THE Protestant Mask Taken off from the Jesuited Englishman; BEING, AN ANSWER To a Book, Entitled, [GREAT-BRITAIN's Just Complaint.]  
Imprimatur,  
Decemb. 12. 1692. EDMUND BOHUN.  
LONDON, Printed by William Wild, for Robert Clavel, at the Peacock, at the West-end of St. Paul's, 1692/3.   

THE Protestant Mask Taken off from the Jesuited Englishman. OR, etc.  
THere are no sort of Men who can so dexterously put on all Shapes as the refined Followers of Ignatius, and none so apt to be imposed upon at this time by these Masqueraders, as King James' Protestant Friends. The last Revolution gave as great a Blow to Popery, as another would do to the Reformed Religion: so that they who wish well to the Roman, and ill to the English Church, must rail at the past Revolution, and advise us to another; they must cover the late King's real Faults, and brand the present with feigned Crimes; they must strain their Wits to represent King James as one who never did any Evil, and King William as if he never did any Good. This, with a few Harangues of Loyalty, and some show of Concern for the Protestant Religion, the disguised Author hopes will suffice to make those Church-of- England-men, who are not satisfied with the Present Government, venture into Arms to restore King James, wherein should they prosper, it can serve the Interest of none but Papists; and if they be unfortunate, it must end in the Ruin of the deluded Undertakers. In pure Charity to them therefore, and tender Compassion to my Country, I will examine the late Pamphlet, styled, Great Britain's Just Complaint, etc. and briefly show the Sophistry and Weakness of his Arguments, the Falsehood of his pretended History, and the Malice as well as Danger of his Design. To which purpose I must pass by his Flowers of Rhetoric, his innumerable and needless Repetitions and Tautologies, (which make up one half of the Book) and reply only to that which seems material.  
He stumbles on a Contradiction very ominously at his first Step, 
Page 1.  affirming that our last Revolution never had a Parallel in ancient or modern History; yet immediately grants, there are Instances in every Country of Subjects who have been forced by Arms to defend their Religion and Liberties against such violent Acts of their Princes, as visibly endangered the Frame of the Government; and that many Princes have lost their Crowns by their Cruelty, and being obstinately deaf to their Subjects Petitions and Complaints. Which Instances are all Parallels to our Revolution, excepting only that most of them have been more bloody and violent upon less Occasions; and in few places, where a free People were so long and highly provoked, did the Criminals come off so easily.  
The next Exploit of this bold Writer is to arraign the whole Nation, 
Page 2.  and the wisest Men in it, for Fools and Madmen, as being imposed on by the Prince of Orange's Ambition, and refusing all Offers of Accommodation, and Expedients for Redress: Whereas our greatest Statesmen did examine these Offers and Expedients; and in the midst of their Deliberations, the late King went away privately for France, and so broke off the Treaty. With equal Truth and Modesty he affirms, that all the Reasons of this Revolution are baffled, and the Actors in it ashamed of the Grounds they went upon. Yet still there remain, it seems, two famous Pamphlets, which have put him to all his shifts to answer: one is called, The Pretences of the French Invasion Examined; the other, A Letter to a Friend concerning the French Invasion. And not to take notice of his blind Guesses at, and rude Censures of the Authors, and the Papers themselves, we will try how well he hath confuted them.  
After all the Reproaches of Folly and Fallacy cast upon the first Author, 
Page 3.  he grants the Points he hath treated upon, are very weighty; and our profound Politician humbly follows the Steps of his contemptible Adversary. And to prepare Men to revolt from this Government, and join with a French Invasion, he undertakes to show they ought to venture their Necks for another Revolution.  

1. To repair the Injury done to King James.  
2. To settle the Government upon its old bast.  
3. To deliver ourselves from the present Sufferings we lie under.  
4. To secure the Protestant Religion.   
1. To make out the Injury done to King James, he takes leave of the Papers he was answering, and runs back near 20 Years to make up a most ridiculous and improbable Invective against the Prince of Orange, hoping to hid the just, real and honourable Causes of his Descent, (which were his Love to us, and to our Religion and Laws, then in extreme Danger by K. James' Administration) by a false and groundless Charge of his ambitious aiming at our Crown, before he could well write Man, and by accusing him of all the Troubles of K. Charles the 2d's Reign, which he aggravates by that Uncle's Tenderness for him. Which last Insinuation shows the Truth of the rest: for Sir W. Temple (who best knew) observes that K. Charles the 2d was so deep in the Interests of France, that he shamefully neglected his brave Nephew, when his Life, and the Safety of Christendom lay at stake.  
