Books printed for Richard Sare, at Grays-Inn-Gate in Holborn.  
A Short View of the Profaneness and Immorality of the English Stage, A second Defence of the short View, etc. Being a Reply to a Book, Entitled, The Ancient and Modern Stages surve●ed, etc.  
Essays upon several Moral Subjects.  
The Emperor Marcus Antonius his Conversation with himself. Together with the Preliminary Discourse of the Learned Gataker. As also, the Emperor's Life, written by Monsieur D'acier, and supported the Authorities Collected by Dr. Stanhope. To which is added the Mythological Picture of Cebes the Theban. Translated into English from the respective Originals,  
All four by Mr. Collier.   

A SECOND DEFENCE OF THE SHORT VIEW OF THE Profaneness and Immorality OF THE English Stage, etc.  
BEING A REPLY to a Book, Entitled, The Ancient and Modern Stages Surveyed, etc.  
By jeremy Collier, M. A.  
LONDON: Printed for S. Keble at the Turk's-Head in Fleetstreet, R. Sare at Gray's-Inn-Gate in Holborn, and G. Strahan against the Exchange in Cornhill. 1700.   

ERRATA.  
PAge 20. ●ine 5. for of them read of the Poem, p. 21. Margin, for ●sset r. esset, p. 28. l. 30. Margin, for nempit r. erupit. p. 29. l. 19 Margin, for immodestiae r. immodestia, p. 50. l. 18. for discourred r. discoursed, p. 51. l. 24. for, r.: p. 53. l. 13. for Epithe r. Epithet, p. 71. l. ●. for this r. his, p. 72. l. 24. for Poet r. Poet's, Ibid. l. 30. for Promotheus r. Prometheus, p. 73. l. 1. for Promotheus r. Prometheus, Ibid. for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, p. 78. l. 33. for Under Character r. Under Characters, p. 88 l. 3. for Sx r. Six, p. 97. l. 33. deal as I remember, p. 101. l. 23. for Selecism r. Solecism, p. 105. l. 29. for Charges r. Charge, p. 120. l. 5. for Dramatists r. Dramatist, p. 127. l. 5. for L●w r. Laws, p. 128. l. 19 for belongs r. belong, p. 134. l. 16. for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.   

To the Reader.  
WHen my Adversary first appeared, I was engaged in Business for the Press, which I could not well dismiss, till 'twas brought somewhat forward. Besides, I was sometime at a stand whether to Answer, or not, and, I think, had left my Book to take its Fate, had it not been for the Charge of false Quotation.  
As to the Author of the Survey, etc. his Manner is all over extraordinary, but in what relates to my Authorities, I think altogether unpresidented; such a size of Assurance, so unsupported by Proof and Colour, is rarely to be met with. If he continues to cast the Cause thus entirely upon his Courage, he must Dispute by himself.  
His Eagerness to Defend the Stage, has sometimes transported him into plain Rudeness: To this I shall only observe, That Railing is a scandalous Talon, and an Argument of an ill Undertaking. When a Man throws Dirt, 'tis a sign he has no other Weapon. These are unchristian and Vngentlemanly Sallies, and not so much as allowed to Provocation. Having therefore neither Liberty, nor Fancy for this way, I shall, for the most part, overlook his Misbehaviour.  
As for the Stage, I almost despair of doing them any Service: They are more inclined, I perceive, to Repeat their Faults then amend them: They make no scruple of coming over again with their Ill Plays; As if Immodesty and Profaneness were the more valuable for being discovered. But thus to bear up against Evidence, and go on in Defiance of Religion, is an odd Instance of Resolution. And besides the ill Colour of the Quality, 'twill fail us at the long Run: Courage without Conscience starts at the other World, and leaves a Man dispirited when he has most need of Support. To Consider that we have done our Utmost to Debauch Mankind, will be no Pleasure at such a juncture as This. Unless therefore we could Demonstrate the Grounds of Atheism, Common Sense, if minded, will put us upon a Provision beyond the Grave.  
Novemb. 26. 1699▪   

AN ANSWER To a BOOK, Entitled, The Ancient and Modern Stages Surveyed, etc.  
BEfore I proceed farther with my Adversary, it may not be amiss to observe, that his Scheme is defective, and the Compass of his Defence much short of the Charge. For he does not apply his Answer to any Particulars, nor so much as Vindicate one Passage accused of Indecency and Irreligion. So that were his whole Book true, the Imputation of Profaneness and Immorality, would still lie heavy upon the Stage. This Author, to give him some part of his Character, seems to rely more upon Stratagem and Surprise, than plain Force, and open Attack. His Business is all along to perplex the Cause and amuse the Reader, and to Reason, and Represent amiss. In the first place he tells us a Story, which Mr. Rymer had told before, 
The Ancient and Modern Stages Surveyed, etc.  about the Original of Plays; and charges all the Immorality, and Disorders of the Stage, upon the Head of Idolatry, 
P. 7, 8 9  and the Practice of the Mimes and Pantomimes. 
P. 13, 23.  And when he has thus entangled the Dispute, and like the Scuttle-Fish mudded the Water, he thinks himself out of Reach; but I shall endeavour to dive after him, and drag him to the surface.  
In his History of Heathenism and the Stage, he lays down several unlucky Assertions, and ruins himself in his very Defence. He lets us know, 
The Ancient and Modern Stages Surveyed, etc.  that Paganism was invented to oblige and captivate the People, and gained its Authority among them by indulging their Sensuality, and gratifying their Lusts: That the Games and Shows were the most engaging parts of their Religion, 
p. 10.  and that the Devotional and Pompous part of their Worship, 
P. 12, 13.  was ungrateful to the Spectators, who impatiently expected the Show. He informs us farther, That the Fathers thought it not safe to trust their Converts to the Temptations of so jolly a Religion, that the Portion of those that embraced Christianity was Mortification, that their Reward was in Reversion, and that present Enjoyment is apt to prevail against a remote Hope.  
Now if Stage-Plays were such Licentious Diversions, if they indulged Sensuality and Lust, seized so powerfully upon People's Inclinations, and made them forget the Interests of Futurity; If the Case stood thus, (as the Surveyor confesses) then there were other heavy Articles against the Stage besides Idolatry; Then the bold Liberties and Luscious Pleasures of the Place, were sufficient Reasons why the Fathers declaimed against it; and by consequence their Censures come strong upon the English Theatre.  
The Infancy of Christianity and the frequency of Persecutions, 
P. 14, 15.  don't alter the Measures of Behaviour, nor make so great a difference between the Primitive and Modern Christians, as our Author would suppose. If 'tis possible, we have more Reason to be cautious and selfdenying, than those who lived in the first Ages of our Religion. For then the History of our Faith was fresh, and the Proofs lay nearer to the sense. Then Miracles were frequent to refresh their Memory, and quicken their Zeal. Besides their very Sufferings were awakening Circumstances, and a Guard upon their Virtue. Their being so ill used in this World, was naturally apt to make them take the more care about the other. Having none of these Advantages, we have more need of Discipline and Recollect on; and should stand as much aloof from Temptation as ever. And therefore whatever debauches our Appetites, over-heats our Affections, and, as our Author Phrases it, 
P. 18.  relaxes the Nerves of our Zeal, aught by all Means to be avoided.  
The Surveyor is now going to take off the Censure of the Fathers from the Stage. And here he gins with St. Augustine, who (says he) absolves their Comedies and Tragedies from any fault in the Expression, 
P. 22.  and accuses only the subject Matter.  
To this I Answer;  
First, That St. Augustine's Charge against the Playhouses runs very high; 
View, etc. p. 273, 274, 275.  he looked upon them as no better than the Nurseries of Lewdness and Irreligion, 
Defence, etc. p. 85, 86.  and comprehended Comedy amongst the rest of their Performances; as appears by his Instance in Roscius; but these Testimonies were too troublesome for the Surveyor to take notice of.  
Secondly, St. Augustine, even in this place, blames Comedies and Tragedies for being very foul and faulty in their Fable and Matter, 
* Multa rerum turpitudine.  and by consequence could not think them proper for Christian Diversion.  
Thirdly, St. Augustine does not say that Comedies, etc. 
N●lla, saltem sicut alia multa, verborum obscenitate compos●●ae. De civet. Dei Lib. 2 Cap. 8.  were always clean in the Expression. He throws in a Sentence which qualifies the Proposition, and makes it affirm no farther, than that they were not so smutty as many other things. 'Tis probable he might mean they were not so rank as the Bacchanal and Floral Solemnities.  
But these Words, Sicut alia multa, which change the Sense, and make clearly against him, he is pleased to omit in the English, though they stand staring in the Margin, and are part of his own Quotation. To falsify thus in the face of Conviction, is like Stealing before the Bench: But thus he is pleased to detect himself, and to give us a noble Discovery of his Honesty and Cunning, at his first setting out. However he would do well not to rely too much upon an English Reader for the future.  
This Gentleman advances to the Testimonies cited by the View, etc. And here he is pleased to skip quite over the Councils, and takes no notice of above half the Fathers, and those he has the Courage to undertake, he does but touch at. And thus he confutes a Book at the rate that Mice do, only by nibbling a little at a few of the Leaves. However I must attend him in his Method. Let us therefore consider that little he can afford us from Clemens Alexandrinus; where this Father affirms, That the Circus and Theatre may not improperly be called the Chair of Pestilence. Here the Surveyor would know, whence it appears that the Dramatic Exercises are here aimed at? Were the Mimi and Pantomimi less concerned with the Stage? 
P. 24.  etc.  
In answer to these Questions the Reader may please to understand, that the Surveyor makes great use of the Distinction between the Drama, (as he calls it) and the Mimi; by this means he hopes to perplex the Controversy, and divert the Censure of the Fathers, as if in their Opinion Comedy and Tragedy were inoffensive Diversions; but I shall endeavour to make this Evasion unserviceable to him, by showing,  
First, That several of the Fathers, as appears by the View, etc. censure Tragedy and Comedy by name. Nay, thus much the Surveyor himself confesses, that Tragedy and Comedy is sometimes condemned for Company. 
〈◊〉  Now if Comedy is jointly condemned with the other Shows of the Theatre, why does he endeavour to make the Fathers justify or overlook it? Why so much pains to take off their Censure, and point the satire another way? What needs all this rattling with Mimes, Pantomimes, and Drama, as if there was some Charm and Mystic Power in the Words? If the Fathers condemn Comedy, etc. expressly, 'tis to no purpose to contest their Sense, and pretend their Opinion undeclared. He must own therefore the Ancients are full against him in the Point. And since Comedy and Tragedy is thus expressly condemned by the Fathers, we have reason to believe it always comprehended under their general Censure of the Stage. Which will appear farther if we consider.  
Secondly, That Comedy and Tragedy were the principal and most frequent Diversions on the Stage.  
That they were the principal, I suppose the Surveyor will allow, upon the account of the Fable, and the Advantage of the Plot and Characters: The Mimi being formed upon little Subjects, and Vulgar Persons 
* Lilius Gyraldus de Poet. Hist. Dial. 6. .  
That Comedy, etc. were the most frequent Diversions of the Stage, I prove thus;  
First, Because the Mimi, 
Diomedes libr. 3. in Fragm. Sueton. primis temporibus ut asserit Tranquillus, Omnia quaein scenaversentur in C●media ag●bantur; nam & Pantomimus & Choraules in Comaedia Canebant.  Dancing on the Stage, etc. were Originally part of Comedy, as we may learn from Suetonius; and so in all likelihood they continued a great while.  
Secondly, The Poets who wrote the Mimi or Farces were very few, scarcely One to Ten of the other Dramatists, as appears from Athenaeus, and Lilius Gyraldus. Now, why were the Comic and Tragic Poets thus overproportioned to the Mimographi, but because their Entertainments were much more frequented and esteemed than the other?  
Thirdly, It does not appear that the Mimi were always more Scandalous Compositions than Comedy. 'Tis true we have little of this kind of Writing remaining; But by those Fragments preserved by Macrobius, and cited by Lilius Gyraldus, 
Macrob. Lib. 2▪  they seem to have been Modest and Sententious. 
Saturn. cap. 7.  And Plinius junior mentioning Vergilius Romanus, 
Gyrald de Po●●.  another Mimiiambick Poet, 
Hist. D●●al. 8. p. 918.  commends him for his Probity and his Wit, but does not in the least tax him with any Indecency. Besides, Scaliger in his Chapter De Saltatione, informs us, That the Dances proper to the Mimi were Apish and Fantastical; but that several belonging to Comedy had a Wanton and Licentious Movement. 
S●alig. Poet. Lib. 1. cap. 18. p. 61, 64.  So that of the Two, one would think these Farces were sometimes the more inoffensive Performances.  
Fourthly, 'Tis certain that the Mimes and Pantomimes Represented Comedy and Tragedy in their Gestures, and Dances, as well as they did the Mimi or Farces properly so called. That the Pantomimes were concerned in the Drama, 
Macrob. Saturn. Lib. 2. cap. 10.  is plain from Cassiodorus, etc. who tells us, That they could form their Gestures into such a significancy, that with the same Limbs and Features they could Act either Hercules, 
Gyraldus, p. 690. de Dial. 6.  or Venus; and make the Passions and Character of of a King, or a Common Soldier, visible in their Postures, and Motions. Now Kings and Heroes, we know, were only counted proper for Tragedy.  
Indeed these sort of Actors were nothing but Mimics, (though much farther improved than the Moderns) and therefore as proper to appear in the Drama as in any other Stage-Performance. From whence it will follow, that if these Pantomimis were foul in their Gestures, the Drama must answer to the Indictment; It being oftentimes only the Business of these Mimics to supply the place of the Dialogue, and express the Passions of the Poem.  
And thus I have plainly proved, that when the Fathers pass Sentence against the Stage, the whole Mystery and Fraternity is included, so that his Distinction between the Drama, and the Mimi and Pantomimi, will do him no service. And this may serve to make good not only the Testimony of Clemens Alexandrinus, but of the rest of the Fathers, all his Objections against the Strength of their Evidence turning mostly upon this Supposition. But because he ventures to attack but Two Citations more, a little farther Consideration of him will be no great matter.  
I observed from Theophilus Antiochenus, that the Christians durst not see the Heathen Shows upon the account of their Indecency and Profaneness, and particularly that the Stage-Adulteries of the Gods and Hero's were unwarrantable Entertainments, etc. Here he is positive that the Translator very well knew, 
P. 28.  that Tragedy & Comedy were unconcerned and nothing but the Mimi aimed at. Say you so? Is not the Drama concerned in such Representations as these? What do you make of Plautus' Amphytrio, and Terence's Eunuchus, of Euripides' and Seneca's Thyestes, not to mention any more? Here the Adulteries of the Gods and Hero's are described and acted, and in some of them make part of the main Argument: And besides all this, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  the Expression throws it upon the Drama.  
His next Complaint against me is for translating Theatrum a Playhouse: 
Nihil nobis cum impudicitia Theatri, etc. Tertul. Apol. cap, 38.  This he very shrewdly calls my old way of Legerdemain; for by all means it should have been rendered Theatre. I have a fine time on't to write against a Man that does not know what is Latin for a Playhouse! 
Ancient and Modern Stage surveyed, p 30.  Truly this is a great Point! But I hope Horace's Authority may satisfy him, that his Dramas were Acted in the Theatre. Now this Poet addressing to Pollio, 
Horat. Carm. Lib. 2. Od. 1.  desires him to stop his Tragic Muse till the Commonwealth was better settled: 
Paulum severae Musa Tragediae  
Desit Theatris.   
The Surveyor goes on with his Grievances, and pretends that I wrist Tertullian's Words, 
P. 30.  and force him to call Pompey ' s Theatre a Dramatic Bawdy-house. 
Itaque Pempe●us magnus, solo Theatro suo minor, cum illam arcem omnium turpitudinum extruxisset, etc. Tertul. de Spectac. cap. 10.  And here he has very honestly again put the Latin in the Margin to confute the English: Thither I appeal, and doubt not but the Reader will find the Original every jot as severe as the Translation. But he complains the State of the Case is changed, the Drama wrongfully accused, and that Tertullian inveighed only against the Shows of the Mimi. That's strange! Were not Comedies and Tragedies Acted in the theatres? Not in Pompey's Theatre, the most Magnificent in Rome? Were Farces so much preferred to the Drama, and the Noblest Buildings contrived only for Drolls, and Strollers? Tertullian, in this very Paragraph, observes, that the Theatre was Dedicated to Bacchus; and this Idol, the Surveyor himself informs us, 
P. 9  was the Patron of the Drama, and had his Altar on the rightside of the Stage. Besides, 'tis further evident that Tertullian levelled his Censure against the Drama (for so I must call it) by the Caution he gives; he warns the Christians not to be surprised by some of the best-complexioned Entertainments. Look, 
Omnia illic se●● fortia, seu honesta, seu sonora, seu subtilia proinde ha●e ac si stillicidia mellis de Libacunculo venenato, etc. De Spectac. cap. 27.  says he, upon all the engaging Sentences of the Stage, their Flights of Fortitude and Philosophy, the Loftiness of the Style, and the Fineness of the Conduct, etc. Look upon it only as Honey dropping from the Bowels of a Toad, or the Bag of a Spider. Now I suppose the Surveyor is not so hardy as to affirm, That Heroic Fortitude, Lofty Expression, and Moral Sentences, is any way suitable to his Description of the Mimi. 'Tis plain therefore, that Comedy and Tragedy must be struck at in the Testimony above mentioned.  
I must not forget the Surveyor's Suggestion, That the Idolatry of the Stage was the principal Quarrel the Fathers had against it. 
P. 13.  'Twas for this Reason that they declaimed against it with all their Nerves and Vehemence, as our Author words it. The Reader may please to take notice, 
See View, etc. Chap. 6. Defence, etc. p. 84.  that the Fathers had other Reasons for their Aversion to the Stage, besides the Charge of Idolatry: However, upon this Occasion I shall pursue the Argument a little farther, and answer, First, That the Fathers were no less Enemies to Immorality than to False Worship. Indeed, one great Reason why Paganism was so very Criminal, was, because 'twas not only an erroneous, but a scandalous Belief: 'Twas because the Holy Solemnities were Lewd, and not only misled Men's Understandings, but debauched their Practice. Now nothing in Nature is so counter to Christianity as Wickedness. Idolatry may sometimes be an effect of Ignorance; but Immorality lies always open to Conscience and inward Reproof. So that where Vice is cherished, and Licentiousness is made creditable, there the worst Part of Heathenism is kept up. The Devil is no less really Worshipped in Lewdness and Obscenity than he was in Venus and jupiter. And yet the Surveyor has the Courage to affirm, That Idolatry is more abhorred and exposed on the English Stage than any where else. Idolatry exposed! What, by burlesking the Bible, by Smut and Swearing, and by hooting, as much as in them lies, all Religion out of the Universe? A most admirable Expedient! Thus Error is cured by Atheism▪ and false Religion destroyed, by leaving no Truth to counterfeit!  
The Surveyor observes, That the Fathers were alarmed at the Heathen Stage as at the Approach of an Enemy; they were afraid the indulging these Liberties would hazard the Interest and Belief of Christianity: They justly apprehended, 
P. 18.  that from a Liking of the Entertainments, they might proceed to approve the Occasion of them. Now those who frequent the Theatres, would do well to consider this Caution: For from liking the Plays, they may come to like the Practice, and slide insensibly from the Diversion to the Vice and Profaneness. I wish this Reasoning were not too well grounded upon Experiment; but nothing is more natural than the Transition from Pleasure to Imitation. And thus the Father's Restraint holds strong against the English Theatre. For Lewdness is more catching than Heathenism; and People are much sooner surprised by their Appetites, than by their Ignorance. 'Twas this Indulgence to Sensuality which captivated the World, 
P. 10.  and gained Credit and Authority to Paganism. Thus Vice gives the main Force to the Temptation, makes way for Error, and by corrupting the Will betrays the Understanding. And this may serve to satisfy the Reader, that his Topick of Idolatry is nothing to the purpose.  
Upon the whole; Let us suppose, which is not true, That the Father's left Comedy and Tragedy uncensured, and planted their Rhetoric against nothing but the Shows of the Mimi; let us resign our Advantage, and set part of our Evidence aside; What would the Surveyor gain by it? Alas! unless he can clear the Innocence, and take off the Imputations upon the English Stage; which he never so much as attempts: Unless this can be done, his Cavils and his Confidence, and all his other Pretences signify nothing. For, can we imagine the Fathers would ever have endured the Disorders of the Modern Stage? Would these Holy Men have allowed them their Common Places of Smut, and their Sallies of Profaneness? Would they have seen Lewdness a Profession, and Religion made sport with, and said nothing against it? No: Such flaming Provocations as these would have kindled their Spirits, and pressed them to the Encounter: Their satire would have thundered, and their Discipline been played against the Enemy; and the Warnings of the Pulpit would have sounded as loud as the Blasphemies of the Playhouse: Where the Honour of God and the Interests of Eternity suffered so much, they would have shown a proportionable Concern. For like the Hero's in Aeschylus, upon such an Occasion, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
Aeschyl. septem contr. Theb●s.   
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
Brave in their Zeal, and fired with Resolution,  
They looked like Lions roaring to the Combat!   
The Surveyor is ●ired with Church-Antiquity, for it seems all my Translations of the Fathers are of the same Stamp with those he has Examined: 
P. 32.  Why, so they are; but not a jot to his purpose. For notwithstanding, all his Clamour about my Corrupt Version, 
P. 28. 33●  Managing of Evidence, and what not; he has not been able to show that I have either mistaken the Sense, or misapplied the Meaning in the least Instance; so that if my main Strength, as he is pleased to say, lay in these Worthies, the Forces are still entire, there is not so much as a Vein scratched, or a drop of Blood lost in the Encounter.  
But I can't forget his Character and Commendations of the Fathers. What would you think St. Cyprian, St. chrysostom, St. Augustine, and the rest of them were like? Why it seems they are like Whelps newly entered, 
P. 32.  they run Riot, have much better Mouths than Noses; make up a great part of the Cry, but are of no service in the Chase. Nay, than he may well go on with t'other Compliment, 
Ibid.  and tell us, Their Writings are but the Rub●ish of Antiquity. Bless us! What strains of Contempt and Distraction are here! Is this all that's due to the Memory of these Venerable Men? And must Dignity and Merit be thus coarsely Treated? Must Dogs and Martyrs be coupled, and Patriarches described by Similitudes from the Kennel? These great Defenders of the Faith were never saluted in this manner before: Jews and Heathens, though they might have had no less Malice, had (as far as it appears) more Modesty than this comes to. One would think he learned this Language at the Olympics (as he calls them) of Moorfields, or rather at the Great House that fronts them. If the Fathers are thus despicable, why does he solicit for their Votes, and strive to bring them over to his Party? If he takes them for his Friends, he uses them very severely; But I suppose he despairs of their Favour, and would therefore disable their Credit. Well; since the Fathers are thus unmanageable, and won't be tampered with, 'tis time to leave them: If the Christians won't do, we must try if the Heathens will prove any kinder. The Surveyor therefore applying to the Philosophers, endeavours to bribe them into Silence, and bring them to a State of Neutrality. But here he is much as untoward in his Objections as formerly. 
