THE UNCERTAINTY Of the ART OF Physic, TOGETHER With an Account of the innumerable Abuses practised by the Professors of that Art. CLEARLY Manifested by a Particular Relation of the Original and Progress thereof. Also divers Contests between the Greeks and Arabians concerning its Authors.  
Written in Italian by the Famous LIONARDO di CAPOA, And made English by J. L. Gent.  
LONDON: Printed by Fr. Clark, for Thomas Malthus at the Sun in the Poultry. 1684.   

TO THE HONOURABLE ROBERT BOIL, Esq  
THE Fame of Your sublime, and more than Humane Wisdom hath begot You many Admirers; and Your rare and incomparable Inventions, makes all men confess, That You are He, who by Your New Discoveries have given Light to, and greatly improved the Ingenious in their Curious Inquiries into the Secrets of Nature.  
This incourages me to Address myself to You, Imploring Your Protection for this weak Essay of Mine, which now adventures to appear in Public; not doubting, but that as You have always been pleased to let me enjoy a constant Influence of Your most esteemed Favour, so You will likewise at present pardon the Boldness, and with Your wont Goodness pass by the Defects, which You may possibly meet with in this Attempt of  
Honourable Sir, Your most Humble, and most Obedient Servant, John Lancaster.   

Don Carlo Buragna TO THE READER.  
NOT many months since, by Order of the Viceroy of Naples was held a Consult of several Physicians, for the putting of some stop to the Abuses and Errors daily committed in the Practice of Physic. They, after some discourse thereabout, judged it most convenient for a thorough-examination of the Reasons already propounded; and yet farther to be propounded, that every one should set down his Opinion in writing. Signior Lionardo di Capoa, who was one of the aforesaid Consult, was obliged therefore to write his Opinion in this Affair; and it seeming to him, that this could not be done to any purpose without a diligent consideration of, and search into the nature of the thing to be treated of, viz. Physic; he acquitted himself of his Obligation with so much Learning, Eloquence and Erudition, that his Manuscript falling into the hands of certain learned Men, and other Friends of his, appeared to them rather composed for the Universality of those that take delight in the sublime Mysteries of Literature, than to be kept up amongst a private and small company, as if the Author in the writing thereof had purposed to himself no other end, but to satisfy the Command imposed upon him. They were therefore of Opinion, that a work of such excellency ought to be published in Print: and for that purpose so laboured with Signior Lionardo, that they at last prevailed with him to give them a Copy thereof, and to condescend, that this at least, of the many and different Tracts which he has lying by him, should be committed to the Press. And herein they regarded not only the pleasure, the Learned and Curious will take in perusing this Treatise, but the Profit also, that may thence result to all sorts of Persons, especially to those that are wary and judicious: Since by seeing therein the variety of Opinions and Sects, with the divers, and oftentimes contrary ways of Curing, practised amongst Physicians, they may, without entering into the more subtle Speculations of the Philosophers, easily perceive, with how great Reason others believe and are persuaded, that a Profession, so doubtful and uncertain in itself, has neither Learning nor Principles, upon which others may lay any firm Foundation; and how perilous a thing it is for men to see themselves in the hands of those, that will have it so, especially when Health and Life lie at stake. Moreover, who does not perceive how advantageous this Treatise may be to such young men, as follow Physic, since by the reading of this alone, they may arrive at a more exact knowledge of its Nature, than by turning over the great Volumes of the most reputed and solemn Masters thereof, and may in an hour understand what way in the Method of Curing is to be taken by him, who, laying aside cozening Tricks & Cheats, intends, as his profession obliges him, to honour himself by the help he brings to such Patients as come under his hands. Nor, shall they, or any else that apply themselves to better Studies, fail to see how many there formerly have been, and at present are, who both in Medicine and other Arts melt their Brains in the pursuit of that, which either is not, or not to be found; and as our Dante has it, 
Trattando l'ombre, come cosa salda.  
Treating of shadows, as substantial things.   
But without my enlarging any farther herein, the Reader may of himself by the perusal of this Treatise sufficiently perceive how useful, and full of exquisite literature it is, and that its being composed without intention of having it published, hinders it not from agreeing with the Fame of its Author, and with the Opinion, that all judicious and understanding men have of him.  
Farewell.   

The Uncertainty of the Art of Physic, clearly manifested by a particular Relation of the beginning and Progress thereof.  
THERE is not indeed, Gentlemen, any Undertaking that makes the Majesty of a Prudent and Valiant Prince appear so worthy of Regard, as his acting in such a manner, That by his Wisdom and Valour, the people committed to his care, may be assured not to be assailed by foreign Arms, or miserably out-raged without Revenge. Nor, is it in my opinion an Action any whit less generous and laudable to secure them from the Deceits of domestic Enemies, who then usually do the greatest mischief, when they most craftily cover themselves with the Veil of Benevolence and Charity, and counterfeiting themselves full of Humanity, and greatly touched with Compassion for the Misfortunes of others, lay afterwards for them such treacherous Snares, as can seldom or never be eschewed without mortal danger. And indeed, what Advantage would it be to a man to come off safe and secure from the manifest Perils of War, and afterwards unwarily to fall into dangers, the more hidden they are, the worse? And this indeed appears so much the more worthy of Compassion, as the Mishaps of that Ship are to be judged more grievous and lamentable, which, having escaped many storms at Sea, miserably perishes at her very entrance into the Port. The pious and prudent Foresight therefore of our most excellent Viceroy cannot sufficiently be commended, who, having with wonderful and incredible Felicity accomplished the first, and defeated the Designs and Attempts of those proud and cruel Fleets, which, infesting our Seas and Coasts, threatened us with Fire and Sword, and having likewise cleared the Highways and Roads of those Robbers and Murderers, that disturbed the Kingdom, and preyed upon the Villages, does at present make it his whole study diligently to prevent us, whom he has rendered secure in the enjoyment of our Fortunes, from being ill treated in our persons by the misusage of Physic: Which, because every one has need thereof, as it may, when kept within the limits of experience, and our (although weak) Reason, be perhaps of some help to the public. So on the contrary, whenever it happens to decline to a sinister path, it proves more dangerous and destructive to Mankind, than Diseases themselves. And no sooner were the unhappy Accidents that had befallen some sick persons, and for which the Chemical Medicines were accused, made known to his Excellency, but he immediately ordered, That we should with the greatest diligence imaginable apply ourselves to search out a Remedy for such Misfortunes, and also to prescribe unto Physicians (where there is need) certain, secure, and solid Rules to be observed in their Practice.  
But whenever, ruminating with myself, I reflect upon the Numerosity and Quality of the Difficulties there are in such an Attempt, finding likewise as many in myself, I remain confused and at a stand, either because it so happens in all other affairs of great Consideration, or that the nature of this Art not bearing it, it seems exceeding hard and difficult to give Laws to the things appertaining thereunto. I should therefore rather choose, without any more ado, by my silence, to free myself from trouble, did I not know, that I should thereby contravene his Commands, whose not only Requests, but even Signs, I ought without any Reply, and with awful Reverence to obey: By which, as also by the Benefit that may perhaps thence redound to my Country, being incited, I willingly enter the Lists.  
Now to the end every Deliberation or Resolution that is to be taken in this matter, may not prove altogether vain and unprofitable, I shall employ all the strength of my weak Understanding; Discoursing, in the first place, of the Difficulties, whereinto, not only Princes and Magistrates, but also the wisest and most intelligent Physicians have oftentimes fallen in giving permanent and certain Laws to Medicine, an Art, of its own nature in the highest degree uncertain, dubious, and inconstant. Then afterwards, gradually and with sober advice penetrating more inwardly, we will purpose (as far as the Nature of the thing will suffer) the way to make a good Physician and a better Chemist. Nor do I at present remember any other Remedy, that may be able and fit to repair the perpetual and almost fatal Calamities of Physic.  
And to begin with the most ancient Memoirs, setting aside how short a time continued in India, Babylonia, and Assyria, their device of lodging the Sick on the most frequented Roads of the Country to have them cured by Travellers. In Egypt where all the Arts and more Noble Studies first came to light and flourished, only the Kings, Priests, and some few of the chief Nobility were permitted to give Physic to the sick, whence by Manethon were reckoned amongst the Physicians of most profound Judgement Antotides, the second King of the first Dynasty, of the Tinites, who wrote some Books of Anatomy, and Tosoretrus of the third Dynasty, which was that of the Memphitians. But afterwards in process of time this Profession grew common also with the Multitude, and so much was the Number of Physicians increased, that for every Distemper there was appointed a particular Physician, who was permitted to cure no other, as is testified by Herodotus, Father of the Greek History, in these words; Medicine with them was divided, every particular Disease, and no more, having its Physician: whence all the Country is pestered with Physicians. For some are appointed to cure the Eyes, others the Head, others the Teeth, others the parts of the Belly, and others internal and hidden Distempers. The Egyptian Physic remaining only amongst private persons, it is not easy to believe, how, falling from its ancient Splendour, it changed through the Laziness and Ignorance of the new Physicians, who were of such small parts, that, as the but-now-mentioned Herodotus says, The chiefest of them at the Court of the great King of Persia, when he had dislocated his Foot, knew not how to cure it, but with their Arguments reduced him to a very bad condition. Therefore we ought without doubt to believe, That in Egypt the Physicians were, as Diodorus relates, prohibited to departed from the Precepts of the ancient Masters; from which, if any one happened to swerve, and his Patient thereby grew worse, he was severely punished for it. For, says he, if after they had directly followed the acknowledged Laws of the sacred Book, they sailed of curing the Patient, no Charge could be laid against them. But if they went contrary to the written Rules, they underwent the Judgement of Death. And really it was no small good Fortune of Galens (to say nothing at present of Hypocrates and others) that he was not born in those times, and in that Country: For he would not so easily have escaped Punishment, if contemning, as it were, the reverend Authority of the Law, he should have had the boldness to utter these words, I observe this not only in the writings of Hypocrates, but in all the Books of the Ancients, that I am not easily drawn to believe what any one of them has left written, until I have first well examined by the Test of Experience and Reason, whether, what they have delivered, be true or false. And that he was well versed in Logic, is seen by such Weapons as he used to defend himself withal, as Commenting upon the Ancients, and reporting their Opinions entangled and obumbrated, to the end they might not contradict his own. A Custom, which those Physicians that tread in the same steps, have followed, and still do follow, and which does in such a manner deform his say, and also those of Hypocrates, that they oftentimes clearly appear to have written quite contrary to their first Determinations. And perhaps the Egyptians, deriding their own Law, acted maliciously in the same manner, according to the Proverb; Fatta lafoy leg pensata la Malizia: No sooner is the Law made, but ways are found out to evade it. And to such a pitch peradventure did their neglected Boldness arrive, that their usual falling presently to Purgations, and for the most part with ill success, forced them (their first Law being antiquated) to remedy it by publishing a new one, as Aristotle relates in these Words; The Physicians may after the fourth day stir the humours, but if they will do it sooner, at their own peril be it. Which Simplicity, I believe found not many Abettors, if they considered, how often Diseases happen, that on the very first day need violent Remedies. But what a Fool would that Physician have been, that should have procured another's Life with his own death?  
The Grecians, who outwent all other Nations, as in Arts and Sciences, so likewise in Civil Prudence, having regard perhaps to such inconveniences, would not impose any positive Laws upon Physic, or those that professed it, choosing rather, that Infamy should be the punishment of those Physicians, by whose fault the Sick should miscarry: For says Hypocrates, There is no penalty set upon the Practisers of Physic, only in these Cities, but that of Infamy. Which to those that take their Reputation to heart, is more grievous and tedious, than any other Torment. Which Custom is manifestly shown by Philemon, when he says, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.   