But why doth this nameless Libeler dig so deep for hidden Causes of the Troubles of that Reign? 
Page 4.  The Growth of Arbitrary Power and Popery, the Duke's declaring himself Papist, the Breach of the Triple League, the Dutch War, the Intrigues with France, and the Popish Plot, were open and known Causes of these Troubles: And a few of them were sufficient to make a People, so tender of their Liberties and Religion as the English are, to be uneasy. Besides, how came it to pass that K. Charles, who was so very sagacious, never discovered this, but to the great Satisfaction (not of his People, but) of his own Mind, as he declared in Parliament, married this Prince to his Niece, who was then generally supposed likely to succeed to the English Crown? And to show this Match was no Force upon that King, the Noble Peer who advised the Match, was most dear to his then Master, and had a better Post in his Reign than that he now enjoys. The Duke perhaps might be averse to this Match, as being likely to spoil his Designs of converting us, which would be difficult in the prospect of a Protestant Heir. The Bill of Exclusion, and the refusing K. Charles' Concessions, are next imputed to the P. of O. and his Friends, but very falsely; for the Popish Plot gave the pretence to that Bill, and the Zealots for it inclined to set up Monmouth or a Commonwealth.  
As to the Concessions of a Fence against a Popish Successor, if the P. of O. really had any Friends in that Parliament, and any such Prospect as is pretended, there would not have been a fairer Opportunity to put him then into the greatest Trust and Power; but the Truth is, the Duke's Creatures in the House, who knew he had rather not Reign, than be hampered and unabled to restore Popery, joined with the Republicans to throw out those Offers.  
As the Pagans of old were wont to put all the Curses due to a City upon some hated Person, 
Pag. 5.  and then make him a Sufferer for them all; so this spiteful Railer uses this most Heroic Prince, loading him with all the ill Things that were done here, in hopes to expose him to the People's Rage; Even the Quo-Warranto's designed to usher in Arbitrary Power, and crush his Friends, (if he had any) and Monmouths Invasion, the Success of which had cast out his Title, are laid at his Door. The first of these hath no Proof but his Conjecture, and the latter is promised (none knows when) to be proved by some Dispatches not safe to be published now: But we may be sure there are no such Dispatches; otherwise, he that dares publish this Libel, hates the Prince mortally, and wants Evidence for every thing, would not have been restrained by either Fear or Modesty, to print such useful Testimonies as those would have been to his Design. His Appeal to Sir William Temple's Memoirs we admit, who gives the Prince so just, and yet so high a Character, that it manifests no little Share of Confidence in this Author, to cite so unlikely a Book in justification of those odious Slanders: He gins K. James his Reign where it ended, at the Abdication; yet his Method is as good as his Chronology, for he makes an old Latin word found in Festus, Livy, etc. to be first used at Naples in the last Century, hoping to fright us from the Word by the terrible Exit of that War; but he conceals that Ferdinand King of Naples, to whom this Word was applied, when he saw a Conqueror break in upon him, and that he could not stay without bringing Ruin upon his Subjects, before his private Flight and Desertion generously absolved all his People from their Oaths of Allegiance, and never returned till they unanimously recalled him. 
* Guiccardini Histor. l. 1. p. 130.  And if the late King had imitated that Prince in his Care of us, when he went away unconcerned for any but himself, his peaceable Return had been more likely than now it is.  
But he will prove K. 
Pag. 6.  James did not desert, because he was driven from us; and here he conceals that the late King was the Aggressor, and had generally disgusted the Nation by his Attempts on their Religion and Liberties, and despising their Petitions for Redress: yet these were the true Causes of the Prince's mighty Success, who had no other, and needed no better Agents than King James his Bigotry, and his Popish Counsellors Fury: These prepared England to receive a Deliverer, and one who would see these Evils remedied very kindly, and made as many as could, fly to him for Protection. And if this true apparent Cause had been mentioned, the Scene would not appear so strange as his Oratory paints it out: these destructive and dangerous Counsels and Practices of the Prince's Foes, did, without a Miracle, force Protestant-childrens to forsake a misled Father. This drove his Servants, the Clergy, and other Subjects, to fly for shelter to him who came to their Rescue: But 'tis evident they sought only their own Safety, not the King's Hurt, since when he was in their Power, none offered any Harm to his Person.  