P. 34.  He pretends Plato does not appear in his own Person: Granting that, Eusebius is a good Voucher for his Opinion. 
View, p. 354.  But after all, Plato does appear in his own Person, and stands fairly quoted in the Margin. Truly I think I'm somewhat to blame for troubling myself with an Author so very Defective either in Eyes or Honesty. But it seems the Testimony is not full to the Purpose. Why so? let's hear it. Plays (says Plato) raise the Passions, and pervert the Use of them, and by consequence are dangerous to Morality. This I take it is to the Point; the Impeachment runs high, and the Articles are plainly mentioned. So that to evade the Force of the Authority, by saying the Nature or Measure of the Danger is not specified, 
Suru. p. 35.  is not to Argue, but Trifle, and is in effect to make Blots instead of Letters with a Man's Ink. My Business in the View, etc. was to sum up the Evidence in few Words, and not to tyre the Reader with unnecessary Lengths of Quotation: However, since he calls for't, I'll give it him somewhat more particularly. 'Tis Plato's Opinion then, that the Diversions of the Stage are dangerous to Temper and Sobriety; 
Plat. de 〈◊〉. lib. 10. p. 756. Ed. Franc.  they swell Anger and Desire too much. Tragedy is apt to make Men boisterous, and Comedy Buffoons. Thus those Passions are cherished which ought to be checked, Virtue loses ground, and Reason grows precarious.  
From Plato we must go to Xenophon: And here his Exception is, 
Suru. p. 35.  That the Drama is not mentioned. I grant it: 
View, etc. p. 234.  But does not this Author commend the Persians for not suffering their Youth to hear any thing Amorous or Tawdry? And does he not show the Danger of such a Permission? And is this nothing to the English Stage, where Love and Indecencies are most of the Entertainment? This Remark not only reaches the Modern, but likewise the Ancient Dramatists, as far as their Compositions were any way licentious. At last the Surveyor owns, That Bawdry was indeed forbidden to be talked to young People in Persia, because of the Heat of the Climate. Meaning, that in the Latitude of London the case is otherwise: The Elevation of the Pole has taken off the Restraint, and made Modesty unnecessary: For in these Northern Regions, and especially in a hard Winter, Smut is a very harmless Diversion, and a Man may talk as Brutishly as he pleases!  
He is now advanced to Aristotle, whose Authority, 
Surveyor, p▪ 36.  he says, will do me as great Service as the Two former. Now tho' this Jest is a good Answer to all that he offers in earnest, yet possibly he may take it ill, if his Story is not heard out. He objects then, That the Passage cited by the View from Aristotle, 
View, p. 234.  amounts to no more than a General Caution against trusting Youth in promiscuous Company! To this it may be answered,  
First, Aristotle plainly forbids young People the sight of Comedy, as appears even by the Latin Translation cited by the Surveyor: Comaediarum spectatores esse Lex prohibeat. 
Surveyor, p. 37.  This is something more than a General Caution against promiscuous Company: For let the Reason of the Prohibition be what it will, the Drama is particularly struck at, and made counterband Goods to one Part of Human Life at least. However, I did ill to palm the general Term of Debauchery, 
P. 37.  for the particular one of Drunkenness, which it seems was only instanced in by the Philosopher. Here the Translation comes hard upon him again; 
Vel ebrictatis, vel aliarum inde nascentiunt rerum incommodis disciplina liberos efficient.  for not only Drunkenness is mentioned, but all the Disorders consequent upon it. And is not Lewdness oftentimes the Effect of Intemperance, especially in young People? 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.   
Secendly, The Greek is still more unkind to the Surveyor, and shows that he has quite mistaken Aristotle's Sense; which in a literal Version runs thus: The Government should not permit Youth to see Comedies, till Discipline has secured them from the Impressions and Mischief of such Diversions, and they are advanced to the Age of being admitted to Feasts and Public Entertainment. This Translation is warranted by the Originals and by Heinsius' Paraphrase, 
Arist. Polit. lib. 7. cap. 17. Ed. Lugd. Batav.  and justifies the View to the full. And now his other Objection about my misrepresenting Aristotle, being founded upon his former Mistake, must fall together with it.  
But the Surveyor and Mr. Dennis think it strange, 
Surveyor, p. 36.  that Aristotle should pronounce thus unkindly upon Comedy, 
Dennis, p. 74.  and yet leave Rules for the Writing this kind of Poem. Why this, if we consider it, is no great Mystery: Plays are one thing in the abstracted Idea, and another in Fact and Practice: He might dislike the common Liberties of the Poets, without absolutely condemning the Form of them. But that Aristotle did not allow of Licentious Comedy, is plain by the Instance before us, by what I cited elsewhere in the View, 
View, etc. p. 160. P●lit. lib. 7. cap 17.  and by his Advice to Governors, to banish Smut and Indecency from the Commonwealth. 
View, p. 235,   
Tully's Testimony comes next to be examined, who, as I observed, cries out upon licentious Plays and Poems, as the Bane of Sobriety and wise Thinking: That Comedy subsists upon Lewdness, and that Pleasure is the Root of all Evil. This one would imagine were pretty home: What does the Surveyor say to it? Is the Testimony miscited? Not at all. What then? 
Surveyor, p. 42.  Why these Sentences are Ends and Scraps of Authors, and as little to the purpose as if he had cited so many Propositions out of Euclid▪ which tho' true, are of no use in this place. No! Is Tully's Censure of Licentious Plays, affirming that Comedy subsists upon Lewdness, and that Pleasure is the Root of all Evil; is all this nothing to the purpose? This is raging Impertinence; I almost sweat to take notice of such stuff as this is. As for his calling what I produced Scraps, I must 〈◊〉 him, 'twas not for want of Plenty that 〈◊〉 him no more; however, till he can 〈…〉 off his Stomach, he has no reason to 〈…〉 of Scarcity. The Reader, if he please, may see a whole Page of Declamation to the same purpose; at the latter end of which he has these Words: 
* O praeclaram emendatricem vitae Poeticam, quae amorem flagitii, & levitatis auctorem, in concilio Deorum collocondum putteth De Comedia loquor quae si haec flagitia non prob●remus nulla ssset omnino.  These Poets are great Assistances to Virtue, and we have reason to expect most admirable Cures from the Stage! Yes! Manners must be mightily reform by those People who make Love and Lewdness a Deity, and teach Men to worship their own Folly and Distraction! I speak (says he) of Comedy, which were it not for such licentious Management could go on no longer. This Passage is quoted by the Surveyor, according to his customary Policy: 
Tusc. Quest. Lib. 4.  He is resolved I perceive to make sure Work on't, and to confute himself, for fear it should be done by some body else. 
Suru. p. 40.  But if the case stands thus, the Surveyor is positive, that either Tully or Mr. Collier are extremely mistaken. This is manfully put, I confess; but I'm afraid ' twoned do: For if Tully should be mistaken, which is very unlikely, it would signify little; for 'tis not the Reasoning, but the Authority of Tully which is now in question. Then as for myself, I can't be mistaken, unless the Citation is false, which he does not so much as offer to disprove. He objects farther, 
Ibid.  That Pla●tus and Terence are the only Comedians remaining, from whom we can form any judgement of the Roman Comedy, before or about Cicero ' s time; but these Mr. Collier assures us are modest to a Scruple, especially Terence. To this I answer,  
First, That what I affirmed of the Modesty of Terence, was in reference to his Language, not to his Matter or Argument, which is sometimes exceptionable enough to draw the Censure of Tully upon him. Then as to Plautus, I introduced him with a Mark of Dislike, and only commended him upon the Parallel with the English Stage. Now where's the Contradiction of all this? May not Men be very much to blame, without being the worst of their Kind? Here's room enough then for Cicero's Reprimand of Plautus and Terence, without doing the View the least disservice. But,  
Secondly, Plautus and Terence are not the only Poets from whom we can take any measure of the Roman Comedy about Cicero ' s time: For in this very place Tully citys several Verses from Trabea and Caecilius; 
Tusc. Quaest lib. 4.  and blames these Comic Poets for magnifying Love-Adventures, making Cupid a God, and flourishing too much upon the Satisfactions of Sense; tho' nothing of this was done with the Modern Grossness. This Passage being in the same place with that quoted by the Surveyor, he must needs see it: From whence the Reader may observe how nicely he keeps up to his usual Exactness. Farther, Tully does not only complain of Comedy, but of Tragedies too. 
Tusc. Quaest lib. 2.  He blames them for representing their Hero's impatient under Misfortune; such Instances of Weakness and Discomposure were, in his Opinion, of dangerous Example: So that let but the Stage (says he) strike in with the Prejudices of Education, and this is enough to baffle the Force of Virtue, and cut the very Sinews of Fortitude.  
The Surveyor, at the Head of his Remarks upon this Testimony, brightens his Air, and would seem to look kindly upon Modesty: But this Smile, 
Suru. p. 39  tho' unusual, appears angry and disturbed. He supposes no one will defend licentious Plays; but if some warm-headed Enthusiastic Zealot pretends to find some Passages really guilty, they are willing to give them up. This is the only Passage in his Book, as I remember, in which he drops the least Word against Lewdness: But then he touches the Point very tenderly, clogs the Censure with a great many kind Provisoes, 
* Ibid.  and is strangely out of Humour with those Enthusiastic Zealots that make any Discovery. And to make all sure, 
Ibid.  he lays in for Countenance and Encouragement to the prevailing Merit of the main Part of the Performance. For Example, if an Apothecary mixes up Poison with a Receipt, yet if it does not weigh as much in the Scale as the rest of the Ingredients, all is well enough, and the prevailing Merit of the Dose, tho' it murders the Patient, aught to be encouraged.  
Livy's Authority comes after Tully, and must be considered. 
Survey, p. 44.  This Evidence, says the Surveyor, comes not near our Case, were the Credit on't unexceptionable. His Reason is because Livy speaks of Stage Representations●●● general, but the Drama was not known amongst the Romans at this time when the Ludi Scenici were invented. I'll try to make an Argument like this. For Instance: The City built upon Seven Hills, and upon the Tiber, was by no means Rome in the time of Tarqvinius Priscus; Why so? Why, because though it stood upon the same Ground, it was not near so big as 'twas afterwards in the Reign of Augustus. But for all this fine Reasoning, esse and bene esse are Notions of the same Subject. 'Tis true, things are not always perfected at their first Invention; but I thought the Finishing and Improvement they might afterwards receive, would not alter them in their Name and Nature. And as to the Business in hand, I have already shown, that Comedy and Dancing, and all the Diversions of the Stage, were performed together at first: And that the Drama and the Ludi scenici were the same, I shall take for granted at present, and afterwards prove it by the Surveyor's Authority, and by St. Augustine's too, who mentioning the Original of Plays, explains himself expressly in Comedy, and Tragedy. De Civit. Dei Lib. 2. cap. 8. His next Undertaking is to Quarrel with the Translation: To clear this the Historian must be cited. Now Livy giving an Account of the Original of Plays, assigns this Reason for the Relation; 
Dec. 1. Lib. 7.  Vt appareat quam ab sano initio res in hanc vix opulentis regnis toler abilem insaniam venerit. He affirms the Original of Plays were commendable, because they were brought in upon the score of Religion; and to remove a Mortality. This being thus reported by Livy, I Translated the Passage abovementioned as follows; 
View, p. 235.  That the Motives are sometimes good, when the Means are stark naught. And where's the Mistake of this rendering? Don't the Words of the Author, and the Consequence of the Practice, plainly justify the Construction? Nay, his own Interpretation makes his Objection unreasonable. For he Translates Vix tolerabilem insaniam, etc. 
Survey, p. 45, 46.  An excessive extravagance which scarce the We 〈◊〉 Nation can bear. Now if the Profusion at these Shows were ready to break the Back of the Roman Empire, had not I reason for saying in the Version, That the Means were stank naught, and the Remedy worse than the Disease? But this puts me in mind of another Difference to be adjusted. The Surveyor contends, That Livy in this place does not condemn the Immorality, but the Luxury, and Profu●sion at these Shows. The Luxury of these Diversions, if it must be called so, I suppose consists in over-pleasing a Vicious Palate; But let that pass. The Surveyor supports his Conjecture from the Citations adding, That this jusania, or Disorder, was greater than the We 〈◊〉 Nations 
* V 〈…〉  could well bear. Now says the Surveyor, Wealthy People have as much need of M●●al●●y as the Poor. No doubt on't; and are in more danger too of miscarrying in that Matter. For, as my Adversary has observed, a Nation is too apt to grow Wealthy, 
Survey, p. 12.  and Wanton together: This made Sal●st complain, That the Riches of the Roman Empire occasioned the Decay of Discipline, and the Dissolution of Manners. Without Care, People's Virtue, I mean their Sobriety, is apt to sink with the Rise of their Fortunes; Their Appetites for Liberty are more awakened by Opportunity and Temptation: They have more Money to purchase their Pleasures, and more Leisure to enjoy them. And besides, such Circumstances are farther within the danger of Flattery, and ill Example; 'Tis no wonder therefore to hear Livy affirm, That a Government almost overgrown with Wealth and Power, should be in greater danger of Playhouse Infection, then when they were Poor, and more slenderly established: For than their Necessities were some Security; They could not go to the Expense of Vice, nor had so much time to be Debauched.  
Secondly, That Livy by this Distraction, 
* Insania.  meant Licentiousness, will appear by his Censure of the Stage in another place, which we shall come to by and by.  
The Surveyor rages mightily about my Mistranslating the following part of the Testimony, which runs thus: 
Cum piaculorum magis conquisitio animos, quam corpora morbi inficerent.  The Remedy in this case is worse than the Disease, and the Atonement more infectious than the Plague. Here I confess my Edition misled me, which, (as I remember, for I have lost the Book) has inficerent, instead of afficerent, though I must own this latter Reading appears the best. But notwithstanding this accident the Surveyor shall be no loser, for Livy shall make it up to him another way. And not to defer his Satisfaction, this Historian informs us, That when a Theatre was building by the Censors Direction, 
Quum locatum à Censoribus Theatrum extrueretur, p. Cornelio Nasica auctore tanquam inutile, & nociturum publicis moribus, ex Senatus consulto destructum est. Liv. Lib. 48. in Epit.  Scipio Nasica spoke against it in the House, as a useless and Debauching Experiment, and got an Act for the pulling it down. Here Livy not only pulls down the Playhouse, but gives such a Reason for the doing it, that one would think should have kept it in Rubbish ever after. And if he questions the Authority of Livy's Epitome, Sigomus, not to mention Vossius, may satisfy him; who delivers his Opinion in these Words; Nam sive a Livio, sive a Floro, sive ab alio quo scriptae sunt, (haec enim omnia Traduntur) ad Roman●s certe res illustrandas accommodatissimae sunt, praesertim vero ubi Liviana Historia excidit. Qua in parte Livianam apud quemque obtinere debent auctoritatem. Sigon. Scholar p. 6.  
We must now proceed to the Testimony of Valerius Maximus; And here the Surveyor will make sufficient Amends for being somewhat in the Right before. This Testimony he affirms relates to the Arena, and concerns none but the Gladiators and Caestiarii: And then very liberally again quotes his own Confutation in the Margin; 
* Ad Theatra gradus faciendus est:— Religionem civili sanguin● Scenico●um Portentorum gratia macularunt. Valer. Max. Lib. 2. Cap. 4. Survey. p. 47.  In earnest does this Critic not understand the difference between Theatres, and Amphitheatres, and that the first were for Plays, and the latter for Prizes? A little School-Learning would have set him right in this Matter, and likewise prevented the Misfortune of making Scenica portenta signify Gladiators; which I think has more of prodigy in the Translation, than in the Etymology and Story. And now I suppose it may be pretty plain, that either the Surveyor does not understand Latin, or is not fit to be trusted with it. Farther, the Surveyor's Mistakes are the more unpardonable, because Valerius Maximus spends almost this whole Chapter in describing the Rise and Progress of Plays, the Buildings and Decorations of the Theatre, together with the Checks they received from the Government. He tells us in the very second Paragraph, That these Playhouses were begun by Messalla, 
Quaest 〈…〉  but stopped by Scipio Nasica, who sold all their Materials by the Common Cryer. And that the Senate made a Law, that there should be no Seats or Benches for the Audience to see Plays at within a Mile of the Town. This Passage is expressly cited by St. Augustine, 
August. de 〈…〉 Lib. 1. cap. 33. Tertull. de Spect. cap. 10. At Th●atnali licentia proximo pri●ne anno caepta, gravius tum nempit. occisis non modo a plebe, etc. Tacit. Annal. Lib.. 1. cap. 77.  and hinted by Tertullian, to show how much the Playhouse was discouraged by the Roman Magistracy.  
As to the Animofae acies which he would fain wrest to the Prizes in spite both of the Latin and History of his Author, they are to be understood of the Quarrels and Bloodshed which were not very uncommon at the Playhouse, as Tacitus informs us. For at one Riot, which was not the first, there were several Burghers, Soldiers, a Captain, and a Colonel of the Guards killed in the Fray. Now, I hope, this Company may have more Rom●● Blood 
* 〈…〉  in their Veins, and may better stand for the State in the Translation, 
Surveyor, p.. 48.  than his Rabble of Gladiators, who were generally Slaves and Malefactors. To return to Tacitus, This Tumult, 
〈…〉 Annal. Lib. 4. cap. 14.  as he goes on, was brought before the Senate, where the Actors had like to have come under a very ignominious Discipline: In short, the Playhouse had some Regulations put upon it, and the Disorders of the Audience were punished with no less than Banishment. This happened in the Reign of Tiberius; Now the Theatre continuing still out of order, and some of the Magistracy having often complained of it to no purpose, at last the Emperor himself moved in the House, that the Lewdness and Riots of these Diversions might be effectually suppressed: Upon which the Players were banished out of Italy.  
There is part of Valerius Maximus his Testimony behind, in which, as I observed in the View, he concludes the Consequences of Plays intolerable, 
View, p. 236.  and that the Massilienses did well in clearing the Country of them. Here the Surveyor flies to his old Distinction between the Mimi and the Drama, which having disabled already, I might reasonably call a new Cause; but to give him farther satisfaction, I shall prove, that the Stage is here meant in all its Latitude and variety of Diversion.  
1. Then Valetius Maximus in the beginning of the Paragraph, commends the Republic of Marseilles for the Sobriety of their Discipline, and keeping up to their ancient Customs. 
* Prisci moris, observatia. Val. Max. L. 2. cap. 6.  Now we are to observe, that the Massilienses were a Colony of the Phocenses in jonia, who not being willing to submit to the Persian Government, quitted that Country, and settled in Gaul. Now this Removal was in the Reign of Cyrus, in the very Infancy of the Stage, when there was nothing but some rude beginnings of Tragedy at Athens; 
Lilius Gyraeld. de poet. Hist. Dial. 6.  Besides, the Massilienses came from Phocis, where neither Aristotle or Lilius Gyraldus mention any thing of the settling or Invention of the Drama: By consequence, if the Massilienses were so tenacious of their Original Customs, they could have no such thing as Tragedy and Comedy among them; These Entertainments being, as far as it appears, posterior to the forming of their Commonwealth. This will appear farther, if we consider, that, as Suetonius observes, the Business of the Mimics was Originally part of Comedy 
* Vid. supra. ; so that let us suppose, which we can't grant, that the Drama was as ancient as the Government of the Massilienses, and in use among them, yet we can't with any colour suppose, that the Mimi were distinct from Comedy at that time of day; so that if the Massilienses were such Admirers of the first Plan of their Government, and stood off so nicely from all Innovation, they must exclude the Drama as well as the Mimi, otherwise the Form of their Stage would be changed, and their Customs receive an alteration.  
2. The Reason Valerius Maximus gives, why the Inhabitants of Marseilles refused to admit this Entertainment, 
* Nullum aditum in Scenam Mimis dando, etc.  agrees very well with the Drama, 
Quorum argument a majore ex parte stuprorum continent actus, ne talia spectandi consuetudo, etiam imitandi licentiam sumat. L. 2. cap. 6.  It was because the Subject and Gross of these Diversions was mostly Intrigne and Debauchery: These Circumstances the Government were afraid might grow infectious, and spread from Fiction into Practice. Now this is exactly the Description which Tully gives of Comedy, which (says he) were it not for Amours and Lewdness, would have no Matter to proceed upon 
* Tusc. Quest. Lib. 4. vid. supra. .  
3. The introductive Clause which leads to this Discountenance, points it clearly on the Drama. The Massilienses (says the Author) were extremely strict and severe in their Government and Administration 
* Ea civitas severitatis custos accerrim● est. Ibid. . Now by the Surveyor's Account of the Mimes and Pantomimes, this could never be meant of them. For they, says he, 
Surveyor, p. 24.  Danced Naked, and were in their Gestures foul to the last Degree of Scandal. I would gladly know, what Instance of Severity it could be to deny Admission to such Monsters as these? Is it indeed an Argument of extraordinary Rigour not to allow the grossest Liberties, and which had often been marked and punished at Rome? A Government can't be said to be remarkably Rigid, unless they tie up their Subjects to particular Restraints, and bar them the Freedoms commonly practised elsewhere. The Massilienses therefore having this Character of Severity, it must be because they would not admit of the more inoffensive Performances of the Stage; because they refused the Diversions of Comedy and Tragedy, which were then generally permitted in the Roman Empire.  
4. Mimus, the Word which the Surveyor cavils upon, is by other good Authors taken for a Play, in the sense of the Drama, as this Gentleman loves to speak. Thus the Learned Thysius upon the place understands it. 
It 〈…〉 Comedian omnesque adeo Scenicos Ludos Republica sua ejecerunt; Vid●bant enim eam esse lasciviae matrem nequitiae magistram, etc. Thysius in Loc. Su●to●. in August.  The Massilienses, (says he) cleared their Country of Comedy, and all sorts of Stage-Plays. This they did because they looked upon them as the Nurseries of Lewdness. And Suetonius tells us, That Augustus being at the point of Death, asked some of his Friends, Ecquid iis videretur mimum vitae commode transegisse. Now I would ask the Surveyor what he thinks of this Matter? Did the Emperor inquire whether he had been a good Pantomime in his Life? Whether he had acted like a finished Debauchee, and been Lewd without Shame or Measure? Did Augustus affect such a Character as this, or think his Memory would be obliged by it? Such a Supposition would be a Libel upon Nero, who when he came to die had the Justice to be displeased with his own Lewdness.  