That is to say, Only the Physician and the Judge are permitted to kill others without being put to death. This also pleased the divine Plato, who thus ordered in his Commonwealth; The Physician shall not be subject to any Penalty, if a Patient, taken in hand by him, dies contrary to his best endeavour. To which opinion Lucian comes very near, where he says: By how much the Art of Physic is worthy of greater honour, and more beneficial to Life than others, by so much should the Professors thereof have greater Liberty; and it is convenient that it should enjoy some privilege, nor ought a Doctrine, consecrated to the Gods, and the Exercise of the most intelligent men, to be restrained, or subjugated by any power, or brought under the servitude of the Laws, or under the fear and penalties of Tribunals. And altho' among the Grecians the Athenians alone prohibited Women and Servants the Study of Physic, yet is not such a Statute worthy of much praise, not to say, it deserves much blame; Because, as hereafter shall be declared, the Understanding of worthy Women has been seen, contrary to their Expectation, to undertake the most sublime Studies, and Nature has often granted to Servants Courage and Wit fit for a Philosophic Liberty; therefore did they, not without Reason, a while after revoke this Law. Hyginus saying, That the practice of Physic was allowed to Midwives for necessity and decency sake. Much less ought we to believe, that the Sottishness of Seleucus took place, for so we may well call his Law, whereby, as if it had been mortal Poison, he prohibited upon pain of Death, all the Sick Persons of Locris to drink Wine, unless they had at first obtained a Licence from their Physicians: If any of the Epizephyrian Locrians drank wine contrary to the Physicians direction, tho' he escaped, Death was his punishment, because he did contrary to what was prescribed him. The Roman Commonwealth, which far excelled all Greece and the Barbarous Nations not only in Military Government, but also in Politics, thought it not convenient to commit, without restraint, the Care of men's Lives to the Custody of Physicians; and therefore by a Plebiscitum, first made by Aquilius a Tribune of the People (whether it were Gallus, or another of that name, I know not) and afterwards recorded amongst the Roman Laws it was decreed, that some punishment should be inflicted on their Failings, whereby they might be rendered more circumspect and cautious in their actings. We may nevertheless well believe, that this Law, or Plebiscitum, altho' made, was never put in Execution, otherwise Pliny would have been to blame to cry out in this manner against the Physicians; Furthermore no Law punishes capital ignorance, no example of Justice done. To which he adds, They learn by our dangers, and gain experience by our Deaths: And at length concludes, Only the Physician is allowed to kill a man unpunished. But there is something yet in the same Author that touches more to the quick; The Ignominy of the Physician passes away, and Intemperance bears the blame, while they that perish are accused of their own misfortunes- And for this reason, I suppose, did those renowned Lawyers that were by command of the Emperor Justinian employed in compiling the Pandects, purposely pass by that oversevere and cruel Sentence of Paulus upon the Cornelian Law against Murderers; If a man die of the Medicine given him for his health or the recovery of his Distemper, he that gave it, were he of Quality, shall be banished; if of meaner Condition, let him be put to death. Which Sentence in the judgement of that great Soul of the Civil Law, Jacobus Cujacius, could not properly be reduced to the aforesaid Cornelian Law; forasmuch, says he, as the Physician sanandi, non nocendi animo dedit. And altho' the same Lawyers registered both in the Institutes and in the Digests, not only the aforesaid Head of the Aquilian Law, but also the following words of Ulpian; Tho' the event of Mortality ought not to be imputed to the Physician, yet what he commits out of ignorance, is to be laid to his charge, neither is the Deceiver to go unpunished under pretence of humane frailty. Yet were these Statutes nevertheless rarely executed, altho' not only Pliny, but very many also after him, renewing in a more bitter manner the same Complaints, brought Accusations against them: Amongst whom the most learned Angelus Politianus in an Epistle of his to Leonicenus writes thus; I have again bewailed the folly of mankind, that has so long suffered besotted Ignorance to reign, and all the while buys the hope of life from them, who are the real causes of certain death. Ludovicus Vives also cries out thus, Their Miscarriages and Errors, speaking of the Physicians, not only go unpunished, but are also recompensed with Fees. Baptista Mantuanus likewise has these words of them 
His, etsitenebras palpant, est facta potestas  
Excruciandi aegros, hominesque impune necandi.  
Tho' blind with ignorance, yet  they  
The Sick torment, and men (unpunished) slay.  And an Italian Satirist sporting with the Title Doctor, says to the same purpose of the Physician, 
Ma poiche un talci puo donar la morte  
Senza punizione, e senza pena,  
Forza●e, che fi gentle titol riporte.  
Since Doctors have free liberty to cause  
Our death, not fearing Punishment or Laws,  
Our Hangman may this noble Title bear.   
And our Academic in his most choice Dialogue says in like manner of Physicians; Hoc tamen ipso securi, quod nulla sit lex quae puniat inscitiam capitalem; immovero cum mercede gratia referatur. And another; 

Carnifici Medicus par est; nam caedit uterque  
Impune, & merces caedis utrique datur.   

Hangman and Doctor herein alike far,  
Both kill unpunished, both rewarded are.    
And another Author, 

Si quaecunque sua plectuntur crimina lege,  
Quas, Medici, maneant modo vestra piacula poenas?  
Qui plerumque ipso facitis medicamine morbum,  
Et diro ante diem aegros demittitis orco?  
Scilicet hoc vobis indulsit opinio, rerum  
una potens. Clades inferre impune per orbem,  
Mercedemque alieno obitu, laudemque parare.   

If to each Crime its punishment be due,  
What pain, Physicians, is enough for you?  
Who with your Drugs Diseases frequently  
Do cause, and th' Sick before their time to die?  
This hath Opinion, which the whole World sways,  
Indulged to you, by others harms to raise  
Yourselves, and by their deaths, to merit Praise.    
And altho' Maximinus condemned to death all his Physicians, because they had neither wholly healed him of his wounds, nor eased him of the pain, yet cannot the example of such a Tyrant give vigour to any Law; nor was he less blamed for this, than for his other Cruelties, by the Writers of that Age, as also Alexander was deservedly styled cruel, for having unjustly caused Glaucias the Physician to be slain, through a suspicion, that he had not been diligent enough in curing his dearest Friend Hephestion. As on the contrary, the Clemency and Humanity of Darius Hystaspes, King of Persia, is highly commended, who freely permitted the Physicians, already condemned to die, for having reduced him to a bad Condition, to be set at liberty by Democides a famous Physician of Crotona. But let not any one therefore believe, that the Physicians gained such a liberty by transgressing their Rules; for it proceeded rather from the utmost necessity of the public, and is, as it were an effect of the Art of good Government: for I am verily persuaded, that even the memory of the Mystery of the Medicine would have been utterly extinguished, if Physicians had been proceeded against according to the rigour of Justice. And what man indeed, unless he were exceeding dull and stupid, or extremely rash, would ever have vainly spent his Time and Endeavours in the pursuit of an Art (if Medicine, which has not any certain and fixed Rule in its operations, may possibly be so called) in itself displeasing, and hard to be obtained, and in its Events very dubious? I say displeasing, for what can be more offensive and disgustful, than continually to converse with sick persons, and daily to see and heal the Miseries of others, and that many times without being any ways able to remedy them? It is also difficult to undertake, and always uncertain in its success; because in the curing of the Sick, not only the skill of the Physician, but also Fortune and Chance claim their share: from whence arose this common Proverb; A Physician had need be born under a fortunate Constellation. And O how exceeding often does it happen, that contrary to all human expectation, as Celsus writes; Expectation is likewise frustrated, and that man dies, of whom the Physician was secure before. And Hypocrates himself, although esteemed a most profound and skilful Physician, yet confesses, That he gained more Reproach than Commendations by his Profession. And therefore it is exceeding difficult, or rather impossible always to judge, whether the unhappy success of of distempers proceeds from the sottishness of the Physicians, or from the Nature of the disease, or from some other internal Cause, into which no humane Wisdom or Knowledge can penetrate. Most uncertain always and obscure are the Symptoms of diseases, especially of the acute, according to Hypocrates: wherefore Celsus also said; It behoves us also to understand, that in acute Diseases the Symptoms of life and death are much more fallacious. Besides that in the Bodies of Animals are wont to be engendered poisons, and that oftentimes presently, by sudden precipitation and Coagulation; and the man, whom not only others, but even Apollo and Aesculapius themselves would have judged most sound and healthful, may have within him Imposthumes, and other secret distempers, which, when he lest thinks of it, may be able to cause his death, and that at the very Instant when the Medicines are prepared: wrongfully therefore are the Remedies blamed, and not the evil quality of the distemper. And besides this, some Medicines which are esteemed good, and conducing to the Health of man, may oftentimes occasion such disturbance within the Patient's body, as may bring on his death, before we with our shallow Understandings can prevent it, as Celsus testifies. It will not therefore be the Physicians fault, if sometimes his Patient grows worse by his Remedies; nor can Laws ever determine any thing herein. But come, let us grant, that a method of Curing may by Law be prescribed to Physicians, how can they be punished for transgressing it? or how can the Crime be so clearly manifested, that they may be proceeded against in form of Law? And who does not sufficiently know, how all Physicians are of contrary Sects, and perpetually disagreeing in their Sentiments? Wherefore being either always stimulated by open Enmity, or which is worse, by secret Envy, or else alured by the love and Benevolence of their own party, they will, without any respect to Truth, represent the matter to the Judge quite otherwise, than in Justice they ought, and make him, as the Italian Proverb has it, See the Moon in the Well according to their own desire. Besides that, the fear of punishment, which the Physician may easily incur, will always keep him suspended and dubious in taking his Resolutions, even when he intends to operate most effectually; and thus being terrified and confounded, he will, for fear of hazarding his person, in the greatest Maladies stand, as it were, fettered, and with his hands bound behind him, or else, not to departed from the common opinion of the Vulgar, however false and contrary to the distemper, will oftentimes make use of vain and dangerous Remedies. A thing which, as it is well observed by Cardanus, is oftener wont to befall the Physicians of Princes, than any others, who not only for fear of Infamy, but also of greater Mischief, forbear making use of great and unusual Remedies. It will not be far from the matter to bring here an Example taken from the art of War, not much differing truly in the uncertainty of its success, from that of Medicine. The Roman Magistrates rather pitied, than punished the Errors of their Captains, and it is well seen to what a height the Empire of Rome ascended thereby; as on the other side, every one knows to how wretched a Condition the Carthaginians were reduced, by always taking contrary measures. And this was yet nearer to our times manifested by the Venetians to their exceeding great damage, and with the almost Universal Ruin of their Republic, when they unjustly beheaded Carmagnuola for his carelessness, by which, Liviano afterwards being dismayed, and following the Opinion of the unwary Proveditors, lost the day at Vicenza, and was miserably with his whole Army discomfited and cut in pieces. And perhaps the putting of Vitelli to death, was one of the principle Occasions, that the Florentines betrayed by Baglione, sadly afterwards lost their liberty.  
And here some one may not without reason object, That as well the Aquilian, as all the other Laws of the Romans, by us related, were not made for able Physicians, whether Methodical, Empirical, or Rational, but only for such popular Empirics, as are Quacks and Mountebanks; the Name of Physician being not only given to such vulgar Empirics, but even to those also that were wont to castrate little Children, as may be easily seen in the Digests and Code, as well of Theodosius as Justiman. And certainly it is to be believed, That in them alone the Ignorance of the Art took place, through occasion whereof, the Laws against Physicians were ordained in Rome. But this foolish sort of Physicians ought indeed to be severely punished for rashly intermeddling in a Mystery of so great importance, as is the art of Healing, and blindly ordaining Remedies at the peril of their Patient's Lives. Therefore I think it very wisely enacted in many Countries of Europe, that such Fellows are under very great penalties forbidden to practise, tho' these Edicts are seldom or never executed. And indeed, with great reason does Anneode Roberti say of them, what Tacitus heretofore said of Astrologers, That they are A Generation of people unfaithful to the Enquirer, and fallacious to those that hope; always forbidden in our City, yet never expelled. And the Comparison of Roberti is but scarce enough, That the Knavish Astrologers do nothing else, but entertain the Curious with their Jargon, feeding them with most vain hopes; and the vulgar Empirics do either with their silly Secrets, and idle prattling, hinder the Sick from taking Remedies of able Physicians, which Neglect costs them their Lives; or else they do themselves kill them with most pernicious Medicines.  
And justly, perhaps, were those paltry Knaves first degraded, and afterwards condemned in France, who, instead of curing King Charles the Sixth, reduced him with their Remedies to such an Estate, that there was scarce any hopes of his Life. But in my opinion, that valiant King was not over-considerate, or too well advised, to hazard his Life in the hands of such Quacks and Cheats; and he should, at their first offering to cure his Distempers, immediately, and without Experimenting their Remedies, or regarding their promises, have punished them for their Temerity and foolish boldness; if it were not the ill Will, and Craft of the spiteful Physicians of those times, which made things go so ill with those wretched Creatures.  
But how should it ever be possible for either the people, or Magistrates, who, for the most part understand little or nothing thereof, to settle the practice of Physic by firm and durable Laws, when the wisest and skilfullest Physicians, who with long Study, and much practice have searched far into it, could never arrive thereunto? The Inventor, as 'tis thought, or at least the most ancient Writer of Physic was Aesculapius, and he, as testifies Hypocrates, or whoever else was the Author of the Epistle to Democritus, prescribed many Rules to be observed in the practice of Healing; but soon finding them not to be exact, most gently dispensed with them. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says the Epistolizer of Aesculapius, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Therefore we may say with the Toscan Lyric, that he 
Solchi onde, in rena fondi, e s●riva in vento.  
Ploughs th' Waves, builds on the Sand, and writes i' th' Wind.  Who vainly wearies himself with labouring after the establishment of such Rules. And if any one shall desire to have this made clear unto him, I shall with the best ordered Discourse I can, endeavour to demonstrate to him the Reasons thereof.  