Well, but he made fair Promises to some Officers of his Army: and they made as fair Promises to him; but they saw no Inclination in him to redress any thing, unless he were compelled to it; and this obliged some of them to leave him. The Treaty he speaks of, was not moved till he had quitted the Field, and saw he could not fight: Yet even than it was accepted by the Victorious Prince with all imaginable sincerity, as the Articles he sent show 
† Histor. of Desert. p. 91. : To which King James promised (by Advice of his Council) in the main to agree, the very Night before his first departure in Disguise. As to the Danger he was informed of, there was nothing real in it; and the Prince knew nothing of it, as appeared afterwards when the King was in his Power: and they who knew the Intrigue, say it was a Shame, invented by a Commissioner of his own, who knew his Temper, feared his Obstinacy, and devised this to terrify him into an Agreement. But suppose he were in Danger, that will not prove his Desertion could not be voluntary, otherwise the Mariners in St. Paul's Ship (Acts 27.) might pretend their going off in the Boat was no voluntary Desertion, since they apprehended Danger to their Lives by staying. Or thus, A General might excuse leaving his Soldiers, because they Mutinied and threatened him. Ferdinand of Naples did not freely Abdicate, if nothing can be free which is our Choice in a Prospect of Danger. It is not necessary to a voluntary Act, that there be no Pressures to incline the Will to one Side: for he who chooses a lesser Evil to avoid what he counts a greater, acts voluntarily. Wherefore if the late King chose rather to desert and save himself, than to stay for his People's Safety, it was a voluntary Desertion. This Author saith very gently, Upon this the King thought fit to withdraw. But impartial Judges must call it a Desertion, for the King in the midst of a Treaty to quit the Kingdom in Disguise, leaving neither any Deputy or Directions, and this after he had disbanded his Army, dismissed his Chancellor and other great Ministers, thrown away the Great-Seal into the River of Thames, and left his abandoned People to shift for themselves, exposed to the Insolence of the Rabble on the one hand, and the worse Rabble of a disbanded Army on the other hand; this the Parliament called Abdication.  
The Treaty being thus broke off by King's James' Desertion, 
Pag. 8.  and the Administration (before he was heard of) put into the Prince's Hands, he was at liberty whether he would renew the Treaty or no. Yet still he hindered not the King's Return to London, where instead of going to call a Parliament, he burned all the remaining Writs, and endeavoured to make a Faction in the City, by drawing off a Party there from the Prince. Upon which it was necessary to desire him to retire to Ham, or some other Place near London, in order to reassume the Treaty, and to keep him from doing or receiving any harm. But King James who still resolved to fly rather than treat, refused to go to Ham, and chose Rochester to retire to, secretly designing for France, to raise Forces there to expel the Prince by Force; so that his Messages were only to amuse till he could escape; as accordingly he did, shipping himself a second time for France, whither he came safe.  
And now what Occasion is there for all our Author's tragical Outcries, 
Pag. 9  of the imprisoning and ill-treating a Monarch, who was at Liberty to go where he pleased, and not an Hair of his Head hurt? Had that Monarch been Victorious, and the Prince been as long and as much in his power, he would scarce have given him leave to go back safe to Holland, but have sent him out of the way by the Axe, with as little Scruple or Ceremony as he did Monmouth. And if his former Deal with the Prince be considered, it must be owned, he treated him with a Civility more becoming a dutiful Son than a provoked Enemy, and shown (to the Satisfaction of all good English Protestants) more of the Christian than of the Politician in this whole Affair: yet this Rabshakeh arraigns him for his Charity.  
He accuses the Prince for sending him by Water at an unseasonable time, thereby endangering his Health; forgetting that K. James went in the Night by Water the very Week before of Choice, when he crossed the River in order to his first Attempt to get into France, and this without any Damage to his Health; so that he used himself as ill as the Prince used him. As to his writing to the Bishops, his speaking to the Bishop of Winchester, or to Sir R. Clayton, or other Citizens; all this is an impudent Fiction; the Bishop of Winchester protests that no such Proposition was ever made to him; the same is averred by Sir R. Clayton. His Letters from Rochester and St. Germains, are full of Wrath and Revenge, complaining of every one but himself, (the first Cause of all those Evils) and are so far from promising Amends, that they do not own he did any Fault: Nor hath the Nation seen any thing from him since, that shows his desire to be restored, any other way than by French Arms, which he hopes will both force him upon us again, give him opportunity of Revenge, and assist him in the pious Works of Dragooning and Enslaving us.  
