reason to believe, that the grounds are not good, because he confesses, (pag. 175.) that they cannot be maintained by any Civil Law, or terror of legal punishment. And as few men agree with Mr. Hobbes in the essential Rights of Sovereignty, so none allows, nor doth he agree with himself, that all resistance to the rights of the Sovereignty, be they never so essential, is Rebellion. He allows it to be a privilege of the Subject that he may sue the King, so there is no doubt but that the Sovereign may sue the Subject, who may as lawfully defend as sue, and every such defence is a resistance to the Sovereign right of demanding, and yet I suppose Mr. Hobbes will not say it is Rebellion. He that doth positively refuse to pay money to the King, which he doth justly owe to him, and which he shall be compelled to pay, doth resist an essential Right of the King, yet is not guilty of Rebellion, which is constituted in having a force to support his resistance, and a purpose to apply it that way. And as the Law of Nature is not so easily taught, because not so easily understood as the Civil Law, so I cannot comprehend, why Mr. Hobbes should imagine the Sovereign power to be more secure by the Law of Nature, then by the Civil Law, when he confesses, That the Law of Nature is made Law, only by being made part of the Civil Law: and if the Civil Law did not provide a restraint from the violation of Faith, by the terror of the punishment that must attend it, the obligation from the Law of Nature would be a very faint security to Princes for the obedience of their Subjects. But he chooses to appeal only to the Law of Nature, which is a Text so few men have read and understand, to support an imaginary Faith that was never given, upon which Sovereignty was founded. For which he hath another reason likewise; for his Law of Nature is always at hand to serve him, when no other Law will. For when you tell him that the Law of Nature forbiddeth the violation of Faith, and therefore that Kings and Princes are obliged to observe the Promises they make, and the Oaths they take; he answers you with great confidence, and great cleverness, that that rule is only obligatory to Subjects, for that by the Law of Nature, such Promises and Oaths taken by Princes, are ipso facto void, invalid, an● bind not at all. So that by this omnipotent Law of Nature, which is indispensable and eternal, the Sacred Word of a King, which ought to be as fixed and unmoveable as the centre of the Earth, is made as changeable as the Moon; and the breach of Faith, which is so odious to God and man, is made lawful for Kings, who are the only Persons in the World who cannot be perjured, because the indispensable Law of Nature will not permit them to perform what they promise. And now we see the reason why the Law of Nature must only be able to support that Government, which no Civil Law will be able to do: it remains, that though there may be a very innocent and lawful resistance of some essential Rights of the Sovereign, for recovery whereof he may be put to sue at Law, as hath been said before, his Sovereign by his right of Interpreting Law, may, as his Institutor here hath done, interpret such resistance to be Treason, and so confiscate the Estate of the greatest Subject he hath, who hath an Estate that he hath a mind to have.  
He would be glad to find some answer to the want of Precedent, which he sees will always lie in his way, that there hath not been hitherto any Commonwealth where those Rights have been acknowledged or challenged: but he hath always the ill luck to leave the Objection as strong as he found it; and if he could find no Artificers to assist in the erecting such a Building as may last as long as the Materials, notwithstanding his skill in Architecture from the principles of Reason, his long study of the nature of Materials, and the divers effects of Figure and Proportion, men would rather choose to dwell in the Houses they have, then to pull them down, and expect till he set up better in the place. He must give a better evidence than his non-reason, that his Government will be everlasting, before men believe it; and when his Principles from authority of Scripture come to be examined, they will be found to have no more solidity, than those which he hath produced from his long study and observation. In the mean time he shall do well to get his Doctrine planted in those Countries, and among that People who are made believe, that the same Body may be in innumerable places at one and the same time, where possibly things equally unreasonably may be believed. And since men are to be taught, that they ought not to be in love with any Form of Government more than with their own, nor to desire change, which he says, (pag. 177.) is like the breach of the first of God's Commandments, he hath himself raised one unanswerable Argument against the reception and doctrine of his L●viathan. His unskilful reproaches upon the Universities are sufficiently refuted in the last Chapter.  
A man would hardly believe, that the same Person should think it to be of the office of the Sovereign to take care for the making of good Laws, and should so frankly declare, That no Law can be conceived to be good, though it be for the benefit of the Sovereign, if it be not necessary for the People, for the good of the Sovereign and the People cannot be separated; and yet at the same time determine, that all Laws which establish any Propriety to and in the People, are invalid and void, and that it is an essential and inseparable Right in the Sovereign, to levy as much money at any time, as he in his own conscience shall judge necessary. And therefore, though I think I have in several places of this Discourse sufficiently evinced the unreasonableness of this Proposition, and the inconsistency of the good and security of the Sovereign with such a Power, I shall here enlarge upon the Disquisition thereof, and of the reasons which induce him to believe, that any kind of restraint of his power of raising money, by what consent of his own soever, is no less than the dissolution of the Commonwealth: for this power of taking every man's money from him, and his goods that will yield money, is his principal contention throughout his Book, besides his liberty to lay asleep, alter, and repeal all Laws according to his will and pleasure. The expense and charge of the preservation and maintenance of the Government being uncertain and contingent, and so not to be provided for by any constant provision or revenue, if by any emergent occasion, upon a sudden Rebellion or foreign Invasion, the Sovereign hath not power to raise what money he thinks necessary to suppress the one and resist the other, the Kingdom must be lost; and if he may do it in either of those cases, he may do it to prevent either; and it ought to be supposed that he will not take more, though he may take all, then is absolutely necessary for the occasion: and this is the strongest case (and yet is not so strong in relation to an Island, as it is in relation to an Inland Kingdom) he hath, or can suppose, for the support of this power, to every part of which this answer may be applied.  
As there is no Sovereign in Europe who pretends to this right of Sovereignty, so there was never any Kingdom, or considerable Country lost by want of it, or preserved by the actual exercise of it: and the Laws themselves permit, and allow many things to be done, when the mischief and necessity are in view, which may not warrantably be done upon the pretence of preventing it. The Law of necessity is pleadable in any Court, and hath not only its pardon but justification; as when, not only a Magistrate, but a private man pulls down a house or more, which are next to that house which is on fire, to prevent the farther mischief, the Law justifies him, because the necessity and benefit is as visible as the fire; yet it would not be justice in the Sovereign himself, to cause a man's house to be pulled down that is seven miles distant, upon a foresight that the fire may come thither. I am not averse from Mr. Hobbes' opinion, that a man who is upon the point of starving, and is not able to buy meat, may take as much of the meat he first sees, as will serve for that meal; and this not only by the Law of Nature, but for aught I know, without punishment by any Municipal Law, which seldom cancels the unquestionable Law of Nature: but this necessity will not justify him in the stealing or taking by force an Ox from any man to prevent starving for a month together, how poor soever the man is, or to rob a Poulterer's shop, that he may have a second course. Necessity is not a word unknown, or unconsidered by the Law. No Subject, who will obey the Law, and submit to that power and authority which he confesses to be unquestionable in the King, can run into Rebellion; and if he doth, all other Subjects are bound by the Laws to assist, to suppress it in that manner, and with that force, and under such conduct and command as the Sovereign directs. If this Rebellion prospers, let the Sovereign's right be what Mr. Hobbes assigns him, to levy money, he will never be able to levy it in the Rebels Quarters; and if they extend their Quarters far, they share the Sovereignty with him; for he appoints those who live in those Quarters, and enjoy protection, to assist and defend their Protectors. The case is the same in an actual Invasion, where the Invaders right grows at least as fast as the Rebels; and the power of the Sovereign, be it never so cheerfully submitted to, can levy money only where he is obeyed, and upon those whose hands must fight for him, or give him other assistance; and then the question is, Whether he be not like to be stronger by accepting what they are willing to give, then by letting them know that they have nothing to give, because all they have is his. And yet in both these cases of an actual Rebellion, or actual Invasion, if the King takes any man's money that he finds (and if he cannot find it, his right to take it will do him little good) not as his own, but as that man's, to be laid out for his own and public defence, and to be repaid by the public, which ought not to be defended at the charge of any private man, there will be little complaint of the violation of the Law, and the right of Property will be still unshaken. But all these mischiefs are to be prevented by the Sovereign's sagacity and foresight; and if he may not levy what money he pleases, and thinks requisite to make preparations to disappoint all such designs of both kinds, it will be too late indeed to do it after, and the Commonwealth cannot but suffer by the defect of power.  
If the mischief be only in apprehension, there is time to raise money in that way which is provided, and agreed upon for those extraordinary occasions, by ask their consent, who can without any complaint or murmur that can prove inconvenient, give present directions for the payment thereof. But what if they refuse to give; must the Commonwealth perish, and every man in it, whose defence the Sovereign hath undertaken, and is bound to? If the Sovereign hath taken all they have before, as he may when he will, they may have nothing left to be taken in those necessary seasons, and then what will his obligation to defend them do good? and how are they like to assist him, when they have nothing to defend but his power to make them miserable? It is not good to suspect, that Princes will extend their power, how absolute soever it is, to undo their Subjects wantonly and unnecessarily; nor is it reasonable to imagine, that Subjects who enjoy Peace and Plenty, will obstinately refuse to contribute towards their own preservation, when both are in danger. But since it is necessary to suppose a case that never yet fell out, to introduce a Government that was never before thought of, let us admit that it is possible, that such an obstinate Spirit may rule in that Assembly which have the power to raise money, that they may peremtorily refuse to give any, and by the want thereof the Commonwealth is really like to be dissolved; I say, admit this, (though the same kind of obstinacy, that is, an obstinacy as natural as this, to perform no function they ought to do, will, and must dissolve the Sovereignty of his own institution) the question shall be, Whether this very disease be worthy of such a cure? whether the confessed possibility of such a danger be fit to be secured and prevented by such a remedy? and I think most wise and dispassioned men will believe, that the perpetual inquietude and vexation, that must attend men who are in daily fear to have all they have taken from them, and believe that they have nothing their own to leave to their Children and Family, is too disproportioned a provision to prevent a mischief that is possible to fall out; and that the hazard of that is more reasonably to be submitted to, than the danger of a more probable revolution from the other distemper. And when he hath heightened the danger his Sovereignty may be in, by all the desperate imaginations his melancholy or fancy can suggest to him, he will find, that no defect of power can ever make a Prince so weak, so impotent, and so completely miserable, as his being Sovereign over such Subjects as have nothing to give, because they have nothing that is their own; nor will the conscience of their Sovereign, that he will not do all he may, bring any substantial Cordial to them: but as he says, that his Sovereign may command any thing to be done against Law, because his command amounts to a repeal of that Law, for he that can make himself free, is free; so they will think, that he that can be undone at the pleasure of another man, is undone already, and that every day is but the Eve of his destruction, and therefore will think of all ways to prevent it; and he knows the effect of fear too well, to think that a man who is in a continual fright can be fixed in a firm obedience.  
His Commentary upon the ten Commandments, which in his judgement comprehends and exacts all his Injunctions contained in his Leviathan, and his other Theological Speculations, I refer to the consideration and examination of his Friends the Divines, who no doubt will be well pleased to find him a better Casuist, now he comes to revolve the tenth Commandment in this his thirtieth Chapter, than he was in his twenty seventh Chapter, in his gloss upon the same Text; for there he determines clearly, (pag. 151.) that to be delighted in the imagination only of being possessed of an other man's goods, or wife, without intention to take them from him by force or fraud, is no breach of this Law, Thou shalt not covet: nor the pleasure a man hath in imagining the death of a man, from whose life he expects nothing but damage and displeasure, any sin. The business he then had, was to find excuses and extenuation for sins; but now having occasion better to consider that Commandment, of which he stood in need, he finds, that the very intention to do an unjust act, though hindered, is injustice, which consisteth in the pravity of the Will, as well as in the irregularity of the act; as if in the former case, all that delight in the imagination of being possessed of another man's Wife, or the pleasure one has in thinking of the death of a man he doth not love, could be without any pravity of the Will. 'Tis true, a purpose and intendment may be more criminal than mere complacency; but we know more or less do not change the Species of things. And for the best way of inculcating all his useful Doctrines, and setting aside certain days to infuse (which upon so good an occasion will not offend his severe ear) the same into the hearts of the People, which he conceives to be a duty enjoined by the fourth Commandment, I shall defer my opinion till the end of the next Chapter, when upon the view of all his Doctrines by retail, we may better consult upon the method of spreading them abroad. In the mean time he must not take it ill, that I observe his extreme malignity to the Nobility, by whose bread he hath been always sustained, who must not expect any part, at least any precedence in his Institution; that in this his deep meditation upon the ten Commandments, and in a conjuncture when the Levellers were at highest, and the reduction of all degrees to one and the same was resolved upon, and begun, and exercised towards the whole Nobility with all the instances of contemt and scorn, he chose to publish his judgement; as if the safety of the People required an equality of Person, and that (pag. 180.) the honour of great Persons is to be valued for their beneficence, and the aids they give to men of inferior rank, or not at all; and that the consequence of partiality towards the great▪ raised hatred, and an endeavour in the People to pull down all oppressing and contumelious greatness; language lent to, or borrowed from the Agitators of that time.  
He seems to think the making of good Laws to be incumbent on the Sovereign as his duty, and of much importance to his Government; but he says then, (pag. 181.) that by a good Law, he doth not mean a just Law, for that no Law can be unjust, because it is made by the Sovereign Pour. And in truth, if the use of Laws is not to restrain men from doing amiss, and to instruct and dispose them to do well, and to secure them when they do so, they are of no use at all, and it is no matter if there be any Laws or no. For, to make use of his own illustration, (pag. 182.) Hedges are set to stop Travellers, and to keep them in the way that is allowed and prescribed, and for hindering them to choose a way for themselves, though a better and nearer way; and Laws are made to guide, and govern, and punish men who presume to decline that rule, and to choose another to walk by, that is more agreeable to their own appetite or convenience. He renews his trouble to find fit Counsellors for his Sovereign, which he hath so much considered before, and finds the office to be as hard as the Etymology (of which let the Grammarians and he agree) and says plainly, (pag. 184.) that the Politics is a harder study than the study of Geometry: and probably he believes that he can set down as firm Rules in the one, as there are in the other. (pag. 184.) Good counsel, he says, comes not by lot or inheritance, and therefore there is no more reason to expect good advice from the rich, or the noble, in the matters of state, then in delineating the dimensions of a Fortress; and is very solicitous, like a faithful Leveller, that no man may have privileges of that kind by his birth or descent, or have farther honour than adhereth naturally to his abilities; whereas in all well instituted Governments, as well among the Ancient as the Modern, the Heirs and Descendants from worthy and eminent Parents, if they do not degenerate from their virtue, have been always allowed a preference, and kind of title to employments and offices of honour and trust, which he thinks (pag. 184.) inconsistent with the Sovereign power, though they must be conferred by him: and the Pedigree of those pretences from the Germans, is one of those dreams which he falls into, when he invades the quarters of History to make good his assertions.  
Lastly, since he reckons the sending out Colonies, and erecting Plantations, the encouraging all manner of Arts, as Navigation, Agriculture, Fishing, and all manner of Manufactures, to be of the Policy and Office of a Sovereign, it will not be in his power to deny, that his Sovereign is obliged to perform all those promises, and to make good all those concessions and privileges which he hath made and granted, to those who have been thereby induced▪ to expose their Fortunes and their Industry to those Adventures, as hath been formerly enlarged upon in the case of Merchants and Corporations, and which is directly contrary to his Conclusions and Determinations. And I cannot but here observe the great vigilance and caution, which Mr. Hobbes (who hath an excellent faculty of employing very soft words, for the bringing the most hard and cruel things to pass) uses out of his abstracted love of Justice, towards the regulating and well ordering his poor and strong people, whom he transplants into other Countries for the ease of his own; whom he will by no means suffer to exterminate those they find there, but only to constrain them to inhabit closer together, and not to range a great deal of ground; that is in more significant words, which the tenderness of his nature would not give him leave to ●tter, to take from them the abundance they possess, and reduce them to such an assignation, that they may be compelled, if they will not be persuaded, (pag. 181.) to court each little plot with art and labour to give them their sustenance in d●e season. And if all this good Husbandry will not serve the turn, but that they are still overcharged with Inhabitants, he hath out of his deep meditation prescribed them a sure remedy for that too, (pag. 181.) War, which he says will provide for every man by victory, or death; that is, they must cut the throats of all men who are troublesome to them, which without doubt must be the natural and final period of all his Prescriptions in Policy and Government.   

The Survey of Chapter 31.  
AFTER he hath formed such a Kingdom for man, as is agreeable to his good will and pleasure, he concludes this second part of his Discourse, by assigning the one and thirtieth Chapter to the consideration of the Kingdom of God by nature; concerning which, he enlargeth himself with less reservation in the third part of his Discourse, which immediately follows, and therefore I shall make no reflections upon what he says concerning it, till we come thither: nor upon his Worship and Attributes which he assigns to God, or rather what are not Attributes to him; in which, under pretence of explaining or defining, he makes many things harder than they were before. As all men who know what the meaning of knowledge and understanding is, know it less after they are told, that i● is (pag. 190.) nothing else but a tumult in the mind, raised by external things, that press the organical parts of man's body. And I must confess, he hath throughout this whole Chapter with wonderful art, by making use of very many easy, proper, and very significant words, made a shift to compound the whole so involved and intricate, that there is scarce a Chapter in his Book, the sense whereof the Reader can with more difficulty carry about him, and observe the several fallacies and contradictions in it. Of which kind of obscurity Mr. Hobbes makes as much use, as of his brightest elucidations, and having the Sovereign power over all definitions: which he uses not (as is done in Geometry, which he says, is the only science it hath pleased God hitherto to bestow upon mankind) as preliminaries or postulata, by which men may know the settled signification of words, but reserves the prerogative to himself, to give new Definitions as often as he hath occasion to use the same terms, that when it conduces to his purpose, he may inform his Reader, or else perplex him. And therefore he doth not think himself safe in the former plain Definition which he gives of understanding, (pag. 17.) that it is nothing else but conception caused by speech; by which, speech being peculiar to man, understanding must be peculiar to him also: but now being in his one and thirtieth Chapter, and to deprive God of understanding, that Definition will not serve his turn, since it cannot be doubted but that God doth hear all we say; and therefore we are to be amuzed by being told, (pag. 190.) that understanding is nothing else but a tumult of the mind, raised by external things, that press the organical parts of man's body: So that there being no such thing in God, and it depending on natural causes, cannot be attributed to him. And now he is as safe as ever he was, and let him that finds no tumult in his mind, that presses the organical parts of his body, get knowledge and understanding as he can.  
I am not willing, under pretence of adjourning some reflections, which would be natural enough upon this Chapter, to a more seasonable occasion, for enlargement upon the third part of his Discourse, to be thought purposely to pretermit some of his Expressions in this Chapter, which seem to have somewhat of Piety and of Godliness in them, and to raise hope that his purposes are yet better than they appeared to be. After all that illimited power he hath granted to his Sovereign, and all that unrestrained obedience which he exacts from his Subject, he doth in the first Paragraph of this Chapter frankly acknowledge, (pag. 186.) that the Subjects owe simple obedience to their Sovereign, only in those things wherein their obedience is not repugnant to the Law of God, and is very solicitous so to instruct his Subject, that for want of entire knowledge of his duty to both Laws, he may neither by too much civil obedience offend the Divine Majesty, or through fear of offending God, transgress the Commandments of the Commonwealth; a circumspection worthy the best Christian, and is enough to destroy many of the Prerogatives which he hath given to his Sovereign, and to cancel many of the Obligations he hath imposed upon his Subject. But if the Reader will suspend his judgement till he hath read a few leaves more, he will find, that Mr. Hobbes hath been wary enough to do himself no harm by his specious Divinity, but hath a salvo to set all straight again; for he make● no scruple of determining, (pag. 199.) That the Books of the holy Scripture, which only contain the Laws of God, are only Canonical, when they are established for such by the Sovereign power. So that when he hath suspended obedience to the Sovereign in those things wherein their obedience is repugnant to the Law of God, it is meant only till the Sovereign declares that it is not repugnant to the Law of God; with other excellent Doctrine, the examination whereof we must not anticipate before its time; and shall only wonder at his devout provision, (pag. 191.) that Prayers and Thanksgiving to God, be the best and most significant of honour. And whereas most pious men are of opinion, that rhose Devotions being the most sincere, and addressed to none but to God himself, who at the same time sees the integrity of the heart, aught to be without the least affectation of Word, or elegance of Expression; he will have them (pag. 192.) made in words and phrases, not sudden and plebeian, but beautiful and well composed, for else we do not God so much honour as we may: and therefore he says, Tho the Heathen did absurdly to worship Images for Gods, yet their doing it in verse and with music, both of voice and instrument, was reasonable.  
I cannot omit the observation of his very confident avoiding that place in the Scripture, (pag. 193.) It is better to obey God then man, which he could not but find did press him very hard, and was worthy of a better answer, then that it hath place in the Kingdom of God by pact, and not by nature; which if it be an answer, hath not that perspicuity in it, which good Geometricians require; and the answer stands much more in need of a Commentary, than the Text, which he will supply us with in the next Edition. However, let it be as it will, he hath, he says, (pag. 193.) recovered some hope, that at one time or other this writing of his may fall into the hands of a Sovereign who will consider it himself, (he acknowledged at that time no Sovereign but Cromwell) and without the help of any interessed or envious Interpreter, and by the exercise of entire Sovereignty in protecting the public teaching it, convert the truth of speculation into the utility of practice.  
It is one of the unhappy effects, which a too gracious and merciful Indulgence ever produces in corrupt and proud natures, that they believe, that whatsoever is tolerated in them is justified and commended; and because Mr. Hobbes hath not received any such brand which the Authors of such Doctrine have been usually marked with, nor hath seen his Book burned by the hand of the Hangman, as many Books more innocent have been, he is exalted to a hope, that the supreme Magistrate will at some time so far exercise his Sovereignty, as to protect the public teaching his Principles, and convert the truth of his Speculation into the utility of practice. But he might remember, and all those who are scandalised, that such monstrous and seditious Discourses have so long escaped a judicial Examination and Punishment, must know, that Mr. Hobbes his Leviathan was printed and published in the highest time of Cromwell's wicked Usurpation, for the vindication and perpetuating whereof, it was contrived and designed, and when all Legal power was suppressed; and upon his Majesty's blessed return, that merciful and wholesome Act of Oblivion, which pardoned all Treasons and Murders, Sacrilege, Robbery, Heresies and Blasphemies, as well with re●erence to their Writings as their Persons, and other Actions, did likewise wipe out the memory of the Enormities of Mr. Hobbes and his Leviathan. And this hath been the only reason, why the last hath been no more enquired into then the former, it having been thought best, that the impious Doctrines of what kind soever, which the licence of those times produced, should rather expire by neglect, and the repentance of the Authors, then that they should be brought upon the Stage again by a solemn and public condemnation, which might kindle some parts of the old Spirit with the vanity of contradiction, which would otherwise, in a short time, be extinguished: and it is only in Mr. Hobbes his own power to reverse the security that Act hath given him, by repeating his former Errors, by making what was his Offspring in Tyrannical Times, when there was no King in Israel, his more deliberate and legitimate Issue and Productions, in a time when a lawful Government flourishes, which cannot connive at such bold Transgressor's and Transgressions; and he will then find, that it hath fallen into the hands of a Sovereign that hath considered it very well, not by allowing the public teaching it, but by a declared detestation and final snppression of it, and enjoining the Author a public recantation.  
We shall conclude here our disquisition of his Policy and Government of his Commonwealth, with the recollecting and stating the excellent Maxims and Principles upon which his Government is founded and supported, that when they appear naked, and uninvolved in his magisterial Discourses, men may judge of the liberty and security they should enjoy, if Mr. Hobbes Doctrine were inculcated into the minds of men by their Education, and the Industry of those Masters under whom they are to be bred, as he thinks it necessary it should be; which Principles are in these very terms declared by him.  
1. That the King's word is sufficient to take any thing from any Subject when there is need, and that the King is judge of that need. pag. 106. cap. 20. part. 2.  
2. The Liberty of a subject lieth only in those things, which in regulating their actions, the Sovereign hath pretermitted, such as is the liberty to buy and sell, and otherwise to contract with one another; to choose their own abode, their own diet, their own trade of life, and institute their children as they themselves think fit, and the like. pag. 109. cap. 21. par. 2.  
3. Nothing the Sovereign can do to a subject, on what pretence soever, can properly be called injustice or injury. pag. 109.  
4. When a Sovereign Prince putteth to death an innocent subject, though the action be against the Law of Nature, as being contrary to Equity, yet it is not an injury to the subject, but to God. pag. 109.  
5. No man hath liberty to resist the word of the Sovereign; but in case a great many men together, have already resisted the Sovereign power unjustly, or committed some capital crime, for which every one of them expecteth death, they have liberty to join together, and to assist and defend one another. pag. 112.  
6. If a Sovereign demand, or take any thing by pretence of his power, there lieth in that case no action at Law. pag. 112.  
7. If a subject be taken prisoner in War, or his person, or his means of life be within the guards of the Enemy, and hath his life and corporal liberty given him, on condition to be subject to the Victor, he hath liberty to accept the condition, and having accepted it, is the subject of him that took him. pag. 114.  
8. If the Sovereign banish the subject, during the banishment he is no subject. pag. 114.  
6. The obligation of subjects to the Sovereign, is as long, and no longer than the power lasteth, by which he is able to protect them. pag. 124.  
10. Whatever Promises or Covenants the Sovereign makes, are void. pag. 89.  
11. He whose private interest is to be judged in an assembly, may make as many friends as he can; and though he hires such friends with money, yet it is not injustice. pag. 122. cap. 22. part. 2.  
12. The propriety which a subject hath in his Lands, consisteth in a right to exclude all other subjects from the use of them, and not to exclude their Sovereign. pag. 128. cap. 24. part. 2.  
13. When the Sovereign commandeth a man to do that which is against Law, the doing of it is totally excused; when the Sovereign commandeth any thing to be done against Law, the command as to that particular fact is an abrogation of the Law. pag. 157. cap. 27. part. 2.  
14. Tho the right of a Sovereign Monarch cannot be extinguished by the act of another, yet the obligation of the members may; for he that wants protection, may seek it any where; and when he hath it, is obliged (without fraudulent pretence of having submitted himself out of fear) to protect his Protector as long as he is able. pag. 174. cap. 29. part. 2.  
If upon the short reflections we have made upon these several Doctrines, as they lie scattered over his Book, and involved in other Discourses, which with the novelty administers some pleasure to the unwary Reader, the contagion thereof be not enough discovered, and the ill consequence and ruin that must attend Kings and Princes who affect such a Government, as well as the misery insupportable to Subjects who are compelled to submit to it; it may be, the view of the naked Propositions by themselves, without any other clothing or disguise of words, may better serve to make them oqious to King and People; and that the first will easily discern, to how high a pinnacle of power soever he would carry him, he leaves him upon such a Precipice, from whence the least blast of Invasion from a Neighbour, or from Rebellion by his Subjects, may throw him headlong to irrecoverable ruin: and the other will as much abhor an Allegiance of that temper, that by any misfortune of their Prince they may be absolved from, and cease to be Subjects, when their Sovereign hath most need of their obedience. And surely if these Articles of Mr. Hobbes' Creed be the product of right Reason, and the effects of Christian Obligations, the great Turk may be looked upon as the best Philosopher, and all his Subjects as the best Christians.    