The Art of Medicine is at this day so greatly increased and advanced, that it seems to strive for Superiority with the most illustrious and most noble Studies, its Jurisdiction to penetrate even into the most remote and extreme Confines of Nature; whereas it was at first restrained within the narrow Limits of a few Plants, as (to say nothing of others) is acknowledged by the ancient Interpreter of Homer, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: whereunto agrees our Seneca; Medicina quondam pancarum fuit Scientia Herbarum. Thus in that pleasant, and above all others, happy Age, 
— When Milk for food  
Had the Infant World, whose Cradle was a Wood  
And then those first men lived free from fear  
Of scorching Fevers, tho' as yet by Herbs,  
Or Physics skill they unassisted were.  Either because they had then little need of Physic, Firmis adhuc, solidisque corporibus, & facili cibo, nec per artem, voluptatemque corrupto: Or, because Medicine, as all other (even the greatest) things here below was to take its rise from very weak beginnings; men at that time using such Remedies as they found out either by chance, or by observing the brute Beasts, or by their own Industry. Whence it is rationally to be believed, That Agenor and Chiron, held by some for the most ancient of all Physicians, made use only of Plants in their Cures: The Tyrians preserve their first fruits for Agenor, the Magnetians for Chiron, said to be the first that ever practised Physic: For that by the use of Roots and Herbs they cured the Sick. And of Chiron, the Finder out of the Chironian Panacea, or All-heal, 
The healing Root was Centaur, so called  
From the feigned Centaur Chiron, Saturn's Son,  
Who found it first on snowy Polion.   
Eustathius declares, That being wounded in the Hand, or as Pliny would have it, in the Foot, he found out the way of Curing by Herbs. And to say nothing of Mercury, who taught Ulysses, as Homer sings the use of the herb Moly, 
This said, from th' earth a Medicine Mercury  
Digged up, and taught the use thereof to me.   
It appears, that Hercules, from whom the Herculean Panacea took its Name, cured only with Plants; as also did Isis and Osiris, and Apollo, and Arabus, and Cadmus, and Bacchus, by whose means, as Plutarch tells us, that most powerful and pleasant Medicine, Wine, was first found out, and brought into esteem; and the great virtue of Ivy of marvellous efficacy in repairing the Evils caused by the too excessive use of Wine, was made known to the World: Bacchus, saith he, was accounted an Excellent Physician, not only because he found out the use of Wine, a most pleasing sort of Physic, but for that he also taught the use of Ivy, and caused his Followers, in the midst of their Cups, to crown their Temples with it, as being that, which by its coolness repels the Vapours from the head. Herbs alone were likewise made use of by Aesculapius, the Inventor of the Asclepian Panacea, with which, as Nicander sings, he Cured jolas' the Son of Iphicles, 
The Phlegyan All-heal first Paieon took,  
As on the banks it grew of a black Brook,  
Which he to cure Amphitruo's Grandchild used.   
And as his Commentator relates, he was wont to use it in the Cure of his other Patients: Asclepius was said to make use of this herb (meaning All-heal) who was the Son of Korones the Sister of Phlegys, the Physician Aesculapius. And so did Amithaon and Melampus, who, as we read in Dioscorides, made use of Hellebore in Curing the Daughter of Proetus, King of the Argives. Nor did Podalirius or Machaon use any thing but Herbs to heal the Wounds of the Grecian Army; and before the Trojan War, Medea, as Diodorus relates, cured with Herbs the wounds of J●son, Atalanta, Laertes, and the Thespiades: Jason, Laertes, Atalanta, and they who were called the Thespiades, all these they report were cured by Medea with certain Roots and herbs. And Tryphon, according to Plutarch, highly extolled and praised the Ancients, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Whence they, having very often tried and proved their Medicines, gave, as Manilius sings, the first beginning to the Art of Curing, 
Experience through divers chances brought  
Forth Art, the way first by example taught.   
But as Medicines were at first but few and simple, so also few and simple aught the Rules of Physic then to be: whence by reason of the Errors, whereinto Experience might easily fall, it was necessary, that such Rules, altho' very few, should frequently change, the first Medicines daily changing and growing better. Thus began the Art of Physic at the very first to manifest its Inconstancy. But it did not long thus remain in the hands of simple persons, ere Philosophers began by degrees to put in their fingers; who at first, as is to be believed, were drawn thereunto by mere Curiosity, and a desire of searching out the cause of Medicines; but by little and little advancing and going forwards, they arrived at length to this, that blaming, as inconstant, and perilous, the ancient simplicity of Curing, they laid the first foundation of rational Physic. And although Eustathius makes Podalirius the first Inventor thereof, yet it seems, by what Erisimachus in Plato relates That this Honour ought to be attributed to his Father Aesculapius; Our Forefather Aesculapius (as the Poets say, and I believe was the first that ever methodised the Art of Physic. And therefore the whole Art of Physic is governed by that God. And he had also said before this, The knowledge of what agrees with the Body in reference to Fullness and Emptiness, and he that distinguishes in those things the good and bad agreement, he is the most skilful Physician. And he that makes such a change, that for one Agreement there shall be another; and where there is not a Sympathy, which ought to be, knows how to cause one, and take away that which was there before, he is to be accounted a good Artist. For whatever Contraries there are in the body, aught to be made to agree one with another; Cold with Heat, Bitter with Sweet, Dry with Moist. Yet for all this, did not the Mutations and Uncertainties of Physic hereby cease, but rather multiplied more and more: and as the Practitioners were various and disagreeing, so itself also became various, and divided (as it were) into a thousand parts.  
But in the mean time Rational Physic was in the strictest manner so conjoined to Philosophy, that it was (as Celsus avers) by the wisest and most prudent Estimators of things adjudged to be a part thereof: and thus (it seems) it continued to the time of Herodotus, mistakenly by some called Prodicus. Now he, as may be collected from what Plato relates in his Discourse of the Gymnasium, whereof he was Master, and first Minister, casually falling sick, through the necessity, he had at that time, applied himself with great fervency, and the utmost of his endeavours, to the cultivating of Physic, and joining it to the Gymnastick, and prescribing it some Rules, which he first found out by Reason and Experience, began (it seems) before all others to give it some form of Art. And then it came by little and little to lose its ancient Familiarity with Philosophy; altho' Celsus and some others are of opinion, that this first happened through the means of Hypocrates. And from Herodicus it seems, that the now-mentioned Hypocrates, his Scholar Euryphontes, and others learned the custom of treating separately from Philosophy, the things that belong to Physic. And altho' some thought this a very good act, and of great advantage to Physic, yet can it not but appear to him, who shall strictly look into the truth of things, that grea● Harm ensued thereby. Forasmuch as th● Philosophers not at all regarding to meddle with Physic, and the Physicians discoursing grossly of its affairs, there remained little or nothing of Rational, but the Name. And to such an height did that  Custom arrive, that their Successors pertinaciously set themselves with all their might to defend it; and being obstinate in their belief, endeavoured to make all others give credit to it. And Galen durst say of Hypocrates, That he had certainly shown great Wisdom, in that he would never intermeddle, as Plato afterwards did, in investigating the Nature and Generation of the Qualities of those four first Bodies, whereof the whole Mass of the World, with all things therein contained, is judged to have been framed and composed; saying, that such a Dispute belonged particularly to the Philosophers, and not to the Physicians; who have then sufficiently complied with their Duty, when they arrive to know, that the Healthfulness of Bodies is engendered of the Temperament or Mixture of Heat, Cold, Moisture, and Drought. But what could ever be imagined more hurtful and destructive to Physic, than this?  
Thus in tract of time the Love of Wisdom decaying by degrees in those Physicians, that called themselves Rational, the Contests about the ill-managed Physic sprang up more fierce and outrageous than before: for whereas at first their contrasting one another's Sentiments, aimed only at clearing the Truth, now being wholly plunged into Factions, and obstinate in their designs, they never ceased contending, brawling, and reviling one another, and railing in such a manner, that the very first Masters and Inventors of the Art were not secure from their Reproaches. Apollo esteemed heretofore the God of Physic, was now scoffed at by the foolish people, and vulgar Troop of Physicians, who openly accused him of having been a Prattler, and a Boaster; and above all they taxed him with Ingratitude; because that having gained the Knowledge of Medicine from the Humanity and Courtesy of others, he afterwards demeaned himself so proudly and arrogantly, as if he had by his own Industry without any assistance first found it out. Thus this crafty Cozener, to gain the greater applause, and the more to advance his Glory, having learned the art from Glaucus, who was an old Fox, began to play his Pranks, and to act the ginger, opening a way to those Tricks and Cheats, by which the Multitude have ever since been deceived. Others railed against Aesculapius, who was himself also a God of Physic, for his Inconstancy, and little Firmness in curing; and not a few Curses were also bestowed upon him for his insatiable avarice: Forasmuch as he first of all, as 'tis reported, profaning the venerable and sacred Art of Physic, drawn by filthy Lucre to cure for a price, sold to a sick Prince a few Herbs and Roots for an infinite Sum of money, whereby he justly merited to be afterwards Thunderstruck and burnt by Jupiter for leaving to posterity so unfitting and abominable an Example. And besides this they say, That in all sorts of Juggling Tricks and Cunning Feats, he far outstripped his Father Apollo, and was therefore afterwards believed by every body to preside over Auguries and the art of Divination. They farther also add, That by a thousand Impostures and subtle Artifices he persuaded others, as he did his Father, That he could raise people from the dead; wickedly thinking thereby to procure to himself the Title of Divine. But to be brief, they in fine concluded, That Apollo knew little or nothing of Medicine, and his Son Aesculapius much less: wherefore doubting, that he could not perfectly teach his Son his own Art, he caused him for a long time to be instructed therein under the Discipline of Chiron. And he, after he had spent so much Time and Study, grew so skilful, that in curing a little Toothache he was in danger to lose his Reputation, had he not in fine with a quick deliberation set himself to draw them, which if not performed, who knows what might have befallen the Patient. And for his great Master Chiron, how could he cure others, who was not able to cure himself; but being accidentally wounded by Hercules, resolved wholly to resign his Life and Immortality to Prometheus, and so bravely to rid himself out of all his Troubles? And hence we may plainly understand, what Truth there was in those so wonderful and incomparable actions, which lying antiquity boasts of them. Thus peradventure do the spiteful Contradictors fable of these first Masters; and that I also may at present speak, what I think, it does not seem to me very dubious, That the first Inventors of Physic among the Greeks were certainly but very small Proficients therein; since that in after-ages, when the World with Time advanced in every Art and Study, their witless Discourses about it, demonstrated, that their skill was yet little enough. And altho' they gained a great deal of Fame and Reputation in all parts, yet ought we not therefore the less to persist in our Belief, judging, that at the first appearance of Arts to the simple and growing World, the first Operations of Physic appeared wonderful and Divine Inventions. And this was much more easy for Physicians, than for any other Inventors; because all their most considerable Mistakes and Errors being, as one saith, buried in the same Grave with those that were slain by them; and on the contrary, nothing appearing of them, but their Experiments, how mean soever, on the living by them cured, they might without any great opposition easily acquire immortal praise and honour. Besides that, this certainly happens in the most wicked and infamous persons, who as they are crafty and malicious, procure themselves every where Favourers and Partakers; and being far from true Wisdom, leave no Deceit or Cheat untried, whereby they may gain esteem amongst the Dregs of the people. It is therefore certainly to be judged, That they, whose Fame was so much trumpetted about, were most crafty Jugglers and Mountebancks. It is not here my Intention to allege those numerous Examples, which I could bring both from ancient and modern Records; I will only not leave unrelated, how it was anciently reported, that Acron of Agrigentum once freed the City of Athens from a mortal Plague, by the great Lights and Fires, which he caused to be kindled therein. But that Fire alone cannot produce any such effect, our own Eyes have certainly and sufficiently taught us. The same thing is Hypocrates said to have done in his time. And Toxares also had after his death Statues erected, and Sacrifices offered to him with other Divine Honours; because that (as Lucian tells us) at a time when Athens was more than ever annoyed, and even dispeopled by a raging Pestilence, he is said to have appeared to Architele, the Wife of a certain Areopagite, and to have assured her, That, if the Athenians would sprinkle all their Streets with Wine, the Plague would presently cease; which they having done, it suddenly fell out, as he had promised. But here I find his usual prudence wanting in Lucian, who foolishly believes it, and fancies, That this might proceed from the Vapours of the Wine, which, mixing with the Air, purged it, and freed it from those pestilential Qualities that infected it. But good God if these Plagues ceased not, till that, after a long Destruction and Mortality of the people, the Malady had quite spent itself; why must we say, That this happened through the means of vain and helpless Remedies, and not rather through the weakness and diminution of the Evil? therefore it is certainly to be judged, that the most crafty and subtle Quacks, knowing that the Fury of the Distemper was already spent, and that it was in the wane, to gain themselves Fame and everlasting Renown, cunningly prescribed a Remedy, that so the people's deliverance might be rather attributed to them, than to the Nature of the Infection. An Artifice, which is even at this day continually practised by Physicians. But as for Aesculapius, he may well rest contented with that Glory, which, for his having been the first that taught the World the Art of Tooth-drawing, is rationally given him by the Roman Orator, when he saith; Aesculapius was the first that invented the drawing of Teeth: Although the Cures wrought by him are said to have been so rare and wonderful, and those in so many different ways related, that as Sextus the Empirick wisely reflects, they may hereby have been concluded to have been wholly Fabulous: For our Historians going upon false Suppositions, report, the Captain of our Science, Aesculapius, to have been touched with Thunder, not contented with a Fiction, which nevertheless they variously transform. Stesichorus reports, That Aesculapius ascended to the height of his Glory by having, with his Medicines, restored to life some of those that died at Thebes. But Polyanthus says, That Aesculapius grew famous, for that some, who were by the anger of Juno struck with Madness, did by his means recover their Senses. And Parrhasius recounts, That he gained his chief Repute by recalling Tyndarus from death. And Staphylus affirms, That his greatest Renown was gotten by his joining together, and enlivening the scattered Limbs of Hippolytus, whom his frighted Horses had torn into an Hundred pieces. But Phylarchus avers, That all his Esteem and Honour was derived from his curing of their Blindness the Sons of Phineus. And Telesarchus in fine will have him placed among the Gods, because he attempted to raise Orion from the dead. But what Artifices, how loathsome and abominable soever, did he leave untried, to be held diligent and circumspect in curing? He (saith Celus Rhodiginus) would (wherein he was also imitated by Hypocrates) even taste the Excrements of the Sick, as if that were necessary to the finding out the Causes of Distempers; for which he was afterwards by Aristophanes in his Plutus wittily called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Excrement-eater, and we may better hit him home by saying with our Actius Sincerus, Esse idem poteris Merdicus & Medicus.  