The Convention had declared the Throne void; 
Pag. 11.  and being told that he writ from St. Germains in the Style of a King, they could not receive nor read the Letter writ from thence, which offered no Redress, but required an absolute Submission. Wherefore though these Letters might show his Desire to be in his Throne, they gave no Hopes of his taking better Measures for the future. He would have stayed, if he might have set up Popery, and ruled us Arbitrarily; and he seems not willing to return upon other Terms. Therefore when a King will not govern in a limited Monarchy, unless he may change it into an absolute Empire, if he desert with such Principles, and continue in them, the Parliament judges this to be an Abdication. He objects, that by a Maxim of the Author of the Pretences examined, K. James could not desert: but the Place is not truly cited out of that Paper, which rightly supposes the People of England are not willing to part with K. William and Q. Mary. And therefore now they have sworn to protect us, and we to bear Allegiance to them, they are not at liberty to give up their Power; that is, it would be an ill thing in them to leave us now in time of Danger, they cannot do it fairly. 
* Solumid dicimur posse face●●, quod justèsacere possumus. Grat. Gl. 22 qu. 2.  And it is supposed we cannot do that at all, which we cannot do justly: Now this rare Logician infers, Therefore when K. James doth desert, he cannot desert; though the People are not unwilling he should go, since it was his Mind. But the only true Consequence of this Maxim is, not that there is any Impossibility in the thing, but that he did not well, to choose rather to leave us than stay and govern by Law. 'Tis true, by disbanding the Army he broke no Statute, but he broke his Oath to protect us, and declared by that Act he would no longer defend us; and than it was time for the Bishop of Canterbary and other Lords to seek out for another Governor.  
Wherefore this mighty Champion sings before the Victory; 
Pag. ●●.  the Desertion still lives, after his Dream of knocking it dead. However, he goes on to cope with another Foe, the Male Administration: And here our Author says not he is a Protestant, the he brags he is an English man; I doubt he is neither, since though Matters are too plain to be denied, and too odious to be justified, yet he falls to extenuate and excuse them with all the Artifice that an ill Cause needs: And hoping to wheedle the Nation with more Rhetoric than Honesty, he insinuates, that Errors alone will not justify such horrid Crimes as he charges upon this Revolution. And if the Maladministration were only some little Irregularities, and the Revolution so horridly wicked as he paints them both, this Assertion would be true enough. But in our Case the Faults were, taking Methods to destroy the Form of Government itself here established, and breaking in upon Religion, Liberty, Property; in all which our King is bound by Oath to defend us. Such Faults (when Petitions are rejected) must be cured some way, or a total Ruin must follow. And no History can show an Instance where so great Evils were averted without Battle, Noise or Executions.  
If I may defend myself against an unjust and fatal Assault, I may begin before I am mortally wounded: 
Page 13.  And if we had stayed to see the Effect of the Dispensing Power, High-Commission-Court, etc. our unavoidable Ruin had been the certain Price for that cautious Delay: The Design was as plain, and the Methods as likely as could be; and if no Check had been given by any body, the Event had been e'er now as fatally certain, as the Causes were evident. It must be granted K. James is a zealous Catholic, and hath a Passion for the French Government; and therefore why should we not believe his aiming at establishing Popery, and the French way of Governing, proceeded from his own Inclinations? Or if his Ministers put him upon these Projects, (as he insinuates) since he would let none of them be called to Account, it was all one to the Sufferers whether he or his Ministers devised their Ruin. Again, he requires some Author's Name to the Particulars charged upon K. James' Government; but the Charge is so true, and known to so many thousands, that there is more need to inquire into his Name that dares to outface a whole Nation: for if his Authority be not more weighty than his Excuses, he will never carry his Point.  