The Third Part.  

The Survey of Chapters 32, 33, 34.  
AS we had no reason to expect a rational discourse of civil Government and Policy, when the opinion and judgement of all Lawyers were excluded, and all established Laws contradicted, so we may well look for a worse of Christian Politics, when the advice of all Divines is positively protested against, and new notions of Divinity introduced, as rules to restrain our conceptions, and to regulate our understandings. And as he hath not deceived us in the former, he will as little disappoint us in the latter. But having taken a brief survey of the dangerous opinions, and determinations in Mr. Hobbes his two first parts of his Leviathan, concerning the constitution, nature, and right of Sovereigns, and concerning the duty of Subjects, which he confesses contains doctrine very different from the practice of the greatest part of the world, and therefore aught to be watched with the more jealousy for the novelty of it; I shall not now accompany him through his remaining two parts in the same method, by taking a view of his presumption in the interpretation of several places of Scripture, and making very unnatural deductions from thence to the lessening the dignity of Scripture, and to the reproach of the highest actions done by the greatest Persons by the immediate command of God himself. For if those marks, and conditions which he makes necessary to a true Prophet, and without which he ought not to be believed, were necessary, Moses was no true Prophet, nor had the Children of Israel any reason to believe, and follow him, when he would carry them out of Egypt; for he concludes from the thirteenth Chapter of Deu●eronomy, and the five first verses thereof, (pag. 197.) that God will not have Miracles alone serve for Argument to prove the Prophet's calling; for the works of the Egyptian Sorcerers, though not so great as those of Moses, yet were great Miracles; and that how great soever the Miracles are, yet if the intent be to stir up revolt against the King, or him that governeth by the King's Authority, he that doth such Miracles is not to be considered otherwise, then as sent to make trial of their Allegiance, for he says, those words in the text revolt from the Lord your God, are in this place equivalent to revolt from the King; for they had made God their King by pact at the foot of Mount Sina●: whereas Moses had no other credit with the People, but by the Miracles which he wrought in their presence, and in their sight; and that which he did persuade them to, was to revolt and withdraw themselves from the obedience of Pharaoh, who was, during their abode in Egypt, the only King they knew and acknowledged. So that in Mr. Hobbes' judgement the People might very well have refused to believe him; and all those Prophets afterwards who prophesied against several of the Kings, aught to have been put to death; and the Argumentation against the Prophet jeremy was very well founded, when the Princes said unto the King, jer. 38. 4. We beseech thee let this man be put to death, for thus he weakeneth the hands of the men of war, when he declared that the City should surely be given into the hands of the King of Babylon. But Mr. Hobbes is much concerned to weaken the credit of Prophets, and of all who succeed in their places; and he makes great use of that Prophets being deceived by the old Prophet in the first of Kings, when he was seduced to eat and drink with him. Whereas he might have known, that that Prophet was not so much deceived by an other, as by his own wilfulness, in closing with the temptation of refreshing himself by eating and drinking; choosing rather to believe any man of what quality soever, against the express command that he had received from God himself.  
What his design was to make so unnecessary an enquiry into the Authors of the several parts of Scripture, and the time when they were written, and his more unnecessary inference, that Moses was not the Author of the five Books which the Christian World generally believe to be written by him, though the time of his death might be added afterwards very warrantably, and the like presumption upon the other Books, he best knows; but he cannot wonder that many men, who observe the novelty and positiveness of his assertions, do suspect, that he found it necessary to his purpose, first to lessen the reverence that was accustomed to be paid to the Scriptures themselves, and the authority thereof, before he could hope to have his interpretation of them harkened unto, and received; and in order to that, to allow them no other authority, but what they receive from the Declaration of the King; so that in every Kingdom there may be several, and contrary Books of Scripture; which their Subjects must not look upon as Scripture, but as the Sovereign power declares it to be so; which is to shake or rather overthrow all the reverence and submission which we pay unto it, as the undoubted word of God, and to put it in the same scale with the Alcoran, which hath as much authority by the stamp which the Grand Signior puts upon it in all his Dominion; and all the differences and Controversies, which have grown between the several Sects of Mahometans, which are no fewer in number, nor prosecuted with less animosity between them, than the disputes between Christians in matter of Religion, have all proceeded from the several glosses upon, and readings of the Alcoran, which are prescribed or tolerated by the several Princes in their respective Dominions, they all paying the same submission and reverence to Mahomet, but differing much in what he hath said and directed; and by this means the Grand Signior, and the Persian, and the petty Princes under them, have run into those Schisms, which have given Christianity much ease and quiet. This is a degree of impiety Mr. Hobbes was not arrived at when he first published his Book de Cive, where though he allowed his Sovereign power to give what Religion it thought fit to its Subjects, he thought it necessary to provide it should be Christia●● which was a caution too modest for his Leviathan. Nor can it be preserved, when the Scriptures, from whence Christianity can only be proved and taught to the people, are to depend only for the validity 〈◊〉, upon the will, understanding, and authority of the Prince, which (with all possible submission, reverence, and resignation to that Earthly power, and which I do with all my heart acknowledge to be instituted by God himself, for the good of mankind) hath much greater dignity in itself, and more reverence due to it, than it can receive from the united Testimony and Declaration of all the Kings and Princes of the World. With this bold Prologue of the uncertain Canon of Scripture, he takes upon him as the foundation of his true ratiocination (pag. 207.) to determine out of the Bible the meaning of such words, as by their ambiguity may (he says) render what he is to infer upon them obscure and disputable. And with this licence he presumes to give such unnatural explanations, descriptions, and definitions to several words and terms, which in themselves have no difficulty, as disturbs the whole Analogy of Scripture, and exposes those expressions, which are dictated by the spirit of God, in his light and comical interpretations, to the mirth of those who are too much inclined to be merry with the Scripture, and to the scandal of all men who are piously affected, and look upon the Sacred Writings with that devotion that becomes them. And upon these foundations, with much more confidence than any of the Primitive Fathers of the Church assumed to themselves, he proceeds to the interpretation of several Texts of Scripture, in a diferent sense from what those Fathers, and all other men but himself, have understood them to signify.  
I shall not therefore, as I said, wait upon him in the particular Survey of his glosses upon, and interpretations of the several Texts of Scripture, with which he is bold, not only for my own incompetency in those high Mysteries, but because I am not sure that it is a work fit for the most accomplished person in the knowledge of Tongues, and the most difficult points of Divinity, to undertake, and to argue and contend with him upon, and to answer his vain and light conceptions; lest the sobriety and gravity of Scripture be too much exposed to the critical Licence of Grammarians, or the greater licentiousness of petulant and profane Persons, who choose the Scripture for both the matter, and the language for the argument of their common and losest discourses; which exorbitancy is much propagated since the publication of Mr. Hobbes his Writings. And therefore it may be fitter for a general disapprobation and discountenance by the Sovereign power, or Ecclesiastical authority, as a discourse which introduces a corruption of manners in the minds of men, and exposes Religion to the irreverent examination of dissolute persons, and prostitutes the sacred mysteries of our Faith, the Incarnation of our blessed Lord and Saviour, the Trinity, the Sacraments, the precious pledges of our Salvation, to a Philosophical and Mathematical inquisition; and under the notion of translating proper and significant words and terms, in the understanding whereof all Learned men have agreed, into vulgar and common Language, which no terms of any Art ever admitted, hath in truth traduced the whole Scheme of Christianity into Burlesque, and raised conceptions of it, very much inferior to the sublime importance of that profession which must carry us to Heaven. It will hardly be believed that Mr. Hobbes intended to advance the estimation and resignation that is due from mankind to the everlasting word of God, when he took such impertinent pains to inquire (Cham 36.) and examine, what the word of God is, and to exercise his fancy in many inferences, deductions, and distinctions upon several texts of Scripture, where that expression (the word of God) is used, and in the understanding whereof there was never before any difficulty conceived to be. And there could no benefit accrue to the People, by communicating a criticism to them, whereby they must believe (pag. 223.) that God spoke these words and said, are less Gods words than I am the Lord thy God, as if the last could have a due efficacy and regard, if they all are not understood to be spoken by him. In which kind of unnecessary Learning and curiosity he seems to recreate himself upon all the Texts of Scripture, which he thinks fit to apply to his use, and in which he takes much pains to mend many expressions in Scripture, for the impropriety of Speech, without accusing the translation; as these words of Eliah to God, 1 Kings 18. 36. I have done all these thy words, which he says are instead of (which, I suppose he means, would be better) (pag. 223.) I have done all these things at thy word, and the like upon many other sayings of the Prophets.  
Since after all his learned examination, and careful ratiocination, and too light a mention of the several parts of Scripture, and the Authors thereof, he is at last compelled to confess, that (p. 204.) he sees not any reason to doubt, but that the old and new Testament, as we have them now, are the true Registers of those things which were done and said by the Prophets and Apostles; (p. 205.) and that it is believed on all hands, that the first, and original Author of them is God; it is to be wished that he had chosen rather to have acquiesced under the modest and prudent resolution of his third Paragraph of this Chapter, that when any thing is written in the Scripture too hard for our examination, we are bidden to captivate our understanding to the words, and not to labour in sifting out a Philosophical truth by Logic of such mysteries as are not comprehensible, nor fall under any rule of natural Science; because he says very well, (p. 195.) that it is with the mysteries of our Religion, as with wholesome pills for the sick, which swallowed whole have the virtue to cure, but ●hewed, are for the most part cast up again without effect: I say, it is great pity that he had not rather rested under that sober consideration, then embarked himself, in the two next Chapters, in a Sea of new and extravagant interpretations of several texts of Scripture, without any other authority then of his own ungoverned fancy, which can only amuse men with the novelty into impertinent inquiries, or dispose them to believe, that he hath not that reverence to the Scripture, or adoration of the Author of it, that would become him to have.   

The Survey of Chapters 35, 36.  
WHEN he had exercised his unruly fancy and imagination, upon making it as doubtful what is Scripture, and the sense and meaning thereof as difficult, as he was able to do, he proceeds in the two next Chapters (the thirty fifth and thirty sixth) to the examination of the true signification of many words, terms, and expressions used in all Theological discourses, what the meaning of Kingdom of God, of Holy, and Sacred, of the Word of God, and of Prophets is, upon the interpretation of which there hath never yet been any doubt made, or controversy amongst Christians. And after the whole foundation of Christian Religion is laid upon the Word of God, and so often mention throughout the Scripture▪ of several particular words spoken by God, and with such declaratory circumstances, that he is said to have spoken face to face, and as a man speaks to his friend, as he did to Moses, Mr. Hobbes takes great pains to make it believed, that he never spoke at all, and then we can have none of his words; in which, whatever other intention he hath, he declines his own rule, which he had prescribed in the foregoing Chapters, to captivate his understanding to the words, and not to labour in sifting out a Philosophical truth by Logic of such mysteries as are not comprehensible, nor fall under any Rules of natural Science. Nor is it probable that he had a purpose to raise more veneration towards the holy Prophets recorded in the sacred story, when he took such pains to examine the Etymology of their title and appellation, which he says, (pag 224.) sometimes signifies a foreteller of things to come, and sometimes one that speaketh incoherently, as men that are distracted, and thence goes to their commission, and qualification, how they came to know the will and pleasure of God. And when he hath brought their title as low as he thinks fit, and their qualifications as mean, he is contented that the name of a Prophet (pag. 225.) may be given not improperly to them, that in Christian Churches have a calling to say public Prayers for the Congregation. But that they may not be too much exalted with the vocation, he allows prophecy to signify that which Women may do in the Church: and at last is content that the Heathen Poets shall likewise be called Prophets: all which he concludes from several texts of Scripture, which he chooses to make use of. What man of a sincere and pious heart, could in order to contradict the literal sense of that expression and Argument of the Prophet David, and which may well be understood literally, Shall he that made the eye, not see? and he that made the ear, not hear? control it by such an instance as would be little less than Blasphemy to repete? and to which I shall only apply a sage saying of his own (pag. 34.) that an Anatomist, or a Physician may speak or write his judgement of unclean things, because it is not to please but profit; but for another man to write his extravagant and pleasant fancies of the same, is, as if a man from being tumbled in the dirt, should come and present himself before good company; an animadversion he will do well to remember upon many occasions wherein he transgresses it.  
What his design was by torturing so many Texts of Scripture, to make it believed, that the extraordinary Prophets in the old Testament took no other notice of the word of God, nor had any other knowledge of it then from apparitions, and dreams, that is to say, (pag. 227.) from the imagination which they had in their sleep or in an ecstasy, may well be suspected, when he contributes so little to advance the reverence that is due to God's Word, or the honour that is due to the memory of those Saints, the Prophets; neither the one, or the other being in any degree improved, to say no worse of it, by the whole discourse of that his first Chapter: in which he thinks he hath said enough to persuade his disciples, from so many Texts of Scripture, and his commentaries upon them, that the Sovereign power is the Sovereign Prophet, who hath under God the Authority to govern the People, and that they are bound to observe for a rule (pag. 232.) that Doctrine which he hath commanded to be taught, and thereby to examine, and try the truths of those Doctrines which pretended Prophets with miracle, or without, shall at any time advance. And it is the more observable, that he gave this Sovereign power to Cromwell, and annexed to it this Sovereign Prophecy, that he might establish his Throne for ever. Nor could he have in all this any intention so opposite to his purposes, as when he had subjected all Laws to his Sword without any violation of justice, to subdue the Gospel too, to the same arbitrament, that he might reform the one, as he had done the other. And the rather, because, though the Law was quiet, whilst his Sovereign power proceeded according to his own institution without any control, yet the Gospel was troublesome to him by the noise of his own Clergy, who had interpreted the Scripture according to his own spirit, and purposes, whilst the contest was with the King; but now found that all his own designs, and assuming the Sovereignty himself, was expressly against the word of God: and they found so much credit with the people, that they had so long deluded, that he foresaw a storm coming against him that he could hardly ride out. And therefore Mr. Hobbes brought him a very seasonable relief, in making a doubt, when novelties were so much in request, and the minds of the People so well prepared to hearken to what they had never before heard of, whether there were any such thing as the word of God, at least that that was not it which they took to be so; and that if the ten Commandments were agreeable to his sense, yet that they were not words spoken by him: and then in bringing the authority, and qualifications of the Prophets themselves so low, that there was room enough left to doubt, whether they were always in the right. From whence he might easily expose his Enemies, who succeed them in the office of informing and instructing them in the Laws, and good pleasures of God, as men without a lawful mission, and authority to pronounce those things they do. And upon those weighty reasons, he takes upon him to advise the People, to be very circumspective, (pag. 230.) and wary in obeying the voice of man, that pretending himself to be a Prophet requires us to obey God in that way, which he in God's name tells us is the way to happiness, For he in that pretends to govern them, that is to say, to rule, and reign over them, which is a thing that all men naturally desire, and is therefore worthy to be suspected of Ambition, and imposture, and consequently aught to be examined, and tried by every man, before he yields them obedience. And having thus depraved the rule, the Word of God, by which they were to walk, and vilified the Preachers, who are to instruct them how they may observe that Rule, he hath enough amuzed them, to refer them for a complete and perfect information, and satisfaction to his Sovereign power, who is his Sovereign Prophet, that is Cromwell himself, to be told by him what they are to believe, and what they are to do, and to conform themselves thereunto, and, in his absence, to what they shall be directed by those who are autorized by him to inform them, it being reasonably to be presumed, that they are (p. 232.) men, to whom God hath given a part of the Spirit of their Sovereign.  
I wish with all my heart that it were within my comprehension, how Mr. Hobbes can be absolved from this naughty and impious discourse, since he could not hope thereby to render himself gracious to any other Sovereign upon Earth; since they all detest the power he would invest them with, as a means to extirpate Christian Religion out of their Dominions, which depends solely upon the universal veneration to the Scripture; upon which, if secular, and politic interests did not fan a small Fire (that would easily be extinguished) into a flame, there are not in sixteen hundred years, many such differences grown in the interpretation thereof, as must exclude any pious believer from Heaven, if in his life he carefully observes those Precepts, in the understanding whereof every man of all parties agrees. Nor hath he therein gratified the Pope himself, who is willing to embrace all encroachments by which he may be a gainer, and uses his faculty of interpreting, to purposes monstrous enough, yet he pretends not to make what he pleases Canonical Scripture. If the Clergy, whose learning is approved, and whose manners are blameless, are not fit to instruct the People, whither shall they repair for information? There may be some ignorant men amongst them, who themselves need to be instructed; and yet there is a Classis of men, who may learn much even from them, if they are honest men. And there may be some seditious amongst them, who maliciously pervert the Scripture, and corrupt those who should be taught by them: but as there are Laws very strict for the punishment of such, so none are more glad to see those punishments inflicted, or forwarded to promote it, than the venerable part of their own order, whose known abilities ought not to be prejudiced, nor their integrity suspected for the infamy of the other. God was never well served, nor the King religiously obeyed, when, and where the Clergy was despised, or undervalved.  
Mr. Hobbes is so much delighted with his institution by Covenant, that he will not suffer God himself to have a Dominion over the Children of Israel (pag. 217.) but under an institution by pact, which he says, is an addition to his ordinary title to all Nations. Indeed that their obligations to his Divine Majesty were increased by his communication of himself, and his gracious promises to them above other Nations, is very true: but that he should thereby have a greater dominion over them then he had over the whole Earth besides, is not easy to be understood; though he makes that assumption the groundwork of the greatest part of his discourse and ratiocination, contained throughout this his Third part. Only whereas the security of his Sovereign consists only in the Covenants between the people to one another, without any obligation from the Sovereign to them; this Sovereignty which he hath provided for God Almighty, is more perfect, and depends upon the Covenant which God himself first entered into; and then the Contract entered into on their part, like the sealing the Counterpart, which he draws up as formally between them, as he did the transferring and assigning each others right in the former establishment: and all this Transaction he makes good by the express words of Scripture. No man can now blame him for wishing for such a Sovereign, who would take the Bible from every other body, and put it into his hand, with a Commission to interpret it. But till he had gotten that delegation, he should have forborn making such a story out of the 17 of Genesis, 7. 8. (pag. 216.) of a Covenant on God's part, and I know not what contract and promise on Abraham's part, that must constitute a nearer relation, and give God a greater power over them then he had before; whereas there was nothing like a promise from God to Abraham of the Land of Canaan for an everlasting possession, in the 17 of Genesis, which he had not made to him many years before. He might have found the Original promise in the 12 Chapter, when God commanded him to go out of his Country, and from his Kindred, and then premised to make of him a great Nation, to bless them that blessed him, and to curse them that cursed him, and (which was greater than all the rest) that in him should all the Families of the Earth be blessed. Abraham makes no reply, but upon the command left his Country, and departed from Haran, when he was seventy five years old, and took his journey towards the Land of Canaan, and passed through the Land unto the place of Sichem, unto the plain of Moreh; and the Canaanite was then in the Land. Which expression so natural to the relation, and History, he thinks ground enough for him to deny that Moses was author of the Book of Genesis, because that expression (he says,) (pag. 200.) must be the words of one that wrote when the Canaanite was not in the Land; which is an inference without shadow of reason. When he was in the Land of Canaan God appeared to him again, and said, Unto thy Seed will I give this Land. And he was then by a famine driven into Egypt: and so much time passed, that when he returned towards Bethel from whence he went into Egypt, his riches were so much increased, that Lot and he were compelled to part, that they might have more room to live in. And then God appeared again to Abraham, and said, Lift up thine eyes, and look from the place where thou art, etc. For all the Land which thou seest, to thee will I give it, and to thy Seed for ever, when he had yet no seed. After his Sacrifice he appeared to him again, and it is said made a Covenant with Abraham, saying no more upon the matter than he had promised before, only describing the extent of the Land that he would give to his Seed, from the river of Egypt, to the great river, the river Euphrates. What did God promise more to Abraham, and what farther Covenant was entered into between them, in this 17. Chap. when Mr. Hobbes dates the Covenant, when Abraham was ninety nine years old, than he had done four and twenty years before, and what did Abraham do more than he had done before, towards any contract on his part? It is true that God enjoined him, that every manchild amongst them should be circumcised, which is his (pag. 217.) old Covenant. And it is true, Abraham, and his Seed did so punctually observe that injunction, that the omission thereof was never imputed to them, and so could not be the cause of any of the calamities they sustained afterwards for four hundred years in Egypt, or after their deliverance, when their miseries at worst little exceeded, what they may be thought to have suffered there. Where he found that Dialogue between God and Abraham that makes the Covenant mutual, other men know not.  
There is no inconvenience, nor would it be incongruous to suppose, that Abraham upon such an immense benefit, and honour promised to him by God, and so often repeated to him, did make some humble acknowledgement, and promise of duty, and obedience on his part. And it appears he did whatsoever he was commanded, and assoon as he was commanded: he left his Country, to live amongst strangers; enjoined circumcision, and observed all that he was commanded, to obtain a great reward that his Posterity was to receive five hundred years after: but for any man to digest this obedience into a style and method of words, to no other end, but to establish a new extravagant fancy of his own, and that he may thereby create a peculiar Kingdom for God, more than his illimited power over the universe had entitled him to, and put a new interpretation upon the Kingdom of God, so often used in Scripture, as if thereby is properly, and only meant the Commonwealth of the jews (pag. 218) instituted by the consent of those who were to be Subject thereunto for their civil Government, and regulating their behaviour towards God their King, whom they rejected and deposed when they demanded a King from Samuel; and to confirm this by so many glosses upon several Texts of Scripture, is worthy only of the confidence of the Author of the Leviathan. But he will make all this good when he comes to Mount Sinai, where, he says, this Covenant was renewed. There indeed, after all their murmurings for Bread, and for Flesh, and for Water, that they might not imagine that all the Promises which God had made to their Forefathers, gave them a Title to the continuance of their Protection and Blessing, in spite of all their back-sliding and Rebellion, and as a Preface to his Ten Commandments, and the Law which he then published to them, God commanded Moses to put them in mind of the great Deliverances he had wrought for them, & to tell them, that if they would obey his voice indeed, and keep his Covenant, than they should be a peculiar Treasure unto him above all people, and they should be unto him a Kingdom of Priests, an holy Nation; the natural signification whereof, according to all Interpreters, is, that he would in a more peculiar manner make himself known to them, by giving them Laws whereby they might know how to please him, and assigning them a Priesthood, to offer such Sacrifices for them to him, as would be acceptable. And their answering together, All that the Lord hath spoken we will do, and what they said afterwards to Moses in the fright and consternation they were in upon the Thunder and Lightning from the Mount, Speak thou to us and we will hear, but let not God speak with us lest we die, contained no more upon the matter, than the same professions which they had often made before upon their recollection after their several loud transgression. God was not from that time more gracious to them, or reckoned them more his own chosen people, than before, when he fed them with Manna and Quails, nor did they think that they had entered into a new and stricter obligation to him: as appears by their making the Golden calf, and worshipping it so soon after, even before God had finished his speaking to them. So that the Contract on their behalf, whereby God himself was more their King then he had been formerly, or they more the Kingdom of God than they were before, is drawn up only by Mr. Hobbes above three thousand years after the transaction.   