But above all, highly advantageous to Aesculapius, were Riddles, Sorceries, Oracles, Sacrifices, and many other Superstitions and juggling Tricks, which he made use of to impose upon the Belief of the silly multitude, feeding the Sick with certain hopes of their recovery, when he only held them in suspense with his Talk. An usual Custom at that time of every one, who would with any Commendations practise Physic. And to say nothing of Medea, and many others, Melampus by such foolish Artifices and Flim Flams, besides the great Fame he obtained from a poor Fellow, as he was, together with his Brother, became most Rich Princes and Sovereign Lords of two parts of the Realm of King Proetus, marrying his Daughters, by him cured, whose names (says Apollodorus) were Lysippe and Iphianassa; but Aelian calls them Elea and Celene, who, either through the overmuch use of Wine, or by the procurement of the Queen of Cyprus falling mad, went together with their Sister Iphinoe, who died before she could be cured, feeding on Grass, and lowing like Cows about the Valleys of Morea, and other countries'. Of these Virgil saith in his Bucolics; 
With Lowing vain the Praetides stark mad,  
Fill all the neighbouring Fields, etc.   
But a Remedy was found out for their Madness by Melampus, who, as Dioscorides will have it, cured them with Black Hellebore; altho' Galen on far better Grounds, judges that it was White Hellebore which wrought the Cure. This Medicine Melampus first learned from the Sheep, saith Theophrastus, or rather from the Goats, which, as Pliny writes, he kept, who purge themselves by feeding on Hellebore. Although some are of opinion, that Melampus cured those distracted Ladies, not with Hellebore, but with the Milk of Goats, first fed therewith; and others say, that it was not Melampus the Goatherd, who restored them to their Senses, but another Melampus called the Soothsayer. And Polyanthus, as it is related by Sextus the Empirick, and Eudoxus a most ancient Geographer in Stephanus attributes this to Aesculapius. But however this be, it is not to be doubted, but Melampus, after many long Ceremonies accompanied with Sacrifices, and other Superstitions, caused these distracted Ladies to be first washed in that famous Fountain of Arcadia, called Clitorius; wherefore in memory thereof there were engraven in Marble those witty Verses, related by Isogonus a most ancient Writer, concerning Waters.  
Wherefore after this, a Debate arose amongst Writers, differently judging of this Cure: Some attributing it only to the Sacrifice and Bath, others to the Hellebore; but certainly, as far as we can perceive, that both the Medicines were made use of by Melampus: Pythagoras saying thus in Ovid: 
Who once has quenched his draught at Clitro's Well,  
Flies Wine, and drinks unmixed water still.  
Whether the water bear a secret Feud  
To Wine, or as the Shepherds there report  
How Amithaon's Son, when from the Harms  
Of raging Madness, he by herbs and Charms  
Had freed, he fling th' Infections of their mind  
Into the Well, where it has still remained behind.   
To which Custom, the Homer of Ferrara perhaps had respect, when he made Astolfo several times wash his mad Orlando in the Sea, before he gave him to drink the Liquor he had received from Heaven to cure him.  
Astolfo caused him to be seven times washed,  
And under water to be plunged seven times,  
So were his face and all his members cleansed  
From that same filth, that had him so befrenfied.  
But Melampus not content with these silly Tricks only, to render his Cures more famous and remarkable, bragged, as may be seen in Synesius, that he was skilled in the Interpretation of Dreams, proceeding thence to Soothsay, and giving all men to understand, That Apollo had endowed him with the Art of Divination, and that he having bred up in his house certain Serpents, they had in the dead of the Night, when he was asleep, licked his Ears, whereat he, suddenly waking for fear, found at , that he understood the Language of all Birds. As Apollodorus, relates, speaking of Melampus. Not any Art than had ever, I believe, so much Commerce with Lies, Fraud, and Superstitions, as the Mystery of Physic, which so manifestly appears to every one, who has but the least Insight therein, that it is not necessary for me at present to trouble myself any farther about it. Yet will I not forbear to glance a little at the strange and ridiculous Ceremonies, which the Ancients used in gathering of Plants, to the end that by the ignorant people their Medicines might be esteemed more wonderful and regardable. Peony could not be gathered in the daytime, for fear of losing presently their Sight, if they should chance to be seen by a Jay. He that would dig up Mandrakes, was obliged to have a care of a contrary Wind; and before he began to dig for it, he made about it three Circles, and afterwards plucked it out of the ground, holding his Face towards the West; but while he pulled it up, another was to go round about him, skipping and sneering, and uttering, I know not what, undecent and obscene Speeches; as Theophrastus relates in these words, They who go about to cut the Mandrake, let them take care of a contrary wind, and make three Circles first with a Sword, then let them dig looking to the West.  
But with far greater Ceremonies was the Baara, which some will have to be nothing else, but the very same Mandrake diged up by the Ancients. They first threw upon it the menstruous Blood or Urine of Women, then having removed the Earth from round about it, they tied a Dog to the Root, who, being called by his Master, in running, plucked it up, and presently fell down dead. This is thus related by Josephus the Jew; That part of the Valley which encompasses the City to the North, is called Baaras: That place bears a Root of the same Name: In Colour it is like the flame of Fire; and in the Evening casts forth a kind of Lightning. It will not be touched by those that go about to pull it, but flies away; nor is there any way to stop it, but by casting upon it either the Urine or Menstruum 's of a Woman. And then also it is death to them that handle it, unless by fortune the person that carries the Root, so carries it, that it may hang down out of his hand. But it is taken up another way without any danger, and that is this: They make a Circle about the Roots, for the hidden part of the Root is the shortest; then they tie a Dog to it, who, when the Master calls him away, easily pulls it up: But the Dog immediately dies, as being a kind of Revenge for offering violence to the Root, for after that, there is no danger to any body that takes it up.  
An Account much like to this is given by Elian in his History of Animals, concerning the digging up of the Cynospastus.  
The name of the Plant is Cynospastus, which is also called the Bright-shine. Now you must know, that all day this Plant is not to be seen, but at night it shines like a Star, and glitters like Fire. Therefore marking the place diligently in the day time, they go away, and come again the next night, and then seeing the mark which they left there. But the Root is neither to be cut nor pulled up; for they report, That the first, who, through ignorance of its Nature, touched it, soon after perished, Therefore they take a Dog that has been kept hungry for nine days together; which done, they bring the Dog to that part of the Root next the earth, and then fasten the Dog and the Root together, with a Rope tied with a strong Knot: then returning a good distance off, they throw upon the ground several morsels of Meat, which the Dog smelling, and pressed by hunger, pulls with all his force to get at the Meat, and so at last plucks up the Root. But if it happen, that the Sun see the Root, the Dog dies immediately, and they bury the Dog in the same place, using certain sacred Ceremonies over the dead body of the Dog, as having died for their sakes; for than they may be bold to touch and handle the Plant, and carry it home; where, as they report, they make use of for many profitable Advantages.  
Nor less vain and ridiculous were the Superstitions, used by the Ancients in digging up the Panacea, as Theophrastus relates. And of Ellebore and many other Plants there is such a number of Fables reported as well by the same Theophrastus, as by Dioscorides and Pliny, that if I would relate them one by one, I should scarce come to an end.  
But above all to be admired were the most tedious and vain Ceremonies, used by the Priestess of the Isle of Lemnos, in gathering the sealed Earth, as they are related by Galen, who being an Eye-witness, made an Elegant Description thereof. To which Artifices also the most witty Ariosto alluding, introduces the chaste Isabel, making the drunken Saracen believe, that she had a never-sailing Secret for the rendering a man invulnerable, and to gain the more Credit to her assertion, envelloping it in abundance of Cautions and Conditions in this Discourse to Rodomont: 
I know where an herb grows, which I have seen,  
Which being boiled with Ivy and with Rue  
Over an easy Fire of Cypress-wood,  
Then pressed between a spotless Virgin's hands,  
A Liquor yields that hard'ns so the skin,  
That neither Fire nor Steel can do it harm.  
Three times anoint your body with this Oil,  
And you shall be a month invulnerable.  
But then the Virtue ceases, than again  
You must again anoint, etc.   
But leaving these things to persons more at leisure than myself, and returning to our former Discourse, it is almost incredible, how the first Inventors of the Art were slandered and back-bitten by the Envy and Malice of those Physicians, who more than the rest wounded the Reputation of Melampus, giving out, that he was the first, who, to the Ruin of the World, brought forth the evil and troublesome use of Purges; and that, if it fell out well for him in the Cure of Proetus' Daughters, it was more by good Luck, than any prudent Foresight of his. But to let alone Melampus for the present, and to return from whence we digressed, it is likely, perhaps, that long before Herodicus' Medicine was separated from Philosophy, since we read in Herodotus, the Prince of the Grecian History, That there were exceeding ancient Schools of Physic in Cyrene and Crotona, to which the often by us mentioned Democides gave very great Repute, by whose means, as the same Author relates, the Crotonians gained the Honour to be esteemed the most excellent Physicians in the World. But it is to be believed, that Empirical Physic was at first taught in those Schools; and that likewise there divided into different Opinions, causing divers Factions. The same thing also happened in Rhodes, in Coos, and Gnidos, where Eurifontes, or whoever else it was, published those famous Sentences, that were afterwards called Gnidian, which Hypocrates opposing in his Writings, there arose the first Contest, that was ever seen upon paper betwixt Physicians, or at least the first that afterwards came to our Knowledge. And as for the other Disputes of those times, Hypocrates gives us an Account of some of them in these words; In acute Diseases so various are the Sentiments of Physicians, that often times what one prescribes, as most helpful, others forbidden as harmful: And for this reason the Art of Physic ought to be esteemed very like to that of Divination, because the Physicians behave themselves just like to Soothsayers, some of which will have the same Bird, if appearing on the right hand, to be an Augury of good Luck; but if on the left, of bad. But others again hold the contrary. Now whosoever desires to be more fully informed concerning such Disputes and Contests among Physicians, let him read the Comment of Galen upon the aforesaid Test of Hypocrates, and I question not, but he will there find abundant satisfaction. Nor ought we here to pass by unobserved what Hieronymus Cardanus suspects, that the Book, which goes under the name of Hypocrates, concerning the bringing forth of Children in the seventh Month, is, as he says, Forsan Eurifontis, nulla ex parte Hippocrate inferioris, si ex unguibus Leonem, ut in Proverbio est, cognoscere mihi concessum est. Hypocrates then must needs have rallied all his Forces, when he contended with one, between whom and himself there was, if we may believe Cardan, In value none, or little difference.  