The meaning therefore of this Question of Augustus must be, Whether he had behaved himself well in his Station, and acted his Part handsomely, as a good Player does upon the Stage; From whence it will follow, that Mimus must be taken for a Play in its usual signification. But 'tis time to dismiss Valerius Maximus, 
Surveyor, p. 50.  and pass on to Seneca, who it seems has but little to say to the Matter. He should have said, he has but little to say to Seneca: 
View, etc. p. 236.  However, let the View, etc. decide that Question. Well! if Seneca says but little, he is resolved to fortify his Testimony, and help him out. For he frankly confesses, That the Roman youth were generally corrupted by the Countenance which Nero gave to the Stage, and to all those Arts which gratified and indulged the Senses, 
Surveyor, p. 50, 51.  and that this Philosopher's Complaint was not unreasonable. Truly I think so too, or else I had never cited him. In this place the Surveyor is somewhat kinder than ordinary, for here he not only quotes, 
* Nihil vero tam damnosa●a bonis moribus quam in aliquo spectaculo desidere, tunc emm per voluptatem vitia facilius surrepunt. Senec. Epist. 7. . but argues for me too, and gives me both Text and Margin to make my best of. This Knack of Writing and Recanting at the same time, is a good subtle Expedient: For if ever he should be questioned for publishing a Book to Debauch the Nation, he can make substantial Proof he has confuted himself, 
Survey, p. 51.  and that it's to be hoped may stop the Prosecution. I must confess I like an Author that knocks his own Mischief on the Head, and like the Scorpion is both Poison and Antidote. But the Surveyor objects, That Seneca's Charge against the Shows 
* Spectaculum, p. 52.  is general. Why then they are all comprehended: Then he may be sure the most remarkable Shows, such as the Stage, are concerned in the Caution; especially since the Author has elsewhere expressly declaimed against 〈◊〉. 
View, p. 236.  Well I perceive all this Skirmishing has nothing but faint and false Alarm, but now he is resolved to come to the Assault in good earnest, and enter upon the Breach of the Quotation, for there, if you will believe him, I have made a shift to steal in Two Falsifications. Now to try this Cause, and discover the foul Play, we must read the Deed in the Court. The Original runs thus. Tunc enim per voluptatem vitia facilius surrepunt. The Translation thus: For there Vice makes an insensible approach, and steals upon us in the Disguise of Pleasure. 
* View, p. 236.  And where is the harm of all this? Harm! Why I have corrupted one of the Eight Parts of Speech, and suborned the Adverb Tunc to give in false Evidence, by Translating it There, instead of Then. Nay▪ that's intolerable! For Seneca, you must observe, had nothing to say against the Shows, and the Playhouse, the Diversion or the Company! The Then, the Circumstance of Time was the Bugbear; All the infection lay in the Clock, or the Sundial: For People may see what Shows, and go to what Place they please, and be safe enough, provided they do it at no Time; This is exactly the Surveyor's Reasoning; and thus he proves the Indictment. 
Surveyor, p. 53.  The next Falsification is my rendering the words, Per Voluptatem, in the Disguise of Pleasure; For all that, if he renders them otherwise, I'm satisfied he'll do it worse. Indeed I think these Objections are not made in the Disguise of Sense. To conclude, if I was so unfair as to steal in Two Falsifications, I had, it seems the Discretion to steal them out again; for 'tis plain, there's none of them to be found at present.  
Tacitus and Plutarch appear next, and are given up by him. But then he is never at a loss, for when he can't Reason he can Rail, and so the Book goes on as well as ever.  
I produced Ovid and Mr. Wycherley to show that the Audience at the Playhouse was dangerous, as well as the Entertainment: 
Suru. p. 55.  Against this the Surveyor insinuates, That if nothing but Solitude and Retirement will secure us, we must not go to Church; for there is mixed Company, and bad Designs too sometimes. Under favour, this does not follow. To go to Church is our Duty: Now a Man's Business, and especially when Religious, is his Guard: And God will let no Body miscarry for their Obedience. Besides, the Quality of the Employment, the Solemnity of the Place, and the Majesty of the Presence, is apt to furnish good Thoughts, and check those which are otherwise.  
But at the Playhouse the Case is quite different: This is a Place where Thinking is out of Doors, and Seriousness Impertinent, Here our Reason is apt to be surprised, and our Caution disarmed; Here Vice stands upon Prescription, and Lewdness claims Privilege to Solicit. Nay, the very Parade, the Gaiety, and Pleasure of the Company, is not without its danger: These Circumstances heightened with Luscious Dialogue, lively Action, and airy Music, are very likely to make an unserviceable Impression. And thus we see our standing is but slippery, and the Tide runs high against Flesh and Blood: And as for the Protection of Heaven to bring us off, 'tis Presumption to expect it. If we will sit in the Seat of the Scornful, and make Wickedness our Diversion, Providence we may be sure w●ll withdraw, and leave us to the Government of another Influence.  
To do the Surveyer Right, he is somewhat of my Opinion in this Matter. He won't deny but a promiscuous conflux of People of all Ages, 
Survey, p. 55, 56.  Sexes, and Conditions, will make the business of Intrigue go forward, and facilitate Erterprises of this Nature. But he is afraid, if a Restraint were laid upon People, and they were kept out of Harms way, 
Ibid.  it would be worse with them: And for the truth of this Conjecture, he appeals to the Experiment of Italy, and Spain; where he observes there is a great deal of Care, and yet a great deal of Miscarriage. It may be so; but if they are bad under Caution, 'tis to be feared Liberty would never mend them. His reasoning about the Imagination being vitiated (p. 56.) for want of Freedom is very slender, for Opportunity makes a Thief; The Temptation rises upon sight, for Sense is stronger than Memory, and Life, than Painting. If the strength of the Stream forces the Bank to give way, the making the Breach wider, is not, I suppose, the proper Method to stop the Torrent. He had best persuade the Dutch to pull up their Dikes and their Dams; because in several Countries where the Sea is left to its Course, it does no manner of damage. I confess I never heard that the Spaniards and Italians were all Fools till now: But it seems so 'tis with them: For they are still perfect Strangers to themselves, and know nothing of the Temper of their People, after so many Ages for Information. But of all Men, the Surveyor should not have been severe upon the Reservedness of the Spaniards, 
Surveyor, p. 35.  because he had allowed it in the Persians before: His Reason was, because the Heat of the Climate, and the Warmth of their Constitutions, hurried them very precipitiously (as he Phrases it) into Irregularities. Now Spain is as hot as Persia; Why then all this Partiality? That that's Sauce for a Goose is Sauce for a Gander. Why must the Poor Spaniard be mauled for his Caution, and for preventing his Family from being hurried very precipitiously into Irregularities?  
But after all, the Caffres' and Soldanians, the Monsters of afric both in Figure and Folly, and which, (as to some of them) whether Men or Monkeys, has been disputed. These Aequinoctial Sages are much Wiser, it seems, in the Guard of Virtue, than the Spaniards and Italians! For in many places under the Line, where the People go constantly naked, the familiarity of the Objects takes away all Wantonness of Imagination, 
Surveyor, p. 56.  which the artificial difficulties of some countries' promote. Say you so, must Spain and Italy be reform by afric, and brought up to the Standard of the Line? Must People go naked to secure their Modesty? These are wonderful Discoveries, and one would almost conclude by the drift of them, that the Man had a fancy to turn either Adamite or Pantomime. These Artificial Difficulties of clothes spoil all: They disserve the Interest of Virtue, and are an Impolitic Contrivance. This fine Phrase puts me in mind of his quarreling a Sentence of mine for want, as he pretends, of Syntax and Grammar: And therefore upon this occasion I must tell him, That if the Charge was true, Sense without Grammar, is somewhat better than Grammar without Sense.  
Ovid, by the Surveyor's Confession, pleads guilty, 
Survey, p. 57  and owns not only the Opportunity, but the Business of the Place promotes Lewdness. But then he fences against the Testimony with his usual evasion, and turns it all upon the Representation of the Mimi: 
Ibid.  but the next Verse to that, in his Margin, will be sufficient to beat him off his Guard.  
Vt tamen hoc fatear, 
De T●ist. Lib. 2. View, 239.  Ludiquoque semina prebent  
Nequitiae tolli tota Theatra jube.  
Thus Ovid we see is for quite Levelling the Enemy's Works: He is for pulling down all the Playhouses, and not leaving so much as a Corner of them standing for Comedy and Tragedy. This Line of the Poet had too much Light to be looked on, and therefore the Surveyor was resolved to wink hard, and get over it. There is another Verse likewise in the Citation; which one would have thought might have put him beside the fancy of his Mimi; 
View, p. 239. ov. Remed. Amor.  and 'tis this, Quid caveat Actor, quid juvet arte docet.  
This Pentameter refers much more to Dialogue than Dancing, to the Methods of Courtship, and the Mysteries of Intrigue, which are generally the Subject of Comedy.  
And now the Surveyor thinks fit to make a Halt, and seems extremely satisfied with his performance: 
P. 57  I have, says he, at length run through all his private Authorities against the Stage. Run through them! Yes, like a Bowl that gets nothing; or if you please, like a Soldier that runs the Gauntlet. Indeed this Author's Method is so very peculiar, he does so often fall foul upon his own Book, quote away his Argument, and mortify himself, that one would almost fancy he wrote for a Penance.  
We are now coming up to the Censures of the State; Upon this Head I began with the Athenians, and observed, that this Republic made a Law, that no judge of the Areopagus should write a Comedy. 
View, p. 240.  Here the Surveyor is surprised to find the Athenians produced against the Drama, of which they were the greatest Encouragers. 
Survey, p. 58, 59  As great Encouragers as they were, their forbidding the Judges writing Comedy, proves they looked upon't as the most unreputable part of Poetry. Now this was enough for my purpose. Nay, after a little struggling the Surveyor comes forward to a Compliance. He grants writing Comedy was likely to engage the Author in Quarrels and Partialities, and was also an Indignity to the Office of a judge. 
Survey, p. 61.  And is not all this a sign, that there was something untoward and unreputable in the performance? His objecting, that Aristophanes had the better of Socrates, is no Argument of the standing Interest of Comedy: For 'tis pretty plain Socrates was oppressed by a Faction, and executed in a Hurry: For soon after, the Government repent, his Memory was honoured, and his Prosecutor Melitus Stoned to Death. 
〈…〉  But after all, the Surveyor's being surprised, 'tis no such News to find the Drama discountenanced at Athens: For he frankly affirms, there was once a total suppression of it, 
Survey, p. 61.  an abdication, as he calls it, of Tragedy and Comedy: However I'm willing to grant him the Athenians were none of the worst Friends to the Stage; 
View, p. 240.  I told him as much: But alas, they paid for their fancy at last; for the Expense of this Diversion, their Sa●ntring at the Playhouse, and minding Poets more than Field Officers, 
justin, Lib. 6. sub. fe●●.  was, as Justin observes, the Ruin of their Government: This Prodigality and Sloth made way for Slavery: And Philip of Macedon, a little obscure Prince, grew Master of the Liberties of Greece.  
From Athens we must Travel to Sparta, where I observed the Stage was not allowed under 
View, p. 240.  any Form or R●gidation. Here the Surveyor grows angry, because▪ I gave the Lacedæmonians a good Word, and after having said they were somewhat of my Kidney, 
Survey, p. 64.  falls a railing unmercifully upon them, and calls them Cynical, Proud, and what not. Well! These Cynics, and he together, put me in mind of old Diogenes, who trampled on Plato's Pride with a greater of his own. I confess the Surveyor's▪ Satyr has so much of the Rust and Roughness he declaims against, that, I'm afraid, he'll appear much more unlicked (as he has it) than the Lacedaemonian Laws. But, by this Gentleman's favour, I was far from over-flourishing upon the Spartan's Character, as appears sufficiently from Plutarch, to mention no other Author. This great Man commends them for their Courage, their Discipline, and their Sense; declares, that he could not perceive any sign of Injustice in their Constitution: 
Pl●t. in Lyeurg. L●con. Institut.  He calls them a Nation of Philosophers, and takes notice that the Neighbouring States and Colonies of Greece looked on the City of Sparta as a perfect Model of good Manners, and Wise Government. To go on; the Surveyor finds fault because I did not assign the reason of the Spartans' Aversion to the Stage. 
Survey, p. 65.  To this I must answer, I had no mind to tyre the Reader with unnecessary Talk. Who would imagine, but that so Wise a Government as the Spartans', had a good Reason for their dislike? However he must garnish his Margin, and have the Reason out, though it makes against him. Here 'tis then: 
Ut neque joconeque serio eos q●i Legibus contradicerent audirent. Lacon. Instit.  The Lacedæmonians allowed neither Tragedy nor Comedy, that they might not hear any thing contradictory to their Laws. No: They had no Palate for the Rapes and Adulteries, and Buffoning Liberties of the Stage. 
Survey, p. 65.  They would not suffer the Sobriety of their Discipline, and the Gravity of their Constitution, to be affronted so much as in jest. Yes, the Surveyor grants they were afraid the Luxury of the Drama, as 'twas practised at Athens, might soften their Youth, and enervate their Minds: 
Survey, p. 67, 68  And now had not I great reason to be afraid of inserting the Citation at length? But the Lacedæmonians were only concerned to preserve the Martial Spirit of their People. 
Survey, p. 67.  How does that appear? Were the Lacedæmonians only for one good Quality? Had they not concern for the Virtues of Peace, and the Securities of good Correspondence among themselves? That's strange! Plutarch calls them a Nation of Philosophers, and makes them strict Observers of Regularity in general. But for the Surveyor's sake, let us suppose them Ambitious only of Military Glory: 
Ibid.  Even this Point could not be gained without Sobriety of Manners. For, if we observe, we shall find the Persians, Greeks, and Romans, etc. were always best Soldiers, when they were best Men. Indeed they held their Empire, as it were of Virtue and Moral Philosophy. For when they came to Debauch, they grew quickly good for nothing; and dwindled by degrees from Cowardice to Servitude. Insignificancy, to speak softly, is the Natural Consequence of Lewdness. Dissolution destroys both the Will and the Power to be Serviceable. It makes Men impatient of Discipline, Quarrelsome and Mutinous, and unable to bear the Fatigues of War. A Lewd Soldier often fails in point of Corporal Force, is deserted even by his Limbs, and has no Constitution to be Brave, though never so willing: I mean as to Campaigning, and a Course of War. Thus when the Stage is suffered to Debauch a Nation, and bring Vice into Credit, People will be in danger of having more Confidence than Courage. This is the way to soften a Martial Spirit, and destroy the Principles of Honour. And thus Military Glory, and Civil Virtue, and every thing else that's worth the owning, must take their Leave in a short time. This Consequence was Wisely foreseen by the Lacedæmonians, and guarded against accordingly.  
The Surveyor rallies once more, and tells us, That Plutarch says indeed, that the Spartans' did not admit Comedy nor Tragedy, 
Survey, p. 66.  but says not a syllable of Forms, and Regulations. This is wonderful Civil! If he grows thus good Natured, I must Dispute with him no longer. I beseech him, What does he think I argued against in the View, was it not against the Liberties of Tragedy and Comedy? If he fancies I wrote against Punchianello, or the Water-works, he is much mistaken. If the Lacedæmonians refused to admit Tragedy, or Comedy upon any Condition, they refused to admit them under any Form. To go farther with him, His old Starting Hole is stopped, for he can't so much as pretend, that the Mimi would pass the Test, where the Drama was thus discouraged. But I am almost to blame for taking notice of these Objections.  
We must now take a Turn in Italy. From hence I brought a famous Instance, how severely the Roman Government treated the Stage under all its Latitude and Distinctions. The Authority is no less than Tully's, in his Tract de Republica, cited by St. Augustine with Approbation. 
* Romani, sicut apud Ciceronem idem Scipio loquitur, cum artem Ludicr am Scenamque totam probr● ducerent, genus id hominum non modo honore c●vium reliquorum career, s●d etiam tribu moveri not at one Censori● voluerunt.  To this Testimony the Surveyor returns a surprising Answer. Since Tully does not appear in his own Person, we shall not (says he) spend any time or Ammunition upon him. 
* Survey, p. 69.  Well! Tho his Resolution is right, his Reason is wrong. For, What tho Tully's Books De Republica, are lost, they were extant in the time of St. Augustine? Is this Father's Credit so low, that he can't be trusted for a Citation? This Treatise of Tully was too well known at that time a day to be counterfeited; so that if St. Augustine 
St. August de Civ. Dei Lib. 2. cap. 13.  was unfair in the Citation, he wanted both common Honesty, and common Sense. 
View, p. 240.  And after all, I can't perceive that Tully has here deposed more against the Playhouse, than Livy did after him, who comes next to be Examined. This Author, to make short work of the Quotation, informs us, 
Liv. Dec. 1. L. 7.  That the Common Players were expelled their Tribe, and refused to serve in Arms. 
View, p. 241,  Here the Surveyor makes a miserable Pother; Reasons backwards and forwards, and makes Might and Main for the old Cover of the Pantomimes: And thus by his running upon the File, and Doubling, we may perceive he is almost spent. In answer to what he offers, I shall first take notice of his Concessions: He grants, in the first place, that the Romans went on the same Grounds with the Lacedæmonians in discouraging the Stage. They were afraid their Military Virtue might suffer by it: 
Suru. p. 70, 71.  Now of this Supposition I have made my Advantage already.  
Secondly, 
Suru. p. 71, 74. Ibid.  He affirms, That the Practice of the Stage among the Romans fell into the hands of Slaves: From whence one would imagine 'twas pretty plain that the Romans thought this Business was too corpse for Persons of higher Condition. Indeed his Reason for this Custom is very pleasant: He says this Profession was thrown up to the Slaves, 
Ibid.  upon the account of its being a polite Exercise, and too refined a Diversion for the rest of the Roman Youth. Now I would gladly know how it comes about, that Slaves are so much better bred than their Masters, and Mob than Persons of Quality? Upon the Surveyor's State of the Chronology, this was extremely unlikely: For if this happened before the Settlement of the Drama, 
Suru. p. 73.  the time lies against him; for then the Romans had not conquered the Polite Countries, nor made any Inroads upon Asia or Greece. But let Acting be as Polite as the Surveyor pleases, 'tis plain the Romans looked upon it as unreputable, 
P. 74.  otherwise they would never have left it wholly in the hands of Slaves and Mercenary Foreigners. These Concessions one would think were frank enough; but we shall have more of his Liberality by and by; and in the mean time I shall consider his Evasions.  
In the first place he endeavours to avoid the Blow, 
Suru. p. 72, 76.  by fencing with the Distinction between the Ludi Senici and the Drama: But this is mere Supposition and chimerical Fancy, and directly overthrown by a Quotation of his own from St. Augustine: 
Suru. p. ● 22.  Et haec sunt Scenicorum tolerabiliora ludorum, 
De Civ. Dei, Lib. 2.  Comaediae scilicet & Tragediae, etc. The Surveyor should take care to keep his Margin a little in Order; a bad Memory, and a bad Cause, do very ill together.  
Secondly, He argues, That this Mark of Infamy set upon the Histriones, 
Suru. P. 73.  can't properly stick upon the Actors of Tragedy and Comedy as such, that Law having been made long before the Drama was brought to Rome. First, with his Favour, this Mark of Disadvantage must evidently stick upon the Actors of Tragedy, etc. and that by his own Argument: for they, 
Suru. p. 76.  and only they, as himself informs us, were called Histriones. He is now got off the Pin of Demonstration, and falls down to Conjectures, and argues like any Almanac: 
Suru. P. 74.  He fancies therefore the Mime's and Pantomime's were aimed at in this Law. To this I answer, That having proved the Business of the Mime's, 
V d. supr●.  &c. to be originally part of the Drama, by consequence if the Mime's were struck at by this Law, the Drama will be concerned in the Correction: For the Mime's being, as Suetonius tells us, originally part of Comedy, and Comedy, 
Se●l. Poet, Lib. 1. c. 10.  as Scaliger observes, being prior to the Mime's, this Law being an early Provision, as the Surveyor confesses, could not be made before the Mime's and the Drama were parted; from whence it will follow, that the Drama must be affected with the Censure.  
And as this Law was an early, so 'twas a lasting Check upon the Stage, being in force when Livy wrote, 
Eò institutum manet, etc.  as appears by the Words of the Citation: * And here the Historian speaks in comprehensive Phrase, and excepting the Fabulae Atellanae, takes in the Playhouse, with all its Appurtenances; as appears not only from the Term Histriones, 
Ab Histri●nibus pollux. Expertes artis Ludicrae.  but from the other expression of Ars Ludicra, which, 
Suru. p. 77.  by the Authority of the Civil Law, quoted by the Surveyor, includes all the Denominations and Distinctions of the Stage.  
And now having evidently proved the Dramatic Astors under the Discouragement of the Roman Constitution, we need not stand to the Courtesy of his Supposition, for to that, after a little struggling, he is willing to come. Nay, at last he yields up the Supposition for matter of Fact, and citys a Praetorian Edict, hinted by the View, in proof of it; and because I suppose he wont quarrel at his own Translation, it shall serve instead of the Latin: Whoever (as the Edict runs) appears on the Stage to Speak or Act, is declared Infamous. Here the Surveyor can't deny but Comedians and Tragedians are included. 
Suru. p. 77, 78.  But then he alleges, 
Ibid. p. 80.  That their Profession was not branded on the score of Immorality, but because they exercised it for Hire. This being his last Refuge, I shall endeavour to drive him out on't, and prove in contradiction to his Assertion, That the Playhouse was censured by the Romans upon the Charge of Immorality, and because of the Scandal of their Performances; and that 'twas the Nature of their Profession, 
Suru. p. 80.  and not the Mercenary Condition of exercising it, which drew the Censure upon them.  
First then, 
Artem Ludicram scenamq● to●am probro discer●nt, De Civ. D●. Lib. 2. c. 13.  We may learn from Tully, as St. Augustine citys him, that the Romans looked upon the Business of Players as ignominious in all the Parts of it; and as Gothofred expresses it, 
View, p. 241.  'twas counted turpe munus, a scandalous Profession. This Mark of Disadvantage we see comes full upon the Function; there's no Conditions of Favour or Exceptions for Acting grat●s. This State of Ignominy was not the Punishment of mere Hire: The Romans were not expelled their Tribe, and thrown out of Common Privilege only for taking Money for their Labour: No; they Fought for Pay, and Pleaded for Fees, and Traded for Gain too, without any such Disadvantage to their Condition. Why then should Metals transmute backwards in the Playhouse, and Money look so dull and scandalous in the Actor's Pockets? Why should the Consideration of Gain blast their Character, forfeit their Right, and extinguish the Privileges they were born to? Why, I say, should the Roman Players have such ill luck with their Money more than other People, unless because they were thought not to come handsomely by it? This extraordinary Usage plainly affects the Matter, and proves the Mystery unreputable: And therefore the latter Law cited by the Surveyor, does nothing of his Business. However, it shall be transcribed.  