The Survey of Chapter 37.  
I should make no reflection upon the thirty seventh Chapter of Miracles, and their use (though it may be some men may imagine, that he hath a mind to lessen the faith of the greatest Miracles which have been wrought) if, to express the humility of his resignation to his Sovereign, he did not make him the sole Judge of all Miracles which shall be wrought within his Dominions: and in this ecstasy of his Allegiance, in spite of all the Demonstrations he hath made in his Kingdom of Darkness, the fourth part of his Instit●tes, of the absurdity, contradiction, and impossibility in the Roman Doctrine of the Sacrament, he very frankly bestows upon the King the sole power of determining the Point of Transubstantiation; which if he concludes in the Affirmative, no Subject must presume to contradict it. By which he hath made the Pope, and the Roman Church amends for the many merry reproaches he hath cast upon them, in allowing it to be good Divinity in all those Dominions where the Sovereign is Popish, and of which no private reason or conscience, but the public reason, the reason of the King is Judg. And though he preserves to himself, and other private men, the prerogative of believing or not believing in his heart, because thought is free, yet that must not be discovered, because he makes it the obligation of Subjects, not only to do, but to say all that their Sovereign commands them to say or do; by which he introduces such a licence of dissimulation and hypocrisy, as is odious in the civil actions of our life, but most detestable in the eyes and judgement of God and Man, in all acts which concern Religion, and the Worship of his Divine Majesty. And it is very reasonably to be doubted, that this loose determination in matters of Faith, by a man who is thought to have digged very deep in all the Mines of Natural Reason, hath contributed very much to that uncontrollable spirit, which by the extravagance of fancy, invention and imagination, hath made such confusion both in the speculation and practice of Religion in this distracted Kingdom; and by his making that which God hath manifestly commanded, liable to be controlled, or to receive authority from the pleasure of the King, that both God and the King are less reverenced, and their Precepts less regarded, than they have used to be in this Nation.  
That he may the better draw himself out of those intricacies into which he is involved by this unnecessary discourse of Miracles, he resorts to his Sovereign power in his definitions; and though he had before confessed, (pag. 197.) That the works of the Egyptian Sorcerers, though no● so great as those of Moses, were yet great Miracles; now he defines a Miracle, (pag. 235.) to be the work of God (besides his operation by the way of Nature ordained in the Creation) done for the making manifest to his Elect, the mission of an extraordinary Minister for their salvation: which definition of his own, and his own alone, is all his proof he makes (pag. 235.) that the Devil, or an Angel, or other created spiri●, cannot do a Miracle: which as the Sovereign of Logic too, he makes good by as strange an Argument: It must be by virtue of some natural Science, or by Incantation; if it be by their own power independent, there is some power that proceedeth not from God, which all men deny. and if they do it by power given them, than is the work not from the immediate hand of God, but natural, and consequently no Miracle, which is agreeable to his Definition. But if it be by the permission of God, why is it natural, and therefore no Miracle? Hath not God frequently permitted the Devil to do Miracles? and if his Providence did not restrain him, he would work Miracles enough to do more mischief. And if the Devil turned himself into the Serpent, or taught the Serpent so to speak like an Orator, for the seduction and cozenage of poor Eve, neither was natural, and cannot be looked upon as less than a Miracle; which hath furnished a Modern fanciful Divine with an excuse for Eves being deluded, that not imagining a Serpent could speak, and having never heard of the Devil, she concluded it to be an Angel, whom she knew God had created. And now he finds, contrary to his former confession, (pag. 236.) That the Magicians of Egypt were Impostors, and did no great matter, for that when the rod seemed a Serpent, or the water's Blood, because it was not to the edification of God's people, which his definition requires, nor the rod, nor the water was enchanted, but the Spectator: so that the Miracle consisted only in this, that the Enchanter had deceived a man, which is no Miracle. And so Pharaoh, and his whole Court, who were the Spectators, and are thought to have understood as much of Natural Causes, as any who have succeeded them, and from that excess of understanding, believed God the less, as they still do who look too much into Natural Causes, and those learned Egyptians must be all deluded and cheated by the deception of their o●n eyes. Methinks the Text cited by himself, If a Prophet rise among you, etc. and shall pretend ●he d●ing of a miracle, and the miracle come to pass, thou shalt not hearken unto him, etc. Deut. 13. is a sufficient evidence, that such Miracles may be done, contrary to Mr. Hobbes' Assertion. Nor is it easy to imagine how he will answer or avoid that Text, For they are the spirits of devils, working Miracles, etc. Revel. 16. 14. which shall suffice for answer to his magisterial definition of Miracles, and argumentation thereupon.  
Mr. Hobbes had done well to have communicated the reason or authority, if he hath any besides his own definition, that induced him to determine, (pag. 235) that the end of all the miracles of Moses, of the Prophets, of our Saviour, and of his Apostles, was to ad● men to the Church, not all me●, b●t s●ch as should be sa●ed, that is to say, such as God had elected And upon that assumption he takes upon him to declare, that t●● reason why our Saviour could not, or would not work any Miracles in his own Country, was (pag 235) because our Saviour being sent from his Fa●he●, he could n●t use his Pour in the conversion of those whom his Father h●d rejected; which is a new Doctrine, and besides the barbarity of it, is irrational to think, that all the People of Nazareth, where our Saviour had vouchsafed to live, and conver●e above thirty years of his life, should be reprobated by God to everlasting damnation. Besides that his Greek Criticism, which he dislikes, that puts, he would not, for, he could not, it is evident enough that our Saviour did work Miracles even there, for he laid his hands upon sick folks, and healed them, Mark 6. 5. which was amongst his greatest Miracles; and it may very probably be believed, that some of his Disciples, if not of his very Apostles, were of his own Country. Surely the making it incapable of receiving any benefit by the ransom he paid, seems to be against the literal and declared end of his Sufferings, and the Promise of his Father.   

The Survey of Chapter 38.  
WHEN the Wisdom of God himself hath erected two Pillars for the support of Religion, and the propagation thereof, and to defend it from being invaded by Profaneness and Atheism, the one of Heaven, for the reward of those who serve him with devotion and integrity; and the other of Hell, for the punishment and terror of those who neglect his commands, and contemn his menaces: and when all the Prophets in the Old, and the Evangelists and Apostles in the New Testament, have even contended to make the joys of the one as great and everlasting, and the pains of the other as insupportable and eternal, as their sacred faculties could enable them to do, that men might be alured to choose that which is so pleasant, and to tremble at that which is so terrible: and that most of the Fathers of the Church, and all the Doctors and Preachers of Christianity (of how different Opinions soever in other Points of Faith) have still prosecuted the same method, as the best Argument to dispose men to virtue, and the love of God, and to restrain them from vice, as the way that leads to the Devil: it may appear very wonderful, and no less scandalous to dis-passioned men, that after sixteen hundred years Mr. Hobbes should arise a new Evangelist, to make the joys of Heaven more indifferent, and the pains of Hell less formidable, then ever any Christian hath before attemted to do, by impertinent inquiries where the place of either of them is to be, as if he would be well content that they should be no where, and to determine by Philosophical mediums, that there can be no eternity of pain in the one, how lasting soever the joys may be in the other. I do not complain of his bringing down Heaven to the Earth, nor his raising and placing Hell upon the same level, in which some Learned Men seem not to differ much from him, though it seems to me to be contradicted by the very words and expression of the Creation. For if God divided the waters that were above the firmament, from the waters that were under the firmament, and the waters under the firmament became dry Land, and was Earth, and the firmament was called Heaven, Gen. 1. it is not conceivable, that the Heaven and the Earth can be upon one and the same level. Which seems likewise to be opposed by that Text, But those that seek my soul to destroy it, shall go into the lower parts of the Earth, Psal. 63. 9 which implies somewhat that is deeper than the grave, and at least, that Hell is either under the Earth, or that it cannot be understood that it is upon the same level with Heaven, if it could descend to keep Court upon the Earth; which yet methinks received a greater confirmation by St. Paul, Now that he ascended, what is it, but that he also descended first into the lower parts of the Earth? Eph. 4. 9  
Let the place be where it will, we know God's habitation and residence in the one, must make it as glorious as any body hath conceived it to be; and his absence, and hot displeasure, must make the other as painful. Nor am I concerned in his assigning Christ's Reign to be upon the Earth; which as it was an opinion that had many partisans in the first Ages of Christianity, so it seems to get much ground in the minds of many Learned Men in the present; though he makes his Reign longer upon Earth then ever the Millenarians imagined it to be, and indeed confines him to it for ever. But that Mr. Hobbes should persuade men to believe, (pag. 240.) that the Kingdom of Heaven is nothing else, but the Kingdom of the King that dwelleth in Heaven, by which he is himself already as much in Heaven as he desires to be; and (pag. 243.) that all that is said in the Scripture concerning hellfire, is spoken metaphorically, and that a proper sense should be enquired after (since all Metaphors may be expressed in proper words) both of the place of hell, and the nature of the torments and tormentors, methinks it should be thought a matter of that consequence, as is more fit to be confuted by censure and chastisement, then by refelling the Arguments of his presumption. In the mean time, as he professes to find nothing in Scripture that makes it apparent to him, that the soul is immortal, and a living creature independent upon the body; so he seems much pleased with the mortality of the whole human Nature, which job complains of, There is hope of a tree, but man dieth, and wasteth away, yea man giveth up the ghost, and where is he? Man lieth down, and rises not till the heavens be no more. Job. 14. 7, 12. From whence he seems to conclude (if his very wo●ds do not make it plain) that the soul as well as the bod● is buried in the grave, at least till the resurrection. This monstrous liberty and licence in forming a new Faith for himself, without any Sovereign advice or approbation, a Faith never before owned or avowed by any Christian, may make men wonder why he is so severe against Atheists, whom he will not allow (pag. 186.) to be Subjects in the Kingdom of God; nor they that believe not that God hath any care of the actions of man kind, because they acknowledge no word for his, nor have hope of his rewards, or fear of his threatening. They (he says) that believe there is a God that governs the World, and hath given precepts, and propounded rewards and punishments to mankind, are God's Subjects; all the rest are to be understood as enemies: whereas in truth, there is very little difference between a man that understands no Precepts of his, and him who believes those to be his Precepts or his Permissions, which are contrary to his Commandments; or between those who have no hope of his reward, or fear of his threatenings, and those who believe, and persuade others to believe, that the rewards which he hath propounded are of much less value than they are esteemed to be, and the punishment which he threatens, to be less terrible, and of shorter duration than they are understood; and take upon them to suspend the inflicting of any punishment at all upon the greatest sinner until the end of the World, by the mortality of the Soul, equal to that of the Body, and so to undergo no farther trouble till they are again united in the Resurrection; and even then not to be in so ill a condition, as most men apprehend, which is a consolation wicked men stand not in need of, and which no Christian Casuist, before Mr. Hobbes, ever presumed to administer. And he may find, for the support of his Atheists, who should not be so churlishly abandoned by him, as many pregnant Arguments against Christianity, and as rationally pressed, and as many Texts of Scripture, as well of the New as the Old Testament, as appositely urged to maintain their Doctrine, as any which are made use of by him for the propagation of his Opinions little less dangerous.  
He is the first man (since Virgil accompanied Aeneas thither) that hath taken pains so accuratly to rescue and vindicate Hell from the prejudice that men might have to it, from some expressions they find in Scripture relating to it; which he endeavours, by his Interpretations, to make not altogether so severe as they are generally understood to be. And lest any apprehension of the bottomless pit should too much amuse men, he does assure them, from his Art in which he would be thought to excel, (pag. 243.) That in the Globe of the Earth, which is not only finite, but also (compared to the height of the stars) of no considerable magnitude, a pit without a bottom, that is, a hole of infinite depth, is a thing the proportion of Earth to Heaven cannot bear: which perfection of Science enabled him to discover, that if Adam had not eaten of the Apple, he had been immortal; and had he never died (of which he makes not the least question) he should not then continually have procreated his kind, (pag. 239.) for if immortals should have generated as mankind doth now, the Earth in a small time would not have been able to afford them place to stand on. Besides, there being other places of Scripture which he citys, to imply, that the place of Hell is under water; so, besides the comfort that is in the uncertainty, they need the less fear the bottomless pit; and he doth at last free them from the waters too, and the company that makes the waters the more unpleasant. St. john thought he had terrified some Classes of sinners to the purpose, when he declared, That they should have their part in the lake that burneth with fire and brimstone. Apoc. 21. 8. But for their comfort Mr. Hobbes assures them, (pag. 243.) that all that is but a Metaphorical expression, and signifies not any certain kind or place of torment; and gives them another Text to raise their spirits, That death and hell were cast into the lake of fire, (pag. 243.) that is, he says, abolished and destroyed; as if after the day of judgement there shall be no more dying, nor no more going into Hell, which must be very comfortable Doctrine to those whom he had before secured till that time, by the not existence and nothingness of the Soul after its dissolution from the Body. So that he had done well, that there might some fear still have remained in them, to have told them, That it is the opinion of very Learned Men, that the day of Judgement itself is to last one thousand years. That the darkness which St. Matthew attributes to it, and which makes the most beautiful place the less pleasant, may not make them think Hell a worse place than in truth it is, he tells them, that though the Translation hath rendered it into utter darkness, the Original will not bear it, (pag. 243.) and does not signify how great, but where that darkness is to be, namely, without the habitation of Gods elect.  
In the careful Inquisitions which he makes into the torments of Hell, and into the Tormentors, he finds the Devil hath wrong done him, by not having his names of Satan, Devil, and Abaddon, translated into English, by which he conscientiously doubts, that men imagining them to be proper names of Demons, may be seduced to believe the Doctrine of Devils, which was the Religion of the Gentiles; whereas those hard words are not proper Names, but Appellations, which only set out the office and quality, as Satan only signifies the Enemy, Devil accuser, Abaddon the Destroyer. So that Heaven being to be after the Resurrection upon the Earth (which he says he hath showed by Scripture that it is like to be) (pag. 244.) Hell must likewise be upon the Earth too; and so by Satan, is meant any earthly Enemy of the Church; and that the torments of Hell, which are expressed in Scripture by weeping, and gnashing of teeth, by the worm of conscience, fire, where the worm dies not, and the fire is not quenched, and by shame and everlasting contemt, do but metaphorically signify (p. 244.) a grief and discontent of mind, from the sight of the eternal felicity of others; and that they are to suffer such bodily pains and calamities as are incident to those, who not only live under evil and cruel Governors, but have also for Enemy, God Almighty. But as to the duration of the bodily pains, though the Scripture is clear for an universal Resurrection, (pag. 244.) yet there is no promise to any reprobate of an eternal life, without which he can never undergo an eternal punishment. Nor can a second death be ever applied to those that can die but once, he says, (pag. 245.) though the fire prepared for the wicked, is an everlasting fire, and the fire shall be unquenchable, and the torments everlasting; it cannot therefore be inferred, that he who shall be cast into that fire, or be tormented with those torments, shall endure, and resist them so as to be eternally burned and tortured, and yet never be destroyed nor d●e. And though there be many places that affirm everlasting ●ire and torments (into which men may be cast successively one after another for ever) yet he finds none that affirms there shall be any eternal life therein, of any individual Person; but to the contrary, an everlasting death, which is the second death. And then he citys the Text in the Revelations, whereby he says, (pag. 245.) it is evident, that there is to be a second death of every one that shall be condemned at the day of judgement, after which he shall die no more.  
It cannot be denied, but that he hath taken extraordinary pains on the behalf of Hell, and it may be presumed, effectually, in making it believed, (pag. 243.) that the fire thereof is neither everlasting nor unquencheable; and that the terribleness thereof hath proceeded chiefly from the hard words it hath been described by, valley of Hinnon, Ge●enna, Tophet, which have puzzled and perplexed men's imaginations, for want of comprehension what those terms could imply, and which seemed the more formidable in that they had not found, and so might be thought incapable of any translation; and therefore he hath done them the favour to inform them of the worst that they can signify, and above all, for their comfort, hath brought the place and situation of it to be upon the Earth, which is so well known to them, that they need have no other apprehensions of it then they find reason for. And for the manifestation of that important truth, he doth not so much depend upon the Texts of Scripture which he hath cited to that purpose, as that, he says, he hath already proved out of divers evident places of Scripture, in his thirty fifth Chapter (pag. 219.) That the Kingdom of God is a civil Commonwealth, where God himself is Sovereign, by virtue first of the old, and since of the new Covenant, which he says doth sufficiently prove, that after the coming again of our Saviour in his Majesty and Glory, to reign actually and eternally, the Kingdom of God is to be on Earth; all which refers to that Institution by pact, which by his Covenant with Abraham, and the renewing thereof afterwards by Moses at Mount Sinai, invested God by their choosing him to be their King, with a more peculiar Dominion than he had over any other Nation, because it was by their own consent and Covenant; whi●h he says, (pag. 217.) is an addition to his ordinary title to all Nations: and that this continued, till by their demanding a King, when Saul was given to them, they rejected God, that he should not reign over them. I must rely upon the Readers memory, or his refl●xion, to judge whether what hath been said in answer upon that Chapter, and before, doth not weigh down the imagination both of the original and subsequent Covenant and Contract. And for their rejection of God Almighty from being their King, upon the election of Saul, besides Gods own particular choice of his Successor, Fill thine horn with oil, and go, I will send thee to Jesse the Bethlehemite, for I have provided me a King among his Sons, 1 Sam. 16. 1. his grace, and favour, and concernment for th●t People, was equally eminent and notorious from that time, as it had been from the time of Abraham to that of Saul; nor were their rebellions and murmurings greater after, than they had been before: and then those two Imaginations of his having place only in his own brain, most of his Discourse in this his third part falls to the ground with them, and is of no signification.  
When he hath made Hell much more easy, at least in a pleasanter Region, and the pains thereof less durable to all those who will choose to go thither, he is as solicitous to undeceive men in the high estimate they have made of the joys of Heaven, and tells them, (pag. 245.) that to be saved, which is salvation, is to be secured either respectively against special evils, or absolutely against all evil, comprehending want, sickness, and death itself. And lest we should think that this salvation contains some wonderful delight, which we cannot comprehend, because we know not the scene upon which it shall be showed; he is fully of opinion, (pag. 246.) that this salvation must be on Earth: for by salvation is set forth unto as, a glorious reign of our King by conquest, not a safety by escape; and therefore there where we look for salvation, we must look also for triumph; and before triumph, for victory; and before victory for battle, which cannot well be supposed to be in Heaven. However, though the reason seems very good to him, he is so modest that he will not trust to it, without very evident places of Scripture; and thereupon, how positive soever he is against the literal understanding such places in Scripture, which seem to imply an ascending into Heaven, and condemns them all to be Metaphorical Expressions; now, that he may humble our salvation down to the earth, he will have all those places of the Prophets which he chooses, to be understood literally; by which he says it is evident, (pag. 246.) that Salvation shall be on Earth, then when God shall reign (at the coming again of Christ) in jerusalem, and from jerusalem shall proceed the salvation of the Gentiles that shall be received into God's Kingdom. And then, with equal confidence, he mentions other Texts out of the New Testament, which he says are clear (pag. 247.) that salvation, and the Kingdom of God (after the day of judgement) must be upon Earth: whereas he says, He cannot find any Text that can probably be drawn to prove any ascension of the Saints into Heaven, which he seems to think would be a presumption, and that since Gods own Throne is in Heaven, and the Earth is but his footstool, it would not seem suitable to the dignity of so great a King, that his Subjects should have any place as high as his Throne, or higher than his footstool. And so making the last effort to lessen the value of our redemption, by making a Grammatical enquiry into the signification of the word, and low inferences thereupon, he concludes, (pag. 245.) That the joys of life eternal, comprehended all in Scripture under the name of Salvation, or being saved, is to be secured either respectively, against special evils, or absolutely against all evils, comprehending want, sickness, and death itself; that is, when we are once in Heaven we shall never want, nor be sick, nor die again, which is a very vile expression of the joys of life eternal.  
I will not deprive him of that Testimony his rare modesty deserves, but acknowledge, (pag. 241.) that he doth declare, because his Doctrine (though proved out of places of Scripture, not few nor obscure) will appear to most a novelty, he did but propound it, maintaining nothing in this, or any other Paradox in Religion, but attending the end of that dispute of the Sword concerning the authority (not yet amongst his Countrymen decided) by which all sorts of Doctrine are to be approved or rejected, and whose commands both in speech and writing (whatsoever be the opinions of private men) must by all men, that mean to be protected by the Laws, be obeyed. This was in the time when his fidelity and allegiance was by his own rule extinguished by choice, for he was not then in the Enemy's Quarters, and no Sword drawn but that in Cromwell's hand, and in theirs who were under his command; so that it was his single approbation and determination, that he waited, for the promulgation of the Doctrine which he had so well proved out of Scripture, and to him he sent this blank, for the disposal of himself, body and soul, according to his good will and pleasure. But I know not how to excuse him since the King's return, and the resurrection of his Loialty (which is grown and improved to that height, that he will deny his Saviour upon his Command) for not retracting and renouncing all those odious opinions, when he very well knows, that the Church of which the King is Sovereign, doth detest all those his Doctrines, and not concur in his interpretation of any of his Texts in Scripture; and his not doing that which in Conscience he is obliged to do, is a shrewd evidence that he considers not, nor will be subject to any other Sovereignty, then that of his own capricious brain, and haughty understanding.  
I have so much kindness for Mr. Hobbes, that I heartily wish he would himself, or that some of his Disciples would for him, inform the World what good end he did, or could propose to himself in writing this his eight and thirtieth Chapter; or whether he could imagine that Christianity, or any Christian knowledge could be advanced by it. It seems to me to be the greatest charity he can expect, to be believed to be a man that believes nothing of the immortality of the Soul, of the eternal Life, Hell, Salvation, the World to come, and redemption, which all other Christians do believe, and believe all to be evident out of Scripture. Since it is a less fault not to believe them, how destructive soever, then to imagine that he takes all that pains, and uses all that raillery upon the Scripture, to show how liable the Word of God itself is to be ill handled, and perversely interpreted by a great and bold Wit. And truly, he hath not been disappointed in the propagation of this desperate Art, which hath enabled his most devoted Proselytes to apply Texts of Scripture to all their profane, impious, and unclean purposes; and which, probably before they leave this World, will give them a sad presage and prospect of the next; the which can give them no reputation or credit, except with persons profligate, and abandoned to all kinds of vice and iniquity. Plain it is, that he hath not endeavoured to advance the practice of any one Christian Virtue, or to improve the exercise of any one Moral Duty, to the end that the lives of men may be more innocent, and thereby their hopes more reasonable of eternal Life; as if he were not willing to persuade men, by the strength of his master Reason, to be better than they have a mind to be, or to discountenance the practice of those sins which unavoidably must carry them to Hell, let the situation of it be where it will, (pag. 56.) as Adultery, Sodomy, and any vice that may be taken for an effect of power, or a cause of pleasure; all which vices amongst men, he says, are taken to be against Law, rather than against honour: which since he hath discovered, he might for those wretch's sake, very naturally have interposed some powerful Animadversions in this Chapter of Eternal Life, Hell, and Salvation.   