And perhaps with several others, of no less parts than Eurifontes; of whom by reason of all-devouring time, which has Consumed their bodies, and their Works concealed, I cannot at present give any account. But the famous Hypocrates published his Works in that place, who, although he shown so much Virtue, as made some think, that Nature and Art strove together to perfectionate in him the Idea of a most skilful Physician, yet could they not render his Doctrine so clear and warrantable, but that it was sifted, depressed, and confuted first by Diocles, and afterwards by Plistonicus, by Praxagoras, by Erophilus, by Philotimus, by Eudemus, and chief by Chrysippus, and his Scholar Erasistratus, who was held in such esteem for Physic, that he was by many able men judged equal to Aesculapius. And certainly from those few Fragments, which by some, who have written against him, have been preserved out of his many Works, it is sufficiently clear and manifest, That Erasistratus was no less a most subtle Philosopher, than a most Excellent Physician. He was exceedingly free in philosophising, and so great a lover of the Truth, that he often preferred it before his Grandfather Aristotle, & his School, openly saying, that the Peripatetics had established nothing solidly about Natural Things. Wherefore his Opinions were for some Ages received with greot Esteem and Veneration by Philosophers and Physicians of more than ordinary worth. And altho' they did not use much Blood-letting (which is wont not a little to diminish the Esteem of Physicians amongst the Vulgar) yet their Fame never staggered, insomuch that even in the time of Galen and afterwards, their Sect was held in far greater Repute, than any other. Yet was not all this sufficient to restrain the Rage of other Factions, that risen up against it under the Standards of Nesitheus an Athenian, of Cienus, called also Prusias, and of many others, all esteemed in their times excellent Heads, and Founders of divers other ancient Sects of Rational Physic. In the mean time the never sufficiently praised Empedocles, no less sublime a Poet, than Philosopher, doubting, that he should not otherwise be able to infuse into Acron his Scholar, evident and indisputable Arguments for the Mutations of Nature, wholly forsook the Rational, and with his utmost Endeavours applied himself solely to advance the most ancient Empirical Physic; which was afterwards brought to perfection by Philinus, Serapion, and other most famous Physicians, whose Followers always strove to ruin, and reduce to nothing all the other Sects. Nor must I conceal, that some are of Opinion, That Acron gave the first Beginning to Empirical Physic, whilst others say, That Philinus the Son of Erophilus, and some yet, That Serapion was indeed the Inventor and Founder thereof:  
Thus by degrees were the different Companies of Physicians multiplied, every one with all his force contending to defend his own Party, and overthrow the rest, when in the time of Pompey the Great, there sprang up with Asclepiades another most famous, and most illustrious Faction. This not only ascended to a sublime degree of Eloquence, as some vainly think, but prevailed much also both in Philosophy and Physic, as may well be gathered from the Writings of Celius Aurelianus, and others, who report some of their Sentences.  
But I myself am at last grown weary of turning over so great a variety of Factions and Schools; which since I have purposed to recount, passing over at present the less Famous, I shall only touch upon the more considerable, as I have hitherto done; and in the mean time I must beg your excuse, if to bring my intent, I shall be somewhat long in my Discourse. I say then, following my begun Harangue, That not far from, or even in the very time of Pompey the Great, against both the Empirical and Rational Physic, started up Themison with his new Inventions, who, as he rejected the Sentiments of all others, so would also give his School a different Name, calling it from his brief, clear, and well-ordered Discourse, Methodical.  
But this also did the most Eloquent Antonius Musa, the Scholar of Themison, no less by his own Learning and Industry, than by the Authority of Octavius Caesar, cause, Proteus-like, to change its Form. Yet was it not long for all this, ere the Methodical Sect got up again by the assistance of Vectius Valens, Physician to the Emperor Claudius, and Gallant to his Wife the Empress Messalina. Afterwards it mounted to an exceeding height, being in a great measure restored by Thessalus, Physician to Nero, who would therefore have arrogated to himself all the Glory of inventing it, as may be seen in that Epistle, which he writes to the same Emperor, wherein he gins to say thus; I having now established a new Sect, which alone has first discovered all Truth: forasmuch as all those, who have heretofore practised Physic, could not find out any thing that was available either for the curing of Diseases, or the preserving of Health. And in fine, this Sect was not long after completed, and brought to perfection by Soranus of Ephesus.  
But of how happy a wit, and of what profound Knowledge the Inventors of this sort of Physic were, with the whole Company of innumerable Followers, we may partly perceive by what is related in those Books of Celius Aurelianus, that are come to our hands; and also by what Galen, and other Authors have written of them, tho' sparingly enough. And certainly Themison was sufficiently commended by Pliny, and his Name adorned with the glorious Adjunct of Chief Physician. And Thessalus by his Sagacity and Advisedness wrought himself so far into the good Grace and Favor of the Emperor Nero, a Prince (tho' extreme cruel, yet) very intelligent, that he became his intimate and familiar Friend; and got so much the better of the Physicians, his Contemporaries, that he deserved to have engraven on his Sepulchre that famous Inscription 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And a famous Physician of our time, altho' a Rational and Galenist, could not (as it is related by Prosper Alpinus) forbear in speaking of him, to say thus much to his Commendation, I could wish the Books he wrote de Communitatibus & Synchreticis, were now extant: for by the Fragments which some have cited, he appears to be a most acute and learned Author.  
But whither I do find myself transported, without having made mention of the most famous Clinias of Marseilles, who, in despite of Thessalus, and all other Methodists, gave beginning to another sort of new Physic, never before heard of? And why amongst such an heap of Physicians do I let pass the most wary Charmis, who was also of Marseilles, and Founder of another new and strange way of Curing. This man was endowed with such high and noble parts, that he introduced his new and marvellous Doctrine into Rome with most happy Presages, and to such an height arrived the Belief of his rigorous and strange Inventions, that in a small time the chief of the Senate were at his disposal. They governed Fate, saith Pliny of the said Physicians, Into which City suddenly Charmis got, coming from Massilia, and not only condemned the former Physicians, but also persuaded his Patients to bathe in cold water in the midst of winter: (O the Efficacy of the Art of Medicinal Persuasion, to which all other force of Eloquence must of necessity give place) He plunged his sick Patients into Lakes of cold water; and we have seen ancient persons of Consular dignity shivering and chattering with their teeth, even to ostentation. Thus sprang up, and continued Physic until the time of the most curious Claudius Galen of Pergamus, whose Fame is known to every one. He, joining to his natural disposition, Geometry, Astronomy, Logic, and all other Sciences, which he judged either useful, or necessary to a Physician, and being encouraged by the persuasions of his Father, who, as he himself tells us, was stimulated thereunto by various Dreams and Visions from the Gods, underwent most grievous fatigues by reason of his continual Labours and Watch, undertaking long and difficult Voyages, subject to many, and those not ordinary Dangers, that he might attain to a more than usual Eminence in that Art, wherein he caused himself to be instructed by the most famous Masters of those times, if we will give credit to his own Relation about it. But he indeed was not crafty and malicious, as some other Greek Physicians, but sincere, and of very great Morality. In matters of Philosophy he would never tie himself to the opinions of any other, always declaiming against that Custom, as , and unworthy a Philosopher; and protested, That in following the documents of Hypocrates (whom he always regarded as the chief and principal Master of the Art) that he did not look upon his words, as proceeding from a credible Evidence, but from a Demonstrator only, that is, That he did not give any Credit to the say of Hypocrates, but to the Reasons brought by him. And therefore, where he could conveniently do it, he failed not now and then maliciously to discover some of his blemishes; blaming him sometimes, as no great Observer of the propriety of Language; and other while as extremely dark, and obscure, saying, That he often entered into Labyrinths without knowing the way out again, and that by his tedious and vain Stories he sometimes repeated the same thing over and over again, not observing the ordinary Method of Discourse: and in fine he forbore not to say, That he was mean, and pitiful, and confused in his Talk. Nay, so great an affection he always bore to Truth, that where it was convenient for him to do it, he snarls, and carp at as well the ancient Physicians, as those of his own time, altho' they were of very great Repute, and notwithstanding some of them had been before very highly extolled by himself for their skill and Knowledge. He unmeasurably jeers Asclepiades, calling him the Wonder-talking Physician, Empty-pate, tasty, and obstinate, saying, That he understood Logic and Philosophy as much as the Ass and Ox do playing on the Bagpipe, and that he was sometimes plainly out of his wits. He accuses Archigenes of words, saying, That he often roams about, never keeping to his matter; and that he is always childishly busying himself in the idle Toys of Definitions. He exceedingly bespatters Herophilus, whom he calls Cozner, Juggler, and riotous fellow. And in the like manner he deals with Erasistratus, affirming him to be obscure and confused in his Sentiments. But this is nothing to the Blows he gives Thessalus and Julianus; calling the first Madman, and Thessalian-Ass, saying, That he was bred up by his Father amongst Women, who carded Wool; and giving the second, whom he makes another Thersites, the Title of Apish-fellow, and brazenfaced Conjurer, likening him in fine to Aesop's Ass. And so far did he suffer himself to be transported with this vain blast, that he broke forth at last into most horrid and impious Blasphemies, foolishly depriving GOD of his Omnipotency, and sharply reprehending Holy Moses for having attributed it to him; ridiculously scoffing at the Doctrines of Moses, and our ever blessed Redeemer CHRIST JESUS, and impudently daring to equalise the Obstinacy of the Medicinal Sects to the laudable and invincible Constancy of the Christian Saints; and yet Galen lived in an Age, when there was scarce any place in the World, but was continually illuminated by the Miracles, which were every where wrought by the Teachers of our Holy Religion: Nor could he but have heard of that most famous Victory, obtained by Marcus Aurelius over the Marcomanni through the most fervent Prayers of the Christian Legion, called afterwards from the Effect, that followed their Petitions, Legio fulminans: whence it proceeded, that by the Imperial Edict a stop was put to the cruel Persecution of the Christians, and severe Penalties appointed to be inflicted on those that should accuse them, or inform against them; upon which account also was erected that famous Turret or Column in Rome, which reserving even to our days the Records of signallized Virtue, is admired by all amongst the Wonders of that glorious City. This Conradus Gesner Considering, could not (however unreasonably partial for him) forbear saying; Rashly and impiously does Galen refuse the Schools of Christ and Moses, as founded upon no Demonstration, as if the Miracles which are both numerous and divine, of which we read both in the old and new Testament, did not exceed all Demonstration. Nor doth he here make a stand, but proceeds with many other very grave Expressions to reprove him. But to return from whence the zeal of Piety and Religion had transported me. After Galen, But few or none so far advanced in Fame. Few or none of any great repute were seen in Physic: forasmuch as within a little while after the true and perfect Method of Philosophy, which already began by degrees to decay, fell totally from its pristine splendour, and swerving from its right path, those Bastard-philosophers set at naught the true Knowledge of the Causes of Natural Events, and contenting themselves only with simple Logic, or to say better, with witless Sophistry, foolishly followed the fantastical Chimeras of Terms, and prattle, wherewith casting, as we use to say, dust in the eyes of the Multitude, they made them think Glow-worm's to be Lanterns, and would make every one believe, That they knew all, when in Natural things, it cannot certainly be affirmed, that they knew any thing. But in fine this vain shadow of Philosophy, sinking together with the Majesty of the Roman Empire gave the last plunge, drawing with it also Physic, as may be seen in the Books of Oribasius, Paulus, of Aetius, Alexander Trallianus, Actuarius, Philotheus, and other Authors, who scarce did any thing else, but collect, compile, and sometimes unskilfulfully translate the Writings of others. But in them we may yet see, altho' not so much at large, the usual Contests of the Art, especially in Trallianus, who, being bolder than the rest, more than once manifestly opposes Galen, and besides, prudently enough avers, That it is indeed a wicked thing, not to contradict Galen, when the Truth requires it.  
And it has always been observed, that as men have been more or less addicted to Philosophy, proportionably more or less frequent have been the Contests and Wranglings of Physicians; which is a manifest sign, that these Controversies proceeded from men's more or less examining the defects of the Art.  
But at last through the extreme Negligence of the Greeks, who took no care to copy them, together with the choicest pieces of Philosophy, and other Sciences, were lost the most excellent Volumes, till that time extant of Physic; which were in the time of Galen grown to such a number, that the very Reading, as he tells us, of the good and useful Books of Medicaments would have employed a man all the days of his life. And the same disaster did then happen to the Books of Physic, as the Great Bacon of Virulam observes to have befallen those of Philosophy, which being carried along by the rapid stream of time, as by an overflowing River, the lighter only swum on the top, whilst the weightier, and those of greater value sank down to the bottom. Thus together with Philosophy did Physic remain depressed, when the Arabians, who having forsaken their ancient Faith, to follow the impious doctrines of Mahomet, and rebelliously withdrawn themselves from the Jurisdiction of the Roman Empire, had with victorious arms taken and ransacked very many rich Provinces of Asia, Africa, and Europe, finding by chance amidst the prey and spoil they got in Greece, some Books, applied themselves with more than ordinary fervour, to the Study; and lighting on the Works of Aristotle, and some of his Commentators, as also on those of Hypocrates, and Galen, they equally attended to profit themselves both in Philosophy and Physic: But being somewhat of a servile and superstitious temper and disposition, they durst scarce ever look into the Book of Nature, and searching therein for the Truth of natural Things, curiously examine and inquire, whether, what they had themselves experimented, did punctually agree with what those learned men had before described; but like a poor flock of Goats, they unwisely, if not madly followed them as Guides, blindly retaining all the parts of Physic, and especially Anatomy, just as they found it: whence through the fault of the Translators, or perhaps of the Originals themselves, they ran into many Errors. Notwithstanding from those small and dusky Lights of Philosophy they contracted so much Spirit, that they dared ever in matters of very great import to front both the Grecian Masters; on one side, to say nothing of other matters, restraining the use of Phlebotomy, and on the other as much enlarging it by letting even Children blood, little or nothing regarding that Galen and Hypocrates had manifestly taught the contrary; against whose Sentiments also they used Purgations, where there were no Inflammations, the Humours in the Distempers being yet crude. Besides this, they made use of Sena, Cassia, Manna, Tamarinds, Rheubarb, and other new Drugs not heretofore known to the Ancients. They invented new ways of compounding Medicines, and having, I know not whether from Egypt, or elsewhere gotten some Volumes of the most ancient Chemistry, endeavouring according to their ability to restore it, they enriched the Shops with many strange and unusual Compositions; and some of them also with the same Art attained to philosophise about the things appertaining to Physic. Whence their Prince Avicen departed so far from the steps of Galen, as occasioned Pietro Messia (not without reason) to say; That the Practice and manner of curing used by Avicen, is so far different from that of Galen, and the Ancients, that it seems quite another thing.  