Those that appear upon the Stage for Gain, 
Omnes propter praemium in scenam prodeuntes, etc. Suru. p. 80.  are Infamous, says Pegasus and Nerva the Son. Now by what I have already discourred, 'tis plain that these Words were designed to check the Avarice of the Romans, and to keep them from enriching themselves by a 〈◊〉 Profession; and that if they were resolved to live upon the Practice, they should pay for't in their Character and Credit. In short, the Intention of this Law was to hinder them from dangerous Business, and to make them more in love with Probity than Money.  
Secondly, That the Playhouse at Rome was censured for Immorality, may be farther undeniably proved from Valerius Maximus, who mentioning the Rise of Plays much after the same manner with Livy, gives the Reason why the Actors of the Fabulae Attellanae had better Quarter than the rest of the Players: And this was, because this Diversion was clean and inoffensive, and made agreeable to the Sobriety of the Roman Discipline. 'twas formed, as Casaubon observes, 
Quod genus delectationis Italica 〈◊〉 temperatum, ideoque vacuum nota est: nam neque tribu movetur, neque a militaribus stipendiis repellitur, Valer. Max. Lib. 2. C. 4. Casaub. in Loc.  upon the Modesty of the Old satire, and was much more Merry than Mad. ` This Staunchness, as Maximus goes on, screened the Actors from Disgrace, and purchased their Patent of Indemnity: So that they were neither (like the rest of the Stage) expelled their Tribe, nor refused to serve in the Field.  
The Surveyor proceeds to acquaint us, That Tully, tho' a Man of great ' Vanity and Caution, contracted an intimate Friendship with Roscius an Actor, 
Suru. p. 82.  therefore the Business of the Stage was not unreputable. What Tully's Opinion was of the Stàge, has been sufficiently shown already: As to this Objection, 
View, p. 274●. 275.  'tis so fully obviated in the View, etc. by Tully himself, that I can't imagine why the Surveyor mentioned it, unless to fill up the Page. But Tully made an Acquaintance with Roscius: Most certainly, Roscius was considerable in his way, and it seems one of the most Moral in his Profession: And besides, 'tis likely Tully might learn something of Gesture and Pronunciation of him. In short, 
View, ibid.  Tully liked the Man, 
Suru. p. 82.  but not his Business. For all that, he defended his Cause. That's true; he defended him in an Action of Debt: But what's that to his Profession? Can't a Lawyer plead for his Client, without justifying his Practice, and answering for his Trade? But I'm afraid I have considered this sort of Reasoning too much, and therefore shall proceed.  
The Surveyor urges, 
Suru. p. 80.  That Scipio Africanus and Laelius were publicly suspected to have assisted Terence in the Composition of his Plays. Suspected! Then it seems 'twas not very creditable Business. This is an odd way of Arguing, if positive Evidence from unexceptionable History and Law, may be set aside by remote Conjectures, which would signify nothing, if proved; I say, if the best Evidence may be thus overruled, we must never prove any thing. 
Usefulness of the Stage, p. 92.  This Objection was made by Mr. Dennis, and is sufficiently answered in my Defence, by the Counter-evidence of Scipio Nasica and Horace. 
Defence, etc. p. 85. 86.  But let us suppose, if you please, which the Instance is far from proving, That Africanus and Laelius believed the Stage not discouraged on the score of Immorality; the Consequence will only be this, That these two Persons were of one Opinion, and the Government of another; and thus their Authority is destroyed by running counter to the Law. This Answer will affect his Objections from the Two Caesars and Seneca; which being weaker than the rest, I shall consider them no farther.  
My Instance in the Theodosian Code, 
〈…〉  Mr. Dennis gives up for an unreasonable Custom; but the Surveyor, who loves neither Yielding nor Proving, encounters the Authority with a Banter. He finds fault indeed with the Translation; but disproves it in no particular: But fails in his own Version by his own Rule; for he renders Histrio by Droll-Actor, whereas he has already told us, that this Word is peculiar to the top Function of the Stage, 
Suru. p. 76.  and signifies the Players in their best Capacity. Farther, by his citing the Law at length, it appears, that Histrio, or an Actor in the Drama, has as little a Character as a Pantomime: Nay, the Language falls rather harder upon the first; for the Pantomime does not suffer so much in the Addition, 
Pantomimum veste humili, aut vil●m offerat Histrionein etc.  nor has that Epithe of Disadvantage which describes the other. And thus by his Criticisms and Exactness, he has made the Translation worse, and the Case worse.  
I have now gone through his Charge against the Testimonies in the last Chapter of the View, etc. and I hope fully shown that my Authors have been farily translated and rightly applied. The Objections against the Pagan part of the Authorities, were most of them made by Mr. Dennis before the Surveyor: The Answers to the one therefore will hold against the other. 
Usefulness of the Stage, p. 90.  But Mr. Dennis has one Exception about St. Augustine particular to himself; 'tis this: He says St. Augustine, as I have cited him, 
* Nun Cicero corum cum Ro●cium quendon laudare● 〈…〉 solus esset dignus qui in scenam deberet intrare: ita virum bonum ●t solus esset dignus qui eo non deberet accedere: quid aliud apertissimè ostendens nisi illam sccnam esse tam turpem, ut tan to minus ibi ess● homo debeat, q●●nto magis fuerit vir bon●●. A●g. de Consensu Evangelist, Lib. 1. View, etc. p. 274.  has done Cicero a great deal of wrong, in the Character of Roscius. In the first place, my Citation of St. Augustine is right to a tittle; and therefore I can have nothing to answer for. And that St. Augustine was the least to blame, we have no just Reason to suspect. For, first, we are to observe, that Tully's Oration, Pro Roscio, cited by Mr. Dennis, is a great part of it lost, we have neither beginning nor end of it. But in St. Augustine's time Tully's Works were entire. Now because a Passage is not in part of an Argument, to conclude it was not there at all, is an odd way of reasoning. And if 'twas not in this Oration, there was room enough for it in the rest of Tully's Works, which are now lost.  
Secondly, The Words and Sense of this Quotation, and that cited by Mr. Dennis, are so very different, that 'tis next to impossible, that St. Augustine, if he quoted from Memory, should mistake the one for the other: And yet he quotes it roundly, and Reasons positively upon it. From whence (says this Father) Tully was most clearly of Opinion, that the better a Man was, the less fit he was to make a Player. And can we imagine a Person of S. Augustin's Character, could mistake so marked and memorable a Sentence? He that was so well acquainted with the Heathen Learning, and particularly with Tully, having publicly taught Rhetoric in his younger time? To change the Words of an Author to so strange a Degree, to so very foreign a signification, could be nothing but Design. Now can we imagine that St. Augustine's Conscience could digest such a Practice as this? Would he who had wrote a whole Books against Falsehood and Lying, be guilty of so notorious an Instance himself? What, in an Author so well known as Tully, in a Sentence so very remarkable, and in a Treatise written for the Satisfaction of the Heathens? For now we are to observe, that St. Augustine was encountering some Pagan Objections about the Gospels, and proving the Consistency of the Evangelists with each other. Besides, there was no necessity for so wretched and ridiculous an Expedient: The Controversy did not languish for this Citation; for as pertinent as it was, St. Augustine could easily have gone on without it. But possibly the Reader may think I have taken too much notice of a Calumny so much without colour: To return therefore to the Surveyor.  
And here once for all, I can't but wonder at his Captiousness and Noise against the Method of my Quotations: The Authors, says he, were not cited at length, and in their own Language, which it seems could be nothing but Design. That my Meaning was fair, I have made good already; and that my Method was defensible, is no less plain, for I always took care to cite Book, Chapter, or Page, and sometimes Edition too. Now how could Imposition and foul Play lie hid under such a Punctuality? When this was done, what need was there of stuff●ing the Margin with Greek and Latin? Why should I give myself a needless Fatigue, and trouble the English Reader with a foreign Language to no purpose? All unnecessary Quoting is either Pedantry or Ostentation. The Surveyor has neither Reason nor Custom for his Demands. What then would the Man be at? I hope he did not expect I should get a Certificate, or make Affidavit in proof of my Authorities? 'Tis true, his making a squabble about the Testimonies has now somewhat altered the Case; Insomuch that I am sometimes forced to bring him to the Test of the Original, to discover his Honesty.  
And now having set the Testimonies right, the rest of the Surveyor's Book will go off apace.  
The Surveyor Complains of my Censuring the Music and Gestures of the Playhouse only upon Report, having never heard of one, nor seen t'other. 
Surveyor, p. 99  As to the Playhouse Music, he has given me no occasion to resume that Argument, neither did I meddle with their Dancing. But here he runs too fast. I only told him, 
View, p. 278.  I was no Frequenter of the Playhouse. I must tell him, I have been there, though not always for Diversion. I am not so much a Stranger to that place, as not to have seen the Behaviour of their Women bold, and the Gestures lewd sometimes, witness the Hostess in Bartholomew Fair! His appeal to the Ladies in this Case is strangely out of the way. He has reproached them too much in the Dedication, either to expect their Favour, or depend on their Decision. The Outrage is very gross and comprehensive, as will appear at the first sight. Women, says the Surveyor to the Earl of Dorset, 
Epist. Ded.  and weak Men, whose Fears are stronger than their judgements, will be awed into a Persuasion before they are convinced of the Truth of it. For such People, in most Cases, measure the certainty of Assertions by the Confidence of him that pronounces them. Here's a Flourish for ye upon the whole Sex! Here's Decency of Application, and Strains of Breeding and Conduct! And does the Surveyor call in the Ladies to Vouch for him after this Usage? After he has disabled their Character, and thrown them out of Sense and Capacity? His Modesty and Judgement, I perceive, are much of a size: These Complaints, I suppose, were calculated for Russia, or rather for Constantinople, where the Women are said to have no Souls. I asserted in the View, etc. with reference to the English Stage, That if they have any advantage in their Instrumental Music, they lose it in their Vocal: Their Songs being often rampantly l●wd, and irreligious to a flaming excess: 
View, p. 280.  Now the ancients, as we have seen already, were inoffensive in this respect. Here the Surveyor falls a railing very liberally, and if his Logic would but answer his Language, there was no enduring him: But the best on't is, his Reasoning usually makes amends for his Railing: And so it happens at present, for at the first opening of the Cause, he does no less than give it up. He grants the Chorus of the Ancients was harmless enough. 
Survey, p. 103.  But then the Reason he proves it by is somewhat untoward. This Music, 
P. 101.  says he, consisted of Hymns and Praises of their Gods, and therefore Lewdness would have been impertinent. On the contrary, the Pagan Idols were lewd, and their Worship was lewd, and if the Hymns had been so too, they had been all of a Piece. Where then was the impropriety? But then this, as St. Paul observes, was for the most part done in secret: For Nature was not wholly subdued by Idolatry. 'Twas therefore the force of Modesty, and the regards of Virtue, which made the Chorus inoffensive, and not Compliance with Religion, as the Surveyor suggests. And is not the ancient Stage much better than the Modern upon this account? For they declined Smutt, though their Religion allowed it. But these are resolved to charge through their Creed, and to have it at any purchase of Infamy and Danger. To return to the Chorus, if that was inoffensive, as the Surveyor truly affirms, than the Vocal Stage Music of the Ancients was inoffensive, for they had no Songs but in the Chorus; I Challenge the Surveyor to produce one elsewhere in all the Old Tragedy and Comedy extant: And does it not follow from hence, that the old Drama was inoffensive, not only upon the Comparison, but even without it? His running off to the gross Liberties of the Mimi is a poor relief: For, First, By thus retreating from the Subject, he quits the Field, and leaves the Ancient Drama in possession of the Advantage contested.  
Secondly, In all his Ramble and Aggravation about the Mimi, he neither offers to prove his Point by Argument or Testimony: He neither gives any Instance, nor citys any Author; so that the whole of his Cause lies only in Affirmation and Assurance. His saying, That all who are acquainted with the Roman Stage, know his Charge against the Mimi to be true, is like the rest. I must tell him, he does not know it to be true, and therefore should not object it. Nay, as far as it appears 'tis untrue; for the Lewdness of the Mimi consisted more in Gesture, than Expression. I charged the Stage with encouraging Revenge, 
View, p. 283.  and mistaking the Notion of Honour: This he denies, and would make us believe, that a Vindictive Humour is almost always made the Mark of a Tyrant or a Villain in Tragedy. 
Survey, p. 108.  But by his Instance in Don Manuel he mistakes the Point: The Disorders of Princes was not the Dispute in that place: 'Twas private Revenge which was principally aimed at, as appears by the mention of Duelling. And is not this Humour encouraged by the Stage? Don't their Characters of Figure quarrel in Comedy, and Murder in Tragedy? Is it not Honourable to do it, and Infamous to refuse it? And thus, by these Maxims, a Man is bound to be Damned in Defence of his Honour, and can't be a Christian without being reckoned a Poltroon. To say this, Frenzy is countenanced in Life, and that a Poet is obliged to draw according to Nature is a lamentable Plea. At this rate Rapes and Adulteries must be Acted, and all sort of Blasphemy repeated, 
View, p. 35, 383.  that Nature may be shown in her Colours: But this I have answered already. And therefore his saying, 
Defence, p. 10, 15, etc.  That there can be no Breach of Morality, without offending against the Laws of the Drama; His saying this, is in effect, to make the Poets Sovereign Judges of Good and Evil; To give the Stage a Power Paramount to Gospel and Law, and to make Vice the Standart of Virtue. By this Doctrine they may bring all the Stench of the Stews upon the Board, and Poison Cum Privilegio. For, what is all this, but a close Imitation of Life? Now if any Man dislikes these Figures, 
Suru. p. 119.  let him do it at his Peril, says the Surveyor, for than he finds fault with Nature, not with the Poet. Nay, if those Pictures be drawn according to the Life, he might as well snarl at the Wise Providence which governs the World, because he meets more ugly Faces then handsome ones, 
Ibid.  more Knaves and Fools than Honest Men, etc. This is admirable Reasoning! For, in the first place, to suppose Ugliness so very common, is a satire upon Mankind, and is remote both from Truth, and Decency: But to make Knavery the effect of Providence, as this Author does by the drift of his Reasoning, and the force of his Comparison, is next to Blasphemy. To proceed from his Supposition to his Inference: Does the Surveyor think there's no difference between Natural Defects and Moral Turpitude, and are Ugly Faces as catching as Ugly Practices? Certainly, no. The Deformities of Behaviour are much more dangerous than those of Person and Understanding. Lewdness and Atheism are infectious, but Folly is a disadvantage to none but him that has it. Now, if we are obliged to guard our Virtue, and avoid ill Discourse, Why not in the Playhouse, as well as in other places? Unless we'll say, that the Wit and Figure, and Success of a Libertine mortifies his Example, and makes him less dangerous: And then by the same Rule we may conclude, that the malignity of a Distemper is a good symptom of Health, and that People are likely to do least mischief, when they are best prepared for't.  
I must now attend the Surveyor in his Examination of the Greek and Roman Tragedy, in which he pretends the Ancients were defective in the Morality of their Fable. 
Survey, p. 126.  And upon the comparison of some few Instances, endeavours to throw the preference upon the Moderns. In this Enquiry he spends a great part of his Book, which were it never so lucky, would be but little to his purpose. For, to say no more at present, this Justification would reach no farther than Tragedy, Comedy does not enter the Dispute upon this Head, and therefore must be left defenceless. He throws away abundance of Ammunition upon this place, which if he could carry it, would not be worth the Storming: This will appear upon the progress of the Contest; and in the mean time I shall endeavour to repel the Attack, and disappoint him in the little Advantage.  
In pursuing this Point, the Surveyor falls into a mighty Vein of telling Stories, which by the length and manner of them, one would fancy were told more for his own Diversion, than the Readers. Here we must take him by Tale, and not by Weight; measure his Arguments by the Page; And if a Man could be confuted by the Yard, he might possibly have done my Business.  
He gins with the Fable of Sophocles his Oedipus, 
Survey, p. 131.  and Censures it for being very deficient in the Moral. And yet in the next Words he owns it may serve to put us in mind of the Lubricity of Fortune, and the Instability of Humane Greatness. Call you this Moral very deficient! Does it not hold forth a Lesson of Justice and Moderation to great Men? Does it not teach the proper use of Prosperity, and prepare us for the Turns of Adversity? This Moral is so far from being deficient in a Play, that it would make a good Sermon. But the ground of the Quarrel is, this Moral is too good for such a Heathen as Sophocles, and therefore he must not have it. Not have it! What, 
Survey, p. 131.  though the Poem uses it expressly as such? that's confessed: For all that the Surveyor not only finds fault with Mr. Dryden, but wont give Sophocles leave to understand the Moral of his own Fable. 
P. 133.  This is very hard. But since he is resolved to refine upon Sophocles and Mr. Dryden, let's see what he'll make on't. Now this Gentleman tells us, that the genuine Moral of the Fable ought to have been shown in setting forth Oedipus'; Misfortunes, as a result of his Impiety, in advancing his own judgement above that of his Gods; 
Survey, p. 133. 145.  and thinking by his own Wisdom to reverse the immutable Decrees of Destiny, and upon this account his Vanity deserved the heaviest Chastisement. To this I answer,  
First, That if this were the Moral, it would not be without Instruction: It might show the vanity of contesting with Omnipotence, and teach submission to the Decrees of Heaven, that People should conclude the Punishment just by the Hand that sent it, and not repine at the Mysteries of Providence.  
But Secondly, That this Sense is not the genuine Moral, appears by the Surveyor's Objection, in which he grants, That Predestination was not so universal among the Ancient Heathens, but many held the contrary. 
Ibid.  And if Oedipus was one of this Number, he grants his Moral falls to the Ground. Now, that Oedipus was no Predestinarian, I think is pretty clear from his Management: For if he believed a Fatality, he must believe his Misfortunes irretrievable, and why then was he so weak as to attempt the preventing it? Why then did he quit his Fortune and his Friends, throw up the Expectations of a Crown, and run rambling after a known Impossibility? Such a Piece of Pilgrimage is fit for a Goose then a Hero, especially one who could look through Mysteries, untie Riddles, and had a reach of Understanding above the rest of Mankind. 'Tis plain therefore, Oedipus did not imagine himself under a Necessity of of Murdering his Father. He thought the Oracle pronounced no more than a Conditional Truth; He took it for a fair warning, but believed the Event might be secured by Care, and Caution.  
Farther, By this Scheme of Fatality the reason of Punishment is destroyed, and by consequence the Moral sinks with it. For, why should Oedipus be punished for attempting to reverse Destiny, when all his Actions were preordained, and he had not so much as his own Will in his power? Where there is no Choice, there can be no Fault: Alas! Upon this Supposition his Vanity was unavoidable, and he could no more help the contesting with Fate, than he could overrule it. For as the Surveyor has it from Seneca, 
Quicquid patimur mortale genus,  
Quicquid facimus venit ab alto.   
To make Oedipus smart for questioning the Oracle in this Case, is against all Reason and Justice: And the Poet might as well have brought him to Execution, because he could not fly. And thus we see the Poet will shift much better by himself than with the Surveyor's Assistance. The Moral of the rest of Sophocles' Plays is either good, or not bad, by 
Survey. p. 150, to 165.  his own Confession, and therefore that Dispute is at an end: 'Tis true he excepts a little against Hyllus' Expostulation with the Gods. 
Soph. T●achin.  But this Objection was started, and considered in the View, etc. 
View, p. 91.   
Orestes' killing his Mother, though not Censured by the Surveyor, lies harder upon Sophocles than the other. But when we consider, that he was put upon this Practice by the Oracle, 
Sophoc. Electr● Act 1.  to revenge his Father's Murder, and the Abuse of his Bed; This Consideration, I say, upon the Heathen Theology, seems to excuse the Fact.  
We are now to proceed to Euripides, who is blamed by the Surveyor for not contriving his Fable to the Advantage of his Moral. 
Survey, p. 164▪ 178.  To this it may be returned, That his Instances of Mismanagement in this Poet are but few: And even all of those few 
* Ibid.  won't hold; and where they do, the Plays are defensible upon another Head.  
And because he makes Orestes, and the other produced by him, a Sample of the rest, it may not be amiss to show the Reader in a Word or two, how unfairly Euripides is represented by the Surveyor.  
To begin, Hecuba his first Play, has a Moral sufficiently instructive. For, here Polydorus comes from the other World to discover Treachery and Murder. And Polymnestor, King of Thrace, being the guilty Person, is punished with the loss of his Eyes: This Piece of Revenge is executed by Hecuba, Mother to the Murdered Person, and being questioned for the Fact, she is acquitted by Agamemnon; as indeed she well might, having done nothing unjustifiable by the Principles of Paganism.  
The Phoenissaes is full of Moral Sentences, and as to the Fable, the Misfortune of Laius and his Posterity is declared to proceed from his disobedience to the Oracle: 
Eurip. Phaeniss. p. 112. Ed. Cantabr.  which holds forth this Lesson, That 'tis dangerous to go counter to the Instructions of Heaven; and that our Duty should always overrule our Desires.  
Hippolytus Coronatus is taxed by the Surveyor with a defective Moral, because an inoffensive young Prince of that Name miscarries in't. But this Fable, if we look farther, has a great deal of good meaning in't. 
Hipp●l. p. 262, etc.  For Hippolytus is visited in his Misfortunes by a Goddess who clears his Innocence, undertakes his Quarrel, and promises to immortalize his Memory.  
The Surveyor grants Alcestis a Moral Play, and the same may be said of Andromache: For here Hermione, who injured the Royal Captive Andromache, 
Androm. p. 319, 320.  grows almost distracted with her guilt, 
Androm. p. 329, 330.  and is hardly prevented from dispatching herself.  
Menelaus' likewise designing to Murder Andromache and her Son Molossus, is disappointed in his Barbarity by Peleus, who comes in the nick of time to the rescue of the Innocent. And at the end of the Play, Andromache is left in possession of the Country, Married to Helenus, Hector's Brother, and the Crown settled upon her Son Molossus: And to enrich the Moral farther, the Generous and Compassionate Peleus is Deified by Thetis, and transported to the Fortunate Islands. 
Androm. p. 329, 330.   
The Moral of the Supplices is not amiss. The Case stood thus. Creon King of Thebes refusing Burial to the Chiefs slain before that Town, Adrastus, the only surviving Confederate, applies to Theseus' King of Athens, for Assistance, desiring to be put into a Condition to take care of the Funerals of his Friends. For to have these Solemnities unperformed, was a sad misfortune among the Heathens, who believed the Ghosts of the Deceased had no rest, till their Bodies were burnt, and their Bones buried, according to that of Virgil.  