The Survey of Chapter 39  
I have Charity enough to hope, that Mr. Hobbes may have no worse design in this thirty ninth Chapter, then can be made manifest out of his words, which being plain, and yielding naturally a good interpretation, I will not endeavour to pervert them to a bad, but wish he had farther enlarged upon the Subject, to show with what absurdity the word Church is applied to destroy Religion, as if Christ had instituted one, and but one Church that should have Authority to control all the Christians in the World. Which is a fancy (how successful soever) so extravagant and senseless, so far from countenance from Scripture, or Antiquity, so in itself impossible, that nothing is more wonderful, then that so unreasonable a pretence should gain so much credit, as to impose upon so great a part of the World so long: and which, though it was not brought in by, could never have been brought in or grown but under that barbarous Tyranny and inundation, which by the incursion of the Goths, and Vandals, and Hunns, and Lombard's, who successively broke in from the North, covered so great a part of Christendom for so many hundred years. And it cannot be denied, but that though Spiritual, and temporal are proper distinctions in the Government, when the Sovereign, who is equal Sovereign over both, will apply them to several functions in the Government, and to that exercise of different parts, yet indeed they have been made use of in the World, (pag. 248.) to make men see double, and to mistake their lawful Sovereign. And they are not sharp-sighted enough, who think their Government securely established under that distinction, whilst any Subject professes to owe a Spiritual, or any other kind of Subjection or Obedience to any Foreign Power and Jurisdiction. I would have been very glad, he would have enlarged upon both these Subjects, so proper for his excellent way of reasoning; and I cannot avoid saying, that it is great pity that the most faultless Chapter in the Book, for aught is evident, should be the shortest.   

The Survey of Chapter 40.  
WE are not bound to believe, and Mr. Hobbes would find it a hard task to prove, that all Christian Princes have the same power and authority over their Subjects, that Abraham had over his Family, which we do not find to exceed the number of three hundred and eighteen men; and that all Subjects are bound to obey the dictates of their Sovereigns with the same resignation and submission as the Children of Israel were obliged to submit to the commands of Moses: however, it seems to have no Logical consequence in it, that because God spoke only to Abraham, and not to his Family, therefore his Family was to receive God's commands only from him. Yet Mr. Hobbes might have remembered that God did appear likewise to Hagar, one of Abraham's Family, even after he had exposed her to the unjust severity of his Wife; and communicated his pleasure to her, and informed her of many particulars which he imparted not to Abraham; however, I say, the instance of Abraham is no Argument, that all Subjects, who have no supernatural Revelation to the contrary▪ aught to obey the orders of their own Sovereigns in the external acts and profession of Religion, except it were as evident that God hath spoken to those Sovereigns, as it is confessed that he spoke to Abraham. And there was in those days no other way for men to know the immediate pleasure of God, what they were, or were not to do, but by his Communication to some person who had credit to be believed. Whereas from the time that God hath manifested his pleasure to all men in his Scripture, what will please and displease him, and entrusted Princes to advance his Service, and provide for his Worship according to the rules which he hath likewise prescribed to them, he hath discontinued that immediate Communication. Nor doth any Prince pretend to that conversation with God, as Abraham and Moses had, who did not interpret, but relate, and report what God would, or would not have done from himself. And the Salvo which he provide s●or the Implicit Faith which he prescribes by a mental reservation, is so destructive to common honesty, that it is not only unworthy of a Christian, but of a moral man, who desires to live with any credit amongst men; which we shall be obliged to enlarge upon in another place, where he more confidently calls for it, and therefore shall decline it here. And God be thanked, no Christian Prince doth himself believe, or wishes that his Subjects should believe, that he is in Abraham's place, to be the sole Interpreter of what God hath spoken.  
Mr. Hobbes is so much addicted to the sole obligation of Contracts and Covenants, that he will hardly allow God himself to have a title to our obedience, but by virtue of some Contract on his part, and Covenant on ours; which that he may the better make good, he assumes a Jurisdiction to himself to give what signification and interpretation he pleases to words, whether they have been generally understood to signify so, or no; without which he would not have determined, that (pag. 250.) Moses had no authority to command the children of Israel, nor they any obligation to obey him, until in the terror of the thundering and lightning, and the noise of the Trumpet, and the smoking of the mountain, they said unto Moses, Exod. 20. 28. Speak thou with us, and we will hear, but let not God speak▪ with us lest we die; by which he says, (pag. 251.) they obliged themselves to obey whatsoever he should deliver unto them for the commandment of God: whereas the most that can be drawn from that engagement is, that they would hear, and receive what he should say. Notwithstanding which, it doth not appear that they paid more obedience to Moses, after this profession of theirs, than they had done before; nor can it be imagined, that the promise to Moses was more binding, than all former obligations to God. And surely he who assumes this licence of Interpreting, is much to blame if he doth not make many places in Scripture to signify what conduces to his purpose; and he may from Moses having leave to go up into the Mount, declare, not only that the Scriptures are the Mount, and therefore that the Sovereign only may interpret them, but that they may not be looked into; which would increase the Prerogative, and is as near the signification and intention of the Text, as what he gives to it. But then how Mr. Hobbes will excuse himself for violating his own Doctrine, which concludes, that (pag. 252.) no man ought in the interpretation of Scripture, to proceed farther than the bounds which are set by his Sovereign, I cannot imagine, except he hath refuge to Cromwell, whom he did then acknowledge to be his Sovereign. And indeed it was of no small advantage to him, that all Persons under him (by what Oaths or Obligations soever they were bound to administer Justice to the people, according to the known Rules of Law and equity) should understand themselves to be in the same capacity that the Seventy were to Moses, to whom God took of the Spirit that was upon Moses, Num. 11. 25. and gave it to them; the sense of which place, he says, is no other, (pag. 252.) (as he hath formerly declared, that spirit signifies mind,) then that God endued them with a mind conformable▪ and subordinate to that of Moses, that they might prophecy, & speak to the people in God's name, in such manner, as to set forward such doctrine as was agreeable to Moses ' s doctrine. And in truth so absolute an authority in all spiritual matters, as high as it is, is not more than is absolutely necessary to support his other power in the temporal.  
He administers occasion enough in this Chapter to induce me to repete what hath already been said upon the Covenant made by Abraham, which is a principal corner stone upon which he still persists to erect his building, which I shall forbear to do, persuming the Reader will not forget it; only I must observe the activity and restlessness of Mr. Hobbes his fancy, and that, as the first mention of the Covenant and Contract as to the end for which he form it, was a pure dream of his own, so he adds to it, and makes it larger, as new matter occurs to him that requires such a supply. As in the beginning of this Chapter, that he might make the Sovereignty of Abraham to appear the more unquestionable, he says, that (pag. 249.) by his Covenant he obliged himself, and his seed after him, to acknowledge, and obey the Commands of God, not only such as he could take notice of (as moral Laws) by the Laws of Nature, but also such as God should in special manner deliver to him by dreams, and visions, of which before he makes no mention, though he mentioned more than he had authority for; for he says, (pag. 249.) that no contract could add to, or strengthen the obligation, by which both they, and all men else were bound naturally to obey God Almighty, and therefore the Covenant that Abraham made with God, was to take for the commandment of God, that which in the name of God was commanded him in a dream, or vision, and to deliver it to his Family, and cause them to observe the same. Yet notwithstanding this great addition, though Abraham and all the Sovereigns who succeeded him, were qualified to govern, and prescribe to their Subjects what Religion they should be of, and to tell them what is the word of God, and to punish all those who should countenance any doctrine which he should forbid, from which he concludes that (pag. 250) as none but Abraham in his family, so none but the Sovereign in a Christian Commonwealth, can take notice what is, or what is not the word of God; Yet, I say, neither that, nor the renewing the same Covenant with Isaac, and afterwards with Jacob, he says now, did make that people the peculiar People of God, but dates that Privilege, which before he dated from the Covenant with Abraham, to begin only from the renewing it by Moses at the mount Sinai; by which he corrects his former fancy by a new one as extravagant, upon the people's contract in those words, which he had mentioned before without that observation and gloss that he makes upon it, nor did God at that time promise more to them by Moses, than he had before as expressly promised to Abraham, Isaac, and jacob.  
This shall suffice to what he hath so often urged, or shall hereafter infer from the Covenant with Abraham, and by Moses, and of the peculiar dominion over that People by virtue of that Contract. Nor will I hereafter enlarge any more upon their pretended rejection of God, when they desired a King, which he now confirms by a new piece of History, or a new Commentary upon the Text by his Sovereign power of interpreting; for he says (pag. 254.) that when they said to Samuel, make us a King to judge us like all the Nations, they signified, that they would no more be governed by the commands that should be laid upon them by the Priest in the name of God; and consequently in deposing the High Priest of Royal authority, they deposed that peculiar Government of God. (pag. 255.) And yet he confesses in the very next page, that when they had demanded a King after the manner of the Nations, they had no design to depart from the worship of God their King, but despairing of the justice of the Sons of Samuel, they would have a King to judge them in civil actions, but not that they would allow their King to change the Religion which was recommended to them by Moses. By which he hath again cancelled and demolished all that power and jurisdiction, which he would derive to all Sovereigns, from that submission and contract, which he says they made at Mount Sinai: for he confesses that they had no intention, that the King should have authority to alter their Religion, and then it passed not by that contract. And thus when his unruly invention suggests to him an addition to the Text, or an unwarrantable interpretation of it, it always involves him in new perplexities, and leaves him as far from attaining his end, as when he began. It is upon his usual presumption, that from the 17. Chapter of Numbers, he concludes, that after Moses his death, the supreme power of making war and peace, and the Supreme power of judicature belonged also to the High Priest; and thus joshuah was only General of the Army: whereas no more was said in that place to Eleazar, then had been before said to Aaron his Father, to perform the Priestly Office; nor doth it ever appear that Eleazar offered to assume the Sovereignty in either of the cases, but was as much under joshuah, as Aaron had ever been under Moses. God appeared unto joshuah upon the decease of Moses, and deputed him to exercise the same charge that Moses had done. As I was with Moses, so will I be with thee. This Book of the Law shall not depart out of thy mouth, that thou mayest observe to do all that is written therein. Then joshuah commanded the Officers of the People. Josh. 1, 2. 5, 8, 10. The people made another covenant with joshuah. All that thou commandest us we will do, and whither soever thou sendest us, we will go. As we harkened unto Moses in all things, so will we hearken unto thee. Whosoever doth rebel against thy Commandment, and will not hearken to thy words in all that thou commandest him, shall be put to death. ver. 16, 17, 18. And the Lord said unto Joshuah, this day will I magnify thee in the sight of all Israel; as I was with Moses, so will I be with thee. And thou shalt command the Priests etc. Josh. 3. 7, 8. All the orders and commands to the Priests were given by joshuah. Joshua built an Altar to the Lord God of Israel in Mount Ebal. He wrote upon the stones a copy of the Law. He read all the Law, the cursings, and the blessings, etc. Josh. 8. 30, 32, 34. joshuah divided the Land, and when any doubtful cause did arise, they repaired to him for judgement. And when the two Tribes, and the half, returned to the other side of jordan, where Moses had assigned their portions, it was joshuah who blessed them, and sent them away. There is no mention of any Sovereignty of Eleazar. What the jurisdiction of the Highpriest was, and whether the Office was limited, or any way suspended during the time of the Judges, is not otherwise pertinent to this discourse, then as it contradicts Mr. Hobbes, in which where it is not necessary I take no delight, and therefore shall not enlarge upon those particulars.   

The Survey of Chapter 41.  
MR. Hobbes hath committed so many errors in the institution and view which he hath made of all Offices hitherto, that there was reason to believe, he would have the same presumption, if he came to handle the Office of our Saviour himself; and I think he hath made it good, when he allows no other authority or power to our Saviour, even when he comes in the glory of his Father, with his Angels, to reward every man according to his works▪ Mat●h. 16. 27. then (pag. 260.) as Vicegerent of God his Father, in the same manner that Moses was in the Wilderness, and as the High Priests were before the Reign of Saul, and as the Kings were after it: which is degrading him below the model of Socinus, and in no degree equal to the description of his Power in Scripture; yet large enough, if the end of his coming was no other than he assigns, and the Office he is to manage, no greater than he seems to describe, (p. 264.) the giving immortality in the Kingdom of the Son of man, which is to be exercised by our Saviour upon Earth, in his human nature; which seems to be much inferior to that inheritance incorruptible and undefiled, that fadeth not away, which St. Peter assures us is reserved in Heaven for us, 1 Pet. 1. 4. And how his immortality upon Earth will be secured, if the Earth be to be destroyed by Fire, as many Learned Men do believe is clearly foretold in Scripture, is worthy of his care to inquire and consider. But these extravagancies, and the greater in the next Chapter, in his description and definition of the Trinity, I shall leave to Divines to refute, and to the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, to convince him by information, or to reform him by chastisements; without making any observation, that how little power or jurisdiction soever he allows to other Officers and Ministers, he reserves to himself authority to determine the highest Points. And whereas our Saviour himself professes, that he hath laid down his life, & been sacrificed for the sins of the whole world, he takes upon him to contract the number who are to receive any benefit thereby, only to that of the Elect. And he is less to be understood, when he positively declares, (pag. 263.) the end of Christ's coming to be, that he might restore unto God by a new Covenant, the Kingdom which had been cut off by the rebellion of the Israelites in the election of Saul: which dream still possesses him to that degree, that he seems to think the conversion of the Gentiles to be merely accidental, the restoring that peculiar Kingdom to his Father by a new Covenant, being the great end of his coming; and in case that Nation should generally refuse him, then to call to his obedience such as should believe in him of the Gentiles: whereas his coming was equally for the one as for the other, and in truth, was promised to the other, before the jews became the chosen People of God, if the Promise made to Adam after his fall had any prospect towards our Saviour, of which few men make doubt.  
I cannot but observe some ingenuity (if it had been perfect ingenuity, it would have amounted to a clear retractation) in his declaring so freely, and by so many instances, that as our Saviour himself declared, That his Kingdom is not of this World, so that he never exercised any Sovereign Jurisdiction in it, contrary to what he more magisterially published in his twentieth Chapter; when his business being to prove the absolute and illimited power of Kings over their Subjects, and all that they have, he quotes several Texts out of the Old and New Testament, in which the simple obedience of Subjects to their Sovereign is enjoined: and then concludes with an instance of our Saviour's judgement in the point, (pag. 108.) That the King's word is sufficient to take away any thing from any Subject when there is need, and that the King is judge of that need; for saying that our Saviour himself, as King of the jews, commanded his Disciples to take the Ass▪ and Asses Colt, to carry him into jerusalem, saying, Go into the Village, etc. Matth 21 2, 3. he adds, as if they had been the ●ords of our Saviour, They will not ask, whether his necessity be a sufficient title, nor whether he be judge of that necessity, but acquiesce in the will of the Lord. If Mr. Hobbes had been a conscientious vindicator of Truth, and intended by his reason and authority only to have mended the understanding of men, when he had reform his own in a matter of great importance, and of which he had made so ill use, he would have given some satisfaction to those he may have seduced: and since he now discovers, (pag. 262, 263.) that the Kingdom of Christ is not to begin till the general Resurrection; and that Christ, whilst he was on Earth, had no Kingdom in this World, this forty first Chapter ought in conscience to have been a retractation of what he had said in the twenty precedent; and therefore he may forgive those, who too reasonably suspect, that his design is rather to perplex and disturb, and seduce men, then to enlighten and inform them; and that he assigns the errors in every Chapter to do as much mischief as they can, and retracts none of them, lest the confessing himself to be once deceived, may lessen his power to deceive any more.   