But the Arabians not content to have deviated from the path, kept by the Grecian Masters, often also assaulted Galen with the same Weapons of Reproaches and Contumelies, as himself had formerly used to vilify and disgrace the most ancient Physicians. And amongst the rest Avicen in Terms certainly villainous, and barbarous, says, That the discourse of Galen is contrary to that of Hypocrates, and that it is full of infinite Errors, and impudent Lies; and that he cast his Eyes only on the Branches and Sprigs, never prying into the Roots of Sciences; that he had little or no Wit, or Sagacity in any thing; and that professing himself a Philosopher, he nevertheless used childish and vulgar Reasons. Whereupon that famous Galenist Vallesius exclaims thus; Avicen in many things on purpose differs from Galen, contradicting him arrogantly, not only in contemplative, but practical Opinions.  
After him followed Averro, who not only blames, and vituperates Galen, but also severely reproves his own Countryman Avicen, exceedingly wondering at his having taken for his Guide a Grecian Babbler, who was not of parts sufficient, ever to arrive at the Knowledge of Natural things. Whereunto he adds, That Galen was so weak and unskilful a Logician, that Syllogisms framed by him, were often found false in their principles, and faulty in their figures, and that his discourse was like to the idle Talk and Quibbles of Buffoons and Jesters. Nor were the Arabians less contentious, and divided among themselves, than the Greeks had formerly been, altho' they did not after the manner of those, separate themselves into parties, as may be easily discerned in the Works of Rhasis, Avicen, Averro, and other their Writers. And thus they went continually on, philosophising, and advancing in their Studies, when by the command of the Caliph, and other Mahometan Princes, their Schools were all shut up, and good Learning prohibited; and this by reason of the barbarous Government, they having long observed, that the Sciences, especially Philosophy, opening the Eyes of the people's Mind, made them easily perceive the ridiculous Forgeries, and childish Simplicities of the Alcoran: Wherefore with Philosophy, Physic also decayed in an instant among the Arabians, and all Literature gave up the Ghost. But before this came to pass, by the means and diligence of the Emperor Charles the Great, the Arabian Authors together with those few Greeks, which were then published in Arabic, were Translated into Latin, however barbarous and unpolished, such as was used in those most unhappy times. And thus in afflicted and desolate Italy began the interrupted, and decayed Studies of Physic to rise up again. But how violently then of a sudden the Contests and Disputes of the Italian Wits were awakened, he that is desirous to know, may read in Pietrod' Albano, Gentile da Foligno, Taddeo, and Nicolo Fiorentini, Dino, and Tomasso dal Garbo, Giacomo da Forli, Vgoda Sienna, Giacomo delle Parti, and may other Writers.  
But afterwards the purity and elegancy of the Latin Tongue being in more quiet times arrived at first in our most delightful Country of Italy, and then in the other provinces of Europe, and the mellifluous Greek Language coming about the same time from Greece, then for the most part subjugated and harrassed by the Ottoman Princes, Physicians began by little and little to read the Greek Authors in their primitive Idiom, faithfully translating them from their Original into Latin. And then more fiercely than ever sprang up the Contests of Physicians, which grew exceeding hot between those, who on the one side would follow their Galen and Hypocrates, and others, who on the contrary in defence of the Arabians vigorously opposed the Grecian Authors. And because there are yet to be found in the hands of the Curious some of their detracting Writings, I have thought it not amiss, out of one of them, entitled, Nobilis Socii Salodiensis praecertatio pro Arabum, & proborum medicorum tutela, as briefly as I may, and by way of Abridgement to rehearse some things, which may serve as a Sample of the rest.  
This Treatise, altho' it undertakes the defence of the Barbarian Physicians, yet appears not in the least to be barbarously written; and the Author thereof seems to me to be an able man, and very well seen in the Doctrines of Galen and Hypocrates, whereof joining together many Sentences, he with exquisite artifice frames long, and well-ordered discourses. He gins ingenuously, and with a mind free from passion, induced, as he says, by the love of Truth alone to contend with certain Physicians of his own Time, who, either to show themselves skilled in the Learning of the Greeks, or through the overmuch affection they bore the Grecian Authors, or to let others see, that they walked not in the common Road, made it their profession to oppose, as the Proverb has it, the Pandects, and vilifying, and contumeliously treating the Arabian Physicians, endeavoured on the contrary with the highest praises to extol the Grecians unto Heaven. And it seems, that their first Motive thereunto, was only the secret ill Will, Anger, and Spite, which they bore towards most barbarous and foreign Nations; which they so far improved, that contrary to the express Laws of good Manners, and the precepts of their own Master Hypocrates, they impudently belched forth against them the greatest Villainies, that the Malice of such silly Wretches could invent, calling them now Cheats, anon Shallow-pates, and often branding them with like Imputations. Having prefaced in this manner, he proceeds to his discourse, what is by these men in behalf of the Greeks objected against the Arabian Physicians: viz. That the clear and overflowing Fountain of Physic was at first preserved pure and without mixture by its Authors, but falling afterwards into the hands of these, soon became troubled and muddy; and that those were the true Masters and Inventors of that Art, and these Barbarian Caitiffs only Translators, who without taking any pains, vainly boasted of other men's Works, as if they were their own. Then going on, he saith, That they accused the Arabians, for that in translating the Greeks from their Originals, not well comprehending their Sentiments, they filled their Writings with Confusion and Contention; and in Conclusion, he adds, That the Censurers of his time, prosecuting the Followers of the Arabians, as standing upon most weak and unsure Foundations, or being only covetous after money, accused them for inventing so many, tho' rich and costly Syrups.  
But the aforesaid Author, desirous by a strict Examination of them, to refel these Accusations, brought against the Arabians, first explains the meaning of that Saying, to wit, That the Greeks were indeed the Masters, and the Arabians not more but Scholars, and Translators in physic. Hereby, saith he, they either mean, that the Greeks were of all Nations the first Inventors thereof, and the Arabians only Builders upon the old foundation, which, as he tells us, needs farther Confirmation before it be granted, since he manifestly proves by the Authority both of the Greeks themselves, and of the Latin Writers, That they, to wit, the Greeks, first learned it from the Egyptians, or some other people; or else their opinion is, That the Greeks by putting the last hand to it, brought it to such a degree of perfection, that it is impossible to advance it any higher. And this said, he fell again anew to distinguishing, telling us, That hereby they intended, either that by every one of the Greeks, physic was raised to the utmost height whereunto it possibly could arrive; or that they had all of them contributed their assistance thereunto; or that some one amongst so many Masters had performed this Exploit. The first he avers to be manifestly false, and to have been in many places confessed so to be by their Prince Galen himself. The second, he says, can never be granted to be true, by many and evident reasons demonstrating it to be most false, which were it otherwise, yet would it be exceeding difficult, nay even impossible ever to learn from the Grecian Masters the most confused Art of Physic; there being so many Volumes differently written by them, that a man cannot run them over with his Eye, much less attentively study them, tho' he should employ therein every day of his life. It remains then to say, That one alone amongst so many Greeks has brought Medicine to its chiefest Splendour, and forasmuch as we are assured by the Authority of Galen, that all others before him were often entangled and misled: and therefore, as being imperfect, and without much Knowledge, not greatly to be regarded. This most magnificent Honour and dignity must be attributed therefore to the most profound and more than human Wit of Claudius Galenus of Pergamus, esteemed commonly the chief amongst all the Grecian Masters; and that, not only by the Universal Consent of his Partisans, but also in his own proper Judgement, which he was not ashamed in many places vaingloriously to affirm. Here our Censurer, losing his patience, makes his Avicen briskly enter the Lists against Galen. He introduces the Greek, exposing his reasons, and declaring his honourable Quality, and this he does in Galens own Words, collected and tacked together out of his own Writings, in which he extremely glories of his Birth, Education, Studies, extraordinary progress in the Encyclopaideia of all Sciences, and divine Knowledge in physic, relating in fine, what he with Grecian, and infinite Brags, vauntingly tells us of his own Qualifications. On the contrary with simple, modest, and humble words he declares the Life, Manners, and Studies of his Avicen: and as he makes the Arabian far exceed the Greek in Birth, and good Qualities, so not at the first glance alone, but by penetrating farther into the matter, he will plainly let us see, which of the two excels in Knowledge. And here he gins strictly to sift and examine Galens Works: And altho' he tells us, That he will elsewhere clearly and distinctly discover his Errors and Impostures, promising to collect them into one entire Volume, yet since he judges it necessary to his present purpose, he proceeds to give an account of some of the greatest and most conspicuous, saying, That however gross and palpable they are, yet will not the Galenists discern them, when for the least Straw that lies in their way, they presently take snuff, proudly vilifying and reproaching poor Avicen.  
He says then, That Galen, however esteemed a most profound and acute Philosopher, yet in that part of Philosophy which is deservedly held to be of greatest import, and value, to wit, the Moral, he had as little Judgement and Understanding, as a Blindman has in Colours; and that this was the reason he so little practised it. First he demonstrates him to have been most ungrateful to his parents, and not being ashamed to lay open to the whole World the Faults and evil Qualities of his Mother, saying, That she was so proud and peevish, that often falling into excess, she used unmercifully to outrage her Servants; and that she behaved herself more frowardly, and cross-grainedly to her Husband, than ever did Xanthippe to the most patiented Socrates. Hereto he adds, That he is extremely vainglorious, and an unmeasurable Boaster of his own Excellencies: and this may without any other proof be easily learned from his writings, he having filled them all with Praises and Encomiums of himself. And indeed, what greater vanity, and presumption can there be, than to affirm, as he doth, That none can fully comprehend the meaning of Hypocrates without the assistance of his most profound Comments? and that he alone had given physic its ultimate perfection? and that the Gods, as if they were concerned, and zealous for his Honour, had taught him many Medicines, as he brags, when he treats of the Nerves of the Eyes, and of the Cure of wounded Nerves in general? and that he could discourse for a whole day on the most obscure and difficult Question, having often done it to his great commendation, when taken on a sudden?  
But of what Honesty, Constancy, or Justice, can he ever boast, having, as he himself tells us, given a sick Child a Medicine, which according to his own Doctrine, and Opinion, must have undoubtedly killed him, as it did? Certainly he cannot but be infinitely blamed for so doing by any one, that has the least sense of Humanity and Compassion. Nor does it any whit avail him to cover this barbarous action with light excuses, as that he did not herein follow his own Inclinations, but was forced thereunto by fear; since he ought, courageously resisting, and refusing so to do, to have acted according to Justice and Reason.  
But our Author, having thus shown him to be blame-worthy for his want of Morality, proceeds to acquaint us with his Learning, saying, That he was as well skilled in Logic, as a Tortoise in flying, or a Cow in dancing. For setting himself, at his beginning, to divide Words into significative, and insignificative, and alleging for the latter the common Example of Blictri and Syndapsus, he immediately subjoins, that these are no words. And besides this, all Logicians acknowledging rationality to be the ultimate difference that constitutes man in his Essence, he on the contrary stiffly holds, that Babes are not rational, but in time will be; which in good earnest is to say, that they are not true Men, but hereafter will be so: which most notorious Error he fell into, for that seeing them prattle confusedly, the Sot had not the Wit to consider, that Rationality did not necessarily imply Discourse in actu, but in potentia only, as the term is. Nay, what is more, this great man could not arrive to comprehend, That Rational and Irrational are terms absolutely contradictory; and therefore he foolishly and childishly affirms, That the Brute Beasts, which are all of them undoubtedly void of Reason, are more or less partakers thereof, calling man Rational only by way of Excellency, or per 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as he has it. And from this 〈◊〉 ●●ves another Error, no less gross 〈◊〉 ●●excusable, nay, perhaps greater than 〈◊〉 ●ormer: That Asses, although the dullest and sluggishest of all Beasts, have yet full and perfect knowledge of this most difficult Aphorism of the Physicians, Contraria contrariis curantur. But who, for God's sake, is there among the Logicians, which does not fully approve the saying of Aristotle, That from Truth follows only Truth; whereas from Falsity Truth and Falsity do equally proceed? And yet the most acute Galen, manifestly opposing it, gives us cause to believe that he did not sufficiently understand it. But what praise did he gain by that his most ingenuous Invention of the fourth Figure, gloriously found out by him to the shame of Aristotle, and the other Master in Logic? Certainly it has by all Logicians been disapproved, and with reason rejected, as confused and unfit for Disputation.  