The examining of Particulars will show this; 
Page 14.  some of them he denies, extenuates the rest, and varnishes all over. But (1.) were there no Severities in the West? Yes, he grants it, and seems sorry for it, but says they were Rebels, and had forfeited their Lives and Estates. Let that be granted; yet still there have been greater Rebellions in former Reigns, yet no King (after the Danger was over, and the Party broken) did ever execute so many of his deluded Subjects in cold Blood: None were condemned upon their bare Confession, extorted with assurance of Pardon, nor hanged up with Healths drank, and Huzza's. He throws all this upon the Ministers: but we have not forgot the Triumphs at White-Hall upon the News of these Barbarities, which K. James himself repeated to the Foreign Ministers with much Joy, and called that bloody Circuit, Jefferies his Campaign: Nor how that Butcher was put into the King's Bosom, and advanced for executing these merciless Orders he had received. Pollexfen was only put into that Commission, to grace the bloody Scene with some Colour of Law, of which heavy Employment he acquitted himself so well, that Complaints were made of him: And this Government promoted him only for his Skill to a Post where there were no Lives concerned. The bloody Temper of Kirk could not recommend him to K. William, whose Life, as well as his Reign here, show, he is merciful perhaps to excess.  
(2.) That illegal and terrible High-Commission, set up to trample upon Law, to turn out all honest Clergymen, and put Popish Priests in their places, to Fine, Imprison, Banish, and what not, the Innocent as well as the Guilty; this is hastily passed over with this sorry Excuse, that one of the Actors in it is now after four Years, but only in a fair way to be preferred by K. William, and this too after begging Pardon for his Faults.  
(3.) He catches at the word [all], and denies that all good Protestants were turned out, and that all Places of Trust and Profit were filled with unqualified Men. But the Phrase may be justified, since though some who called themselves Protestant's, kept their Places, yet they could neither be zealous for, nor sound in that Religion, who promised to comply with a Catholic King in all the Methods he took to destroy it. And if any one of them scrupled at any thing, immediately he was cashiered, and an unqualified Man generally put in his Place. All that he can say to the rest in a Lump, is, That the E. of S. and L. C. forced K. James against his own Inclinations to prefer Father Peter to the Privy-Council, to model the Irish Army and Government, to elect Magdalen-College-Fellows, to regulate Corporations, closet Gentlemen, and to imprison and try the Bishops. Well, English Men are good-natured, and must believe King James had no Zeal for Popery, no Love for Father Peter, no Desire to get a Popish Army, no hankering after Arbitrary Power, no Intent to have a Parliament preingaged to take off Penal Laws and Tests, no purpose to bring Friars into Colleges and Churches, no Anger against the Bishops for petitioning— Risum teneatis Amici. Alas, he was tricked into all this by the P. of O. his trusty Agents, and poor Gentleman never smelled the Plot: He had many Catholics in his Court and Council, but never heard or trusted any of them, but was wholly guided by pretended Protestants.— But if any be so void of common Sense, as to believe and admit this Stuff, yet it must be granted this unlucky Apologist throws more Dirt upon K. James than he wipes off; and to make him seem innocent, describes him as the easiest and most unthinking Creature alive, pretending he was drawn in by two bantring Sycophants to do the most illegal Acts, and the most ungrateful to his People, and all this against his own Inclinations as well as true Interest: Were this true, he might be indicted as a Non Compos, and his Capacity to govern questioned; but being horribly false, it will follow, the People of England were in danger of losing the Liberties and Religion by a Prince of such a Temper, such Inclinations, and one that was set upon such destructive Methods. And thus our Excuser runs upon one Rock to avoid another, and can no way bring his Master off safe.  