The Survey of Chapter 42.  
HAving then left his Discourse of the Trinity to be censured by those who are more competent considerers of those high Mysteries, with the matter of his former Chapter, and of which it had more properly been a part; (for after the having degraded our Saviour to those low and insignificant Offices, the barefaced denying the Trinity might naturally have followed, which he makes to be no Mystery at all, and to contain as many Persons as any body will assign to it, rather than those, which an Article of the Christian Faith makes necessary to be believed, and which he denies with more affectation than was done by Arius, or Macedonius, or any of those Heresies which succeeded, and were the spawn of their poison. And no doubt, he hath gratified the Pope abundantly, whom he hath otherwise endeavoured to provoke, in procuring such a Book, that denies a vital part of Christianity, to be printed and dispersed in a Protestant Kingdom, which it could not have been, if the Governors and Overseers of the Church had ever perused or taken notice of it; the defect whereof hath permitted it to receive too much countenance in Popish Countries likewise;) We proceed to take a view of his Ecclesiastical Power, in which he declares his judgement and opinion, not only of Church Jurisdiction, but upon the matter of all things which concern Religion in the Church; that is, the Profession of the Christian Faith. I do first observe, that he confesses, (pag. 267.) that the Ecclesiastical power was left by our Saviour in the hands of the Apostles, and that it remained in them, and in those who were ordained by them, those hundreds of years before there were any Christian Sovereigns: and I will confess with him, that our Saviour left no external, ordinary, coercive power to them, or with them, but only a power to proclaim the Kingdom of Christ, and to persuade men to submit themselves thereunto, and by Precepts and good Counsel, and the terrors of the Lord, to teach them that have submitted, what they are to do that they may be received into the Kingdom of God, and by the censures of the Church chastise and discipline offenders: all which cannot be done, but by publishing and explaining the Scriptures. And therefore except Mr. Hobb●s will take from them that which himself acknowledges that Christ gave and left to them, or prove that Christ took it from them, and assigned it to other person's, they must still have a power to publish the Scripture, and to interpret it, and are obliged to declare and teach the Doctrine of Christ before the Doctrine of the King, which office he hath thought fit only to commit to them, and trust them with, not remembering how much more he had assigned to them in the beginning of his last Chapter, where he says, (pag. 261.) that our Saviour, when he was upon the earth, partly wrought our conversion, and partly works n●w by his Ministers, and will continue to work till his coming again. And it is very ill Logic to say, that because they cannot misinterpret and pervert Scripture, nor preach Rebellion against their natural Sovereign, since Christ hath commanded subjection and obedience to them, they have therefore no authority to preach at all, or interpret the Scripture, but must publish whatsoever the King bids them, in the Name, and as the Commands of God: yet even that, and all he hath or can say, may be true, if the cases of Conscience which he hath taken upon him to determine, have any dependence upon, or affinity with the Christian Faith, or common honesty.  
What if the office of Christ's Ministers in this World, is to make men believe and have Faith in Christ, and that they have no power by that title to punish men for not believing, or for contradicting what they say: doth that defect of power of compulsion, abolish that power which he hath given them of instructing and preaching, and using the Keys? As Christ hath trusted them to do, and qualified them with peculiar circumstances to perform those Offices; so he hath trusted Sovereign Princes to assist them, whilst they perform their office with integrity, or to punish them if they do not, with their power of compulsion, that their labours may be effectual. And Princes are no less obliged to give them that assistance, than they are to perform the office of the Apostles and Disciples; nor can any Prince think his Sovereignty impaired, by being obliged to take care that the Laws and Precepts of God his Sovereign be punctually submitted to, and that they, to whom in special manner the publication thereof is committed, be not only protected, but obeyed and reverenced, whilst they do their duty; or surmise that the Word of God stands in need of, or can receive any dignity or authority, by any thing he can add to it by his Sovereign power. God hath left, and required them to be Nursing Fathers to his Church, and from the time of their being Christians, hath communicated his Scripture to them, which they have received, and which they are equally bound to obey as their meanest Subject; and if they are not good and faithful Nurses, the miscarriage of the Children shall be imputed to them. There is no cause of jealousy from the Sovereign towards his Subjects, which Mr. Hobbes out of his constant good will desires to kindle: for there is neither Bishop nor Priest who pretends to any Power or Jurisdiction, inconsistent with the King's Supremacy, in Ecclesiastical as well as Temporal matters. No man can be made a Bishop, but by his appointment and grant. No man can be ordained a Priest, but by him whom he hath nominated to be a Bishop. And if either Bishop or Priest mis-behave themselves to that degree, they shall by his authority be degraded, and deprived, and suffer as Laymen are to do, he being no less Sovereign over the Ecclesiastical Persons and Laws, then over the Temporal; and whoever so become liable, are to blame, and for aught I know, have to answer for something besides the departing from their dignity. In a word, Prelates assume no title of Honour, nor pretend to any Jurisdiction that they have not received from him, and therefore deserve to be countenanced and supported by him, amongst his best and most useful Subjects.  
He is not concerned, if the King forbids him to believe in Christ: it is a command of no effect, because belief and understanding never follow men's commands; but if the King commands him to say, that he believes not in Christ, he is very ready to obey him. (pag. 271.) Profession with the tongue, is but an external thing, wherein a Christian holding firmly in his heart the Faith of Christ, hath the same liberty which the Prophet Elisha allowed to Naaman the Syrian. He would be very much disappointed in the support of his monstrous Impiety, if that Text ought to be rendered out of the Original, as Dr Lightfoot, a man eminently learned in the Hebrew, positively says at aught to be: For this thing the Lord pardon thy servant, for that when my Master hath gone into the house of Rimmon to worship there, and he hath leaned upon my hand, that I have also bowed myself in the house of Rimmon; for my worshipping in the house of Rimmon, the Lord pardon thy servant for t●is thing. 2 Kings 5. 18. So that he craved pardon for Idolatry past, and not begged leave to be Idolatrous for the time to come. But admitting the Text to be according to the common Translation, it can do Mr. Hobbes no good, except he procures the same leave from another who hath as much authority as Elisha had. Who doth not know, that none of those Examples which were either enjoined or permitted to be done by the Divine Authority, for some extraordinary end of Providence, are for our imitation, when they are opposite to the truth, and justice, and integrity of God's Precepts? He may as well justify the breach of Faith, and downright Theft and Robbery in his Neighbours, by the example of the Israelites borrowing the Jewels, and other Goods of the Egyptians, or the assassination of an Enemy, by the example of ehud's stabbing of Eglon, and many other unwarrantable actions, by the example of good men directed by the Spirit of God in the Scripture, as maintain his own impiety, by the example or permission, if there were any, of Naaman. But if Mr. Hobbes be gratified by not urging the impiety, nor the denunciation which St. john pronounced upon him, He is Antichrist, that denieth the Father and the Son, 1 John 2. 22. How will he justify the prevarication and falseness, in saying, he doth not believe that, which in his heart he d●th believe? Ye shall not deal falsely, neither lie one to another, was a part of the Levitical Law, and by Mr. Hobbes rules, a part of the Law of Nature, and so must not be violated, nor can be controlled by God himself. He knows very well who is the Father of lies, though it may be he doth not enough consider what portion is allotted for his children. And if they who said they were jews, and were not, but did lie, were pronounced by St. john to be of the Synagogue of Satan, Rev. 3. 9 There is very great danger, that he who is a Christian in his heart, & upon any King's commands shall profess with his Tongue that he doth not believe in Christ, will not be admitted by our Saviour to be of his Church. In vain hath the whole current of Scripture endeavoured to raise such an awful reverence for truth, that it hath scarce pronounced more severe Judgements against any Species of sins, then against lying. He that telleth lies, shall not stay in my sight, says the Spirit of God by the Psalmist, Psal. 101. 7. He that speaketh lies shall perish, says the same Spirit in the Proverbs, Prov. 19 9 Let him believe what he will, he shall perish for speaking lies. And if he will believe St. Paul, he will not find the heart to be the seat that comprehends all Christian Religion, but that the tongue hath a very necessary part assigned to it, to perform: If thou shalt confess with thy mouth the Lord jesus, and shalt believe in thy heart that God hath raised him from the dead, thou shalt be saved, Rom. 10. ●. Salvation would be gotten at too cheap a rate, if believing would serve the turn, and men might speak, and do what they find most convenient. Words are actions in his own judgement, and to be punished with the same severity. Our Saviour had provided very ill for the propagation of his Faith, if he had left a latitude for men to deny him in their words, so they confessed him in their hearts. How many Converts would that secret, and reserved belief and confession have produced? Confession with mouth, as it is the more generous, so it is the more avowed and declared way of doing God service. He cannot confess him with his mouth, that doth not believe him in his heart; and he doth believe him in his heart to no purpose, that will not confess him with his mouth. A man cannot be a true Christian without both. There may be some men who may be possessed with as much fear as Mr. Hobbes, and as good Courtiers as he, in submitting to the commands of their Sovereign, of what kind soever; but I have not heard that any man doth so frankly own it as he doth; and the expedient that he hath found might have saved many hundred thousand lives of the Christians in the primitive persecution, when the greatest part of them were not required with their mouth to deny Jesus Christ, but to acknowledge jupiter, or Venus, or Apollo (according to the Religion of the Climate) to be Gods, and to worship them, which after they were Christians they could not do: so that their Martyrdom was, that they chose to lose their lives with the most terrible circumstances of Torment, rather than they would lie, and say, that they believed them to be Gods, when they knew they were not so: and the Church hath never doubted of their being Martyrs, very precious in the eyes of God. But we shall have occasion to resume this argument of Martyrs again very shortly.  
But it is not reasonable to believe or expect that those, or any other Texts of Scripture, can make any impression upon Mr. Hobbes, when he is able to save himself harmless from that determination and declaration of our Saviour, Who so d●nieth me before men, I will deny him before my Father which is in Heaven, by saying roundly, that whatsoever a Subject is compelled to do in obedience to his Sovereign, and doth it not in order to his own mind, that action is not his but his Sovereigns, nor is it he that in this case denieth Christ before men, but his Governor: so that he is well content to shift of his own damnation to his Sovereign. But that this distinction will not serve his turn, is evident to all, but the Casuists of his own faith; and 'twill concern him to find a better way to defend himself for committing Adultery, Theft, Murder, or any other wickedness God hath forbidden, if his Sovereign commands him, than he hath taught any other men who believe his doctrine, and who deserve more satisfaction from him, for depending upon his reason. I know no difficulty in resolving his case of conscience concerning his Mahometan in a Christian Commonwealth, nor can doubt, but that he which is a true Mahometan, and believes that Mahomet will not permit him to be present at the divine Service in a Christian Church, which I do not think the Mahometans restrained from out of their own Country, no more than the Jews, who make no scruple to be present at Common Prayer, or Mass, if it be attended with any convenience, looking upon themselves only as being present in the company, not at the devotion: Yet I say, if he believes it, he doth well not to obey his Sovereign's commands, and is much the honester men in avoiding the doing against conscience, however erroneous it may be. Nor will any part of that tragical inference follow, that then any private man may disobey their Princes in maintenance of any Religion true, or false, there being other trials for the punishment of those, than the bare word, and command of the Prince.  
There are two conclusions which reasonably result from Mr. Hobbes his Axiom, and which may prove beneficial to him; the first is, that we may believe that he doth not himself believe one word in his Book that we find fault with: for writing is at least as external a thing as speaking, and therefore keeping his heart right, he might have the same liberty the Prophet gave to Naaman, and write what his Sovereign Cromwell commanded him, or what he discerned would be so acceptable to him, that it would procure him his protection, which ought to have the same force with him as his command. The other is, that when ever he shall be commanded by the King, or required by any Court of Law, which is the voice of the King, to retract, and recant whatever is condemned in this Book, he will cheerfully, and with a better conscience renounce them all, and write an other Book more reasonably in the confutation of his errors in this. But then he is upon an other disadvantage, which is very grievous to an honest man, that when he makes that recantation, no man will believe that it is the thoughts of his heart, but only his profession with the tongue, which being but an external thing, he doth signify his obedience to that authority to which he is Subject, without any remorse for the wickedness of his former writing. The truth is, this licence which he avows, how odious and impious soever, hath in itself likewise so much of levity and extreme weakness, that a man may depart a little from his gravity in answering it, and wonder why he did not make use of a Text of Euripides englisht in Hudibras, who is much a graver writer, and far better Casuist, as an authority to support his doctrine, 
Oaths are but words, and words but wind,  
Too feeble instruments to bind. etc.  He knows well that in the custom of speaking, worse cannot be said of any man, then that he is ready to say any thing he is bid, and the natural judgement upon him, is, that no man believes any thing he says.  
Error is naturally pregnant, and the more desperate it is, the more fruitful. Mr. Hobbes well foresaw that the latitude he assumed to himself, could not consist with the courage of the blessed Martyrs of the Christian Faith, who had laid down their lives rather than they would with their tongue (which would have saved their lives) deny their Saviour, or say they did not believe in him, upon the command of what Emperor of Sovereign soever. Nor could it reasonably be expected, that a man who is so declared an Enemy to Martyrdom, should entertain a great reverence or esteem for the persons of Martyrs; and therefore it cannot be wondered at, that he very resolutly chargeth that glorious company (whose memory every Christian Church celebrates with extraordinary devotion) with want of Wit and understanding, and with loss of their labour, and boldly determines by his Prerogative of interpreting words according to his definitions and Etymologies, whatever the constant, and general acceptation hath been, that because Martyr signifies a witness, (pag. 272.) and a witness must have seen what he testifies, and the fundamental Article of Christian Religion being that jesus was the Christ, therefore that none can properly be called Martyrs of Christ, but those that conversed with him, and saw him before and after his Resurrection, and that whosoever did not so, can witness no more than what others said, and are therefore but witnesses of other men's testimony, and are but second Martyrs, or Martyrs of Christ's witnesses. And yet for fear that they might yet have too much honour, he doth as imperiously declare, that (pag. 273.) none can be a Martyr of the first, or second degree, who have not a warrant to preach Christ come in the flesh, and who are not sent to the conversion of Infidels; for that no man is a witness to him that already believes, and therefore needs no witness, but to them that deny, or doubt, or have not heard it. And even to those, that there is one only Article, which to die for, meriteth so honourable a name, and that Article is, that (pag. 272.) jesus is the Christ. But a man maintaining every Doctrine, which he himself draws out of the History of our Saviour's life, or out of the Acts or Epistles of the Apostles, is very far from being a Martyr of Christ, or a Martyr of his Martyrs: whereas whoever hath laid down his life for the testimony of any Christian verity, or rather than he would deny any such, hath always been inserted in the number of the Martyrs, by the judgement of the universal Church.  
If Mr. Hobbes had been conversant in the determination of matters upon the testimony of witnesses, he would have known, that in cases of the greatest importance, it is not always necessary that the witness must have been present, and have seen what he testifieth, or else his testimony is not good. They are very comp●●ent witnesses who declare what they have heard from others; the question being only, whether what they say be true; which often appears to be more unquestionable by the testimony of what others saw, and declared, than what they saw or heard themselves: and the truth of all matters of fact would be quickly lost, or dangerously suspected, if the death of half a dozen persons, who were present, could render the truth without evidence. So that he could not in this assertion, have any purpose to discountenance any other sort of witnesses but only Martyrs. And I must complain of his extreme undervaluing his Readers, in endeavouring to persuade them, from St. Peter's proposing, or enjoining after the death of judas, that the rest of the Apostles should ordain one to be a Martyr, (a witness with them of Christ's Resurrection) of those men who had accompanied with them all the time that the Lord Jesus went in and out amongst them, beginning from the baptism of john, etc. (which he says, makes it manifest, (pag. 272.) that he which is to be a witness of the truth of the Resurrection of Christ, must be some Disciple th●t conversed with him, and saw him before, and after his Resurrection▪ and consequently, must be one of his original Disciples,) that none else could be a Martyr. He would have too just reason to upbraid the breeding in the Universities, if there be any Novice in Logic there, who can be imposed upon by such Argumentations. They who are deluded by him, have not passed through that course Education. It is true, that the method in which our Saviour chose to work the conversion of men, was by matters of fact, which he submitted to the examination of the senses, and which was done in the sight of the Sun, that there might be no want of witnesses. His greatest miracles were done in the greatest company, whom he had made Judges as well as witnesses of what they saw. When he changed the Water into Wine, it was at a Wedding, which in that time, and in that Country, was always celebrated in the presence of a great multitude, and with notable Festivity. These people saw the Water poured out, and in the drinking found it to be excellent Wine, better than the Wine that was first brought into the room: and the evidence of so many witnesses, could not but make the miracle believed, which he expected not should be believed upon a less testimony. When he raised the dead to life, it was always in the presence of them who had seen them living, and dead: the same eyes which saw them die, and sometimes buried, saw them likewise rise from the dead, and eat, and drink, and perform all the functions of life as other men. The whole people saw his Passion, and were witnesses of all the circumstances of it: and all his Disciples, and many other were witnesses of, and conversed with him after his Resurrection. And to supply all possible defects, after his Ascension (which was in the view likewise of many witnesses) he sent the Holy Ghost upon them who taught, and them who believed; and which was a miracle little inferior to the rest, he gave many of his witnesses so long a life to publish what they had seen, and known, that it is made a question whether Christianity be farther spread at present, than it was before the death of all the Apostles. And then they all (for we may say St. john suffered death, though he outlived it) sealed with their blood the truth of what they had preached and published. And afterwards, the Scripture being likewise published and abundantly attested, there needed no more Martyrs of the History, but only for the doctrine: and they are no less Martyrs who suffer death rather than they will commit a Sin, against which our Saviour hath pronounced damnation, than they who assert his Passion, and Resurrection. And, as hath been said before, the greatest number of the Primitive Martyrs, were never questioned about the History of our Saviour, of which the Persecutors had never particularly heard, but were condemned for renouncing their Religion in which they had been bred, and denying those to be Gods, who were worshipped as such by that Country; for which Mr. Hobbes hath obliged himself to have no reverence: and however they are challenged, and made to be Martyrs for that Religion, which now assumes the Sovereignty over all Religion, there was not one amongst them who ever heard of any of those opinions which are since grown up between Christians, nor suffered for any thing, but what all the Christians at present in the world do believe. And the Martyrdom of all who have since suffered death for the maintenance of any particular opinion, hath consisted only in that they would not deny what in truth they believed, or pretend to believe what they thought apparent to be false: which is not therefore to be condemned, because Mr. Hobbes is resolved to decline it.  
In this Rhapsody of extravagant notions he proceeds to the dissecting the Commission granted by our Saviour to the Apostles, and with the licence of a Grammarian translates the terms of their Commission, to make their office of as little authority as he wishes it to be. He says Preaching signifies nothing, (pag. 273.) but what a Crier, or Herald, or other Officer useth to do publicly, in proclaiming a King; and a Crier, he sayeth, hath not right to command any man: that teaching is the same thing with Preaching, but to teach that jesus was Christ, and risen from the dead, is not to say, that men are bound after they believe it, to obey those that tell them so against the commands of their Sovereign, but that they shall do wisely to expect the coming of Christ hereafter, in patience, and faith, with obedience to their present magistrate. All which signifies nothing, if it doth not signify, that where ever Idolatry is the Religion of the Sovereign, what ever they do believe themselves, they are to practise Idolatry still, and to perform all the Rites of Infidels, till the coming of Christ himself to justify their conversion. And this no question is his meaning: to which I shall apply no other answer then the stating his proposition. And if there could remain any doubt, since that meaning is so very bad, that it could not be his, he will quickly remove that doubt in the Survey he takes of Baptism, and the obligation thereof. He says that (pag. 274.) Baptism in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy-Ghost, is dipping in their names, (you shall rarely find him call them three Persons, for the incongruity it would introduce in Philosophy.) The meaning of which words of Baptism is this, He that is baptised is dipped or washed as a sign of becoming a new man, and a Loyal Subject to that God that was represented by Moses, and to jesus Christ his Son God and man, that hath redeemed us, and shall in his human nature represent his Father's Person in his eternal Kingdom after the Resurrection; and to acknowledge the doctrine of the Apostles, who being assisted by the spirit of the Father and the Son (he tells us often that Spirit signifies nothing but mind) were left for guides to bring us to that Kingdom, to be the only and assured way thereunto. And so that you may not suspect him to be a better Christian then he is, he hath taken the pains to let you know again the little esteem he hath of the Trinity. This being our promise in Baptism, and the authority of Earthly Sovereign's being not to be put down (1. Cor. 25. 22, 23, 24.) till the day of judgement, for that he sails, is (p. 274.) expressly affirmed by St. Paul, it is manifest that we do not in Baptism constitute an other authority over us, by which our external actions are to be governed in this life, but promise to take the doctrine of the Apostles for our direction in the way to life eternal. So that the greater moiety of the world being (according to the computation made by the Learned men) mere Heathen men, and Pagans, and much the greater part of the other moiety being Mahometans (no account being taken of the Jews) neither the one, or the other, however they may in their hearts believe the doctrine of the Apostles, are bound to make profession outwardly of the Christian Religion, before the second coming of our Saviour to judgement, except their own Sovereigns command them so to do. And in all these rave he hath Texts of Scripture at hand, which he perverts, and interprets to his own ends, contrary to the genuine sense, and indeed to the whole Analogy of Faith and Scripture, (as any man must conclude who examines them) and the interpretation which hath been always made of them before Mr. Hobbes.  
A man would imagine that he had been contented, that the Apostles and their Successors should enjoy some dignity and prerogative▪ when he confesses that (pag. 274.) the end of Baptism is remission of Sins, and to baptise, is to declare the reception of men into God's Kingdom, and to refuse to baptise, is to declare their exclusion; and that the power to declare them cast out, or retained in it, was given to the Apostles, and their Substitutes and Successors. But he quickly humbles them from this exaltation, and since no man can judge the secret thoughts of the heart, he says, (pag. 275.) the Apostles, and their Successors were to follow the outward marks of repentance, which appearing, they had no authority to deny absolution. Besides they always were, and are but ministerial, they have nothing to do to judge of (pag. 275.) the truth of repentance; that belongs to the assembly of the faithful, the judgement belonging to them, and only the publication of it to the Apostle, or Pastor of the Church as Prolocutor, after the Assembly had first heard the cause, and determined it. So that it seems St. Peter was a little too presumptuous, in undertaking to know the heart of An●nias, and Saphira, and in pronouncing so severe a judgement upon them without so much as ask the advice of the Assembly. I shall not accompany him in his disquisition upon Excommunication, the use and effects of it, upon whom it is to be exercised, and for what faults, or the conditions which are requisite to make men liable to it, and whether the Teacher of Christian doctrine may as a master in any Science, abandon his Disciples that obstinately continue in an unchristian life: but he cannot say the excommunicate have wrong; because they are not obliged to obey; in all which he mingles great errors, with some truth well expressed, and the errors being of a less magnitude than those he is usually guilty of, I shall not particularly insist upon them. But I cannot but observe his close design, to make the foolishness of Preaching of no effect, by his absolving their Auditory from any kind of obligation to believe them; which he would not attemt to do, if he had less authority then from the Apostles themselves. (Acts 17. 3. 3.) For from Saint Paul's behaviour in the Synagogue in Thessalonica (pag. 280.) when some of them believed, and others did not believe, he finds the reason was, that St. Paul came to them without any legal Commission, came only to persuade them, and reasoned with them out of the Scriptures, which were well known to the jews, and believed by them to be the word of God. And the reason why, when they all believed the Scripture, they did not all alike believe him, was, that some approved, and oth●rs disapproved the Interpretation which St. Paul shed made, and every one interpreted them to himself; for whoever persuades by reasoning from Principles written, makes him to whom he speaks judge both of the meaning of those Principles, and also of the force of his inferences upon them. If St. Paul had been to be judge himself of what he said, what needed he to have quoted any places of Scripture to prove his doctrine? It had been enough to have said, I find it so in Scripture, that is to say in your laws, of which I am interpreter, as sent from Christ. Therefore the jews of Thessalonica, were the sole judges of what St. Paul alleged out of Scripture; and every man might believe, or not believe, according as the allegations seemed to himself, to be agreeable to the meaning of the places alleged. And generally, he says, in all cases of the world, he that pretendeth any proof, maketh him judge of his proof to whom he addresseth his speech. Which clearly absolves the Jews for not believing our Saviour himself when he alleged Texts of Scripture to inform and convince them, and absolves all private men from yielding obedience, or believing the interpretation of Judges in point of Law, If their own sense pleases them better; which introduces as wild a confusion in Church and State, as himself can wish; and he, and his Disciples would become the only confident Interpreters of the Law and the Gospel.  
It is a very painful thing to read this two and fortieth Chapter of Mr. Hobbes, in which all the loose and licentious reflections upon piety, and religion, the undervaluing and perverting the Scripture, and the utter contemt of the Church, which are a little more warily scattered throughout his book, (that is, by being scattered, not so easily discerned) are collected, and gathered more closely together into such a Mass of impiety, that the very repeating all the particulars, without which they cannot be replied to, must be more grievous and offensive to most devout Persons, than the most unclean discourse can appear to the chastest ears. And the argument being of power Ecclesiastical, he hath made all Ecclesiastical power to be of no signification, and the most useless thing upon the earth. Our Saviour himself (who is the Fountain from whence all Ecclesiastical power must flow) he hath discovered to have so little authority when he was here, that he could delegate little to his Apostles. And since men were not bound to believe him, nor committed any fault if they did not believe him, he could not leave his Apostles in a state of more reverence and esteem: and their greatest privilege was, to leave the conversation of those, who did not care for their company. And that he might with great method and order make all this appear, is the business of this very long Chapter, towards which the most innocent Paragraph in it contributes somewhat, as appears by those which we have already examined; and therefore we can take little delight, or administer it to others, in the Survey of the rest. It cannot but be wondered at, that Mr. Hobbes, who evidently hath taken pains in reading the Scripture, to what ill purposes, and with what evil intentions soever, could have the confidence to affirm, (pag. 281.) that the Apostles preached nothing, but that jesus was the Christ, etc. that he was not dead but risen again from the dead, and gone up into Heaven, and should come again to judge the world, etc. All which are indeed the Elements of the Christian faith, but he says, none of them preached, that himself, or any other Apostle was such an interpreter of the Scripture, as all that became Christians, aught to take their interpretations for Law. The foundation must be, that it might be believed, that Christ the Messias was come; for till that was believed, what he said, or what he did, was of little moment. Yet their great business too was to make them know, that the simple believing that, would not serve their turn; that Christian Religion did not consist more, (it may be not so much) in believing, as in doing. In all Christ's Sermons upon the Mount, there is very little of opinion taught, or prescribed, only the practice● of Christian duties was vigorously urged: wherefore by their fruits you shall know them; whosoever heareth these sayings of mine, and doth them, Mat. 7. 24. A great part of his redemption was, that he qualified us to receive redemption; and though he paid the price of his blood for our ransom, yet he left something to be done still by us, in following his example, and observing his Precepts. The informing and convincing the world of this, was the office of the Apostles; and all they said, and all they wrote, were interpretations, and commentaries upon what our Saviour himself had said, and done, and together contained so perfect a body of Christianity, that we are not obliged to any thing under the penalty of damnation, but what is contained therein, or evidently deduced from thence. The office of the Apostles was to point out, and demonstrate the way to that Salvation, which was so dearly purchased for us; and efficaciously to prove, that the declining that way, and walking in a contrary path, must lead us to eternal perdition; and confidently to declare, and pronounce the reward and the punishment to both, that men may choose for themselves. This they were to do, and this they did; and after all this, are we now to believe that they had no authority for what they did, and that we have no obligation upon us, nor the Jew, nor the Gentile before us, to believe what they said, or to do what they enjoined?  
Mr. Hobbes is the first Commentator upon the Evangelists, who upon that advice of our Saviour's, Search the Scriptures, John 5. 39 observes and concludes, (pag. 281.) that if our Saviour himself had not meant that the jews should interpret the Scriptures, he would not have hidden them to search them, and take from thence the proof of his being the Christ, but he would either have interpreted them himself, or referred them to the interpretation of the Priests; that is, because as he vouchsafed to expose his Miracles to the test and examination of their grossest senses, so now by condescending to quote Scripture for his own manifestation, he intended to make themselves the Judges, whether he spoke to the purpose or no, and at liberty to believe him or not, without forfeiture of their innocence. Did he not interpret the Scriptures himself, when by the several Texts, which he cited out of several of the Prophets, he made it evident to them, that those Prophecies were of his Person, and could refer to none else? And since they all confessed that they were the word of God, he advised them to search the Scriptures, because they are they that testify of him. The Apostles observe the same method, demonstrate out of the Prophets, whom they all professed to believe, what Christ must do when he came, and what must be done to him, and that all that was done and suffered by him which was fore told. His admirable Life and Doctrine was well known to them all, they had been present at his trial, and at his death, and had with their eyes seen the terrible circumstances of it; they had seen him buried, and the Jews had providently appointed a guard of Soldier, who had without remorse beheld his Passion, to watch his Tomb: and yet after all this vigilance, the Body was not found, but as he had promised himself, and what had been by the Prophet's foretell of him, the third day he was risen; of which there were so many eie-witnesses, who had seen, and conferred with him for many days, and had at last beheld with their bodily eyes, his Body ascend in the air towards Heaven. And besides that the greatest part of all this was seen and known by all the People, the Preachers and Declarers of it appeared to be very extraordinary men, by the daily Miracles they wrought, by which such multitudes were compelled, & could not resist believing all they said, and promised to observe the Precepts they enjoined. But all this is nothing: others, and much greater numbers did, and lawfully might refuse to do either; for Mr. Hobbes says positively, (pag. 281.) that the people had liberty to interpret the Scriptures to themselves, till such time as there should be Pastors that could autorize an Interpreter, whose interpretation should be generally stood to, but that could not be till Kings were Pastors, or Pastor's Kings. So that what the Apostles, or our Saviour himself had said, laid no obligation upon those who heard them.  
We have now the reason why he was concerned so much to extend those plain words of the Children of Israel, in their fright, to Moses, Speak thou to us, and we will hear th●e, to such an absolute obligation of their obedience, since without it, he says, (pag. 283.) they had not been obliged to have received the ten Commandments, since they were forbid to approach the mountain, by which they might have heard what God said to Moses: but that obligation that they would hear Moses, made all sure again, and so they came to receive them. Yet he confesses, (pag. 282.) that they could not but acknowledge the second Table for God's Laws, because they were all the Laws of Nature: but for those of the first Table that were peculiar to the Israelites, (which gives him occasion to enlarge his Commentary upon the third Commandment, in which he says, the meaning of those words, They shall not take the name of God in vain, is, that they should not speak rashly of their King, nor d●spute his r●ght, nor the Commissions of Moles and Aaron his Lieutenants) it was their own obligation (Speak thou to us, and we will hear, etc.) by which they were to receive them as Laws, and (pag. 283.) the judicial Law, which Godprescribed to the Magistrates of Israel▪ for the rule of the administration of justice, and the Levitical Law, the rule prescribed touching the rites and ceremonies of the Priests and Levites, because Laws, he says, only by virtue of the same promise of obedience to Moses. And so he proceeds to a new inquiry into the authenticalness of the Old and New Testament (in which chase I am weary of following him) and concludes, (pag. 284.) that whoever offers us any other rules, which the Sovereign rule hath not pr●scr●b'd they are but counsel and advice, which whether good or bad, he that is counselled may without injustice refuse to observe. And (pag. 285.) that the Scripture of the New Testament is there only Law, where the lawful Civil Pow●r hath made it so.  
Since the reception of the New Testament as a Law (that is, within the Canon of Scripture) depends wholly upon the word of the Sovereign, and by that word is received and acknowledged to be the word of God, and from thence is obeyed as such: it must likewise, by his rule, still subsist by the sole authority of the Sovereign, for he can by his word to morrow abrogate that which this day he made a Law. So that if a Christian Sovereign be succeeded by a Sovereign who is a Jew, or an evil Christian, he may abrogate that Law by which the New Testament was declared to be within the Canon of Scripture, and then the Subjects must neither (pag. 285.) in their actions or discourse observe the same, and can only privately wish▪ that they had liberty to practise them; by which the confessed word of God must be made void, and controlled by the commandments of man. And he hath the confidence to aver, that the very Council held by the Apostles, in which they use this style, It seemed good to the Holy Ghost, and to us, etc. hath no authority to oblige any body, (pag. 286.) since the Apostles could have no other power than that of our Saviour, who could only persuade, not command; for they who have no Kingdom can make no Laws. And so I hope Leviathan hath now laid about him, and performed his full function, which makes him worthy to receive a more reasonable answer than is in the power of any private Person, or of the Universities to give him, and is very fit for the State itself to reward him for, to the full extent of his desert.  
Mr. Hobbes hath invested the Sovereign with his absolute independent power, by the example of Moses, and David, and Solomon, both in Church and State; and being obliged to confess, that for some hundred of years after the preaching of the Gospels, there was no Civil Sovereign to meddle with it, but that the direction of all Ecclesiastical Affairs appertained to the Apostles and their successors, and those who were ordained by them; he finds a way to invest his Christian Monarch with that Jurisdiction and Supremacy, by the right all Heathen Sovereigns had, who had the name of Pastors of the People, because there was no Subject that could lawfully teach the People, but by their permission and authority; and that no body can think, that the right of Heathen Kings is taken away by their conversion to the Faith of Christ, who never ordained, that Kings for believing in him should be deposed▪ that is, subjected to any but himself. And therefore Christian Princes are still the supreme Pastors of their People, and have power to ordain what Pastors they please to teach the Church. But to make their title the more unquestionable, he resorts to the title he found out for his Sovereign by institution, that from the pa●t and covenant which the people made to, and with each other, he becomes the Representative of the people, which he confesses, that he that makes himself Sovereign, by his irresistible Power, without any election, pact or covenant, likewise is the Representative of the people, and so hath the same power and authority, as if he were by their election. He finds now, that the Christian Sovereign, assoon as he is Christian, becomes the Representative of the Church, and so the Teachers he elects are elected by the Church, which was all the title they had from the time of the Apostles, to the time of the Sovereign's becoming Christian, from which time he is the true Representative of the Church as well as of the State, (pag. 299.) and from this consolidation of the right Politic and Ecclesiastic in Christian Sovereigns, he says, it is evident, that they have all manner of power over their Subjects that can be given to man, and may make such Laws, as themselves shall judge fittest for the government of their own Subjects, both as they are the Commonwealth, and as they are the Church. But as his Civil Sovereign rejects his Institution, and knows he hath much a better title to his power, than he could have by pretending to be the Representative of the People; so his Christian Sovereign will as much reject the being Representative of the Church, knowing that he hath a better title by being Sovereign, to govern his Clery, and all Ecclesiastical persons in his own Dominions, and for suppressing all seditious and erroneous Doctrines, which may disturb the Peace, or discredit the Integrity of the Church, than such a Representation would give him. And they are little beholding to him for deriving their Supremacy Ecclesiastical from the Heathen Princes, since few Heathen Sovereigns ever pretended to have the supreme, or indeed any power or authority in what concerned the service and worship of their God, the direction and government whereof appertained to Magistrates, and Ministers assigned for that Sacred Province: as the Great Turk himself (as hath been said before) doth not give Laws, but receives advice, and the interpretation of the Mufty, in whatsoever Mahomet hath enjoined to be done.  
But let the title be what it will, he will be sure that his Sovereign shall have a power as unlimited in all Ecclesiastical affairs, as in Civil; and not only to give what Religion he thinks fit, and to allow what Book he pleases for Scripture to his Subjects, but that he may himself if he pleases, perform all the Functions himself in Religion (pag. 287.) as to baptise, administer the Sacrament of the Lords Supper, consecreate Temples and Pastors to God's service. And he says, the reason is evident why they do it not; which is no other, but that they have somewhat else to do. However he is sure they may be literal Pastors of their own Subjects in their own persons, and have authority to Preach, to Baptise, to administer the Sacrament of the Lords Supper, and to consecrate both Temples and Persons to God's service: which he doth not grant, out of the high qualifications which he believes to be inherent in the power and person of a King, but from the low esteem he hath of those Offices and Mysteries of Religion. For foreseeing the objection that those administrations (by the testimony of all Antiquity) require the imposition of such men's hands, as by the like imposition successively from the time of the Apostles have been ordained to the like Ministry; he removes that difficulty, by offering a prospect of the original and use of the Imposition of Hands, and instructs us from the perpetual custom and usage in all Nations, of Imposition of Hands as well in Civil as in Sacred occasions, as well in inflicting punishment, as in conferring Honours and Dignities; as in the condemnation of him who blasphemes the Lord, all that heard him, shall lay their hands upon his head, and that all the Congregation should stone him. And when jairus his daughter was sick, he did not desire our Saviour to heal her, but to lay his hands upon her, that she might be healed. And they brought little Children up to him, that he might lay his hands upon them, etc. And the reason is, he says, (pag. 298.) as in the case of the Blasphemer, where the witnesses laid their hands upon the guilty persons, rather than a Priest or Levite, or other Minister of justice, because none else were able to design or demonstrate to the eyes of the Congregation, who it was that had blasphemed, and aught to die, so in other things, it is natural to design any individual thing, rather by the hand to assure the eyes, then by words to inform the ear in matters of Gods public service. All which, and many other Texts, of which he never finds want to any purpose, must signify, if they signify any thing, that the Imposition of hands, that venerable circumstance that hath been from the beginning of Christianity, and where ever it is professed, applied to all Ecclesiastical Functions, is to no other purpose but to point out the person, that all the people may know who is the person that is ordained: but the person of every Sovereign Prince, is too notorious and perspicuous to need any such demonstration, and therefore he may Baptise, Preach and Consecrate, and do all other Offices without it. To all which, I shall suspend any farther answer, until he can prevail with one Christian Prince to assume and exercise the power he so frankly confers upon him; or one Christian Subject willing to receive those Honours and Graces from their Royal Hands.  
I have waited upon Mr. Hobbes into Cardinal Bellarmine's Quarters, and I will not interpose and disturb him there in the Controversy he hath with him, which takes up the remainder of his forty second Chapter, more than to say, that he takes upon him to answer that Book of Bellarmine, which of all that ever he writ is most easy to be answered having less of Reason and Learning in it, and having few Assertors, and being generally condemned among the Papists themselves, and particularly by the College of Sorbone, the fairest Representers of the Doctrine of the Church of Rome: and in answering of which, he hath said nothing new, nor so substantially as many others have done, as he must confess, if he reads William Berkeley, the Father of john. He contends with ●ellarmine●or ●or some Texts of Scripture, which, he says, conclude for his Sovereign, upon which the other would establish the supreme authority of the Pope; and which in truth, cannot be applied with any colour to either of them. And he cannot take it ill, that I have, and shall take the same method in answering many of his Arguments, which he himself thought fit to do, before he would enter upon any particular disquisition of those of the Cardinals, by laying open the consequences of his Doctrine, (pag. 314.) that Princes, and States, that have the Civil Sovereignty in their several Commonwealths, may bethink themselves, whether it be convenient for them, and conducing to the good of their Subjects, of whom they are to give an account at the day of judgement, to admit the same: which way of exposing his whole Book, is without doubt the best way of answering it.  
I shall only add, that as it was unreasonably undertaken by Bellarmine, to establish a title that depends upon matter of Fact by arguments from Reason, which proves, that it ought to be so; so Mr. Hobbes, who when History controls him, thinks it a sufficient answer to say, If it was not so, it should be so, as unreasonably follows the same method, and would, by the ill consequences which would flow from such a right, divest the Pope of an authority, which he confidently says was granted to him immediately by our Saviour, and hath been enjoied by his Predecessors from that time to this. Which if true, all the arguments from Reason may fortify, but can never shake a Right so founded upon a clear and plain Grant, from one who had an Original power to grant, and wherewith the possession hath gone ever since. He therefore who will pertinently answer and control these pretences (which Mr. Hobbes can well do, if it would not cross some other of his Doctrines) must do it by positively denying any such grant, which never was, nor ever can be produced in such plain and significant terms, as are necessary to the grant of the most inferior Office in any Church or State. He would make it manifestly appear, that for many hundreds of Years no Bishop of Rome made the least pretence to any such Sovereignty; and when they began to make it, with what a torrent of contradiction it was rejected. He would make it evident, that all that power which that See assumed, was granted to them by Kings and Princes, and restored to them again when they were oppressed by their own Factions and Schisms, and by more powerful Enemies. He would point out the very Article of time, when by the Incursions of the Goths and Vandals into Italy, and the foul arts practised by the Popes, their authority by degrees increased to a great height, by the bounty of Charlemagne, in making them great Temporal Princes; against the inconvenience whereof he thought he had sufficiently provided, when he reserved to himself, and succeeding Emperors, to make all the Popes. He would show them many wonderful accidents, by which the power of the Emperor grew to decay, and the weakness of all neighbour Kings and Princes, by the Rebellions in their several Kingdoms, and their unreasonable bloody Wars amongst themselves; and then the artifices still practised by the Popes to foment those Divisions, and to contribute to their own Greatness & Usurpation; notwithstanding all which, that there hath not been one Century of Years from St. Peter to this time, that there hath not been some notorious opposition and contradiction to that Supremacy, which was argument enough, that it was never looked upon as a Catholic verity. All this he would prove to be true, as likewise, that no Prince of the Roman communion, who at present is most indulgent to it, (as all of them are in such a degree as is most advantageous to their own affairs) look upon it as such, and that a submission to the Pope's authority, except it be commanded or allowed by the King, and the Law, is not taken for a part of Religion in any Kingdom but that of England. This is the method that must be taken towards the enervating those high pretences; and if it were vigorously pursued by one well versed in the Pontifical Histories, in which he needs no other witness then their own Records, I mean Popish Writers, all the World would be convinced, except only such Princes who are very well paid for the communication of part of their Sovereignty to him, that the Pope hath not out of his own Dominions, so much as the power of the Metropolitan Schoolmaster, which Mr. Hobbes seems willing to confer upon him.   