From these frivolous Toys of Logic our Censurer proceeds to examine him in matters of greater import, such as is Natural Philosophy. And he thinks Galen to be in Philosophy more thick & muddy than puddle-water; and this he manifests by many proofs: whereof I shall rehearse only a few, not to deviate too far from my principal intent. Galen then says, and constantly affirms, that Plants have full and entire Sense, and an internal principle of Motion within themselves; that Motion cannot be comprehended of us by the corporal Senses, but by Reason only; that Crabs and Beetles have no heads, those Animals only in his opinion, having an Head, which have soft Eyes, and not those, whose Eyes are covered with an hard and crystalline shell; and yet the contrary is manifestly seen in Grasshoppers, Locusts, and such like Creatures. Besides this, he says, That the Head is not made by the Brain, that in Volatils the Neck and Feet are equally distant from the Heart; that the brain in Animals has need of somewhat to move it, which are the Feet, and that the Feet on the contrary have need of Sense, which is given them by the brain; and that the one without the other is of no use or value; not observing, that Eels, Lampreys, and such like Fish, altho' they have no Feet, have yet Brains. And here the wary Champion of the Arabians opportunely retorts upon Galen the same Weapons wherewith the other thought to have wounded Avicen: And since, saith he, mention gins to be made of the Brain, before we leave that discourse, we shall add, that Galen (in the same manner as they reproached Avicen) wanted Brains himself. But how expert Galen was in Philosophy, any one may easily discern from his discourse concerning Hair; he observing, that the Hairs of the Eyelids and Eyebrows are always at a stay, and do not increase and grow, as do those of the Head, and other parts of the Body, and willing to give a reason thereof, says, That, as it happens in dry and barren grounds that the Grass does not grow for want of sufficient Moisture, so the Hairs of the Eyelids and Eyebrows by reason of the little or no Nourishment, which they draw from the other parts, cannot come to any great length. Now who in God's Name, does not see, that, if this were the cause thereof, the Hairs of the Head must much less increase and grow, as being rooted in an harder and drier skin, than that of the Eyelids? And it appears to our Author, that the nourishment of these Hairs insensibly exhales and evaporates through the exceeding small Pores of the Eyes. The most sharp-sighted Galen likewise says, That provident Nature has given us Hair for an Ornament to our Body: But if it were so, to what purpose do they grow in those parts, which Modesty obliges us not to name? Besides that Nature would greatly have injured Women by depriving them in some parts thereof. And in fine, Galen, contrary to the Opinion of all Philosophers, holds, That Flame, besides its natural Motion, which is always upwards, has also another which makes it sometimes incline downwards; not considering, that Flame never has any such Motion, but when it is forced and constrained thereto by Art.  
Nor does the Censurer of Galen stop here, but passing on, examines his Doctrine, where it seems of greatest weight, that is, in things appertaining to Physic. And here he proves, That altho' Galen seriously employed all his Industry and Wit therein, yet he penetrated so little into it, and committed so many Errors therein, that it would be impossible to reckon them up distinctly. And setting aside how much his ill Nature obliged him to leave no way untried, that he might obscure the Fame of the Great Hypocrates, saying, That he observed not the signs of the Pulses, nor made any mention of many Fevers, with other like frivolous and vain Objections, wherewith he does not so much, as in the least, raze his skin, altho' he thought to have grievously wounded him; that which seems to be most important, is, that setting himself designedly to comment on the Writings of Hypocrates, he seems in many places not to understand them, often and in many places entangling himself, as the Censurer distinctly shows, tho' I, not to be over-tedious, pass them over. He sometimes refutes the Discourse of Hypocrates, but afterwards giving himself the , elsewhere commends it, thus manifestly showing his little Firmness and Constancy.  
He brags moreover, That he had given certain and sure presages for the Knowledge of all Diseases: but if others will, yet his most cautious Reprover will not in the least believe him herein. For from those few Cures, which, that his Fame might thereby live for ever, he relates himself to have performed, it is manifestly seen, that he never aimed aright, but was rather greatly mistaken in the Knowledge of the Distempers, and their Causes: as in that of the Wife of Boetus, and of the Youth, to whom, contrary to the advice of Hypocrates, he foolishly gave Meat in the Augmentation of his Favour, to the Patients mortal danger. But peradventure he shown himself more silly, and mad-man-like, when to regulate the Cure of certain Diseases, he foolishly sought after the Interpretation of idle Dreams. But above all his other Follies that seems the greatest, which he committed in Curing the Wife of Boetus; and it is a wonder, that he met not with that Eternal disgrace and Reproach, which he but too much deserved for having shown himself so childish and ignorant, running perhaps into as many Errors, as he divised Medicines.  
And finally this sage Writer concludes against Galen, That if the great Number of his Volumes were sifted, there would in this vast Bulk be found more Bran than Flower; all that he writes, being paltry Stuff, and idle Prattle, full of vain and high Boastings, often intermixed with digressions and Tales, void both of Wit and Sense; and that they are in fine a confused Miscellany of unwarrantable Doctrines, wherein he often enough repeats over the same thing, altho' he openly protests, that he would never do it. I pass over many other, even infinite Errors, whereof Galen is found guilty by his subtle Accuser, because I think enough has been said to make it easily comprehended what, and how great were the Contests between the Followers of the Arabians, and those of the Greeks.  
But whilst the Disputes of the Physicians were prosecuted with the greatest heat, on a sudden rose up the most ingenious Theophrastus Paracelsus, who, renewing the most ancient Method of Philosophy, which had for a long time been laid aside, began attentively to read the great Book of Nature, that he might therein learn the reason of Natural Evenements. He, intermixing Chemistry, wherein he was very skilful, with Physic, and therewith, as with an useful and fit Instrument, searching into the choicest of Nature's Secrets, very successfully undertook to cure the most desperate Diseases with Remedies which he had found out by his Knowledge in this Art. It cannot easily be believed, to what an height within a certain space of time his new Sect arrived, either through the new and most curious way opened by him to true Philosophy, or through the agreeable Pleasantness and Efficacy of his powerful Medicines, or through his happy success in Diseases till that time thought incurable. And the Fame of his skill being now generally spread over Germany, France, and other Provinces of the Christian World, his Doctrines were fervently embraced by men well versed in Sciences. And without doubt the advance of his Glory would have been greater, had he not purposely wrapped up and concealed his Doctrine in obscure Aenigmes, and ambiguous Allegories usual with Chemical Authors. What and how great were afterwards the Contests and Debates, as between those that were only Galenists and only Paracelsians, so between those who may be called Paracelso-Galenists, and Galeno-Chimists, is peradventure so well known to every one, that I may well forbear to say any thing thereof. And tho' the Galenists had enough to do with their extern Enemies, yet were they not, as the Books of that Age testify, very well united, but oftentimes turned their Animosities upon themselves, biting and tearing one another, like so many mad Dogs.  
But whilst Paracelsus happily introduced vital Anatomy both into Philosophy and Physic; the Anatomy also of Animals was again brought to light out of the Ruins of Oblivion, wherein it had for a long time lain wholly buried. And the first Restorer thereof was Andreas Vessalius of Brussels, a man certainly worthy of Immortal Fame. He, questionless a greater Anatomist than Herophilus, having accustomed himself from a Child to dissect Rats, and other small Creatures, being come to years of more maturity, by degrees searched into the several parts of human Bodies, and relying upon no other Testimony, but what was given him by his own Eyes, and his own Hands, clearly manifested to every one, in what great Errors the ancient Anatomists had lived, and above all, Galen, whom he taxes with an hundred and an hundred Faults. It is strange and wonderful to hear, how unmeasurably he was therefore persecuted and outraged by the Physicians, his Contemporaries; and how the Disputes in Physic thereby more and more increased, there being some, who would right or wrong defend and maintain the most evident Faults of their Master Galen, not at all regarding, that they thereby thwarted and went against his first and principal Sentiment, who rather chose to incur the danger of Erring with his own Senses, than blindly to give credit to what he had found related concerning human Bodies by the ancient Anatomists, whom he sometimes, tho' wrongfully, blames for their Observations about the Entrails of men, because he had seen it otherwise in those of Monkeys.  
But amongst the fierce and implacable enemies of Vessalius, that famous Parisian Physician Jacobus Silvius would needs signalise himself, and desirous to contend with him, violently assaults him, changing his name Vessalius into Vaesanus, that is, mad, styling his book a most unworthy, villainous and perplexed Miscellany of Errors, and an abominable Dream of filthy and wicked Instructions. Then turning to the Readers, he with Prayers and Protestations exhorts and conjures them furiously to tear it in pieces, and burn it. He beseeches also the Emperor then being, severely to punish the Author, whom he terms a Monster of Folly and Ingratitude, an Exemplar of Insolence and Villainy, basely born, and worse educated in his Court, saying, It would be a deed of Charity, if he totally made him away, and strangled him, that he might not with his poisonous and pestilential Breath to infect and corrupt the Remainder of Europe. Now what more, I pray, could he have done, had poor Vessalius been guilty of High-Treason not only against Monsieur Galen, but even against Caesar himself; or if he had betrayed and sold Buda, or Alba Regalis to the Turks; or if his Writings had been like to those of Philip Melancthon and impious Luther? yet so far did the Calumnies and Diffamations of the envious Silvius, and other rascally Galenists prevail with the Emperor, who was in all things else a most just Prince, that in fine Vessalius unfortunately lost his Favour, and was banished the Court. Thus was that Saying verified, which Dioclesian, not yet advanced to the Purple, often had in his mouth; Saepe bonus, saepe cautus decipitur Imperator. Not long after it appeared, that the Frowardness and Spite of Silvius passed into Andreas Laurentius, which made him thus also break out against the innocent Vessalius; Against this man let us, as they say, put on the Lion's skin, and tame all those monsters, which he has brought forth out of a Spirit of Contradiction, so let him undergo the due reward of his Arrogancy and Ingratitude against his Master Galen. And perhaps that our Reader of Physic, who put into his printed Conclusions these most elegant words, The Circulation of the Blood, together with Harvey the Author, we utterly reject and explode; would, if it had been in his power, have done as much for the great Harvey with the King and Parliament of England.  
But other learned men little or nothing regarding the disgrace befallen Vessalius, but rather as is usual with all great and generous Souls, in whom it is always seen, that Difficulty whets desire. being rendered more courageous and eager by the opposition, set themselves with their utmost endeavour to follow the same Track, such as were Felix Platerus, Gasper Bauhinus, Gabriel Fallopius, Volcherus, Coiter, Realdus Columbus, Fabritius de Aqua pendente, Adrianus Spigelius, and many other most skilful and industrious Anatomists, who seemed to have arrived to the highest pitch of that Art, nothing remaining for a farther search. When behold Gasper Asellius and William Harvey (who by the universal Consent of all learned men is reckoned amongst the greatest, and most expert Anatomists of our, or former Ages) published their new and glorious Inventions, being followed by the noblest Company of Physicians that ever were in the World, of whom I must not omit the most famous, as Joannes Heurnius, Giovanni Picchetti, Thomas Wharton, Ludovicus Bilsius, Nathanael Heighmore, Francis Glisson, Thomas Bartholinus, Regnerus Graaf, Carlo Fracassati, Richard Lower, Lorenzo Bellini, and many others, whom for brevity sake I pass over, all worthy of immortal praise and Renown. Yet must I not but make mention of the most ingenious Marcellus Malpighius, The chiefest glory of Felsinian streams. who thirsting after Honour, does so accurately practise Anatomy in Plants, that nothing more can be desired in that Art. And in my opinion, it may freely be confessed, that within the narrow compass of a few years there have been more Wonders discovered in the bodies of Animals, than were formerly known in the long course of five and thirty Ages: without my taking the boldness to say, That the finding out alone of the Circulation of the Blood, first discovered in this our Italy, which has always (O great Infelicity of ours) Fruitful in bringing forth, in cherishing ungrateful— of her Children, and afterwards fully established and divulged in England, far exceeds the Invention of all Antiquity put together. But of the Questions, Quarrels, Contentions, Debates, Disputes, and Skirmishes, that did thereupon arise amongst Physicians, I do at present forbear any mention; because I well know, we do still with our Eyes behold them. And perhaps it is manifest to every one, how that Primrose, Parisani, and Riolanus Junior (who was in all things else an acute Anatomist) pertinaciously maintaining the Non-circulation of the Blood, being scoffed at, and baffled by the most famous Scholars of Europe, were forced at last shamefully to recant their Follies; and that Vopiscus Fortunatus Pemplius, having first briskly opposed the Circulation of the Blood, being afterwards convinced and refuted by the Great Renatus des Cartes, and John Wallis more accurately publishing his Works anew, he finally sang this famous Palinody; At first the Invention pleased me not, as by my Discourses and Writings I have publicly testified: But the more I laboured to refute and condemn it, the more I condemn, and refute myself; his reasons being not only so persuasive, but compulsive. I know very well, that there are at this day some, who, considering the reproach and dishonour that befell Primrose and Parisani, and seeing all those learned men, which either publish Books in Print, or with esteem read Lectures in their Universities, unanimously do admit of these Modern Discoveries, and therefore not daring in the presence of Scholars to contradict any of them, do yet amongst those, who are wholly ignorant of Anatomy, covertly mutter and murmur, impudently presuming to say, That so many different things cannot any way be in the bodies of Animals; that, if they were there, their Galen was not so simple or foolish, but that he, long before these Modern Inventors appeared in the World, would distinctly have discerned and described them: forasmuch as being most accurate and ingenious, and having given all Physic its last and perfect Compliment, it is not credible, that he should in this alone have so grossly erred: wherefore it is not necessary for us to beat our Brains about these new Inventions in Medicine, seeing we ought to rely upon his Labours, and satisfy ourselves with a full understanding of his Sentiments, Reasons, and Oracles, so they call his most Witless and vain Expressions. And in fine they conclude, That we ought blindfoldly to believe Galen, and some other ancient Authors, even tho' our Senses sometimes oppose, that these are often wont to deceive us, which those men will not do, who, having spent their whole life in Study and Experience, have all along been by every one reputed as the Gods of Physic.  