Yet he goes on, 
Page 15.  without blushing, to call K. James' Heat to advance Popery, nothing but the natural and eafy Passion of showing some little Favour to them of his own Religion.— And feigns that two Lords, hired by the P. of O. forced him to do that which above all things he desired. Now I wonder this Prince should be so prodigal of his Money, to squander it away upon Agents, to persuade a Man to gratify himself, to drive him on to that, which his Priests would certainly make him do gratis. He thinks we never heard how K. James led F. Peter's into the Council by the Hand, and made a Speech in his Commendation to that Board; or he durst not say he was averse to his Admission into the Council. We know he was the first Adviser and Promoter of Quo Warrantoes in his Brother's time, and furiously drove on Regulations in his own. And doth this Dauber think to prove K. James was against those Measures, by his telling an easy Peer, (who had drudged for him in that vile Employment) that these Methods were against his Judgement: If he did say this, it was Protestatio contra Factum, and shows the Credulity of the Peer, not the Sincerity of that Prince, who had convinced Mankind, that to serve a Turn, he could say one thing, and mean another. His Proof from some Mens Brags since the Revolution, is equally weak, because when Reputation or Interest alone are considered, many will boast of more than they ever really performed; nor did I ever hear that any one has boasted of this. But (he saith) the Prince promised divers Places here before he set out from Holland; and this he takes for an infallible proof that he aimed then at the Crown: But it must be noted that he came to redress Grievances, and especially the filling Places with unqualified Men; so that if the Treaty had gone on, and K. James stayed, many places must be supposed to be made void. And he who had done the Nation this Service, might justly expect the Favour to recommend some of his Friends to those Vacancies, though he never expected to be King of England. But besides all this, it is positively affirmed that no such Promises were made to any Persons; some were disgusted, others quite lost, because no such Promises were made to them. As for his Order to the French Ambassador to departed the Kingdom, this was not till the Administration was put into his Hands; and the Trust reposed in him; required him to discharge one who was likely to be a Spy upon his Counsels, and one whose Interest it was to betray him, and hinder the Nation's Settlement.  
His Parallel is yet a bolder Step than his Apology, 
Page 16.  for he undertakes to show K. William to be as guilty of Misgovernment as K. James. And first he saith, his Inclinations to Arbitrary Rule are as great as the late King's, because K. William sent a Message to the Parliament not to put too many Limits upon the Prerogative, lest they forced him to leave us. But as no such Message was ever sent, so suppose it had been, is this Check to the Republicans, so arbitrary as K. James' declaring he would have no Bounds set to the Prerogative but his Will, and his constant Actings accordingly? For he told his Judges what he would have to be Law, but this King inquires of his Judges what they think legal. He grants, the late King used a Dispensing Power, and that too in other Instances besides Liberty of Conscience; which Liberty our Author (contrary to the Opinion of his Friend K. Lewis) calls, That desirable and necessary Good of Mankind.— Well, let it be so, where then is the Parallel? Why K. James granted this against Law, and without a Parliament; and K. William grants the same Liberty, not by a Dispensing Power, or by Prerogative, but by Parliament: (that is) K. James he granted it arbitrarily, K. William settles it by Law.— A most exact Parallel no doubt, and a good proof of K. William's Design to be arbitrary. To get off this Difficulty, the Prince's Agents are topped upon us again, and all the blame laid on him and them; they managed poor K. James with invisible Wires, who followed them blindfold to his Ruin. And if he were so easily wheedled by corrupted Protestants, may he not more easily be wheedled into illegal Acts by fierce and dangerous Papists? And is it not then our wisest way never to wish for the return of a Prince so apt to be misled? If he be in the best Humour in the World with the Bishops upon his Restauration, how soon may some Popish Emissary incense him once more against them, and run them again into the Tower, and from thence to the Bar?  
It was truly urged against King James, that his Affection to Catholics was too strong for the Law: And he will prove King William guilty of the same Crime, because in time of War he hires a few Foreign Papists into his Army, Men who stay not where, have no Interest to serve, no Design but on their Pay, and no Concern about the Religion of any Country which employs them; which with inexpressibly Effrontery (he saith) is worse than K. James Cashiering (in Times of Peace) great Numbers of Military and Civil Protestant Officers, and putting English and Irish Papists in their Places, whose Interest obliged and inclined them, to assist their King in changing the Laws and Religion of their Native Country. Again, he asks if Catholics (so he calls them falsely in most places, not Roman Catholics) be not countenanced as much, and do not exercise their Religion as freely now as ever. I reply, they are permitted, but not at all countenanced. Do their Friars walk in their Habits? Do they ring Bells, and invite all People to see and hear their Foppery? or make public Shows? Are they promoted to Churches and Colleges, and to be Privy-Counsellors? If not, how absurd is his Query? and where is his Parallel? But he fancies we were safer when his Catholics held their Liberty merely by the Favour of English Protestants, (that is, surely he means in King James his Time) than now when Foreign Princes of the Romish Communion desire this King to tolerate them. Now I dare appeal to the Papists, Whether they did not believe it was King James, not English Protestants, who gave them the Liberty in that Reign? And whether they did not think their Religion more likely to be restored by a Prince of their own Faith in League with France, than by a Protestant King, Confederate with the House of Austria? And if they think their Religion likely to be restored by King William, let them make it evident by fight for him against the late King and his French Allies, otherwise all these Suggestions are as groundless as they are malicious.  