The Survey of Chapter 43.  
HE who hath taken so ill a Survey of Heaven if self, is not like to be a good guide for the way thither (which is the business of his forty third Chapter) and which, into how little room soever he brings all that is necessary to Salvation, would be very difficult to find, if it were not for his old expedient, his Sovereign's commands; since the most prescribed and known way, which hath been thought to lead thither, (is quite damned up by him) the Scriptures. (pag. 323.) That which made the Patriarches, and the Prophets of old to believe, was God himself, who spoke unto them supernaturally, and the person whom the Apostles, and Disciples that conversed with Christ believed was our Saviour himself. But of us, to whom neither God the Father, nor our Saviour ever spoke, he says, it cannot be said that the person whom we believe, is God. So that the Faith of Christians ever since our Saviour's time, hath had no other foundation, than the reputation of their Pastors, and the Old, and New Testament, which their Sovereign Princes have made the rule of their Faith; which Princes are the only persons whom Christians now hear speak from God, and to whom consequently they are beholding for their Salvation. Admit that single contracted Article jesus is Christ, comprehends all that is necessary to Salvation, for he confesses, that he who holdeth that foundation, jesus is the Christ, holdeth expressly all that he seeth rightly deduced from it, and implicitly all that is consequent thereunto, though he have not skill enough to discern the consequence; I demand still, how they shall believe this Article whom their Sovereigns forbid to look upon the New Testament as Scripture, which is all the evidence they can have for it: and yet he says, (pag. 327.) for the belief of this Article, we are to reject the authority of an Angel from Heaven, much more of any mortal man if he teach the contrary; I know well he reconciles this contradiction by believing in the heart, and denying with the tongue, having the example of Naaman. But how shall he believe in his heart if he be deprived of the New Testament? and if he doth come to believe in his heart as he ought to do, what affection and duty can he have for that Sovereign who will not be saved himself, and requires him to renounce his Saviour? He must be content with a mere verbal affection without any influence upon the heart, which is much less duty than he requires towards his Sovereign whom he is so entirely to obey, that he must say all he bids him say, and do all he bids him do: so much more duty he requires for his Earthly then for his Heavenly Sovereign. I wish with all my heart that Mr. Hobbes did remember, or believe his own good rule in the end of this Chapter, which would have preserved him from many presumtions, which administer great trouble and grief to his Readers for his sake, (pag. 331.) It is not the bare words but the scope of the Writer that giveth the true light by which any writing is to be interpreted, and they that insist upon single Texts, without considering the main design, can derive n●thing from them clearly, but rather by casting atoms of Scripture, as dust before men's eyes, make every thing more obscure than it is; an ordinary artifice, he says, of those that seek not the truth but their own advantage. Alas! that it should be an advantage to Mr. Hobbes, to persuade men to believe that Our Saviour hath not given us new Laws, but Counsel to observe those we are subject to; and that in his Sermon upon the Mount, (which is the compendium of Christianity) ●e did not make any new Law to the jews, but only expound the Law of Moses, to which they were subject before. Since all those plain, and lively precepts of charity and humility, and a virtuous and pious life, were more than an exposition of the Law of Moses; sure his declaration, That whosoever looketh on a woman to lust after her, etc. was more than an interpretation of that Commandment, Thou sha●t not commit Adultery. If his determination, That whosoever should put away his Wife, saving for the cause of Adultery, etc. be not a new Law, it cannot be a Commentary upon that of Moses, Let him give her a writing of Divorcement. Was the utter suppression of circumcision, was the total abolishing of all their Sacrifices, making no new Law to the Jews, but only expounding the Law of Moses? And yet he came not to destroy the Law, or the Prophets, but to fulfil: and when he had fulfilled what was there foretold of him, the Law became felo-de-se, and ceased to be useful any longer. When our Saviour bid the Pharisees learn what that Text in the Prophet Hosea meaneth, I will have mercy, and not Sacrifice, did he intent they should repair to the Law of Moses for instruction, because they were subject to it? I do with some passion desire Mr. Hobbes to consider sadly (for there will at some time or other, before he struggles out of this world, be sadness to him in the consideration) whether it be probable, or possible, that our Saviour should give such a charge to his Apostles, that when in any House or City, they who were in it refused to receive them, or hear their words, that they should shake off the dust of their feet, with so terrible a Declaration by our Saviour himself, Verily I say unto you, it shall be more tolerable for the Land of Sodom and Gomorrah in the day of judgement, then for that City, Mat. 10. 15. I say, can any man imagine, that Christ should there have made so fierce a denunciation, if he had intended the Precepts which himself, and his Apostles gave, should be looked upon only as good Counsel, which men might as innocently disbelieve as believe; and that they which should believe, might securely suspend yielding any obedience to what he directed, till his second coming to Judgement? Indeed the day of Judgement would be so far from being a day of terror, that it would be as festival a day, as Mr. Hobbes himself can wish it, if none be to be punished there for not observing the advice, or not obeying the precepts which our Saviour, and his Apostles gave to them. But of this I have said enough before, which I think I need not to repete or enlarge upon, and am willing to get out, and wish Mr. Hobbes will likewise, from this maze and labyrinth of confusion, and be advised by himself, to give over the casting atoms of Scripture as dust before men's eyes, to make every thing more obscure than it is.  
I cannot omit the observation of the three several definitions which he makes of Heresy in three several places, as they were suitable to his occasions; which himself declares to proceed from ignorance, when (pag. 50.) men give different names to one and the same thing, from the difference of their own passions. In his eleventh Chapter, whilst he affected to be plain and perspicuous in his expressions, and explanation of words, he says, Heresy signifies no more than private opinion, but has only a tincture of greater choler; but in his forty Second Chapter of the power Ecclesiastical, in which it concerned him to be wary what punishment he permitted to be inflicted on it, he declares, that (pag. 277.) an Heretic is he, that being a member of the Church, teacheth nevertheless some private opinion which the Church hath forbidden. Which knowing to be his own case, he was very well contented to resort to St. Paul, and to grant him authority in this case to make rules as well as to give advice, and finds his direction to Titus to be such as pleases him, A man that is an Heretic after the first and second admonition reject, Tit. 3. 10. but to reject in this place he says is not to excommunicate the man, but to give over admonishing him, to let him alone, to set by disputing with him as one that is to be convinced only by himself; and then he doubts not to shift for himself. But now when he hath better thought of it in his contest with Bellarmine, he hath reason to be sorry that he hath left so much authority in the Church, as to reject in his own sense, lest the Cardinal procures that power for the Pope, whom he hath allowed to be the Master Schoolmaster, and then he may find another signification of reject, then letting him alone. And therefore he now pronounces (pag. 317.) that Heresy is nothing else but a private opinion obstinately maintained, contrary to the opinion which the public person (that is to say the Representant of the Commonwealth) hath commanded to be taught: by which he says, it is manifest (he hath made it manifest by his definition) that an opinion publicly appointed to be taught cannot be heresy, nor the Sovereign Princes that autorize them, Heretics. And yet he may remember, that the doctrine of Arius, after it was condemned by the Gatholic Church, was not thought to be the less Heresy for the countenance it received from two or three Emperors, or for being allowed in the dominions of several Princes, and though the Pope himself (Liberius) to redeem himself from Banishment, which was inflicted upon him, for refusing to condemn Athanasius, became likewise an Arian: so that Mr. Hobbes was not the first inventor of that expedient, by believing in the heart and denying with the mouth. But still he is in an ill case: for his own Sovereign hath already condemned him in the declaratory Law, that whosoever contradicts any thing that is determined by, or in the four first General Councils, is an Heretic, and to be proceeded against, and censured as such: which form will not be satisfied by rejecting him, and leaving him to himself. So that there is but one way to save him harmless, which is his not being obstinate; and that, whosoever knows him, or believes him, will undertake he shall never make use of.    