Nec ripas datur horrendas & rauca fluenta  
Transportare, prius quam sedibus-ossa quierunt.  
The Request being thus reasonable, Theseus complies with it, and having demanded Justice of Creon by an Embassy to no purpose, he goes against him in Person, defeats his Forces in the Field, and recovers the dead Bodies of the Generals.  
This Expedition was a generous Instance of Humanity to the Dead, and Living, and  
In the next Play Euristheus smarts for persecuting the Heraclidae. These injured Persons are assisted by the Athenians, defeat the Usurper, and recover their Right. To say no more, this Play threatens Pride with Divine Vengeance, and pleads strongly for Justice and Religion.  
The Tragedy of Helena gives Countenance to Probity: For, by the Structure of the Fable, Helena is a Lady of Virtue, undebauched by Paris, and never at Troy: She is detained Prisoner in Egypt, and proves constant to her Husband Menelaus, though courted by Theoclymenus King of that Country. In short, she conceals Menelaus upon his arrival, makes the King believe he was Wrecked, and desiring leave to solemnize his Funeral on the Shoar, gets an opportunity to escape the Tyrant, and set sail. Theoclymenus finding himself betrayed, and suspecting his Sister Theonoe in the Plot, resolves to Murder her; but is persuaded to desist, and brought to Temper by the Machine of Castor and Pollux. Here the Moral lies upon the surface, is apparently virtuous, and therefore I shall say no more about it.  
To conclude, Euripides's Electra stands upon the same foot of Excuse with that of Sophocles, and therefore I shall pass it over.  
From this short Survey the Reader may perceive, that much the major part of Euripides' Plays are unexceptionable in their Moral; And that Poetic Justice was generally the Poet's Care: Which appears farther by his Apology for his Ixion. For, some of the Audience censuring the Conduct of this Play, for suffering Ixion to flourish, and thrive upon this Wickedness; The Poet desires them to have Patience, for, says he, I broke him upon the Wheel at last, 
Vit. Eurip. Ed. Cant●br.  and then he paid for all.  
The Surveyor therefore is much mistaken in making the Ancients so negligent in their Fable: 
Survey, p. 194.  As if a good Moral from them was rather the effect of Casualty than Choice. There are four Tragedies of Euripides still unmentioned; that is, his Orestes, Medea, Hercules Furens, and Ion: Here I confess the Bias of the Fable is not so well contrived, as in the rest.  
But then he may be in a great measure excused upon these Two following Considerations:  
First, Because Euripides takes care to correct the Malignity of his Fable by Moral Sentences, and Philosophical Advice, 
Survey, p. 164.  of which, as the Surveyor ●onfesses, he is very liberal. Yes: The Anciens, says he, delivered their Instructions in Wise Say scattered in the Dialogue, or at the Close; 
P. 191.  Now these Sentences were possibly more intelligible to a Common Understanding, than the Mystery of Plots, and the Revolution of Fables: And therefore when the rest of the Play was not stuffed with Lewdness, might govern in the Minds of an Audience, and make a significant Impression: But, Secondly, That which goes farthest in the Justification of Euripides is, that the Disposition of the Fable was seldom in his power: The Subject was generally History, or received Tradition; from which 'twas unsafe to vary. For, to cross upon common Belief, and give Matter of Fact the Lie, was the way to spoil the Probability and Relish of the Poem. The Ancients therefore, as the Surveyor remarks from Aristotle, being forced to take the Fable as they found it, 
Suru. p. 187, 188.  the fault lay in the History, which made the Poet more excusable.  
And this may serve to show, that Euripides is much better complexioned than the Surveyor was pleased to draw him. He is mistaken likewise in affirming, That Euripides does not touch the Passions like Sophocles: For, 
Survey, p. 164  no less a Judge than Quintilian gives him the preference: He had, says he, an admirable stroke at the Pathos in general; And for raising Compassion, was clearly superior to Sophocles. 
In affectibus vero cum omnibus mirus, tum in ●is qui mis●ratione constant, facile praecipuus. Quintil. Instit. Lib. 10. cap. 1.  And if Quintilians Authority stood in need of being confirmed, the Poet Hippolytus Coronatus, to say nothing farther, might vouch for him.  
From Euripides the Surveyor goes backward to Aeschylus, but this Poet will quickly be disengaged, for the whole Attack is made only upon a Sentence or two in his Promotheus Vinctus. But here he is out again in his Impeachment, 
Survey, p. 180  and misrepresents the Reason of Promotheus' Punishment. For 'twas not mere good Nature that made Promotheus miscarry. 'Twas because he made bold with Jupiter's Prerogative, broke into his Administration, and disposed of his Bounty against his Will.  
— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
Prom. Vinct. p. 6, 8. Ed. Stanl.   
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉—  
And in the next Page: 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.   
Promotheus pretended it seems to understand what was fit for the World better than jupiter, and to love Mankind more than he that made them. Now to do this, is Arrogance, and Imputation with a Witness. Besides, as appears in the latter part of the Play, he scorned a release from his Torments, menaced his pretended Supreme, and rattled his Chains against his Judge. 
View, p. 87.   
But 'tis high time for the Surveyor to quit the Coast of Greece, having met with no Prize after all his Cruising. He is now sailing homewards, and trying to mend his Voyage, by touching at Rome. And, to conclude the Allegory, Seneca is the Man, to make his Fortunes.  
And here he would persuade the Reader, that I took all Seneca ' s Plays for the Work of one Man. 
Survey. p. 183.  His Reason is, I suppose, because I called them Seneca's Tragedies: Because I did not distinguish between the Plays written by Marcus, and those by Lucius Annaeus Seneca; and run out into Pedantry and Foreign Observation. But enough of this.  
The Surveyor remarks, 
P. 182.  that all Seneca's Tragedies are of Greek Extraction: (for the Octavia is not worth the naming.) They are so. And so much the better, for then, where they need it, what I have offered for the Greeks, may serve for their Apology. Then the Plan of the Fable takes its refuge in History; and comes down with Excuse to the Poet. Besides, the Surveyor takes notice, that Seneca refines upon the Justice of Euripides in his Hippolytus, 
Survey. p. 189.  and mends his Moral. Why, this is just as one would wish. But then the Man grows angry, because I did not distinguish the Plays of Seneca the Philosopher from the rest, and exempt him from Censure. Why, 
Survey. p. 184.  truly I had no leisure for trifling in Criticisms: And moreover, I could not wholly excuse him; for his Rants (if they belong to him) are sometimes as extravagant as may be 
* Senec. Troad. Act. 3. .  
His Parallel of Ajax Oileus with a late Misfortune won't hold. For Ajax was sunk in his Blasphemy, and had his Breath stopped with a Thunderbolt: 
Survey. p. 187.  He is no Person of the Drama; But what then? This Instance is sufficient to show the Poet's Justice, and make an Example of the Crime.  
His pretended Division of Tragedy from Aristotle into Moral and Pathetic, is strangely misrepresented. By this Distinction he would make us believe, that according to Aristotle, the Pathetic Tragedy had no regard to Morality, and Poetic Justice. But this is not only contrary to Matter of Fact, but to the Authority of the Citation.  
For, Aristotle makes four Branches of his Division of Tragedy, and not two only, as this Author quotes him. These four kinds of Tragedy the Philosopher forms upon the four principal Excellencies relating to this Art.  
The first sort he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or that which turns chief upon Intrigue, and Discovery; The second is the Pathetic, the Beauty of which consists in the skill of touching the Passions, and awakening Terror and Pity to an unusual degree. Now if the Fable was well cast, and Poetic Justice observed, as I have proved it often happened; in this case I say, this sort of Tragedy, 
Survey. p. 226.  is every jot as instructive, or in other words as Moral, as any other.  
The 3d sort was distinguished by a plain and pompous Narration without surprise of Incidents or Revolution of Affairs. Here the Gods made a great part of the Dialogue, and the Peculiarity of it lay in the Majesty of the Presence, of the Subject and Expression.  
The fourth is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Moral, so called because, 
Aristot. de Poet. cap. 18.  as appears by the Instances, and the learned Paraphrast Goulston, it dealt chief in virtuous Examples, and Characters of Justice and Piety. In a word, the Distinction goes more upon Person, Character, and Discourse, than upon Fable and Event. And thus 'tis plain, that Aristotle was far from having any of the Surveyor's fancy's in his head: For all these kinds of Tragedy notwithstanding their Difference, were equally capable of a good Moral, and of adjusting Rewards and Punishments, And therefore this Philosopher was no such inexhaustible Spring of Corruption, no such everlasting Source of Infection, 
Survey. p. 195.  as this Gentleman and his terrible Rhetoric would make him.  
Having now disabled his Instances of Exception, and vindicated the Ancients; the Design of his Attack is defeated. And his long Declamation, into which he has rammed so many hard words, 
Survey, p. 196. 197, & deinc.  will recoil upon himself; and discharge nothing but Smoke and Noise, Paper and Powder.  
For by this time I suppose 'tis pretty clear that my satire (as he calls it) does not come near so full upon the Ancients, 
Survey. p. 201.  as upon the Moderns.  
For first, As we have seen the Old Tragedians were generally unexceptionable in their Fable; and when they were not, 'tis because they were tied down to the Models of History and Religion, 
Survey p. 187, 188.  upon which account both Aristotle and the Surveyor are willing to make them an Allowance.  
Secondly, The Ancient Tragic Poets were clean in their Expression. And  
Thirdly, They are not near so full of Profaneness and Atheistical Rants.  
The Surveyor is resolved notwithstanding to produce some Modern Tragedies, which though they have little to say, are to look boldly upon the Court, and pass their Resolution for their Innocence; And here Shakespear's Hamlet is brought first, and a great many Words spent to prove the Regularity and Instructiveness of the Fable. But, what's all this to the Controversy? 
Survey. p. 201, to 206.  My Exceptions to Hamlet related only to his Indecencies of Language; and how handsomely the Surveyor justifies that, we shall see afterwards. However here the Surveyor was resolved to set up a King of Clouts of his own making; and then to fall on and Conquer him with great Bravery: Or, perhaps his Heart being better than his Sight, he might mistake the Windmill for the Giant.  
His next Instance is in the Orphan, against the Fable of which though I did not except, yet 'tis by no means so staunch as he would make it. For here's no just Distinction of Fate upon the Merit of the Persons; but the good and bad, the innocent and guilty, fall under a common Misfortune.  
Cleomenes comes next under the Surveyor's Examination: This Play he taxes extremely with the want of a Moral. 
Survey. p. 212.  And does this prove, that the Fable of the Moderns is preferable to the Ancients? What makes him argue on my side? How some People's Vanity rides their Judgement! He must be throwing his Criticisms about, though he falls upon his Friends, and weakens his Argument by his Discovery.  
The Two remaining Tragedies are Don Sebastian and the Mourning Bride. 
See View and Defence.  Now he knows I have made several material Objections against these Plays, which he does not attempt to remove. I must tell him therefore once for all, that the Justification of the Fable is no Answer: For I did not charge the Moderns with being being Infection all over: No, they may do Execution enough without that.  
Besides, the Fable by his own reasoning works least sensibly, 
Survey. p. 222.  it sleeps as it were in the Veins, and is slow in the Operation. But foul Images, and profane Discourse, are of a quicker Dispatch, and like the Plague sudden, and sure. And then the Decency, Moral Sentences, and Gravity of the Ancients were a sort of Counterpoison to the Fable: For, as the Surveyor observes, the Discourse of the Ancient Tragedy was frequently Moral, 
Survey p. 225.  when the Fable was not. To which I must add, that when the Moderns are staunch in their main Fable, their Episodes and Under-Character are much out of Order, and encourage Vice by giving it success. 
View, 142, 146, & alib.  He would gladly put in still for some Advantages to the Moderns, with respect to the Moral; but the Claim sticks cruelly in the making out. He mentions Three Particulars, the Two first of which are no more than one, and that is, that  
The Moderns are never at the Expense of a Miracle to bring about a wicked Design, as the Ancients have notoriously done. 
Survey. p. 218.   
To this I answer,  
First, That he has overcharged the Ancients, and multiplied his Instances beyond Matter of Fact; as appears by what I have proved already.  
Secondly, In those few Plays where the Allegation is true, they represented the History of their Theology, they had Common Belief for their Excuse, so that it seems rather the fault of the Religion, than the Poet. And as for the Moderns, their standing off from this Conduct seems to proceed more from Management than Scruple; By the Liberties they take in other Cases, we have no reason to believe they declined this ill use of Machine out of Conscience: But because they know this Expedient won't take: The Method looks unnatural, and the Credulity of the Audience is not high enough to make it go down.  
His Second Advantage for the Moderns is, that their Malefactors are generally punished. 
Survey. Ibid.  The Ancients did the same, as I have proved from the Three Greek Tragedians. But after all, the Moderns are far from being so careful in the execution of Justice as he pretends. For I'm mistaken if Libertines that expose Virtue, and droll upon Religion, are not great Malefactors. To steal Property, is not so bad as to steal Principle; For this latter Practice extinguishes the Notion of Right, and makes Thieving Universal. He that destroys the Distinction of Good and Evil, is the worst Tyrant; for he encourages all Men to be like himself. Now these sort of Malefactors are cherished and rewarded by the Modern Stage. 
View, etc. p. 142, 146, & alib.   
The Surveyor proceeding in Defence of the Moderns, affirms, that the Fable of every Play is undoubtedly the Author's own, 
Survey p. 219.  whencesoever he takes the Story, and he may model it as he pleases; The Characters are not so, for these the Poet is obliged to take from Nature.  
To this I answer,  
First, In contradiction to his Assertion, That when the Poet writes from History, he is in a great measure confined to Matter of Fact, so that the Fable is not in his own power to model as he pleases. This, besides the Reason of the thing, is already granted by the Surveyor, 
Survey. p. 187, 188.  who brought Aristotle's Authority for the Case. To which I shall add that of Horace, which may be applied both to Fable and Characters.  Aut famam sequere, aut convenientia finge, 
H●rat de art. poet.  Scriptor. 
Now 'tis both Aristotle's and Horace's Judgement, that a Tragic Poet should rather go upon Fact, 
Arist. de poet. cap. 9  and known Tradition, than pure Invention in the choice of his Subject.  
Rectius Iliacum Carmen deducis in Actus, 
Horat. de Art. poet.   
Quam si proferres ignota, indictaque primus.  
Secondly, 'Tis very possible to keep an irregular Character under Discipline; for Terrence's Strumpets don't talk Smut, 
View, P. 34, 35, 204, 205. Defence, p. 20, 21, & alib.  and the same Conduct will hold in other Cases. In a word, we must not stretch Propriety to the prejudice of Virtue, nor make Nature a Plea for Debauchery. But this pretence I have fully satisfied elsewhere.  
His last Effort upon the Fable of the Ancients is, that neither Aristotle nor Horace, amongst all their excellent Rules for Dramatic Writing, 
Survey, p. 226.  have taken the least notice of Poetic justice.. But that neither of these great Men were so regardless of the Fable, as the Surveyor would make them, will appear from what follows: For,  
First, Aristole affirms, That to represent a Person of Probity 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  unhappy, would not only be Unpoetical, but 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. De poet. cap. 13.  Scandalous, and Detestable: And on the other hand, to make a very Wicked Man successful, is the most improper Conduct imaginable, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  and has not so much as a jot of the due requisites of Tragedy in't. The first Reason he gives for this Censure is, because such Preposterous Management fails in a proper Regard to Mankind 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. . Now, if an Unrighteous Treatment of Virtue and Vice, and Maladministration upon Merit, is in the Opinion of Aristotle, a Neglect of Humane Nature, a Scandalous Practice, and a Breach of Dramatic Law, then certainly this Philosopher did not overlook the Respects of Justice in his Precepts for Tragedy.  
This, if need be, will appear farther from the Qualifications he requires in his Hero, who is to suffer at the latter end of the Play. This chief Person he would have of a Middling size for his Morals, neither remarkable one way nor tother: He would not have him flamingly Wicked, for then no body would be concerned for his Misfortune, Compassion would sleep, and Tragedy flag.  
But then he must fall into some great Indiscretion, and be guilty of considerable Mismanagement; 
Ibid.  He must be punished 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for some notorious failure in his Conduct; For some Fault which he might have prevented; otherwise you bring him under the Character of those Virtuous Persons, 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  whom Aristotle says 'tis scandalous to make unhappy. Thus we see he suffers for his Faults, he is made a Malefactor, though not to the degree of falling unpitied. And thus the Example works the right way, and the Audience is alarmed into Caution. Thus they are held to their Good Behaviour, and the passion of Terror is purged; 
Arist. de poet. cap. 6.  which advantages could never follow if the Hero had no Faults to justify his Misfortune. For to see a good Man punished for that he can't help, is the way to make the Passions of the Tragedy run Riot, and grow mutinous against Providence; and is rather an Argument for Despair than Circumspection. And this may serve to show, that Aristotle was not regardless of Poetic Justice.  
And that Horace, who goes upon the Plan of the Ancients, was of the same mind, is evident from his Advice to the Chorus, to appear for Virtue, and perform the Offices of Friendship; To recommend Justice, and pray the Gods that Fortune might follow Desert ●*. 
Ut redeat miseris, abeat fortunae super bis. Horat. de Art. poet.  Now the Chorus, we know, was to unite with the Subject, to support the Design of the Play, and represent the Sense of the Poet. If therefore Horace would have the Chorus solicit thus strongly for Justice; he expected, no doubt, the Catastrophe should be governed by the same Instructions.  
And thus I have endeavoured to detect his Calumnies upon the Ancients, to vindicate their Fable, and to disappoint him in his Project upon the Comparison. And alas! if the Moderns could have carried this part of the Preference, it would have done them but little service. A formal Piece of Justice at the end of a Lewd Play, is nothing but a Piece of Grimace, and a Politic Hypocrisy. 'Tis much such a strain of Conduct, as it would be to let a Mad Dog lose among the Crowd, and then knock him on the Head when he has bitten a great part of them. And yet this poor Excuse has no pretence in Modern Comedy, where Libertinism comes generally off with Victory and Flying Colours.  
And to this Performance of the Stage the Surveyor now leads me, and gins with the Definition of Comedy: 
Defence, p. 6, 7, 8.  But against the Latitude and Construction of his Interpretation, I have argued in my Defence, of which, according to his Method, he takes no notice. And by his Description of the Business of Comedy, we have no reason to expect any good from it.  
He says the design of Comedy is rather Civil Prudence than Morality, 
Survey, p. 232.  and as he is pleased to go on, we are not to expect it should confer Grace, or mend Principles. Then as for the Characters, 
P. 234.  though he would not have them all Vicious, he means not just to qualify them for Newgate, or Tyburn; But then especial care must be taken, that there is no Person of Sobriety amongst them: No, they must be all Men of Pleasure; for if they are tainted with too much Honesty, they will disagree with the Company, and spoil the Projects of the Stage. Well! I perceive the Surveyor is resolved, notwithstanding his Pretences to the contrary, to make the Modern Writers of Comedy more Licentious than the Ancient; 
Rudens. Act. 4. sc. 7.  for Doemones in Plautus informs us, that the Comic Poets in his time used to pretend to Discipline, and throw in Lectures of Morality. And though the Surveyor takes care to get all his Characters of Figure debauched, and won't suffer any thing of Conscience or Regularity to tread the Stage, for fear the Audience might suffer by the Example: Yet Plautus was of another mind, for in his Captivi all the Characters are sober, and well in order, and particularly Tyndarus and Philochares, Two young Gentlemen, are Men of Virtue; and so is Lusiteles, another of the same Quality and Age, in his Trinummus. And then as to Persons farther advanced in years, there are several Instances both in Plautus and Terence, of Behaviour not exceptionable. But our Stage has refined upon the old Model: Their Characters must be all Libertines, their Diversion Smut, and their Lectures, Swearing and Profaneness. Their Business is not to teach Morality, but Lewdness, not to confer Grace, but to Debauch Nature, not to mend Principles, but to destroy them. Indeed, how can the Consequence of such Entertainments be otherwise? where the Persons are all Libertines, where they run such lengths of excess, and balk nothing that makes a Jest. Where Profaneness is sometimes seasoned with Wit, and Lewdness polished with turns of Fancy. Where the Infection is made Palatable, the Mischief fortified, and their Weapons Pointed, to pass the better through a Man's Body. Now, who would learn Civil Prudence and Management from such Instructions as these? where a Man will be in danger to bring away much more Vice than Discretion. Is it worth one's while to get Caution with the loss of Conscience? Or, Have his Pocket Picked only for the sake of Wit and Dexterity? Who would choose Bedlam for his Seat of Diversion: Or, see Posture Clark do his Tricks, and Act his Metamorphoses, with the Plague about him?  
'Tis true, 
Survey, p. 336.  the Surveyor is contented, that not only a Gentleman of Wit, but of Honour too, should be introduced into Comedy; but then he guards again in limitation, for he must be a Man of wild unreclaimed Honour: A Man of Wild Honour! Truly, I think, no Man's Honour can be Wilder than his Notion: Honour without Probity is next to a Contradiction in Terms, and besides, 'tis good for very little. For, to speak plainly, 'tis nothing more than Pride and Fashion, and Civility to a Man's self. I don't say but Persons of Figure may be sometimes out of Order in Comedy, and he misreports me in affirming the contrary 
* Suru. p. 238. : But then this should not be done without Restrictions, and Guard of Behaviour. 
* Defence, p. 8, 10.  And besides they should be disciplined accordingly. When Dramatic Gentlemen of Sense are Knaves, or Debauchees, the Poet should take care to make them Losers by their Liberty: They should mortify them for their Misbehaviour, treat them with Disappointment, and put them out of Countenance. And here the Misfortune ought to rise in proportion to the Quality, for fear the Figure should otherwise recommend the Lewdness.  
And to do the Surveyor right, he is himself sensible of the necessity of this Conduct, at least in some measure. For he grants by implication, that the Poet is obliged to bring his Libertine to a sense of his Extravagance, 
Survey, p. 237.  and a resolution of Amendment. But that even this is not done appears sufficiently in my View, 
View, p. 242, 246, & alib.  and may be made good much farther from the Plays cited in the Preface of my Defence.  
But before I pass on, I am obliged to take notice of his saying, that Fools of what Quality soever, 
Survey, p. 235.  are the proper Goods and Chattels of the Stage, which the Poets may dispose of as they think fit.  