But for my part, I shall not, to convince, and undeceive them, give myself the trouble manifestly to show them (as I could well do) that do give more credit to authority & reasons, than to our Senses, is the most foolish Obstinacy that could ever fall into the mind of man: forasmuch as I imagine that to get clear of such Straits, they would reject the clearest Demonstrations of the Modern Philosophers. I shall therefore only briefly let them know, how little they understand the very Sentiments of their Masters. And perhaps they never much regarded that most true Saying of their own Aristotle; That we ought to give credit to Reason, if the things of Reason agree with Experience: Nor yet that other Saying of the same Author; That to forsake the Guidance of our Senses, to be blindly led by Reason, is a great Argument of the weakness of our Wit. And was not Galen also of the same mind? See here his own Words; all those are rather to be esteemed foolish, than wise, who being able fully to comprehend, and perceive things by their Senses, will yet avow, that we cannot learn but by Demonstrations alone. And in another place the same Author saith; The Doctrine of those that rely upon the Say of others, is tyrannical, and full of Confusion and Debates. And in God's Name let them read also the same Sentiment in their Avicen; and if they be not yet satisfied, let them go, and learn of the Prince of Divines, Joannes Scotus, where he saith, That all those who will not credit their Senses, justly deserve to be burnt. And let them know farther, that whoever has the least spark of Reason, of what Sect soever he be, must needs say, as doth that great Light of Galenical and Hippocratical Physic, Nicolaus Leonicenus; We ought not so far to forego our own Judgements, as always to follow the footsteps of others, and to be certain ourselves of nothing: For this would be to see with other men's Eyes, to hear with other men's Ears, and smell with other men's Noses, and to understand with other men's Intelligence, and to believe ourselves no other than mere stones, to commit all things to the assertions of others, and not to believe ourselves able to make any true discussion in doubtful matters  
And another of Galens Followers exceedingly condemning this same pertinacy, relates a very pleasant adventure, to wit, That a certain public Reader, long time versed, and grown old in the Books of Aristotle, being one day by chance present at an Anatomy, and clearly seeing, that the Vena cava takes its Original from the innumerable Threads or Roots which are in the Liver, full of wonder and astonishment,  
As one that never beheld a thing incredible. confessed indeed, by what his Senses shown him, the Vena cava must descend from the Liver; but that he ought not therefore by crediting his Senses to contradict his Master Aristotle, who constantly affirms, all the veins in man's body to have their beginning from the Heart; because, said he, it is much more easy for our Senses to be sometimes deceived, than for the Great and Sovereign Aristotle ever to have fallen into any Error. And so much Power had his Obstinacy over him, that being in the company of certain learned men, shown by one of them a little Suet about the Heart, which melted by the faint heat of a Candle, to defend his Aristotle, by whom this is denied, he durst to say, that what he saw, was not Fat,  
And certainly pleasant enough is that also which is related by the most famous Redi, that one, who was deeply read in the Writings of the Peripatetics, because he would not be compelled to confess, that the Stars, and other new things discovered in the Heavens by the great Galileo, were true, refused the assistance of the Telescope; and that another, yet more obstinate, would not condescend to see him open one of those little Frogs, which in Summer are seen in the dusty Highways, for fear of being obliged to confess, that they are not engendered in the instant of the Drops being incorporated with the Dust. But where shall I have room to relate the Disputes and Contests which grew up in Rome about the Medicinal Doctrine of that famous Physician Prosper Martianus? Who being endued with uncommon Learning, and prudent Sagacity, and gloriously employing the utmost of his Ability and Industry in searching into the Doctrine of Hypocrates, manifestly shows, that Galen oftentimes either did not, or would not comprehend the true Sentiments of that venerable old man. And Petro Castelli, avouching the same thing, tells us besides, That Galen took the same course in explaining the most learned Opinions of the divine Plato: Galen either understood not, or would not understand Hypocrates or Plato, to give the greater esteem to his own Writings. Then he defends the most wise Old Man from his Reproofs and Taunts, especially about the Causes of Fevers, constantly affirming, not only that Hypocrates never prescribed the letting of Blood in Fevers, but where the excessive internal Inflammation required it, as was also before him fully observed by Hieronymus Cardanus; but farthemore asserting, That according to the Doctrine of Hypocrates, a Fever is one of those Distempers, which in nowise admits of Phlebotomy. These and other good and sound Doctrines the learned Martianus wisely manifesting, revived with them the decayed, and almost extinguished Sect of his dear Hypocrates.  
But I know not how I have hitherto forbore to mention one, who, although a woman, deserves yet to be reckoned amongst the greatest Scholars, I mean the Lady Donna Oliva Sabuco, 
She childish sports, and Female Exercise  
Even from her tender years did still despise  
To spin, or to the Needle set her hand,  
Of masculine learning studious, she disdained.   
Now she being abundantly furnished with more than masculine Wit, and Understanding, courageously employed both her Brains and Mind in the Investigation of Natural things; and advancing in her Studies, she set her wits upon things of greatest use, and to the end Spain, and the Whole might receive some benefit thereby, she wonderfully gave beginning to a new and most ingenious way of Curing. And writing a Letter to the most august Monarch Philip the Second, of Eternal and Glorious Memory, she thus displays her Wit. It is as plain as the light of the Sun, That the ancient Physic was in an Error, according as it is read and practised in its principal Fundamentals, for that the ancient Philosophers and Physicians neither understood or reached the true nature upon which Physic is founded, and from whence it draws its original; of which, not only the understanding Christian Physicians may be Judges, but also those that have any prospect into other Faculties, being persons of Wit and Judgement. And a little after. He that cannot comprehend or understand it, let him leave it to others that are to come, or let him believe Experience, and not the ancient Physic. Therefore my Petition is just, that these my Followers may be approved for one year, since they have tried the Rules of Galen and Hypocrates for these 2000 years, and have found the Effect so inconsiderable, and the Ends so uncertain, as is to be seen every day, and was lately observed in the past Epidemic Catarrhs, Spotted Fevers, Small Pox, and Pestilences, and many other Infirmities; in the Cure of which, that sort of Physic is so ineffectual, that scarce two in a thousand live out the natural Limits of life; but all die violent deaths of some Disease or other, without any Remedy from ancient Physic.  
And in her Dialogue of True Physic: You cannot deny (Mr. Doctor) but that the Physic you use, is uncertain, various, and fallacious, and that its End and Effects are false and dubious, whereas we see the ends and effects of other Arts to be certain, and true without variation; as in Arithmetic, Geometry, Music, Ascrology, etc. which bring to pass the end and benefit which they purpose. Which end fails, as you see in Physic, being so deceitful, uncertain, and various. Whence it must follow, that this Art fails in its first grounds and foundations, because it produces not fruit conformable to what it proposes; so that when we expect Currans, and delicious Apples, it brings forth nothing but Galls and Medlars.  
And a little further, maintaining the same Opinion, she says; You cannot deny, Mr. Doctor, the Inconstancy of Physic, and how many alterations have been made in it, and that the Art was for a long time forbidden in Rome, where those wise people gave no credit to it, nor would seek for Cure from the hands of the Physician, for the reasons I have said, which are of great efficacy. Neither did the Saracens, nor those of China admit Physicians. And those grave and ancient Authors themselves Cry out, that Life is short, Art long, Judgement difficult, and Experience dangerous. And Hypocrates, That no certain and perfect assurance in Physic can be attained to. Nor can you deny, Mr. Doctor, but that they were men as we are, or that their Say were not above the Condition of Men, but that they spoke according to Nature, which aspired no higher than what the common sense of man could reach. Therefore, says Pliny, there is no Art in the World so inconstant as that of Physic, which changes every day.  
The Lady Donna Oliva goes on farther, whose excellent parts is not my intent now to sum up, and reckon, since the doing thereof would hold me over long. I shall content myself therefore to mention, that some of the most famous Authors have laid claim to many things, falsely boasting, themselves to have been the first Discoverers of them (as about the manner, which Nature uses in distributing the Aliment to all the Parts of an animated Body) whereof she had full knowledge long before, and gloriously published them in her Books.  
After her there arose in our Italy a new System of Rational Physic, which was the laudable Invention of that famous Philosopher, and Doctor in Divinity, Thomas Campanella. He never practised Physic, but yet would search into the most secret Arcanums thereof: And as it was easy for his more than ordinary Wit to separate his Philosophy from the vulgar, commonly taught in the Schools: so also he wanted not skill with specious Doctrines to establish another Invention of Rational Physic, from whence again followed many various Disputes and Contentions in the Art.  
But O how far were they in our days outstripped by that Great Hermes of the lower Germany, John Baptist van Helmont, who, being endued with more sublime and noble Parts, attempted a great Enterprise, whence Debates and Oppositions mightily increased. He, accompanying the Vivacity of his Wit with a singular Morality, and curiously applying himself to Chemistry, wholly bend his Studies to the solving of Natural Bodies, and sparing no sort of Pains or Charge, surmounted to such an height, that leaving far behind him the glorious steps of Paracelsus, he never stopped, till he had happily arrived to finish a wonderful, and never-before-heard-of System of Rational Physic.  
And in like manner have we seen in our Days the famous Thomas Willis with his new System of Rational Physic advancing apace along the path of Immortality and Glory: Nor is it easy to believe, with what Diligence he endeavoured to collect all that he deemed necessary for so Noble a Work; nor yet what Pains he took, what Watch he underwent, and what Eagerness he used to bring it to its entire Perfection. Nor was less Trouble undergone, or less Industry used in a like Uundertaking by Silvius, famous for the innumerable Multitude of his Followers, as Glisson Helvetius, Messonier, Travagino, and other illustrious Scholars of this Age: Many of which, I know not for what reason, have not yet published their Conceptions. I say nothing at present of those able men who yet sweat at the work, and hope, by the Assistance of the Modern Anatomists, and new Natural Philosophy, to bring about their generous Designs concerning various Systems of Rational Physic. And I pass by also those who ingeniously empty themselves in devising Systems of Experimental and Methodical Physic, but such as greatly varies, and differs from that of the Ancients. But how much the Quarrel of Physicians are thereby increased, to the overturning and obscuring all Medicine, is not necessary to be named at present, since we plainly see it before our Eyes. Wherefore if the most Eloquent Pliny were living in these our days, he would certainly more angrily than ever cry out; Mutatur Ars quotidie toties interpellis, & ingeniorum flatu impellimur, not indeed by the Wits of Greece, now lying idle, and servile under the Yoke of the Barbarians; but the most famous ones of England, and other Provinces, by him in his time esteemed Barbarous.  
But I now at last see myself encompassed about with a most innumerable Troop of Physicians, by whom Physic is divided into so many Factions, and shivered, as it were, into so many pieces, that it is impossible for the Wit of man to part it into more. And these are all men, who will not follow the steps of either Greek, Latin, Barbarian, or other Foreign Writer, whether Ancient or Modern, nor be always tied to the Sentiments of any; but being free, and disengaged, swiftly overrun the most vast Kingdoms of Nature, and then oppugning the most difficult and obstinate Diseases, with Arms gotten by their own Labours ●●d not borrowed, or taken from the Arsenals of ot●●●s, nor unskilfully managed, know how to render their Names eternally illustrious by their glorious Undertake. Thus crediting nothing but what they perceive by their own Senses, or have approved by most certain Experience, they will look into all, penetrate all, and with a curious Eye narrowly examine all, not allowing any Reason for vendible, but only what agrees with the Sagacity of their own Understanding. And thus being contrary to all Sects, and not wholly Enemies to any of the Sectators, they protest, that they herein follow the steps of Hypocrates and Galen more, than their most obstinate Defenders. And forasmuch as I think it pertinent to our purpose, to see whether such a Liberty ought to be permitted them: I beseech you, gentlemans, at our next Meeting to hear their Reasons, since what I have already said, may suffice for the present.  
FINIS.   

ADVERTISEMENT.  
THis is the first Discourse of Signior Lionardo di Capoa, who hath writ seven others upon the same subject: which according to the acceptance this meets with in Public, shall likewise be Englished.