The Fourth Part.  

The Survey of Chapter 44.  
WE are now to enter upon his fourth part of the Kingdom of darkness, whereof the first Chapter, which is the forty fourth in number, will take us little time: the greatest part being against the doctrine, or the practice of the Church of Rome, I shall not enlarge, but leave them to agree as they can. In the other part he doth but repete what he hath formerly, and in other places said of Eternal Life, and Everlasting Death (being a professed adversary to Eternity) and of the Immortality of the Soul (which by no means he allows;) to all which somewhat hath likewise been said before. And I shall add no more, than what himself says of some Popes, applying some places of Scripture to prove their authority over Kings and Princes, that it was not arguing from Scripture, but a wanton insulting over Princes: so in truth, he doth not so much argue from, as insult upon the Scripture, by perverting, and applying it to unnatural significations, which never occurred to any man but himself, and will be best answered by that authority, which ought to control such presumptuous undertakers. For why should any particular man enter into dispute with him, on the behalf of the Immortality of the Soul, of the Eternity of the joys of Heaven, and the Everlastingness of the pains of Hell, as if they were points in Controversy, when no Christian Church in the world, makes, or admits the least doubt to be made of either. Nor can any man imagine, why he leads us into this his Kingdom of Darkness, but that he may resume again all those arguments which lie scattered through the several Chapters of his Book, and which can never prevail, whilst there is any light to direct the understanding by. He renews his particular dream of (pag. 335.) God's peculiar Kingdom over the jews only, which ceased, and was determined by, and in the election of Saul, which he says, he hath proved at large in the thirty fifth chapter, as he believes he had done every thing that he hath once affirmed, (how weakly or erroneously soever) and from the not understanding this, or not comprehending, that from that time of Saul, God hath been without a Kingdom, and we are not under any other Kings by pact, but our civil Soveraigns● men, he says, are fallen in the error, that the present Church is Christ's Kingdom. But what argumentation can a man hold with him, who from the not understanding, or believing that dissolution of God's Kingdom in the election of Saul (which no body ever heard of but from him) deduces the Pope's challenging to be vicar general of Christ in the present Church, the introduction of Purgatory, and Transubstantiation, and all other errors in the Church of Rome, which he takes great pains to confute, and would persuade us to believe, that the imagination of the Immortality of the Soul is the only ground and foundation of the general error of Eternal Life, and Everlasting Death; which makes him so solemnly endeavour to prove the nullity of either by so many Texts of Scripture: which can never be difficult for him to do in this, and any other particular that occurs to him to prove, whilst he may take upon him to pervert the current sense and interpretation of some Texts in Scripture to his own purpose, and to wrest and torture words to comply with his extravagant Wi● and Logic: and when he cannot decline the taking notice of other Texts, which manifestly control his unnatural glosses, he may acquiesce in a confession, that they are very hardly to be reconciled with the doctrine received: (pag. 347.) nor, he says, is it any shame to confess the profoundness of the Scripture to be too great to be sounded by the shortness of human understanding: which being prudently, and modestly considered in the beginning of this Chapter, or rather in the beginning of his Book, might have saved the labour, and the reproach of most of the Texts of Scripture, which he hath unwarily or absurdly quoted from the beginning, and which presumption and method he continues to the end of his Book. And as I have formerly said, if a diligent peruser of the whole doth mark what himself says in one place, that will fully answer what he affirms in another, his Book would need no other refutation. As to that part of his most material argument against the Everlastingness of Hell fire in this Chapter, that (pag. 345.) it seems very hard to say, that God who is the Father of mercies, that doth in Heaven and Earth all that he will, that hath the hearts of all men in his disposal, that worketh in men both to do and to will, and without whose free gift, a man hath neither an inclination to good, nor repentance of evil, should punishments transgressions without any end of time, and with all the extremity of torture, that men can imagine, or more. All which will not require, nor can receive a fuller answer than he himself prescribes, when he will establish the utmost extent of arbitrary power in his instituted Sovereign. He says, (pag. 153.) it is reason, that he which does injury without other limitation then that of his own will, should suffer punishment, without other limitation then that of his will whose Law is thereby violated. And so I shall keep him no longer company in his Kingdom of Darkness.   

The Survey of Chapter 45.  
I Should not presume to except against so many of Mr. Hobbes his definitions, but that pretending to so much plainness and perspicuity, and having declared the necessary use of definition to be for the settling the signification of words, without which he says, (pag. 15.) a man that seeks precise truth will find himself entangled in words as a bird in lime twiggs, the more he struggles the more belimed; and observing that rule for the most part throughout the first parts of his Book, except where he found it necessary for his own purpose, sometimes to perplex and belime his Readers: yet in the two last parts, supposing that he hath enough captivated them to believe any thing he says, he takes more care to fit his definitions for the support of his assertions, then that his assertions may naturally result from the integrity of the definitions. Especially since he hath gotten into his Kingdom of Darkness, he takes less care to illustrate the instances and similes he thinks fit to use; and so good Philosophers may comprehend what he means, he is content to leave his less knowing Readers involved and puzzled amongst hard words, with which they have not used to keep company. As he begins this Chapter, with the definition of Sight, which will not make any man see the farther or the better, (pag. 352.) That sight is an imagination made by the impression on the Organs of sight by lucid bodies, either in one direct line, or in many lines reflected from Opaque, or refracted in the passage through Diaphanous ●o●ies, which produceth in living creatures, in whom God hath placed such Organs, an imagination of the object from whence the impression proceedeth. It may be doubted that many of his friends, who have given too much credit to all he says, may have found themselves in this definition entangled in words as a bird in Lime twiggs. And if it were necessary in this place to tell them what Sight is, they would have understood him better, if he had said, that sight is a faculty that God hath given to living creatures who keep their eyes open. However whether it be clear or no it serves his turn, by his skill in Optics, and the unskilfulness he concludes most other men have in that science, to examine that part of the Religion of the Gentiles, which was called Demonology. And by the credit that kind of learning had got among the Jews, he finds a way to control the literal sense of the Scripture in the most important places, and to undermine the miracles which were wrought by our Saviour himself. Rather than he will have his Geography and Geometry contradicted, and because there (pag. 354) is not any Mountain high enough, he says, to show him one whole Hemisphere, he will have the Devil's carrying our Saviour unto a high Mountain, and all that relates thereunto, to be nothing else but a vision, or dream, than which no Jew could more undervalue it, or Christ be more dishonoured, then to have his conflict with the enemy of mankind, to be looked on only, and considered as a dream.  
And that his Philosophy may be preserved unhurt, which assures him, that no corporeal Spirit may be in a body of Flesh and Bone, full already of vital and animal Spirits, he will not believe that our Saviour ever cast the Devil out of any man, only (pag. 354.) that he cured those persons of madness or Lunacy, which cures have been wrought by many other Persons, and so would be unworthy to be reckoned amongst the Miracles of Christ. Nor will he admit that Satan otherwise entered into judas, then that he had a traitorous intention of selling his Master. I wonder he doth not impute his hanging himself afterwards, or hanging in the air, to nothing but a fit of Melancholy.  
Under pretence of informing, and reforming the Church of Rome in their worshipping of Images, which he says (and it may be reasonably) is a relic of Gentilism, and rather left then brought into the Church, he could not avoid persecuting it to Idolatry, which he doth not think well enough defined, nor well enough defended by Christian Divines. And remembering how he preserved himself from renouncing our Saviour, when he denied that he believed in him (by believing in him in his heart at the same time that he denied him,) upon his Sovereign's command; he will not deprive his Sovereign of that prerogative, nor be without the benefit of his own fear in the liberty to commit Idolatry. And therefore that he may not be thought to do any thing out of ignorance (of wickedness he is not so tender) he declares frankly, that (pag. 360.) to pray to the King for fair weather, or for any thing which God only can do for us, is divine worship, and Idolatry; on the other side, if the King compel a man to it by the terror of death, or other great corporal punishment, it is not Idolatry; for the worship which the Sovereign commandeth to be done unto himself by the terror of his Law, is not a sign that he that obeyeth him, doth inwardly honour him as a God, but that he is desirous to save himself from death, or from a miserable life; and that which is not a sign of internal honour, is no worship, and therefore no Idolatry. The sum is, that there is no wickedness (for there can be no greater wickedness than Idolatry) which a man may not commit to save his life, or to avoid pain: which is a Thesis in Mr. Hobbes' Religion, suitable to the rest of his policy and piety, and might properly have been controlled by his own love of Justice, of which he would be thought to be an Idolater, for he says (pag. 74) that which gives to human action the relish of justice, is a certain nobleness and gallantness of courage rarely found, by which a man scorns to be beholding for the contentment of his life, to fraud or breach of promise. And sure he hath as great obligations to preserve him from Idolatry; and therefore I wish, that to the great bulk of scorn of which he is possessed, he had that scorn likewise added, to be beholding to such an expedient for the preservation of his life.  
That this Doctrine of Mr. Hobbes is very pernicious, and destructive to the very essence of Religion, cannot be doubted by Pious and Religious men. But what kind of arguments to apply towards the information or conversion of him, is very difficult to find. That which is got by reasoning from the authority of Books, will work nothing upon him, (pag. 367.) because it is not knowledge, but faith. So that the example of Socrates, who scorned to redeem his life by the least trespass against truth or ingenuity; or the Precepts and Judgements of Seneca, will be of no force with him, though both great, and confessed Philosophers. What would Seneca have thought or said of any corrupt way for the prolongation of life, if he had known any thing of the obligations of Christianity, when only upon the strength of natural reason, he could so much undervalue it. Non est vita tanti ut sudem, ut aestu●m. O quam contemta res est homo, nisi supra humana se erexerit? What shall we say, when a Heathen Philosopher valued life only as it was a way to somewhat more precious, though he could not comprehend it; and when a Christian Philosopher, who pretends to have a full prospect of all that is most precious, will redeem his life at the price of disclaiming, to have any share in it? when Philosophy dissuaded men from an over affectation of death, that there might not be ad m●riendum inconsulta animi inclinatio, but that they should patiently attend Nature's pleasure, and Christianity shall be persuaded, that it may prolong life, by the basest submissions, and by the most unworthy and unrighteous condescensions? Mr. Hobbes is of the Venetian Curate's mind, of whom Cardinal I●yeuse makes mention in his Letters. When Paul the Fifth had issued out his Interdict against the Republic, whereby any Priest who should say Mass, or perform any other part of his Function, stood excommunicated; and the Republic had published an Edict, that the Magistrates upon any Priest's refusal to say Mass, or to do any thing else that his duty obliged him to do, should cause every such Priest to be hanged: a Magistrate demanded of his Neighbour Curate, whether he would say Mass; and he making some pause, the Magistrate told him, that if he refused, he must presently hang him. The Curate replied with more resolution, that he had rather be excommunicated thirty years, then hanged a quarter of an hour, and that Princes did at last make an end of all quarrels by Treaties of Peace, and then their Subjects on both sides had the benefit of the Articles, only he had heard that they who were hanged had never the benefit of any Articles, therefore for his part he would say Mass. Yet it is probable, the authority of the Republic would not have been so absolute, if their injunction had been to have committed Idolatry. Mr. Hobbes is not of Seneca's mind, who consulted nature as much as he, Citius mori an tardius ad rem non pertinet, bene mori an male ad rem pe●tinet; bene autem mori est effugere male vivendi per●culum. But he is too much a Philosopher to be swayed by the dictates of other Philosophers. Let us therefore resort to the Scriptures, and put him in mind of the example of those three in Daniel, who chose to be thrown into the hot fiery furnace, rather than to fall down before the Image which Nabuchadnezzar had set up; or of Daniel himself, who would not only not pray to the King, but would not defer praying to God only for thirty days, nor would be contented to pray to him in his heart, or in a private corner, which he might securely have done, but would be found upon his knees, when he knew the penalty was to be thrown into the Lion's den, as he was. And Mr. Hobbes will tell you that though they did well, they might have done otherwise. Yet methinks he should not so easily evade all the denunciations made by the Prophets, of God's judgements against Israel and judah for their Idolatry, when they were only guilty of it, under the power, and by the command of their Idolatrous Kings. And yet that was no excuse for them: the judgements were pronounced against the People, and they underwent the punishment. But he will say it was, because they had forsaken God in their hearts, and were as great Idolaters as their Kings. Yet still the fault was his, who took not care that they should be instructed in the true knowledge of God. But no objection out of the Scripture can weigh with him. Let us therefore resort to himself, and to his own reason, to convert or confute him. And he seems not so fully satisfied in this latitude which he hath given himself, as in other his bold assertions, but is more perplexed than he uses to be: To (pag. 360.) worship God, not as inanimating or present in the place or image, but to the end to be put in mind of him, or of some works of his, if that place, or image be dedicated, or set up by private authority, he says it is Idolatry, but if by the Sovereign's authority, it is not. As if the authority of setting it up, could make that which in itself is Idolatry, to cease to be Idolatry. He doth acknowledge (pag. 361.) that a scandalous worship of Images, though it is but a seeming worship, and may sometimes be joined with an inward and hearty detestation of the image, and proceed only from the fear of death, or other grievous punishment, though it be no Idolatry, is nevertheless a sin; and if it be a sin, no man ought to commit it for the safety of his life, by all the precepts which Christ and his Apostles have left to guide us towards the next world. But that confession keeps him not long in pain, for it is a sin he says (pag. 362.) only in men whose actions are looked at by others, as lights to guide them by, whereas the example of those we regard not, works not upon us at all. If a Pastor lawfully called to teach and direct others, or any other of whose knowledge there is a great opinion, do external honour to an Idol for fear, unless he make his fear and unwillingness to do it, as evident as his worship, he scandalizeth his brother by seeming to approve Idolatry; for his brother arguing from the action of his teacher, or of him whose knowledge he esteemeth great, concludes it to be lawful in itself. And this scandal, he says, is a sin, and a scandal given. Yet in the page before he says as positively, that (pag. 360.) it cannot be said that he that does it, scandalizeth, or layeth any stumbling block before his brother; because how wise or learned soever he be that worshippeth in that manner, another man cannot from thence argue that he approveth it, but that he doth it for fear, and that it is not his act, but the act of his Sovereign. So hard a thing is it after such an excess to make any approach to truth, without involving a man's self in contradictions.  
He is very positive, that (pag. 362.) in a Pastor who hath undertaken to preach Christ to all Nations, by giving such a worship to an Image, it were not only a sinful scandal, but a perfidious forsaking his charge. And truly, this obligation upon the Pastor to suffer in such a case, is I think the only privilege he grants him above other men: for we shall find hereafter, that he thinks himself qualified to preach as well as he. And that he may not be thought too indifferent in the matter itself, he doth confess, that (pag. 362.) for an unlearned man, that is in the power of an Idolatrous King, or State, if commanded upon pain of death to worship before an Idol, he detesteth the Idol in his heart, he doth well, though if he had the fortitude to suffer death rather than worship it, he should do better. And it is observable, that though he makes such a kind of worshipper the more or the less scandalous by his example, he doth not presume (though he would be understood to do so) to absolve him from sin. For though the notoriety and example, may be an aggravation of the sin, yet it cannot make that a sin, that was in itself no sin; nor can the secrecy of committing it, make that which in itself is sin, become no sin. And therefore whether it amount to Idolatry or no, no terror of death ought to prevail over any Christian to commit that sin. Whether his Pedigree of Idolatry be well derived from the Gentiles, is not worth the inquiry, since he takes so little care for the shutting it out of the Christian Church. For the Canonising of Saints, and the Pope's assuming the title of Pontifex Maximus, (the remembrance of which office in the Roman State, might have put him in mind to have retracted what he said before, of the admitting the exercise of all Religions in that Republic) and the abridging his Universal Jurisdiction, though he gives him more than ever Constantine is suggested to have granted to him, and for the Procession of Images, and the original of Wax-candles, and Torches lighted, and the information he gives us of Holywater, and some Processions, I shall refer him to some of his friends of the Roman Church, who in truth are in too great an arrear to him; for which they make no excuse that I have heard, but that they never think themselves concerned to write against a Mahometan.   

The Survey of Chapter 46.  
UPon his Forty sixth Chapter I shall not enlarge, but heartily wish that he himself had enlarged more upon it, as an argument which he understands more than most that he hath handled: & yet I think he knows more of the Learning, then of the places where it is professed, otherwise he could not so much mistake the Universities, as to believe, that Philosophy hath no other place here, then as a Handmaid to the Roman Religion. And whatever opinion he had when he wrote his Leviathan, I presume he finds by this time, that his beloved and justly esteemed Geometry, is studied and taught there by men who have convinced him of many Errors, and of not being enough conversant in that Science; insomuch as the Learned and Reverend Dr. Ward, the present Lord Bishop of Salisbury, and Dr. Wallis, the Worthy Professor of Geometry in Oxford, have both produced a Person to him, whom he thought in the beginning of his Leviathan impossible to find, (pag. 21.) who is so stupid, as both to mistake in Geometry, and also to persist in it, when another detects his error to him. And for the Universities in general being the Handmaids to the Roman Religion, over and above what hath been truly said of our own Famous Universities, that they have been in all times eminent Opposers of the Papal Power, and are at present the greatest Bulwarks Christendom hath against that Tyranny, and the propagation of the Roman Doctrine; I may justly say, that the other famous Universities of Europe, though in Popish Countries, as the Sorbone, Louvain, and even Salamanca itself, have been so far from advancing the most pernicious point of Popery, (I call it most pernicious, because it is most destructive to the peace of Christendom) the most Supreme and Universal Jurisdiction of the Pope, (which if rejected as it ought to be, there would quickly be as much unity of opinion amongst Christians, as Christianity itself requires) that they all contradicted it as long as their Civil Sovereign would permit. And as the Sorbone still continues its vigour, as enjoying a freer air; so the other two have not deserved, by any demonstration they have made, to be suspected to have degenerated from the spirit that possessed them in the Council of Trent, when the Pope was more afraid of their Bishops, then of the Cardinal of Lorraine himself, or of the two Crowns of France and Spain. And truly, it might be wished, that in this Chapter, he had either forborn to have asked that question, (pag. 373.) to what purpose such subtlety was in a discourse of that nature, where he pretends to nothing but what is necessary to the doctrine of Government and obedience; or that he had given a clearer and more satisfactory answer, then by saying, that it is to that purpose, that men may no longer suffer themselves to be abused by them, that by the doctrine of separated Essences, built on the vain Philosophy of Aristotle, would fright them from obeying the Laws of their Countries, as men fright Birds from the corn with an emty doublet, a hat, and a crooked stick. It is not possible that Mr. Hobbes can believe that many of those who are most guilty of disobeying the Laws, or have openly and rebelliously opposed the Sovereign power in his own Country, or in Foreign Kingdoms, have ever been led into it by the doctrine of separated Essences, which very terms few of them have ever heard of. And if the Immortality of the Soul, which he thinks so great an absurdity, hath some dependence upon the opinion of separated Essences, it will still as little concern that Classis of Men, against whom he intends to inveigh, who rather believe they have no Souls at all, then that they are immortal, (the belief of which, would make them more consider what is like to become of them by their wicked and rebellious lives) to which they are most like to be induced by Mr. Hobbes' Doctrine, that the Soul and Body die together, which would secure them from a world of troublesome apprehensions. He knew too well the Lord Say, Mr. Pim, and Mr. Hambden, who first promoted the Rebellion, and the Earl of Essex who conducted it, to suspect that they were corrupted to it by the Doctrine of separated Essences. And if Cromwell, and Vane, and Ireton, who carried it much farther than the others intended to do, and made it incapable of reconciliation, grew better informed of the mischiefs of that Doctrine, it was after the publication of the Leviathan; and yet they continued more of the opinion then most other men, in the literal sense, that Faith, and Wisdom, and other Virtues, were sometimes poured into them, and sometimes blown into them from Heaven, and yet were not more Rebels from that opinion than they were before: with which words Mr. Hobbes renews his mirth, more than he hath cause for, except it be for their sakes.  
If he were constant to his own assertions, and did not think himself obliged to defend every new Definition he thinks fit to give (as in the beginning of this Chapter, he makes a very new Definition of Philosophy, never heard of before, nor applicable to any Philosophy but his own) a man might wonder that he should so categorically pronounce, that, (pag. 367.) that Original Knowledge, called Experience, in which consisteth Prudence, is no part of Philosophy, because it is not attained by reasoning, but found as well in brute beasts as in man, and is but a memory of successions of events in times past, wherein the omission of every little circumstance, altering the effect, frustrateth the expectation of the most prudent, whereas nothing is produced by reasoning aright, but general, eternal, and immutable truth. How is this consistent with the Definition he formerly gave (pag. 79) that Moral Philosophy is nothing else, but the science of what is good and evil, in the conversation and society of mankind? for now he excludes all this from being any part of Philosophy. Which may make some men apt to believe, that he doth not reason aright in words he understands; for he says (pag. 367.) that he who reasoneth aright in words he understandeth, can never conclude an error. So that if we have discovered any error throughout his Book (and we are monstrously in the fault, if we have not in such abundant choice) we may without presumption conclude by his own rule, that either he hath not reasoned aright, or that he hath done it in words that he doth not understand. And he would have done well to have informed us, what those brute Beasts are in whom that original knowledge, called Experience, in which consisteth Prudence, is found, as well as in man. I shall not labour to reconcile him to the Schoolmen, with whose Learning I am not much in love, nor do believe that they have made any necessary or useful knowledge much more clear, or easy by their Definitions or Distinctions; and do often wish, that very many of them had been bred Artificers, and Handy-craft-men, in which they would have done the world much more good, and Learning much less hurt. And as Canon and Gunpowder were first the Invention of a Monk, or a Friar, so I believe some of the Schoolmen would have been excellent Lock-smiths, or Ship-carpenters, and would have enriched the World with many useful Discoveries and Inventions. And more I shall not say to their Language, or to the errors of Tradition, or the other enormities of the Roman Church, which he takes always in his way, let the subject of his Discourse be what it will; and I wish they would be provoked by him to consider and amend their faults.  
Nor will I take any pains to dissuade Mr. Hobbes from taking upon him to preach, but shall only put him in mind that if he doth, he thereby becomes a Pastor, by which he will deprive himself of the liberty, by his own Doctrine, to deny our Saviour, or to worship an Image, upon what authority or command soever. And if he finds himself among the Idolaters of America, he will I doubt, as good a Christian as he is, forbear to preach Jesus Christ, when he remembers that he is without a Commission, and what judgement he hath pronounced against the poor Indian that shall come into England to change the Religion that is here establishde. But above all, whatever latitude his Civil Sovereign, at that time when his Levia●han was published, permitted for the performing those Functions, God be thanked, his present Civil Sovereign will not give him that liberty, until he receives orders from the Bishops; and it is probable they will not be forward to point him out by their hands, that he may be known to be qualified for that Office and Employment.   