By his favour, to make Weakness of Understanding the Subject of Comic Mirth, has neither Religion nor good Nature in't: To expose a Man for being born without Sense, is a satire upon the Creation; 'tis just as reasonable as it would be to beat a Dwarf for being under S●x Foot high. Thus to make sport with the Misfortunes of Nature, and insult unavoidable Infirmities, is downright Barbarity. Beside, such sort of Ridicule can cure no Distemper, nor Recover any Body; Not the Patient, for he is uncapable of Remedy; And as for other People, they are out of danger of the Disease, and therefore need no Preservative. To proceed:  
The Surveyor finding the Arguments of the View somewhat troublesome, 
Survey, p. 239, 105, & alib.  would gladly throw them off upon the score of Declamation: As if they were only a few noisy glittering Sentences, put together to no purpose. Now, though I am no Pretender to the Talon of Haranguing, yet suppose the Allegation was true, 'twould do him no service. For Oratory is by no means inconsistent with Logic. No, Perspicuity of Proof, is, as as Longinus observes, one part of the Sublime. Indeed Rhetoric is nothing but Reason well dressed, and Arguments put into Order. To affirm, That Sense won't agree with proper and moving Expressions, is a strange Conclusion. 'Tis as much as to say, that a good Suit of clothes is a very naughty thing: For let it sit never so easy, yet if it happens to look handsomely, 'twill be sure to weaken a Man's Body, and take away the use of his Limbs. But I must follow him.  
Ben johnson, I took notice, never scrupled to confess, 
View, p. 159. 164.  that 'twas the Office of a Comic Poet to imitate Justice, and instruct to Life. And Mr. Dryden at last came up to the same Opinion. This Rule the Surveyor was sensible agreed very ill with the English Stage. And thus finding himself streighten'd moves for new Liberty, and though he stands by himself, had much rather bend the Rule, then reform the Practice. 
Survey. p. 241.  If you'll believe him, this sort of Discipline is impracticable: For the Licentiousness of Men of Fortune, unless it be such as brings their Understandings into question, must never be censured or exposed in Comedy. That is, if a Libertine bened a Fool, he may be as Lewd and Profane as he pleases, and yet have fair Quarter, and make a good Hand on't. Yes; for, as the Surveyor continues, 
Suru. p. 242.  how immoral and offensive this Misbehaviour may be to sober People, the Man must escape the Censure of Comedy, because he can't be tried in her way. That's hard! Why, then, if she must make Malefactors, and won't punish them, let her Court be put down. If Sense is a Protection to Debauchery, and the most offensive Immoralities must not be touched; If Vice must appear only for Favour and Forage, for Parade and Diversion; If all this Liberty is presumed on by the the Laws of Comedy, and the Privilege of the Poem? Then, I say, the very Definition condemns it. 'Tis a Nuisance in its Nature, and Poison in its Constitution.  
I urged there was no arguing from some 
View, p. 149.  Instances of Favour to Vicious Young People in Plautus and Terence; That the Consequence would not hold from Rome to London, because those Pagan Poets had a greater Compass of Liberty in their Religion. To this his Answer, 
Suru. p. 242.  to make it short, is, that these Poets, especially Terence, were too great Masters of their own Art to take an improper Liberty, only because 'twas not dangerous. Who told him, it was an improper Liberty? The Measures of Practice are formed upon Rules of Notion, and Schemes of Belief: Now the Directions for Life and Manners, are strangely different in the Divisions of Heathenism and Christianity; And therefore those Liberties might be proper enough in the first, which are intolerable in the latter. But this Objection will be rallied afterwards, and therefore I shall now pursue it no farther. But the Surveyor has a small Reserve: The Laws of Rome, says he, 
Suru. p. 24●, 243.  were very severe, and required Regularity of Life; The Magistrates likewise, and Censors of Manners, would never have suffered Examples of such ill Consequence to have been produced openly. From whence he would have it follow, that if Plautus and Terence had suspected the Indulgences abovementioned, had tended any ways to the Debauching of their Youth, they durst not have ventured them into public View.  
To this I answer in a Word; That the Roman Magistrates notwithstanding the severity of their Government, suffered the Excesses of the Pantomines, and therefore might well allow of much lesser degrees of Liberty in their Comic Poets: I say, they suffered the Pantomimes, against whom the Surveyor Declaims so hearty, 
Suru. p. 24, 28, & alib.  and charges so very high with Scandal and Brutality. And if these gross Entertainments would go down, why should they take check at the more inoffensive sallies of Gallantry? As the Case stood, 'tis no wonder if a lucky Libertine should sometimes pass Muster.  
But Plautus and Terence Copied faithfully from Nature and depicted Humane Life in its true and just proportion: Let them depict what 
Survey. p. 243.  they please, they did not Study the worst Likeness; though their Pencil was sometimes bold, they shaded many Blemishes, and aimed at the fairest Resemblance.  
The Surveyor rises in his Resolution; and and sticks not to affirm, that if the Images, answer Life, the foulness of them can never be a Fault. 
Suru. p. 244.  So far from that, the Crime lies quite on the other Side. For to be displeased with a true Representation tho' never so hideous, is no better than to quarrel with Providence whose Creature Mankind is; Say you so, does providence make Monsters in Vice, as well as in Figure? Can't a scandalous Play be disliked without arraigning of Providence? I thought Wickedness had not been the Work of Creation, but Misbehaviour; And that God had made the Man, but not the Sinner. What wretched shifts these Men are put to, to make Lewdness passable!  
However, the Surveyor is resolved not to quit his Hold: He will have it that when Nature is not wronged these Liberties of making Vice successful, and what you please besides, are an unalienable Right: It seems they are entailed upon the Poets, and descend by course of Law, from the Roman to the English Stage: Yes, 
Ibid.  says the Surveyor they have a Right to all the Privileges of their Predecessors. That is a Christian has a clear Title to imitate all the wickedness his Heathen Predecessors have practised before him.  
In the course of the Argument, I preferred the precepts of Horace, 
View, p. 149.  to the Example of Plautus and Terence, and cited him for the contrary opinion. How can that be replies the Surveyor, 
Suru. p. 244.  since Horace draws Youth with the same Features and Complexion that those Comic Poets had done before? And in proof of his Assertion, he produces the Picture.  Cereus in Vitium flecti Monitoribus asper, etc. 
This Description, continues he, is not a bare Character, of the Humours of young People, 
Suru. p. 245.  but a Rule to draw them by. I agree with him: But then, as they have a Bias to the Character, they ought to have the Consequences too: The Poet should make them smart for the Prodigality of their Humour, for their Ungovernable Heats, and the Folly of their Appetites. And that this was Horace's Opinion appears from the rest of his Advice 
* 〈…〉 .  
But the Surveyor can't find the Obscenities of Plautus condemned by Horace; 
Suru. p. 246.  And yet he is lucky enough to cite the place, so that it might have been his own Discovery as well as mine.  
At nostri proavi Plautinos & numeros, &  
Landavere sales; nimium patienter utrumque,  
(Nedicam stulte) mirati 
* Quia versus Plauti non satis numerose scripti, & saepe obscaeni sunt.  si modo ego, & vos  
Scimus Inurbanum, 
† Minell. in Loe.  
* I●civile & scurrile dictum. Id.  lepido seponere dicto,  
Legitimumque sonum digitis callemus, & art.  
Here the Surveyor was pretty near Horace's meaning, for he grants Plautus' Raillery was Censured because his jests were Clownish: And why were they Clownish? Because they were too often foul, and smutty; They were carried too far, and pushed to Indecency. 
* Il a des plaisanteries souvent outrées▪ Dacier in L●c. Horat. de Art. Poet. View, p. 23.  And that Horace was not for this Broad Liberty, appears farther from his Dissuasive: 
Aut immunda crepent, ignominiosaque dicta,  
Offenduntur enim, quibus est Equus, & pater, & res.   
But these Verses belong to the Satyrae, and therefore 'tis Legerdemain to apply them to the Drama. 
Suru. p. 47, 49.  Not at all: 'Tis plain, Horace condemns Obscenity, and that the Roman Gentry had no Relish for Smutty Entertainments. And if they would not allow it in their Rustic Satyrae, where there was some pretence of Character to cover it; 'Twould have gone down much worse, in the more Polite Diversions of Comedy.  
I gave a short Character from Horace of the serviceableness of the Ancient Poets, 
View, p. 149.  to Government and Private Life, and that by Consequence they aimed more at Improvement then Pleasure. This, the Surveyor answers, was but a Compliment to Poetry in general, 
Suru. p. 249.  and that Comedy was not invented in the time of Orpheus. Granting all that; If the Compliment was to Poetry in general, one would think it should reach to all the parts of it. And though Orpheus might live before Comedy, Horace was long enough after it. And this is he who informs us, that the Usefulness of the Ancient Poets, and the Sobriety of their Conduct, gained them their Reputation.  
Sic honour & nomen, divinis vatibus, 
De Art. Poet.  atque  
Carminibus venit.  
As much as to say, that the Reward was fastened to the Merit: And that if later Poets would purchase their Fame, they must follow their Pattern.  
From the Directions of Horace to the Chorus, I inferred, that this Poet would allow no Countenance or good Fortune to an immoral Character. And foreseeing it might be replied, that Tragedy was only concerned, I endeavoured to remove the Objection. To this the Surveyor opposes the Authority of Horace, as if the Chorus was put down with Old Comedy. For, 
Lex est accepta Chorusque 
De Art. Poet.   
Tupiter obticuit sublata jure nocendi.   
The Case was thus; 
Lil. Gyrald.  The Old Comedy in the Chorus had taken too much Liberty with the Government, 
De Poet. Hist.  and outraged Persons of Condition by Name. 
Dial. 6. p. 765, 766.  Upon this Alcibiades had Eupolis thrown overboard for his Baptae, and got a Bill passed, That the Stage should at their Peril name no Body in their satire.  
This is the Law which Horace refers to; And therefore his Testimony proves no more, than that the Liberty of the Chorus was silenced, which Restraint was consistent enough with the Use of it.  
And to prove the Chorus did not expire with Old Comedy, 
View, p. 150.  I produced for Evidence Aristophanes', Plutus. But against this Instance the Surveyor starts two objections, for he'll neither admit the Plutus for New Comedy; 
Suru. p. 153.  nor so much as allow it as Chorus. I must try if I can persuade him out of his Rigour. In the  
First place then, why must not the Plutus pass for New Comedy? 'tis plainly not Old Comedy. Right, the Surveyor grants as much; The deviations, 
Suru. p. 254, 258.  says he, in it from the former practice, make it lead up the Van of the Middle Comedy. Now the difference between Middle and New Comedy seemed so insignificant to the learned Turnebus, 
Duplex est apud Graecos Comaedia Antiqua & Nova. Turneb in Lib. 10. Instit. Quintil. cap. 1. Suru. p. 259.  that he branches the Greek Comedy into no more than two Divisions, Old and New. To which I may add, that the Scholiast upon Aristophanes calls the Plutus, a sort of New Comedy. Devit. & Script. Aristoph. Ed. Amstel.  
His next objection is that the Plutus has no true Chorus: 
* Suru. p. 253.  Just now it had none at all: But I find he flags in his Prosecution. But why is it no true Chorus? Aristophanes who wrote the Play, I suppose liked it well enough, and calls it a Chorus; and 'tis somewhat hard his word cannot be taken; If he did not make it as he should do, he must answer for it not I. 
Scalig. Poet.  Dacier likewise affirms the Chorus was continued in the Middle Comedy. 
Lib. 1. cap. 7.  Nay the Surveyor's Scaliger confesses the Chorus was taken out; and if so, one would think 'twas in before. But the Chorus seems to be in a Condition to defend itself, and to have all reasonable Requisites, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  and Capacities; For it consists of a Plurality of Persons, Acts in the Dialogue, and offers to sing in the Parabases. 
Chor. in Plut. Act. 5. sc. 3.   
But after all, the Surveyor won't allow it to be a legitimate Chorus: No! Not when Aristophanes was the Father on't, and owns the Issue! Well, I can't produce the Mother, and therefore if one Side of the Genealogy won't satisfy, I must leave him. But I'm to blame for talking of these matters, for it seems I read no more of the Plutus than the List of the Persons of the Drama; 
Suru. p. 262.  why then, I had a notable guess with me, for I have abstracted the Dialogue for some Pages together, 
View, p. 39  as the Reader may perceive if he pleases: I think a little more Modesty would do this Author no harm.  
My Inference from Aristotle (as obliqne as it is) for the Continuance of the Chorus, 
Survey. p. 263.  I shall venture with his Exceptions, only observing that where he says the Magistrates giving the Chorus, 
P. 265.  means nothing but paying the Actors: He should have said the Actors in the Chorus; for so Aristotle is interpreted by Petitus and Goulston. And whereas he affirms 'tis certain, Menander had no Chorus; 
p. 267.  He should have given us something better than his bare Word for't, considering Menander is lost, and there's no appealing to the Author. If he argues, that Menander had no Chorus because his Imitator Terence has none, the Consequence is not good. For though a Chorus is not to be found in the Remains of Plautus and Terence, yet Dacier is positive, that the Romans made use of it in Comedy, 
remarks sur L' Art Poetic D' Horace Tom. 10. p. 298.  and mentions the Fabulae Attellanae for an Instance. He can't deny but that Moliere has revived the Chorus in Comedy: But then he pretends the Poet was in his second Infancy, and used this Expedient only as Crutches to support the Infirmity of his Age. 
Survey. Ibid. & p. 268.  But this Exception goes upon a Mistake, both in the Reason, and the History. First, Moliere was no such Decrepit Person, for he Acted in his Malade Imaginaire not many Hours before his Death: And, as I remember, the Writer of his Life reports him not to have outlived his Four and fiftieth year. And then, Secondly, That the Chorus is no sign of a languid, declining Muse is clear from Quintilian, 
Instit. Or. Lib. 10. cap. 1.  who prefers the Spirit, Vigour, and Elocution of the Old Comedy to that of the New. Now, the Chorus the Surveyor grants had always a part in the Old Comedy.  
He would gladly know to what end I would have a Chorus in the English Comedy: 
Survey. p. 268.  To this I can only answer, That I am surprised at his Question, having given him no manner of occasion for't.  
He goes on in his Defence of the Modern Comedy, and alleges, that the success of Libertines is not given to the Licentiousness, 
P. 271.  but to the Wit and Sense, etc. which are predominant in the Character. To this I answer,  
First, That to make Lewdness Fortunate and Fashionable, is a dangerous Representation: For it takes off the Restraints of Shame, gives a Varnish to the Vice, and heightens the Temptation.  
Secondly, Treating lose Characters with Sense and Respect, provokes to Imitation, and makes the Infection catching. Many People are more inclinable to talk Wittily, than to act Wisely. Now the Wit is generally not to be come at without the Libertinism; for the Matter is so contrived, that the Sugar and the Ratsbane must go together. The Wit, I say, lies generally in Luscious Indecencies, and Outrages of Virtue and Religion: 'Tis brisk only because 'tis bold, and rather spits than sparkles: Its Spirits are but Lees a little alembicked, and like some Wood it shines only in its Rotteness.  
Thirdly, 
P. 272.  As to his Forgers and Pickpockets he talks of, his Conveyance, I take it, is not very clean. If he must make use of these Gentlemen, let his Pickpocket be seated on the Bench, let him appear with Figure and Equipage, swagger in the Court, ridicule the Judges, and banter the Laws; and always have a Packed Jury to bring him Honourably off. Let but this be done, and then we need not question but the Mystery of Cutting a Purse would soon drop its ill Character, improve into a Creditable Profession; and it may be, as much Studied as Coke upon Littleton.  
I urged in the View, etc. That Horace having expressly mentioned the Progress of Comedy, 
View, p. 151.  advised the Poet to form his Work upon the Precepts of Socrates and Plato, and the Models of Moral Philosophy; and from hence I inferred, that by Horace's Rule the Poet was obliged to Sobriety of Conduct, etc.  
To this the Surveyor replies, That the List of Qualifications mentioned by Horace, seem prepared only for Tragic and Epic Poetry. 
Survey, p. 275.  His Reason is, because the Business seems too public, and too much raised for Comedy. But under favour, there's no need of Buskins: For the Description descends to private Affairs, to the Regards of Blood, and the Laws of Friendship: Now these Duties, in the Judgement of Quintilian, were taught no where better than in the Comedies of Menander; 
Institut. Lib. 10. cap. 1. omnibus r●bus, personis, affectibus, accommodatus.  where all the Offices of Life were run through, and every Relation adjusted. To this I may add the Authority of the Learned Dacier, who understands these Instructions of Horace, to relate to Comedy. (Tom. 10. p. 57)  
The Surveyor makes another little stand, and fences with the Distinction between Moral, and Poetical Manners; 
Survey. p. 277.  affirming, that Horace is to be understood of Manners only in the latter Sense. But by this Gentleman's favour, 'tis pretty plain, that Horace must mean both; To what purpose else should he recommend the Rules, and Writings of Plato, and Socrates? These great Men gave no Instructions about Poetry, unless to stand clear on't; Nor treated Manners in any other signification than that of Philosophy.  
The Surveyor, who is extremely eager to find Faults, and apt to make them, charges my Account of Poetical Manners as deficient. 
P. 278.  It may be so: However, 'twas sufficient for Purpose and Occasion. And besides, this place gave him notice of another, where there is a Description much as full, though not so tedious as his own.  
I complained, 
View, p. 218, 219.  as I had great reason, That the Stage made Women, single Women, and Women of Quality talk Smuttily: Here the Surveyor cries, I run upon the wrong Scent, argue too fast from the Premises, and because Modesty is the Character of Women, misinfer, 
Suru. p. 286, 287.  that no Woman must be shown without it. Yes, I stand by the Conclusion, That no Woman ought to be shown without Modesty, unless she appears for Censure and Infamy, or, as Mr. Rymer speaks, to be kicked in Comedy. 
See Defence, p. 10, 11, 16, etc.  And even then, there ought to be a Regard to the Audience; and though the Character is foul, the Language should be clean.  
But to bring single Women, and Quality foe that Sex, under these Disorders, is still more unaccountable. 'Tis a direct crossing upon Nature and Custom, and a breach of Manners, both Ceremonious and Poetic. For, do Virgins and Bawds. Discourse in the same Dialect? Is there no difference between Ladies and little Prostitutes? Or, Is Rampancy and Lewdness the Character of Breeding? If not, why is Nature thus disguised, and Quality mismarked, and all to the Disadvantage of Sobriety? But the Surveyor objects, That though Courage is the Characteristic of the other Sex, 
Survey. p. 28.  yet 'tis neither Solecism nor general Affront, to represent a Man a Coward. To this I answer,  
First, That Courage is not reckoned a Quality so essential to a Man, as Modesty to a Woman; The Expectation of it is not so general, nor the Failure so monstrous; and therefore his Instance is not parallel.  
Secondly, There are some Circumstances and Conditions of Life, which tie this Qualification faster, and as it were incorporate it to the Sex▪ and that is Breeding, Quality, etc. And to argue upon his own similitude; Tho to represent Men sometimes as Cowards, may be no Solecism, yet to represent Hercules or Hector, such, would be great Impropriety. Now, Decency of Language is as much the Character of Gentlewomen, as Bravery is of Heroes; so that to give a Lady the nauseous Liberties of a Procuress, degrades her in her Quality, and is both affronting and improper.  
Thirdly, This Practice, as I have proved it, being frequent, and without Censure upon our Stage, is still more unpardonable.  
Fourthly, I observed, that this Freedom was a Breach of good Behaviour to the Audience, of which he is pleased not to take any notice.  
The Surveyor urges farther, That the Vices of particular Women, 
Survey, p. 290.  are no Affront to the Sex in general; But this Excuse, were it true, without Limitation, would not serve his Turn. For I have proved, That the English Stage have given the Women a Coarse Character in general, 
View, p. 171, 172, 173.  and played their satire upon the whole Sex.  
But before I proceed, I must not forget how the Surveyor takes occasion to tell us, That in Plays the Characters are neither Universal nor general: 
Survey. p. 288.  His first Reason is, because Marks so comprehensive are the Impressions and Signatures of Nature, which are not to be corrected or improved by us. Now one would have thought the Characters would have been the better for answering the truest proportion; and coming up to the Standard. This appears to have been Horace's Opinion, who recommends it as a Rule to his Stage Poet.  
Respicere exemplar vitae morumque jubebo 
De Art. Poet.   
Doctum imitatorem, & ver as hinc ducere voces.  
That is, as Dacier interprets him, Nature is the right Plan for Life and Manners. And therefore a good Poet, who has a mind to bring a Covetous, or Ambitious Person upon the Stage, will choose to form the Image more upon Idea, than Example; and Paint him rather from general Notion, than particular Life, Et ver as hinc ducere voces.  
For this is consulting the Original, and the way to give Truth, and Strength to the Resemblance. Whereas to draw from Particulars in the World, is, as Plato speaks, no more than a Second-Hand Likeness, and but Copying at the best. In Individuals a Quality is often cramped and disguised by other Passions, and does not strike out to its full extent: But an Idea considers the progress of Inclination, makes way for Fancy and Freedom, and gives a Character its just Compass and Distinction. And therefore those Images which are fit for Sight, should be taken from thence.  
The Surveyor objects in the next place, That such comprehensive Marks give us no Idea of the Person Characterised, 
Ibid.  but what is common to the rest of the Species, and don't sufficiently distinguish him. But the reason of this Objection stands upon nice Ground, and will be apt to run off into unwarrantable Practice: To keep the Character within the Crowd, is the most inoffensive Method. Indeed the Distinction ought not to turn upon Persons, but Things, The Quality should be marked, but not the Man; and the Vice exposed, without pointing at the Vicious.  
For to descend to Particulars, and fall to Characterizing, is no better than Libel, and Personal Abuse. In short, the Poet should endeavour to abstract the Fault from the Subject, to hover in Generals, and fly at the whole Covey: For if he once comes to single out his Quarry, he discovers himself a Bird of Prey.  
His saying the Impresses, and Signatures of Nature, are not to be corrected or improved, and therefore not to be meddled with, is a great mistake. For if these Impresses and Signatures, are any better than jargon, he must mean the good and bad Qualities incident to Humane Nature. Now take them either way, and his Proposition is not true. For, First, People's Miscarriages are by no means inevitable. The Blemishes in Conduct, and Character, are the Consequences of Choice. The Faults of Nature in this sense, are none of her Necessities, and therefore very capable of Correction. And then, as for the Virtues, and noble Qualities, if they are sometimes heightened above Practice, where is the harm on't? Example does not reach up to the utmost extent of Power. And therefore if Nature was shown to the best Advantage, and stretched to the length of her Capacity, the Pattern might be serviceable, and awaken to Industry, and Imitation.  