Yet upon a review of these Bugbears of his own dressing up, 
Pag. 18.  he is terribly affrighted, and falls to pray to avert these imaginary Evils; using at the same time all his Rhetorical Amplifications to excite us to run into certain and real Mischiefs, by destroying this Government, that can and will defend our Religion and Civil-Rights, to set up another which will destroy both. But the Cheat is so visible, and his Parallels so ridiculous, that no Man of Sense can be deluded by such Stuff. Wherefore I conclude this Point, and have showed that King James was the Aggressor, and hurt himself: we injured no Body, and only warded off the Blow which aimed at the very Vitals of our Church, and our Ancient Government; and which would have turned it from a Limited to an Absolute Monarchy; a Change infinitetly worse for this Nation than our Author can pretend hath been made by this Revolution.  
Which brings me to his second Pretence for restoring King James, 
Pag. 19  viz. the settling the Government upon its old bast. And here, while he seems to cite a long Passage out of his Adversary, 
See the Pretences examined, p. 10.  he jumbles the Sense, altars the Phrases, puts in his own Comment, and leaves out some of the Author's Words; and then accuses the Writer (whom he blindly and falsely guesses to be the Earl of Nottingham) of Ignorance, in the History and Affairs of England, want of Judgement, Disingenuity, Impudence, and what not? But it will be easily proved, to all that know that accomplished Peer, and read this Libel, this is not his Lordship's, but this libeler's own Character. And his Reply to this Passage, confirms the Observation; for he owns that the Convention declared the Throne void; therefore he mistakes in saying they made it void. Declaring, supposes a thing done already; and he may as well charge a Judge with committing that Fact which he declares to be Treason, as to say the Convention made the Throne void. But we utterly deny his infallible Mark, viz. That a Vacancy certainly proves a Monarchy Elective, and that in an Hereditary Monarchy the Throne cannot be without a Possessor one Moment. For Scotland is, and ever was accounted to be no Elective, but an Hereditary Monarchy; yet upon the Death of Alexander, there was a Vacancy for above five Years, while the Hereditary Titles of six several Pretenders were under Examination. And there was a Vacancy in England, 
See Spotsw. History of Scotland, An. 1279.  from the two and twentieth of August, when King Richard, the Third was slain, till Henry the Seventh was declared King. Yea, there was more than a Moment between the Resignation of Edward and Richard the Second, and the Entrance of Edward the Third and Henry the Fourth. I grant, that where there is no Doubt (concerning the next Heir) upon Session or Death, there the right Heir succeeds immediately: But while the next Heir is ambiguous in an Hereditary Monarchy, till the Title be examined, cleared and declared, none of the Pretenders can assume the Royal Dignity. And his other Maxim of our Kings never dying, is not literally true in any other Case, but where there is a certain, known and undoubted Heir. So that an enquiry into, and declaring the right Heir, doth not make an Hereditary Monarchy Elective. But he denies that the present Queen was the right Heir; and here he sets up his Bristles, and hectors his Adversary, the Convention, and the Prince of Orange, for not proving the Prince of Wales Supposititious. Now he neither proves it a real Birth himself, nor answers half the Arguments have been urged against it; yet is very angry that others will not prove a Negative.  
The Convention had seen the Depositions, 
Pag. 20.  knew the Credit of the Witnesses, and all the Circumstances of the Delivery, yet after all did not believe it a real Birth; they had examined it as far as was necessary to their own Satisfaction, and after all declared the Princess of Orange to be the right Heir. The Papists, (whose Religion was to be brought in by the Father, and established by this pretended Son) and all their Wellwishers should have brought better Proof of their New Heir, than a few depending, partial, interested People; it was their Business to have produced their Evidence. The Convention judged according to all the Proofs they had, and unanimously declared for the Princess' Right; who being the next Heir, in their Judgement, and in the Opinion of the whole Nation, (some few excepted) they sufficiently shown they did not intent to make this Monarchy Elective, in that they declared the true Heir (as they verily believed) to be Queen. But suppose they had spent Months or Years in the Inquiry, and left the Nation to sink in the mean while, what would all this have signified to Jesuits, and Nuzzled Protestants? Unless they had pronounced for the Prince of Wales right or wrong, this sort of People would not have acquiesced in their Determination; and therefore they did wisely, after they, and almost the whole Body of English Protestants were satisfied, not to trouble themselves any further.  