The Survey of Chapter 47.  
IF Mr. Hobbes hath in this his last Chapter discovered the true causes of that darkness, which hath hitherto hindered this new devouring light of his from breaking in upon us, we have more obligations to the Papists and Presbyterians, than I knew we had: however, I shall not gratify him, by undertaking to vindicate either of them from the reproaches he charges them with; nor will I take upon me to reply to his sly and bitter Insinuations against the Clergy in all kinds, Protestants as well as Papists, in a thread that runs through his Book from one end to the other. They are of age, let them speak for themselves. Only I cannot but observe, and I should be unexcusable if I should not, that after all his bitter and uncharitable Invectives against the Bishops and Clergy of the Church of England, and of which he would still be thought a member, he hath not in this his last Chapter of Cui bono, been able to fasten the least reproach upon them, of being swayed by any other motives than the most abstracted considerations of Conscience, Duty, Gratitude, and Generosity, constantly and steadfastly to adhere to the King: since they had in their view, before the Civil War was begun, all the prejudice to their persons, and all the destruction to their Interest that fell out afterwards; and had their election, whether they would, besides keeping what they were possessed of, receive greater additions and graces from those who opposed the King, or by continuing faithful to Him, be dispossessed of all they had, be cast into Prisons (and new Prisons made for them in old Ships and Barks upon the Water) and with such circumstances of inhumanity, that put a short end to the lives of many thousands of them, their Wives and Children. And they chose the latter, and to be exposed to all the misery and contemt imaginable, rather than to dissemble or conceal that Fidelity and Allegiance they owed to their King, in the highest of his Afflictions and Persecution: and from the moment of his execrable Murder, continued the same Affection and Loialty to his Son, their present Sovereign, when the triumphant and victorious Faction made it penal to acknowledge Him, or to give Him the Title of King. And therefore it was below the education of Mr. Hobbes, and a very ungenerous and vile thing, to publish his Leviathan with so much malice and acrimony against the Church of England, when it was scarce struggling in its own ruins; and against all the Bishops and Clergy of the same, when many of them were weltering in their own blood upon Scaffolds, and the rest reduced to all the miseries human nature can be exposed to, without any suggestion of a Crime, but of Fidelity to the King. When the Reverend Bishops who were left alive, and out of Prison, being stripped of all that was their own, preserved themselves from Famine, by stooping to the lowest Offices of teaching School, and officiating in private Families for their Bread; which, together with the alms of those charitable persons who were themselves undone, was all the portion that the poor Bishops, and all the faithful Clergy of the Church of England, had to preserve themselves in the low condition to which they were reduced. And it is but justice to the memory of those Persons, and for the everlasting glory of that Church, to say, that the whole Orthodox Clergy were joint sufferers with, and for the Crown; and that very few can be named, who were ever reputed or looked upon as Sons of the Church of England, that adhered to, or concurred with the Rebels. Some few impious Apostates in the beginning of the Rebellion became perjured, to satisfy their ambition by the countenance of the great Incendiaries, who paid them well for their labour. Afterwards, they made and ordained their own Clergy, and then undertook and performed the Function themselves, their own Creatures finding them too wicked to be complied with, whilst the true Clergy sometimes lost their lives upon Scaffolds, sometimes on Gibbets for the greater disgrace, to give testimony of their fast and unshaken Loialty to the King; and others died in Prisons, or lurked in obscure, but safe and charitable corners.  
These were the men who propagated Loialty and Allegiance with the utmost hazard of their lives, when it was near extirpation; countermined the stratagems which were every day set on foot, to corrupt the affections of those who had paid dear for being good Subjects, and to make them weary of being so great losers for conscience sake; when Mr. Hobbes his Leviathan absolved all men from their Allegiance, and industriously persuaded all sorts of men, that Cromwell was their true and lawful Sovereign, and that it was folly and guilt, and inevitable deserved ruin, not to adhere to him, and assist him against any opposition soever. These are the men who as diligently administered Antidotes against his Poison, prevented the operation of it in many, and the application of it to more; watched the tares which he, and others of his party scattered abroad, and pulled them up before they got strength to grow to do the mischief he intended; and, though they were all banished the Universities, and durst not be seen there, that his vile Principles, or as bad, might take root and flourish there; yet found means to preserve and purify those Nurseries, and keep those Fountains clean, and so to cultivate Learning and good Manners there; that whilst the chief Governors were placed there as oliver's Sentinels, to keep the Protestant Religion from entering into his Disciples, to instruct those who were under his charge to be good Subjects to him, that seed brought up very little fruit; but the Elements of Duty and Allegiance to their absent, banished, lawful Sovereign, were sucked in greedily by them, and flourished accordingly. In a word, these were the men, who were looked upon with esteem and reverence by all the Nobility and Gentry of the Kingdom, who retained their affection and duty towards the King entirely in their hearts, and thereby the opportunity to perform many notable Services to the King, and to give him useful Advertisements; and having unquestioned credit in a treacherous and perfidious season, when Children betrayed their Fathers, Servants their Masters, and Friends one another, were trusted by all men; and so having no farther care for themselves, then to live very meanly, they became Treasurers and Almoners for all indigent Gentlemen who had served the King, or desired so to do; and relieved very many of that kind, that they might be ready upon a good opportunity to serve his Majesty, and not be forced to go to him, who had not wherewith to relieve them. They discharged the expense of many expresses, which were frequently sent to the King, and from him, which amounted to a great charge; and contributed much to the maintenance of those of the Clergy who faithfully attended his Majesty's Person, and often transmitted such sums of money to his Majesty himself, as were very seasonable supplies to him in great distresses. I can have no end, and have no temptation to say all this, but hold myself obliged to Justice and truth to give this testimony, since all the particulars are well known to me, having at that time the honour to be in some trust with his Majesty, and thereby the full knowledge of what then passed, of which there are not now many other witnesses amongst the living. And therefore I could not omit this proper season in the close of Mr. H●bbes his Book, throughout which he hath made so violent a War upon them without any colour of reason, to say, that he owes them many acknowledgements, but more to God alm●ghty for the scandal he hath brought upon Religion, upon the best constituted Church of the World, and upon the most Learned Clergy of any Church, and the most irreconcilable to any thing that is erroneous, or offensive in the Roman Religion, which therefore looks upon them as the only considerable and formidable Enemy they have to encounter.  
I shall not need to take any pains to remove him from the good opinion he had of Independency when he published his Book, because (pag. 385.) it left every man to do what liked him best in Religion, as he says, but in truth because Cromwell was then thought to be of that faction. But I dare say he did with his heart, as well as by his tongue, quit that party the very day that the King was proclaimed, as he is ready to quit all his other Opinions true or false, assoon as the Sovereign power shall please to require him; which makes whatever he says, the less to need answering. And I shall be less solicitous to deprive the Pope of his new Kingdom of Fairies, with the title to which Mr. Hobbes hath gratified him, to allay that fear, and apprehension which he had endeavoured so much before to infuse into the minds of all Princes, of his dangerous greatness and power: if at last prove no more than the King of Fairies hath, it is less terrible than he represented it to be. But since he hath not thought fit to retain that modesty which he professed to have, (pag. 241.) that though he had proved his Doctrine out of places of Scripture not few nor obscure, yet because it will appear to most men a novelty, he did but propound it, maintaining nothing in this, or any other Paradox of Religion, but attending the end of that dispute of the sword, concerning the authority (not yet amongst his Countrymen decided) by which all sorts of Doctrine are to be approved, or rejected, and whose commands both in speech and writing (whatsoever be the opinions of private men) must by all men, who mean to be protected by their Laws be obeyed; notwithstanding which reservation, and after he hath seen that dispute of the Sword concerning the authority amongst his Country men decided, after he hath seen that Prodigy of Mankind, whom he acknowledged to be his Sovereign, instituted and adored by him, exposed upon the Gallows, and his Carcase placed upon the stage that is reserved for the most infamous Traitors and Rebels, and all his actions condemned and detested by the whole Nation (all which were governed and steered exactly by Mr. Hobbes his own Institution, and sufficiently show how insecure they will prove to any man that observes them) and after he hath seen his true and lawful Sovereign, his disavowed and renounced Sovereign, and whose Subjects he had absolved from his obedience, restored and established with the universal and unexpressible joy of his three Kingdoms, and thereby his whole Doctrine with reference to the Ecclesiastical as well as Civil Government, disavowed and condemned, and not exemplarily punished only by his Majesty's gracious observation of the Act of Indemnity, of which few Subjects have more need: it is too malicious an obstinacy and perverseness in him, still to adhere to his odious Paradoxes, both in his Conversation and by private Transcripts, which he labours to get printed, and was never more solicitous to have his most destructive Doctrines to be published and confirmed by authority, (the ill consequence whereof to himself, he despises the learning of the Law too much to understand.) And as he would allow no other right to the Subject in his Liberty or Propriety, but what the Sovereign's silence hath permitted in not taking it from him, as to dwell where he pleases, and educate his Children as he thinks fit, and the like: so he interprets the present silence of the Law, as an approbation of those his monstrous Principles, which it knows not how to contradict, not considering the while that this silence of the Law cannot be broken, but in the loud inflicting those severe punishments upon him, as without the shelter of that Sovereign's mercy whom he so much despised and provoked, would at once in his ruin discredit all his vain Philosophy, and more pernicious Theology; and he would find the Successors of Sr. Edward Cook, with whose great ignorance he makes himself so merry, learned enough to instruct him in the duty, and reverence, that is due from all Subjects to the Law, and Government.  
And for the better manifestation of the premises, having now walked to the end of his fourth part, before we take a view of his Review and Conclusion, we will observe the same method we did at the end of his two first parts, and according to the advice himself gives in his examination of Bellarmine's Doctrine, lay open his conclusions, and Principles in Religion, which lie scattered through those other two parts, that men may take a view of the consequences, and bethink themselves, whether Christianity be advanced, and consequently whether the peace and happiness of mankind be provided for, and secured by such Doctrines.  
1. Those Books of Scripture only are Canonical, and aught to be looked upon as the word of God in every Nation, which are established for such by the Sovereign authority of each Nation. pag. 199.  
2. None can know that the Scriptures are God's word (though all true Christians believe it) but they to whom God himself ●ath revealed it supernaturally. pag. 205.  
3. Men ought to consider, who hath next under God the authority of governing Christian men, and to observe for a rule, that Doctrine which he commandeth to be taught; that is, all Subjects ought to profess that Religion which the Sovereign enjoines, whether he be Christian or Heathen. pag. 232.  
4. By the Kingdom of Heaven, is meant the Kingdom of the King that dwelleth in Heaven, and that the Kingdom of God is to be on Earth. pag. 240, 241.  
5. The immortal life beginneth not in man till the Resurrection and day of judgement, and hath for cause, not his specifical nature and generation, but promise. pag. 241.  
6. God's Enemies, and their torments after judgement, appear by the Scripture to have their places upon Earth. pag. 242. The fire shall be unquenchable, and the torments everlasting after the Resurrection. But it cannot therefore be inferred, that he who shall be cast into that fire, or be tormented with those torments, shall endure and resist them so, as to be eternally burned and tortured, and yet never be destroyed, or die. pag. 245.  
7. There shall be a second death of every one that shall be condemned at the day of judgement, after which he shall die no more. The Scriptures affirm not, that there shall be an eternal life therein of any individual person, but to the contrary, an everlasting Death. pag. 245.  
8. The Salvation we are to look for, is to be upon the Earth. For since God's Throne is in Heaven, and the Earth is his Footstool, it is not for the dignity of so great a King, that his Subjects should have any place so high as his Throne, or higher than his Footstool. pag. 247.  
9 If we be commanded by our lawful Prince to say we do not believe in Christ, we may obey such his command. pag. 271.  
10. None can be Martyrs for Christ, but they that conversed with him on Earth, and saw him after he was risen; for a witness must have seen what he testifieth, or else his testimony is not good. pag. 272.  
11. None can be a Martyr who hath not a warrant to preach Christ come in the Flesh, and none but such who are sent to the conversion of Infidels. pag. 273.  
12. To teach out of the old Testament that jesus was Christ, and risen from the Dead, is not to say, that men are bound after they believe it, to obey those who tell them so against the Laws and commands of their Sovereigns, but they do wisely to expect the coming of Christ hereafter in patience, and faith, with obedience to their present Magistrates, pag. 274.  
13. The authority of Earthly Sovereign's being not to be put down till the day of judgement, it is manifest we do not in Baptism constitute over us another authority, by which our external actions are to be governed in this life. pag. 274.  
14. They who received not the Doctrine of Christ did not sin therein. pag. 286.  
15. Christian Kings have power to Baptise, to Preach, to administer the Lords Supper, and to Consecrate both Temples and Persons to God's service, etc. 297.  
16. No man shall live in torments everlastingly. pag. 345.  
17. To pray voluntarily to the King for fair weather, or for any thing that God only can do for us, is divine worship, and Idolatry; but if a King compel a man to it by the terror of death, or other great corporal punishment, it is not Idolatry. pag. 360.  
17. If one being no Pastor, or of eminent reputation for knowledge in Christian Doctrine, do external honour to an Idol for fear, and an other follow him, this is no scandal given, for he had no cause to follow such example. pag. 362.  
And now I hope he hath made an ample Paraphrase upon Religion, according to the definition he g●ve of it in the first entrance of his Leviathan, when he defines (pag. 26.) Religion, to be f●ar of power invisible, feigned by the mind, or imagined from tales publicly told; and when the seed he sows for Religion to grow from, or to consist in, are opinion of ghosts, ignorance of second causes, devotion towards what men fear, and taking things casual for Prognostics.  
These, amongst others, are the Doctrines of Mr. Hobbes in his two last parts; which, I believe, in the judgement of most Christians, are assoon renounced as pronounced, and which indeed need little other confutation than the reciting them; yet I doubt not, many men will say, how scandalous soever the assertions seem to be, (since he appeals to the Scripture, and citys several Texts out of the same, for the making good the worst of his Opinions) it is pity that his ignorance, or perverseness in those Interpretations had not been made appear, by manifesting that those places of Scripture could not admit that Interpretation, and what the genuine sense thereof is. Which consideration had been more reasonable and necessary, if these Errors had been published, and those Glosses made and owned by any National Church, or any Body of Learned men; but it may be thought too great a presumption for a private man, a stranger to Divinity, to take upon him to put unnatural Interpretations upon several Texts of Scripture, the better to apply them, and make them subservient to his own corrupt purposes and opinions, contrary to the whole current of Scripture, and to the Doctrine thereof, and without the least authority or shadow, that the like Interpretation was ever made before by any other man: I say, such a person cannot reasonably expect, that any body should too seriously examine all his frivolous and light suggestions, and endeavour to vindicate those Texts from such impossible Interpretations. Yet if any man thinks it worth his pains, I am well content that he receive that honour, and will still hope that Mr. Hobbes may be so well instructed in the true sense and end of the Scripture, that he may better discern the eternity of the reward and punishment in the next World. And so we conclude our discourse upon his Book, and examine what he says in his Conclusion.  
The Review and Conclusion, is only an abridgement and contracting the most contagious poison that runs through the Book, into a less vessel or volume, lest they, who will not take the pains to read the Book, or reading it may by inadvertency and incogitancy not be hurt enough by it, may here in less room, and more nakedly, swallow his choicest Doctrine at one morsel: and is in truth, a sly address to Cromwell, that being then out of the Kingdom, and so being neither conquered nor his Subject, he might by his return submit to his Government, and be bound to obey; it which, being uncompelled by any necessity or want, but having as much to sustain him abroad as he had to live upon at home, could not proceed from a sincere heart and uncorrupted. This Review and Conclusion he made short enough, to hope the Cromwell himself might read it; where he should not only receive the pawn of his new Subjects Allegiance, by his declaring his own obligation and obedience, but by publishing such Doctrine, as being diligently infused by such a Master in the mystery of Government, might secure the People of the Kingdom (over whom he had no right to command) to acquiesce and submit to his Brutal Power. And in order to that, he takes upon him very positively to declare (which no man had ever presumed to do before) the precise time when Subjects become obliged to submit to the Conqueror; and says, (pag. 390.) that time is, as to an ordinary Subject, when the means of his life is within the guards and garrisons of the enemy; and for him who hath nearer obligations, he hath liberty to submit to his new Master, when his old one can give him protection no longer. And he is very careful that it may be the more taken notice of, to insert in another Letter his Maxim, (pag. 390.) that every man is bound by nature, as much as in him lies, to protect in War the authority by which he is himself protected in time of Peace. All which he says, appears by consequence from those Laws which he hath mentioned throughout his Book, (pag. 390.) yet that the times require to have it inculcated and remembered; which shall not oblige me to recapitulate what hath been said before upon the Propositions. And he is so fearful that Cromwell was not solicitous enough for his own security, that he tells him in his Review (which he had not before said in his Book (pag. 392.) that Conquerors must require not only a submission of men's actions to them for the future, but also an approbation of all their actions past. Which advice he followed as far as he could, till he found it too unreasonable to impose, even upon those who had concurred with him in most of the mischief that he had done. And lest he should be too scrupulous and modest in using the power he had, and too apt to be amused with reproaches, he says, (pag. 392.) the toleration of a professed hatred of Tyranny, is a toleration of hatred to Commonwealth in general; to the extravagancy of which Assertion, enough hath been said before. These are the choice Flowers he hath bound up together in his Review, lest the odor of them might lose some of its fragrancy in the bigness of the Book. And having with great tenderness provided, that no man should think it lawful to kill him; and insinuated as much, and with as much virulency as he could, a prejudice to the Royal party; he gives his own testimony of his whole Doctrine, and says, (pag. 394.) the Principles of it are true, and proper, and the ratiocination solid; and therefore concludes, that it might be profitably printed, and more profitably taught in the Universities, etc. and other Licence than his own it never had to be printed.  
But Mr. Hobbes knows well, that a man's testimony in his own behalf, is not valid; and if mine could carry any authority with it, I would make no scruple to declare, that I never read any Book that contains in it so much Sedition, Treason, and Impiety as this Leviathan; and therefore that it is very unfit to be read, taught, or sold, as dissolving all the ligaments of Government, and undermining all principles of Religion. I do not with that the Author should be ordered to recant, because he would be too ready to do it upon his declared Salvo: nor do I wish he should undergo any other punishment, then by knowing that his Book is condemned by the Sovereign Authority, to be publicly burned, which by his own judgement will restrain him from publishing his pernicious Doctrine in his Discourses, which have done more mischief than his Book. And I would be very willing to preserve the just testimony which he gives to the memory of Sidny Godolphin, who deserved all the Eulogy that he gives him, and whose untimely loss in the beginning of the War, was too lively an instance of the inequality of the contention, when such inestimable Treasure was ventured against dirty people of no name, and whose irreparable loss was lamented by all men living who pretended to Virtue, how much divided soever in the prosecution of that quarrel. But I find myself tempted to add, that of all men living, there were no two more unlike than Mr. Godo●phin and Mr. Hobbes, in the modesty of nature, or integrity of manners; and therefore it will be too reasonably suspected, that the freshness of the Legacy rather put him in mind of that Noble Gentleman, to mention him in the fag-end of his Book very unproperly, and in a huddle of many unjustifiable and wicked particulars, when he had more seasonable occasion to have remembered him in many parts of his Book. However, I cannot forbear to put him in mind, that I gave him, for an expiation of my own defects, and any trespasses which I may have since committed against him, the Friendship of that great Person; and first informed him of that Legacy, which had not otherwise been paid before the printing his Review. And for my own part, I shall conclude as I begun, with the profession of so much esteem of his parts, and reverence for his very vigorous age, (which in, and for itself is venerable) that in order to his conversion to be a good Subject, and a good Christian, I could be well content, that as he seems to wish in his Commentary upon the Fourth Commandment, (pag. 178.) as the jews had every seventh day, in which the Law was read and expounded; so he thinks it necessary that some such times be determined, wherein the people may assemble together, and (after Prayers and Praises given to God the Sovereign of Sovereigns) hear those their duties told them, which are prescribed in this his Leviathan; and the positive Laws, such as generally concern them all, read and expounded, and be put in mind of the authority that maketh them Laws: so I say, I should not be displeased, if himself were allowed to make choice of his own Sabbaths, to read his Lectures in both Universities, and if he desired it afterwards, in the City, upon those Theses, which for his ease are faithfully collected in this answer out of his Book. And if this exercise doth not cure him, I could wish that the same application and remedy might be tried, by which the Emperor Alexander Severus cured the censoriousness and ambition of Ovinius Camillus, who was as old, and loved his ease as well as Mr. Hobbes; yet being not satisfied with the present conduct of affairs (and from thence became very popular) he had a purpose to make himself Emperor. Of which Severus being informed, and having received and examined the full truth of it, he sent for him, and gave him thanks, as Aelius Spartianus tells us, Quod curam Reipub. quae recusantibus bonis imponeretur, sponte reciperet: and thereupon took him full of fear, and terrified with the Conscience of his own guilt, with him to the Senate, participem Imperii appellavit, in Palatium recepit, & Ornament is Imperialibus, & melioribus quam ipse utebatur, affecit. Afterwards, when there was occasion of an Expedition against the Barbarians, he offered him, vel ipsum si vellet ire, vel ut secum proficisceretur; which he choosing, and Severus himself walking still on foot with his Colleague, who had accompanied him for many days with intolerable fatigue, the Emperor caused a horse to be brought to him, upon which having rode some days, as much tired as before, carpento imposuit. The conclusion was, he was so weary and ready to die under the command, that abdicavit Imperium; and Severus after he had commended him to the Soldiers, tutum ad villas suas ire praecepit, in quibus diu vixit. I should be very glad that Mr. Hobbes might have a place in Parliament, and sit in Counsel, and be present in Courts of Justice, and other Tribunals; whereby it is probable he would find, that his solitary cogitation, how deep soever, and his too peremptory adhering to some Philosophical Notions, and even Rules of Geometry, had misled him in the investigation of Policy, and would rather retire to his quiet quarter in the Peak, without envy of those whom he left in employment, then keep them longer company in so toilsome, uneasy, and ungrateful Transactions. And possibly this might, and I doubt only could, prevail upon him, to make such recollection and acknowledgement of all the falsehood, profaneness, impiety and blasphemy in his Book, as may remove all those rubs and disturbances, which he may justly apprehend, as well in the way to his last Journey, as at the end of it, if he be not terrified with that disinal Pronunciation, If we sin wilfully, after that we have received the knowledge of the truth, there remaineth no more sacrifice for sins, but a certain fearful looking for of judgement, and fiery indignation, which shall devour the adversaries.  
FINIS.