We are now coming to the Parallel of the Expressions, and here the Surveyor gives in a Collection of Smut and Profaneness, in which he pretends the Poets of Greece and Rome, are more Licentious than ours. He acquaints us besides, according to his Customary Flourishes, that he has some hundreds of Instances in Reserve. And yet after all, he desires the Reader to take notice, 
Survey, p. 292.  that he does not charge these Passages as Faults, or Immoralities upon the Ancients, etc. How careful he is not to fall foul on Debauchery? He seems afraid left the Reader should mistake him for a Person that lay under some faint Prepossessions of Modesty. Yes: The Pedantry of Virtue, and the Pretences to Religion, are uncreditable Qualities, and a Man must clear his Reputation of them as well as he can! He charges the Licentiousness of the Ancients with Immorality! By no means! That would be sour and Cynical indeed! He understands himself better than to range Smut, and Profaneness, under Immorality! Such a Censure would recoil upon himself. If these Practices are Faults, than his whole Book is little better than a Defence of Lewdness, and a Plea for Irreligion. The truth of this Imputation, though a severe one, is very evident: For having brought several gross Instances of Indecency out of Plautus he justifies the Imitation of them; And roundly affirms, That since Ancient, and Modern Poets, aught to be governed by the same Laws, 'tis but reason, that one as well as tother, should be allowed the benefit of them: 
Survey. p. 293.  That is, the benefit of Smut and Lewdness. Thus the English Dramatists are brought off without the least Blemish or Blot in their Scutcheon. But here's more Comfort for them behind: For he is pleased to affirm, 
P. 367.  That if the Passages of the Ancient Poets were compared with those produced by me out of the Moderns, the comparative Rudeness, and Profaneness of the latter would vanish. And yet he takes particular care to inform the Reader, That he does not charge the Ancients with any Faults, or Immoralities upon this score: Adding withal, That the Moderns ought to have the Benefit of the same Liberty. From whence 'tis plain to a Demonstration, That this Author has given the Stage a greater Latitude, and prompted them to an Improvement in Distraction. They may, it seems, lard their Plays thicker with Obscenities, discharge their Oaths faster, and double their Blasphemies. Well! I perceive Wickedness would have a glorious time on't under this Surveyor!  
But is he sure after all, that the Ancient and Modern Poets, as Poets, are to be governed by the same Laws. Is there no difference between the Doctrines of Heathenism and Christianity? Are the Objects of Worship the same in both? And are Knowledge and Ignorance to be treated with the same Allowance? I thought the Modern Poets, as well as other People, had been under the Jurisdiction of God Almighty, and tied up to the Laws of the Gospel. But it seems the Stage is all Franchises, and Privileged Ground: The Muses have a particular Exemption, and the Christian is dispensed with by the Poet. This is the Surveyor's Reasoning. However, to give him his due, he has formerly been not altogether of this Opinion. For elsewhere he tells us, That the main business of a Chorus is cut off by our Religion, 
Survey. p. 268, 269.  which is the reason we have no Hymns nor Anthems sung upon the Stage, but make use of Smutty Songs in stead of them. I find then by his own Confession, that the change of Religion has some Influence upon the Stage: This was his former Judgement, but he improves by Writing, and his last Will must stand.  
The Surveyor in his Parallel, blackens the Ancients most unmercifully, and swells their Charge beyond all Truth and Proportion. This is done to make the Moderns look the more tolerable, and keep them the better in Countenance. But a little Pains will serve to wipe off most of the Spots, and restore them to their Complexion. And here I can't help observing, That let the Ancients be as faulty as may be, the Surveyor should by no means pretend to discover it: For he has already fully acquitted the Greek and Roman Dramatists of all Imputations of Indecency, and roundly pronounced, That though the Mimi were scandalously Lewd, 
Survey. p. 23, 24.  the Drama was not at all. But to return:  
Before he draws out upon the Old Poets, he endeavours to defend his Ophelia. And here he tells us a long Story, how warrantable her Love was, 
Survey. p. 293, 294  how artfully manured, and strongly forced up; And by his Description, one would think he was raising a Muskmelon. But then, as ill Luck, and the Poet would have it, her Humble Servant Hamlet killing her Father by mistake, and counterfeiting Madness, ruined all. This Misfortune must needs make horrible Convulsions in a Mind so tender, and, as the Surveyor Compliments the Ladies, in a Sex so weak. Well: Her Father was killed, etc. But, what then? Must she needs Lament in Smut, and pay her Respects in Distraction? Are Luscious Expressions the Natural Effect of Deep Sorrow, and can't she appear Tender, 
P. 294  without being Rotten?  
However, 
P. 296.  to do the Surveyor right, he has produced the Exceptionable Lines, for 'twas the Song which I complained of. And this, if you'll believe him, is so innocent, that there's no fear of offending the Modesty of the most chaste Ear. 
P. 295.  I'm sorry he seems to have lost the very Notion of Deceny. He's more to blame for transcribing, than Ophelia was for Singing this Ditty, because he wants her Madness for his Excuse. Now 'tis but an untoward Business, when a Man is the worse for being in his Wits.  
But now the Surveyor is come to his Dissection of the Old Poets: And here his Reading upon the Body is admirable; and to magnify his Skill, he spies out more Diseases than e'er the Patient died of. He often arraigns an Innocent Expression, and when 'tis not so, his Paraphrase is much grosser than the Text. For 'tis generally his way when he lights upon a sore place, to make it much worse for the Dressing. However, he seems to have gotten a very agreeable Subject: For his Ink flows amain, and his Invention grows very copious: He seems to Swim at his Ease, and his Fancy plays down the Stream, and tumbles in the Mud, with great Satisfaction.  
He gins with Sophocles' Antigone: This Lady he pretends makes some Intemperate Discoveries, and does not keep up to the Decencies of Sex, and Condition. To understand something of the Fable, this Antigone was by King Creon her Uncle, sentenced to be shut up in a Cave, and starved to death, only for burying her Brother Polynices contrary to the King's Order: She was likewise contracted to his Son Haemon. Now, though she had stood firm against the Menaces of Creon, and shown herself Brave and good Natured to an extraordinary pitch; yet when she comes to be led to Execution, her Fortitude gives way a little to the Tenderness of her Sex; she breaks out into some natural Starts of Concern, and according to the Custom of that Age, and the Eastern Countries, 
* judg. 11. v. 37.  laments her dying young and single. But she makes a shift to govern her Language, and keeps her Passion from boiling over. I shall transcribe his most serviceable Line, in which she Complains of the Disappointment of her Fortune, and that she must go off.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
That is, that she must die single, and be crossed in her Love with Haemon: Upon whom, 
Survey, p. 300.  though the Surveyor overlooked it, 'tis plain she had settled her Affection. For when Creon threatened to break the Contract, she discovers her Regards to Haemon in a very intelligible, though decent Expression.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
His next Instance is Electra, who goes a little upon the Complaint of Antigone.  
— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
Survey. p. 301.   
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
This Lady, we must understand, had seen her Father Murdered, by her Mother and Aegisthus; She was likewise ill treated in the Family, and had no Body to take care of her Interest, and make good the Expectations of her Birth: She had none but her Brother Orestes to depend on, and his long absence made her afraid she was forgotten. In short, she was impatient for his return, 
Sophoc. ●lect. Act. 2. & alib.  and seems rather to wish for Protection and Revenge, than a Settlement. And were it otherwise, the Expression is perfectly inoffensive. And thus Sophocles stands disengaged without difficulty; And had the English Stage been thus reserved, they had saved me the trouble of a whole Chapter.  
As for Aeschylus the Surveyor does not so much as offer at him; so that there's Two of the Three Greek Tragedians secured. But  
Euripides is now set to the Bar, and terribly handled for giving this Line to Polyxena when she was going to be sacrificed. 
Survey. p. 301.   
— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
That is, she was going to die unmarried, and without being disposed of according to the Privilege of her Condition. This Complaint is in the Surveyor's Aggravation very unreasonable. He grows very Tragical upon the occasion, taxes the Princess with Incontinence, 
Survey. p. 302.  meanness of Spirit, and an inte●●●rate desire of engaging with the Conqueror of her Country, though at the disadvantage of being his Slave. But this Lady is wronged by the Surveyor, the Case is misreported, and, as it sometimes happens, the Indictment is set forth with a great deal more noise than Law. Let the Lady speak for herself. Now in this very Scene, 
Eurip. Hec. Act. 2.  she laments the Misfortunes of her Family; and lets us understand, that her Birth gave her just Pretences to be disposed of to a Monarch: But now the Ruin of her Country had changed the Prospect, and made Marriage her Aversion: She could now expect nothing but that some little Slave should be forced upon her.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
And therefore she goes boldly to the Altar, 
Eurip. p. 13, 14.  congratulates her Murder, 
Ed. Cantab.  and is pleased with the Rescue of Death: She is glad not to survive her Greatness any longer; and says, Life is over-purchased upon the Terms of Ignominy. In a word, she is so far from deserving the Surveyor's Censure, that when she comes to the Block, she makes Decency her last Care, and expires in the Character of her Condition.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
Ibid. p. 20.  
The Surveyor is now for persecuting her Sister Cassandra, and one would almost think, that he had, like juno, a spite to the whole Family.  
This Lady he blames for being too forward in discovering her Satisfaction at the 
Suru. p. 305, 6, 7.  News of her Match with Agamemnon; but,  
First, Here is not so much as the least Exceptionable Expression; but the Language is inoffensive to the most exact Niceness: And therefore he has blackened the Page with Greek to no purpose.  
Secondly, Cassandra's forwardness to comply proceeded purely from her Revenge. Being in a Prophetic Fit, she foresaw this Match would prove fatal to Agamemnon and his whole Family. And though she knew herself was shortly to be Murdered, yet the prospect of revenging her Country, and destroying her greatest Enemies, made her run into Transport, and desire her Mother to Congratulate her Happiness.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
Troad. p. 145.   
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
And after having enlarged upon the Misfortunes of the Greeks, and shown how gloriously the Trojans died in the Defence of their Country, she persuades Hecuba not to afflict herself; for now, says she, I am going to make the General a full Return, and to finish his Ruin.  
— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
Ibid. 146.   
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
But Cassandra, 
Survey p. 306. 308.  in the Surveyor's Opinion, should not have been so forward to rush upon her own Dishonour. To clear this, we must understand, that Cassandra was under extraordinary Circumstances: she was possessed both by Apollo, and a very Governing Passion besides: Now 'tis no wonder if the Transports of Prophecy and Revenge, should make her a little overlook other Considerations. But this Reason apart, it does not appear that Cassandra was forced upon any Dishonourable Engagement; 
Troad. p. 143.  For the Favour of a Prince was not, as Talthybius tells her Mother, unreputable at that time of day. Polygamy was then the Practice of several Countries, and particularly the Custom of her own, as appears from the Discourse between Hermione, and Andromache 
* Androm. p. 301, 302. .  
As for old Hecuba, I confess Euripedes has given her a Luscious Expression to make her Interest with Agamemnon. But than it does not come up to the pitch of Scandal of many Passages of the English Stage: 'Tis mere Bashfulness to some of their Songs, and Courtship: And thus out of Nineteen Plays in Euripides, the Surveyor has made a shift to furnish one passage out of Order. But instead of producing One out of Nineteen, I could return him Nineteen out of One, from th● Moderns, were it convenient.  
But as the Surveyor reports the Case, Euripides has somewhat farther to answer for. ●Tis true his Tenderness is such that he refuses to give in particulars; but the Reader is referred in general to the exceptionable Plays. Well: Dolus latet in Generalibus is a true saying. The Surveyor has hid himself in a Folio, and now is safe enough: 
Virg. Aeneid. 8.  He loves like Caeus to make a Smother in his Cave, to conceal his foul Play. Indeed I think the Smoke is his best Defence, and the finding him out the hardest part of the Enterprise. To come up with him.  
His Instance in Hermione and Andromache, 
Suru. p. 312. Androm. p. 301, 302, 303.  is altogether short. They chide, 'tis true, a little too warmly for their Quality, if we Breed them by our own Times; but nothing foul or disorderly passes between them: And as for Creusa, his quarrel with her is nothing but ill-will: For she does not in the least run herself a ground in her Story, 
jon. p. 317, 333, 334. P. 351.  but relates her Misfortune with great reservedness. Neither does her Son jon put any uncivil Question to her. His Modesty is very defensible, if not his Manners: Tho' even in this latter respect the young People upon the Stage are now more free with their Parents than this comes to. And lastly, Electra is innocent of the Accusation he brings against her. 'Tis true, she encourages Orestes to kill his Mother, but then she stands clear of Indecency, and says nothing in that respect, misbecoming her Character: So far from that, that she won't so much as mention the Debaucheries of Aegystus; no not when she was recounting his other Villainies, and triumphing in his being Dispatched. She runs over his guilt in Murder and Injustice, but when she came to his Lewdness, she cuts off her Story, and declares it, no fit Subject for a single Lady.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
Electr. p. 427, 428.   
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
The Greeks being now dismissed, Seneca comes on for another Hearing. 
Suru. p. 314.  And Phaedra in Hippolytus is pitched upon for a Character of Misbehaviour: But the Surveyor knows I excepted against her Management myself; 
View, p. 25.  And censured the freedom of her Discovery, only with this abatement, that her Language was under Discipline: And that the latter part of my assertion was no less true than the former, will easily be understood by any one that reads the Poet in himself, and not in the Surveyor's Paraphrase. But it seems the Nurse runs over in her Expression, and does not suit her Language to her Advice; 
Survey. p. 317.  And here the force of the Charge lies all in one Word, (for the rest is only for show;) In an answer to which, we may observe that Words don't always keep close to their first Signification; but grow sometimes the worse for the wearing: And that the Old Romans had an Idea different from the Surveyor's, in the Expression under debate, appears sufficiently from St. Hieroms Epistles, who uses it without scruple.  
I observed that we had no Courting in Seneca, 
Epist. advers. Helvid. & alib.  except in the Hercules Furens, 
View, p. 25.  where the Tyrant Lycus addresses Megara very briefly, and in modest remote Language. This the Surveyor does not deny; but then he pretends to give an Instance of Ly●us's Misbehaviour to Amphitryo, I shall transcribe his Quotation for the Reader.  
jovi dedisti conjugem regi dabis.  
Et te Magistro non novum hoc discet Nurus, 
Herc. Fur.   
Etiam viro probante meliorem sequi;  
Sin copulari pertinax taedis negat,  
Vel ex coact a nobilem partum feram.  
Now am I at a loss to what purpose these fine Verses were cited. It must be for the Learning in the Language. Yes: He may possibly, like some Patients, fancy the Physic Works much the better, for the Latin in the Bill.  
But he goes on with wonderful Courage, as if he was resolved to swagger the Reader out of some part of his Senses: If these Allowances, says he, may be made, (meaning for the last Citation) I'll engage to prove, 
Suru. p. 319.  there never was an immodest thing said upon the English Stage. Certainly this Author has a Taste peculiar to himself! One would think he should be better Read in Smut, by his Talon in Writing it. I'm afraid this Ignorance is all affected: And that he has gotten the trick of shrinking up his Understanding, as they say some Beggars do their Arms upon occasion. He tells me, 
Survey, p. 319.  I forgot the shameful solicitations which Phraedra used to corrupt Hippolytus. He knows I took notice of Phraedra's Irregular Freedoms, but then, though her Solicitations are shameful, 
Ibid.  they are not Smutty. He would persuade the Reader, that Seneca's Agamemnon is stocked with Curiosities of this kind. And yet there is but one Line which looks the least that way: and that is Clytaemnestra's Reproach to Aegystus, in which she tells him, That his Lewdness was the only Proof of his Manhood.  Quem venere tantum scimus illicita virum. 
Agam. Act. 2.  
Now this Rebuke is so comparatively Civil, that were it in some of our Plays, the Modesty of it would almost put it out of Countenance, and kill the Expression.  
The Surveyor has hitherto found but small Returns from his Enquiry. He has ranged over a great deal of Ground, and Quartered the Fields of Greece and Italy. But all this Questing has sprung but very little Game. However, he seems extremely busy, and by his motion would make you believe every Butterfly was worth the setting. Whoever, says he, consults the Passages amiss in Sophocles or Euripides, 
Survery, p. 313, 319.  or Censures with the Allowances made to Seneca, will find the most exceptionable Passages in our Poets, whether Comic or Tragic, very excusable upon a fair Construction.  
The Moderns compared with the Greek Tragedians and Seneca, in Point of Decency, and Sobriety of Language! He may almost as well compare Aristophanes with Terenco, and the Sixth Aeneid of Virgil, with the Sixth satire of juvenal. The Moderns! who not only glance, but dwell upon an ill Subject, bandy it between the two Sexes, and keep it up to show their Skill in the Exercise. Yes: They love to flourish upon Lewdness, to refresh it with Repetition; and beat it out into Length and Circumstances. Sometimes to distinguish a foul Thought, they deliver it in Scripture Phrase, and set it in Gold to make it sparkle the better. In short, they omit nothing to explain the Mystery, and cultivate the Interest of Debauchery: Nothing that may fortify the Poison, and make it more Poignant and Palatable. To lay their Disorders before the Reader, were the Sight proper, would swell into a Book, and be a tedious Undertaking. 'Twould be Infamy of Bulk, and Voluminous Distraction; not to be scanned by the Line, but weighed by the Pound. Such Plays are much more fit for the Solemnities of Flora and Ceres, than the Entertainments of those who are Baptised. 'Tis almost pity they han't a set of Pantomimes to do justice to the Subject, and Dance up to the Spirit of the Dialogue.  
The Surveyor pleads for a Distinction between the private Sentiments of the Man, 
Survey, p. 327, 328.  and the public ones of the Poet, and that the Liberties of a Character ought not to be laid to the Charge of the Dramatists that represents them. This Author must think this pleasure, but Quintilian was of another mind; who lets us know, that Afranius, a Vicious Comic Poet, discovered his Practice in his Plays. 
* Moors suos fassus. Instit. Orat. Lib. 10. cap. 1.  Indeed nothing is more natural than for a Man's Fancy to flow into his Ink, and when he can, to make his Business his Diversion. Father: A Poet that writes loosely can never be excused, for this is done either out of Inclination, or Interest: If the first, he's a Person of no Sobriety, if the second, of no Conscience: As for the Plea from the Nature and Propriety of Characters, 
Defence, p. 10, 11, etc.  'tis answered already in my Defence, but the Surveyor was resolved to jog on, and overlook it.  
The Surveyor in his Examination of Plautus, says, I may blush for my Defence of this Poet, for affirming his Censurable Passages are very moderate, 
Suru. p. 328.  as the World goes, and that several of our single Plays shall far out do all this put together. Now though this may be true in the compass he has given it, yet 'tis much more than I affirmed. But this Author, according to his custom, has extended my Assertion to the whole Works of Plautus, which relates only to the Misbehaviour of Women. 
View, p. 16.  And in this sense of the Comparison, I still defend Plautus, and in Proof of the Point appeal to the Old Bachelor, the Soldier's Fortune, and several other English Plays.  
The Surveyor opens the Case farther against 
Suru. p. 329, 330.  Plautus, and presses the Particulars of the Charge. And first his Amphitruo is loaded with a heavy Accusation. But the best on't is, here's a mistake of the Person, which is enough in all Conscience to quash the Indictment. That Rankness of Language which the Surveyor charges upon Plautus, is all Interpolation, and belongs to another Author. Now as the Poet has no reason to answer for what does not belong to him, so these ungenuine Additions were particularly excepted by me. 
View, p. 18.  My Adversary, if he writes awake, must needs know these decent Quotations were nothing to his purpose. But possibly the Nosegay was made up, for a Curiosity to the Reader, and to oblige his own Smelling: And to make Plautus' amends for giving him more than his due, he's resolved to take something from him: For at the latter end of Amphytrio, he slides away the word facere, 
* Me● vi subacta est facere.  which quite altars the sense, and makes Compliance sound up to obscenity. 
Amph. Act. 5. Sc. 2.  But this is no wonder, for I observe the Surveyor is mightily light-fingered this way, and generally steals off the Modesty of an Author. And to aggravate the Theft, the Motive is more Malice, than Necessity: For he does not filch, to make use of his Neighbour's Goods, but to destroy them.  
His Objection against the Morality of the Dialogue between Demaenetus and Argyrippus in the Asinaria, is out of the Question: I warranted no farther than the Expression, nor that neither, but with reference to the Moderns.  
His next Instance is in the Curculio, where Phaedromus and Planesium salute each other too eagerly: It may be so; But than we may observe, they had not seen one another for some time, and the Visit was made with difficulty: And under such Circumstances, had they been both of the same Sex, they might have discovered some Affection extraordinary. However he can't say the Expression is foul, and if it was, 'tis a Slave that speaks it, 
* 〈◊〉, p. 16.  and so nothing to his purpose.  
To show the Comparative Modesty of Plautus, 
View, p. 17.  I took notice, that the Slaves and Panders who had the greatest Liberty, seldom played their Gambols before Women; that there are, as I remember, but four Instances to the contrary; and that even there, the Women these Men discourse with, are Two of them Slaves, and the third a Wench.  
Here he is sorry for my want of Memory, 
S●●v. p. 334.  but I have much more reason to condole with him for the loss of his own. For Olympio, upon whom he would make his Advantage, will do him no service, the Liberties of this Slave in the Casina are expressly barred both by Name and Play, and stand first in the List of the Exception. I grant Cleostrata urges Olympio to tell the Story, 
View, p. 17.  but than though the Drift of her Fancy may be amiss, the Complexion of her Language is bright, unless in one Line, which, if not interpreted to her Ignorance, 
Survey, p 337.  is no more than a double Entendre. Artemona's Allegory in the Asinaria is somewhat less offensive than this, though none of the most reserved. Thus he has made a shift to muster up two exceptionable Sentences of Women of some Consideration in Plautus. But alas! What are these to the repeated and Luscious Freedoms of Elvira, 
Spanish-Friar. Old Batch. Double-Dealer. Fool in Fashion. Soldiers Fortune.  of the Ladies in the Country Wife, of Belinda, and Lady Pliant, of Narcissa, and Lady Dunce. Not to mention a great many others. Here the Weeds are extremely rank, and thick set: And were they worth the gathering, the Reader might be plentifully furnished for a little pains.  
The Surveyor has something farther with Artemona, and pretends her Frankness gave her Slave Parasitus the boldness to put a very untoward Question to her. 'Tis this, 
Possis si forte accubantem tuum virum conspexeris,  
Cum coronae amplexum amicam si vide as cognoscere?   
Of these Lines he gives a foul and mistaken Translation, and which is clearly confuted both by the Text and Notes. Every body knows Beds and Garlards were for Eating and Public Entertainment. And then Gremio jacuit nova nupta mariti was usual enough: This was somewhat of the Case of the Husband Demenetus, who was discovered at Supper with his Son, and his Wench. And that the Appearance was fair, is evident from the Slaves Advices to his Mistress: He desires her to stay a little for Information about their Behaviour:  
Paras: Hem tibi Hominem: Art. perii!  
Par. paulisper mane.  
Aucupemus ex insidiis clanculum quam rem gerunt.  
And upon the immediate progress of the Story, 
Asimar. Act. 5. sc. 2.  the old Man, the young one, and the Woman, Drink, and Discourse all together.  
I observed farther to the Advantage of Plautus, That his Men who talk intemperately are generally Slaves, 
View, p. 16.  adding, that I thought Dordalus the Pander, and Lusiteles a young Gentleman, were the only exception: And this latter was only guilty of one over airy Expression. But it seems the Surveyor is somewhat sharper at these Inquiries, and after his rummaging over 20 Comedies has catched Periplectimines tripping in one Word; 
Mrl. Glor. Act. 5.  and that too used by way of reproof. Now, that the Expression, though out of order, is not so gross as he would represent it, appears from Lambin's Note upon the Epilogue to the Captivi: And from Chremes' Reprimand of Clitipho in Terence. 
* Heauton. Act. 3. S. 3. Ed. in usum Delphin.  To conclude this Matter, what Periplectimenes speaks, the Hostess in Bartholomew Fair Acts, and that, I take it, is somewhat more foul, and expressive.  
Once more and Plautus is dismissed. I affirmed, that this Poets Prologues and Epilogues were inoffensive. 
View, p. 17.  This the Surveyor confesses is a great Point, but seems to think it can't be carried. But here the Reader may please to observe, 
Suru. p. 340.  that the Dispute turns only upon Indecency of Language, for I never intended to vouch the Doctrine, and Morals of Plautus: And thus the Epilogue in the Asinaria is nothing to the Surveyor's purpose, being perfectly clean in the Expression. 
Survey. p. 342.  As for the Epilogue of the Captivi 'tis all in Defence of Virtue, as well as the Play; 
P. 343.  And the Actors urge their Modesty, as an Argument for Favour to the Audience. 'Tis true they plead their Merit in one ungoverned Expression; to which, in the Case of Periplectimenes, I have spoken already. 
Suru. p. 341.  His remaining Objection is against the Epilogue in the Casina. And here I grant the Principle is ill enough, but that is foreign to the Question. But for any other Objection, I can't perceive the strength of it. For, as to the last Line, upon which I suppose he found'st himself, this Sentence seems rather to contain an ill Wish, and a Menace of Disappointment, than any thing else. 
* Vid. Donat. in Loc.  Besides; As to Debauched Principle, the Prologue to the Plot and no Plot, is as bad as 'tis possible, and over and above much more scandalous in Language, than the Epilogue to Plautus' Casina; In which the Disadvantage is shaded, and the Expression made more remote.  
And can the Surveyor now find in his heart to compare the Prologues and Epilogues of Plautus with those of the Moderns? 
* See View, P. 13.  Is the Decency and Complexion the same in both? A Man must have a great Command of his Blood, to affirm this without Blushing; And be almost as much a Master of his Face, as he is of his Conscience.  
As for Terence, he is so Staunch and Regular, that there's no meddling with him: No, The Surveyor does not think fit to attack this Poet; but leaves him as a standing Reproach upon the English Stage.  
I must now follow him in his Remarks upon the Chapter of the Abuse of the Clergy. 
Survey, p. 344.   
And here his Spleen against the Church disorders him extremely, and indeed almost throws him into Fits. He would gladly say something to purpose against the Clergy, but the Subject fails him. This makes him rail most unmercifully; for Spite and Impotence together are generally very Clamorous and Impertinent.  
To show the unreasonableness of the Stage-Scurrilities upon the Clergy, 
View, p. 127.  I endeavoured to make out the Right this Order had to Regard, and fair Usage.  
First, Because of their Relation to the Deity, where I observed that Christian Priests are the Principal Ministers of God's Kingdom: They Represent his Person, Publish his Law, Pass his Pardons, and Preside in his Worship.  
I thought these things had been so plain that they needed no confirmation, but since the Surveyor contests the Point, I shall briefly make it good. Now, I desire to know of the Surveyor, what it is to Represent another? Is it not to be his Agent, and to Manage his Affairs by virtue of his Authority? And does not the Priest Seal Covenants in God's Name? 
St. Math. 28. 19  Does he not Baptise by Commission, and Exercise part of that Power which our Saviour had upon Earth? 
St. joh. 20. 21.  The Surveyor's Objection upon this Head is amazingly ridieulous: For by his reasoning no Man can Represent the Person of God, without being possessed of the Divine Attributes, 
Survey. p. 346, 347.  and able to sustain the Figure of Omnipotence. As much as to say, That a Prince can't send another as his Ambassador, unless his Person, Prerogative and Appearance, is equal to his own. And therefore if the Ambassador falls short of his Master in the Advantages of Body, or Mind, in the Extent of his Dominions, or the Magnificence of his Retinue; If any thing of this happens, let the Credentials be what they will, the Characters it seems sinks, and the Representation becomes impossible. This is strong Reasoning, I confess, for it almost argues the World in Pieces. At this rate Princes must Travel to keep the Peace, and Transact all their Matters by Interview, and Personal Visit: For a Plenipotentiary is a dangerous thing: They can't prefer a Subject to an Embassy, without communicating their Royalty, and making an Equal to themselves. And thus the Surveyor has gone a great way towards breaking the Correspondence of Christendom. Farther, I thought the Surveyor would have allowed Angels, at least, for their Name sake, to have Represented God almighty: But by this Reasoning Michael himself is struck out of Capacity, and the highest Order of Spirits unqualified for the Office: For no Created Being has any of the Divine Attributes, nor which is more, can have them.  
He says the Regards that I insist on for the 
Survey, p. 347, 348.  Priesthood, belongs to the Governors of the Church. Now, though he mayn't know it, Priests are Governors, within their Precinct; They have Regimen Animarum, the Guidance of Souls, and the Concerns of Eternity in their Care, and that one would think were none of the least Interest of the Parish. I grant Theatrum is a hard Word to construe, but I fancied the Surveyor might have known the English of Rector well enough. By this time, I hope, the Representation may be allowed. But then as to the Authority of publishing the Laws of God, passing his Pardons, and presiding in his Worship, these Privileges, he says, were peculiar to the Apostles. 
Survey, p. 348.  But his Affirmation apart, the Holy Scriptures teach us, That the People are to seek the Law at the Priest's Mouth, for he is the Messenger of the Lord of Hosts. 
Malach. 2. 72 Art. 37.  And the Church of England in her Form of Ordination gives the Priest Authority to preach the Word of God, and to Minister the Holy Sacraments; 
St. Joh. 20. 21, 23.  And which in her Articles she denies to belong to the Supreme Civil Power: And as for the Power of Passing Pardons, and giving Absolution, 'tis founded upon that Solemn Commission given by our Saviour. As my Father hath sent me, even so send I you, whosesoever sins ye remit, they are remitted unto them, and whosesoever sins ye retain, they are retained. And can any one imagine that Words so plain in the Expression, and so solemn in the Occasion, are void of Weight and Signification? Not to mention the right they imply of Admitting into the Church, and Excluding from it; Not to mention this, they must amount to this Meaning at the lowest, That those who neglect this Ordinance of God, and refuse to apply for Absolution to Persons thus Authorised, shan't have their Sins forgiven, though otherwise not unqualified. And thus, to put a resembling Case, a Malefactor can't have the benefit of the Prince's Pardon unless it passes the Seals, and runs through the Forms of Law. And that this Power was not peculiar to the Apostles, but designed for a standing Advantage, and settled upon the Successions of the Hierarchy; is plain by the Doctrine, and practice of our own Church: For at the Ordination of Priests the Authority of Remitting and Retaining Sin, is conferred in the same Words, Whosesoever Sins ye remit, etc. And in the Office for the Visitation for the Sick, the Priest making express mention of his Authority from our Saviour, absolves the Penitent from all his Sins, in the Name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost.  
And as this Authority of the Priest is thus fully maintained by the Church, so 'tis no less acknowledged by the State: 
1 Eliz.  For the Book of Common Prayer, 
14 Car. 2.  with the Form of Ordination, etc. stands upon a bottom of Law, and has Two Acts of Parliament to defend it. For though the Spiritual Privileges of the Priesthood are independent of the Civil Magistrate, yet the Statutes abovementioned imply an Assent to the Charter delivered by our Saviour, and are a fair Acknowledgement of the Power. And thus, the Surveyor, to make a Blow at the Clergy, has charged through Gospel and Law, contradicted the Bible and the Statute-Book, and fallen foul upon the Highest Authority both in Church and State.  
But still he questions, 
Survey. p. 348.  whether the Commission of every Christian Priest be of equal extent and validity with that of the Apostles. I grant the first part of his Proposition: That the Apostles had peculiar Advantages in their Authority, and that their Jurisdiction was larger than that of succeeding Priests, or Bishops either, is not denied. But though their Commission was larger, 'twas not more valid than that of the present Priesthood. For this stands upon the Authority of the New Testament, upon the Credit of undoubted Succession, and the known Practice of Christendom for almost Seventeen hundred years together. What, though they are not called immediately by God himself, 
Ibid.  nor endued with Supernatural and Miraculous Faculties, does this affect the Credibility of their Credentials? I suppose Princes are the Ministers of God, and deputed to Govern under him; And must the Proof of their Commission depend upon Miracles and immediate Designation? Must they be proclaimed from the Clouds, and Anointed by an Angel from Heaven? And are not their Subjects to own them till they can make out their Title by Supernatural Evidence; by the Gift of Tongues, and raising the Dead? The absurdity of these Consequences may inform the Surveyor, that there's no need of a Miraculous Credential to prove a Delegation from Heaven.  
The Surveyor in stating the Difference between the Ordinary Priests, and the Apostles, makes several Mistakes: And were he in the right, the Dispute is foreign to the Controversy. He affirms the Apostles Doctrine had no other Evidence than their own Affirmation and 
Survey, p. 349.  the Works that they did: Yes: They had moreover the Completion of Prophecies, and the Agreement of the Old Testament; And these Corroborating Circumstances, were extremely considerable. He goes on, and alleges in abatement of the present Priesthood, That Persons of this Order have no natural Gifts above other Men, to warrant a Pretence to an extraordinary Mission. 
P. 349, 350.  Is the Bounty of God then confined to Privilege● of Nature? Or, Is he not at liberty to choose what Officers he pleases? I conceive the Surveyor won't deny this. Had the Apostles than any of these Advantages above others? so far from that, that they seem rather to fall short of the common Standard. Their Apprehensions at first were very heavy, and their Reason checked by a low Education. And which is more, they were rather chosen for these Disadvantages: For this made their Doctrine the more unquestionable, and the Evidence of their Inspiration the greater. To see such unpromising Persons so Wise in their Discourse, so Wonderful in their Actions, and so Unusual in their Success, must needs convince the World that God was with them. And thus the Surveyor's Assertion is false both in Fact, and Reasoning.  
His saying, That this Commission of the Apostles and their Successors, expired upon the Conversion of Princes to Christianity, is a great mistake: The Church is still Independent, her Authority unalterable, neither is she in Things purely Spiritual, subordinate to the Civil Power. This Truth I have elsewhere proved at large, 
Moral Essays, Office Chap.  and thither I refer the Reader.  
The Surveyor in speaking to the Importance of the Priest's Office, would not allow him to preside any more in God's Worship, than a Clerk in Parliament presides over the House, 
Survey. p. 352.  because be reads the Bills, and Petitions to them. It seems then the Relation of the Priest, and the Congregation, is the same with that of the Clerk to the Parliament. What would this Author be at? Does he mean, that when the Priest reads the Bible, the People may Debate whether it shall pass or not, and divide into Yea and noah's, about saying Amen to the Lord's Prayer. One would think by his worthy similitude, that the People went to Church to be Worshipped, and that the Liturgy was only a Parcel of Humble Petitions put up to the Parish.  
The Surveyor is extremely desirous to have 
Survey. p. 356.  a Religious Character exposed on the Stage; 
Defence, from p. 66, to p. 8●.  But against this Liberty, I have given my Reasons at large; which when the Surveyor 
View, etc.  has replied to, he may possibly hear farther from me.  
My Adversary is now upon arguing against the Plea of Prescription, and would gladly make out, that the Heathen Stage has Treated the Priests as Coarsely as the Christian. And here Aeschylus is as surly as before, and won't so much as appear in the Cause. However, Sophocles lay in his way, and in he must come; But then this Poet by his Air and Heaviness, looks more like a Prisoner than a Witness; Well! We must hear his Depositions in his Ajax Flagellifer, What then is to be done here? Does the Poet bait a Priest like the Relapse? By no means. Does he Represent a Priest in his Play? Not that neither. Then I suppose he spoke ill of him behind his Back? I confess that was not as it should be. The best on't is, the Mischief lies in a little compass: 'Tis all in a Line or two at the end of the Play: Here the Chorus, in regard of the surprising Events they had observed, are pleased to say, That seeing, was Believing, and that ne'er a Diviner could tell beforehand, how matters would go.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
Ajax. Flag.   
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
Now if this Instance must have an answer, I reply; That Prophets or Diviners held a very small Proportion to the rest of the Priests, so that the Censure, though gentle, falls only on the Skirts of the Profession. But then to go even thus far, looks like straining upon Sophocles. For the natural meaning of the Moral seems to be thus; That Humane Foresight is short, and the Future impenetrable; and therefore People ought to Guard accordingly upon the Present. But I'm afraid I have been too long upon this Matter, and so have used the Reader a great deal worse, than Sophocles did the Prophet.  
His next Instance in jocasta, 
Survey. p. 358. View, p. 89, 90.  is obviated, and answered; and so is that following in Creon; who is declared by the Chorus to be punished for his Haughtiness and Impiety. However, for once, let's see what the Surveyor will make out of Creon. Now this Prince being dissatisfied with Tiresias' Discovery in Divination, makes this angry Reflection;  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
Sophoc. Antig.  
That is, Your Augurs are all a Covetous sort of People. Now, though the Regard which Creon showed Tiresias in the preceding Line, 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  calls for a soft Construction, yet the Surveyor gives the Text a Mobbish Turn, and foists in some of his own ill Language besides: In his Version it stands thus. They were all a Pack of Mercenary Corrupt Fellows. This, it seems, is the English of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. At this rate, if he were to Turn St. Paul's Citation from Aratus, the Translation of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, would run thus: 
Act. 17. 28.   
Mankind are a Pack of Fellows of Heavenly Extraction.  
We see what lean Evidence Sophoeles proves, though under the Surveyor's Management: I hope I have made him speak a little fuller on the other side; 
aview, p. 120.   
His first Testimony from Euripides is leveled only against Soothsaying and Divination.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
Iphig. in Aulid.  
And yet even here he over-translat●s the Original 
* A vainglorious rascally Race, Suru. P. 359. , spoils the Breeding of the Character, and makes Generals rail like Carmen.  
And in the same Play he Translates 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Fellow, and makes the best Word in the Greek▪ the worst in the English. Farther, we may take notice, that these warm Expressions were spoken against Calchas the Augur: And though one of them was delivered by Achilles, 
— iracundus, inexorabilis acer, jura negat sibi nata, nihil non arroget armis. Horat. de Art. Poet.  who was all Passion and Violence, yet 'twas in the absence of the Person Censured. And as for Calchas, his Interest is great, and his Figure creditable in the Play 
* Eurip. Iphig. in Aulid. p. 44. & alib. View, p. 120, 121. .  
His Instance in Pentheus, and likewise what he offers from Seneca, is answered in the View, where the Reader may see an overbalance of Evidence for the other side.  
But we must leave the Priests, and go on to the Gods their Masters: Now these the Surveyor pretends were used with great Freedom 
Survey, p. 360.  by the Ancients.  
He gins with Sophocles, and objects the Rants of Ajax, Creon, and Philoctetes, but here his Charge is somewhat inhuman. These Characters have smarted severely for their Impiety: 
View, p. 88, 89, 93.  Now Persons that have suffered the Law, should not be reproached with their Crimes: And therefore in Scotland they say when a Man is Hanged, he's Justified. But the Surveyor wants time for a Collection out of this Poet: Not unlikely: People that have nothing to pay, 
Suru. p. 360, 361.  are generally in Haste.  
Euripides is once more summoned: 
View, p. 94.  Now this Poet, I granted, had some Profane Passages uncorrected: And 'tis well my Concession was thus frank, for I perceive the Surveyor can hardly prove it: However his Performance must be Examined.  
His first Citation from the Hecuba is the best. But here he loses more in his Skill, than he gains in his Luck. For he quite mistakes the meaning of part of Talthybiu●'s Expostulation;  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; 
Hec. p. 17.   
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
Which he thus Translates. O jupiter! What shall I say? 
Suru. p. 361.  should Mankind address themselves to you? etc. Whereas it should have been rendered thus. O jupiter! I'm at a stand whether Humane Affairs are part of your Administration, or not, etc. But I shall pursue the Advantage no farther. This might be a Piece of Honest Ignorance for aught I know: And no Man can Play more than he sees. But then he should be a little cautious not to venture out of his depth, till he can Swim better.  
Polymnestor in this Tragedy is another Instance how far the Surveyor is to be trusted. The Words must be transcribed; in which this Prince Complains of the uncertainty of Prosperity, and the sudden Turns of Fate; 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.   
Let's now see what English the Surveyor can afford us to this Greek. 
Survey. p. 361▪  Oh, what a stippery thing is Humane Grandeur, which is never secure? Thus far all's well. But then the Remainder is wretchedly wrested into Atheism and Misconstruction:— The Gods (says he) perplex and harrass Mankind, that our Ignorance may support their Altars, and Worship. But the Poet's meaning stands thus. The Gods make Humane Affairs floating, and uncertain; that so our Ignorance of Future Events, may prevent the fancy of Independence, and make us apply to Heaven for a better Protection. Now this is a Sense of Piety, instead of Profaneness. And to justify the Translation, I appeal not only to the Text, and Latin Version, but to the Greek Scholiast, who is expressly for it. Farther: If there had been any thing of Profaneness in this Reflection, Polymnestor paid dearly for't. For soon after his Eyes are plucked out, and his Children murdered before him 
* Eurip. Hec. p. 36, 40.   
To proceed. Electra's Expostulation is horribly misrepresented. This Lady seeing Helena upon her return from Troy, and that she brought back her Beauty with her Infamy, makes this Remark upon't.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
Eurip. Orist. p. 51.   
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
That is, Advantages of Person are a misfortune to some People; But extremely serviceable to such as make a right use of them. Here the Surveyor bestirs him notably. He keeps the last Line to himself, maims the Period, and then rigs out this Pious Translation;  
O Nature, 
Suru. 362.  what a Curse art thou upon Mortals! As much as to say, He has found a Heathen Precedent for the Blasphemy of the Moderns: Whereas 'tis notoriously evident, that here is not the least glance against Providence; And that only the Endowments and Advantages of Nature are meant by the Expression.  
Orestes is no more the Surveyor's Friend than Electra his Sister. For when Menelaus questioned him about the Murder of his Mother, he pleads the Oracle in his Excuse. And when the other was surprised at the singularity of the Order, He replies, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
Orest. p. 51.   
That is, We are not to dispute the God's Commands, but obey them, for the Divine Nature is too big for Humane Understandings. And if the Surveyor thinks this too much a Paraphrase, Orestes shall speak in his own Translation. 'Tis thus: 
Survey. p. 362.  We serve the Gods whatever they be. Why then, it seems, he did not question their Being, but thought Religion very well worth the minding. Yes: His Piety appears farther in his next answer, for when Menelaus seemed to wonder why Apollo did not rescue him from his Misfortune; He tells him,  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
That is, as the Scholiast interprets, The Gods are not sudden in their Administrations; But take time in Rewards, and Punishments, to Try the Good, and Recover the Evil.  
His Objection from the Cyclops is fully 
View, p. 94.  prevented in the View. However the Poet must be cited, and the Giant brought in, for the sake of the Civil Translation. 
Survey, p. 362.  Besides, a little Greek, though nothing to the purpose, has a Face of Learning, and looks Big upon the English Reader.  
In the jon, 
jon. p. 333, 334.  by Translating 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Rascal, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Whoremaster, he makes Creusa, and her Servant much coarser than they are in Euripides. 'Tis true the Servant being moved with the supposed ill Usage of his Mistress, proposed the firing of Apollo's Temple; but immediately he recollects himself, and advises her to another Revenge, more in her Power. 
jon. p. 335.   
To conclude with Euripides, Hecuba, says the Surveyor, thinks the God's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, bad Friends; He should have said sluggish, and then he had been right. 
Survey. p. 362.  As for Seneca he stands barred: 
Troad. 118.  Why then is his Atheistical Chorus produced, 
See Vir●, p. 94.  and why in the Version of the Earl of Rochester? Was this Transition made for the Benefit of the Public, or in Honour of the Deceased? Not the latter, for that Noble Lord, abhorred such Profane Liberties at his Death. Thus, to Refresh the Blemishes of his Life, is the greatest Outrage to his Memory: 'Tis almost enough to raise him upon the Surveyor, to make his Ghost resent the Usage, and flash Correction in his Face; But after all, 'tis highly improbable that the Chorus spoke the Poet's Opinion, 
Suru. p. 363.  if, as Heinsius, Scaliger, and others believe, 'twas written by Seneca the Philosopher: For every Body knows he was far enough from being an Atheist.  
And now we have done with Authorities; And here, though the Surveyor has but very bad Luck with his Poets, yet he has taken great care to conceal the Misfortune; For in his Citations he mentions neither Act, nor Page, but refers to the Plays at large. This, I confess, is the right way to discourage the Reader's Enquiry, and make him rather Believe, than go Look.  
And now I may safely affirm, That several single Plays of the Moderns, 
* See View, and Defence, ref.  have not only more, but some bolder Passages of Profaneness, than all he has cited from the Ancients put together. And which is harder still, I have made but a slender Discovery of the English Stage. Thus some People Refine upon Heathenism; Thus they improve upon their Creed, and make amends in their Lives, for the odds of their Understanding!  
In the Close of all, 
Survey. p. 367.  the Surveyor offers Hypothetically, as he calls it, that is faintly, to justify the Stage-Freedoms with the Nobility. But, by his favour, this Ridiculous Character must either be drawn for single Persons, or Quality in general: Now either way his satire falls under his own Lash; For from hence it must follow, that he who makes a Lord of a Fool, 
Survey. p. 365.  makes a Fool of a Lord, which he grants is no Compliment. But the Surveyor having not replied to my Reasons against this Liberty, I need say nothing more upon the Argument.  
I have now done with the Surveyor, 
View, p. 175. Defence. p. 25. to p. 31.  and hearty wish him a better Subject: For a bad Cause, besides its own Evil, is apt to produce a resembling Defence: It often runs an Author upon Calumny, Coarse Expedients, and Little Management: Which, as they are no sure Methods to raise a Character; so, at one time or other, they'll certainly displease a Man's self.  
THE END.