Besides, 
Pag. 21.  if King James did believe it, why did he not put it upon a Trial in Parliament in his own Time? He understood the People of England generally suspected there was Artifice used to exclude a Protestant Heir; and therefore why did he not call a Parliament long before the Prince of Orange came over, and submit it to their Inquiry? Yea, when the Prince was come, He, the Bishops, Nobility and Officers, yea all England desired King James to call a Parliament to settle this and other Matters, yet he would not call one, but fled from this way of Trial. If it be said, King James had proved it by the Depositions; 'tis answered, These were Witnesses all of one side, chosen by a Party, sworn before partial Men, and in too private a Place for an Hereditary Monarchy. The People doubting about the true Heir, aught to have Satisfaction given to their Representatives in Parliament, which was not done: yea, King James did not call these Witnesses till fourteen Days before the Prince landed, viz. October 22. thereby showing he did not intent to give the Nation any sort of Satisfaction; but Fear, and the serving a Turn, extorted this Condescension from him. Wherefore when King James would not try this Matter by his Parliament, when he might have done it, why should the Convention do his Business for him, and neglect the Nation's Safety? But he urges, that none were denied Satisfaction who desired it: I reply, the Princess of Denmark formerly complained she had not the Satisfaction given her which was fit, and it is generally believed she was sent out of the way on purpose: The Dutch Ambassador (who ought to have satisfied Princess Mary) was not called, the Bishops by design were sent to the Tower, the good Protestants were all at Church; and this lucky Juncture, with a Place suddenly resolved on, seem plainly designed for Privacy: And indeed none were at the Birth itself but interested Friends, and Wellwishers to a Popish Heir, whose Design and Hopes made some of them willing to affirm, and others easy to believe any thing. Nor is the late Daughter's Birth among Foreigners, and such as would top this Prince of Wales upon us, a sufficient Evidence that a Son was born before; the Reckoners there were as often shifted as they had been here, and as few Witnesses were called: and after all the Letters that were writ hither, and after all the Promises of a Birth that should be so well attested as to confirm the former, the one was managed as much in the dark as the other had been; nor have we yet heard of any of those Attestations with which we were so much threatened.  
Having therefore not proved a Prince of Wales, 
Page 22.  the Argument from his Innocency and the Injury done him, falls, Non entis nulla sunt Accidentia. Had the Convention believed there was such a Son, they would have owned him as Heir; but believing there was no such Person, they cannot properly be said to intent or do him any Injury. Queen Mary's Resolution to have the Prince joined with her, is known to many: The Injury done to Princess Ann and her Children is none at all, but a Benefit; for what was her Title or theirs worth, if the Prince of Orange had permitted the Papists to set up a Prince of Wales, and perhaps Dukes of York and Gloucester, to exclude them all for ever? Is not her Succession and her Issues, both nearer and surer than it was under King James? King William, it's true, is made King for his Life; but if he die before the Queen, (which the Hazards he runs in defending both Sister's Titles, makes too probable) then the Princess Ann and her Children have no Injury at all: and if he should survive Queen Mary, I appeal to any impartial Man, whether this King who rescued the Princess' Title from being extinguished, do not merit to keep the Sovereignty for the rest of his Life, especially since she and her Heirs precede his by any other Wife? From Aggravations he falls to History; and while he blames his Adversaries Ignorance therein, he evidently shows his own, in affirming, that no such Breach was ever made in our English Succession before. Whereas we have had but 27 Reigns from the Conquest to this Revolution, and in that time there have been several Breaches in the Succession, most of them greater than this, viz. William the Conqueror, William Rufus, Henry the First, King Stephen, King John, Henry the Fourth and Seventh; to which some (who deny Henry the 8th's Marriage with his Brother's Widow to be lawful) add Queen Mary; and the Papists put in Queen Elizabeth. Now upon such Breaches, the Sentence of the People was had to confirm the Pretender's Title, yet this Kingdom still remained Hereditary, in common Account, and never was reckoned (as by his Argument it would have been) an Elective Monarchy. But to keep to his Instances, there was a greater Breach than is now, by King Henry the Seventh's coming to the Crown; for though Richard the Third was slain, and left no Child, yet he left an Heiress, Elizabeth Daughter of King Edward the Fourth; and some of her Sisters were then alive, as was also a Son and a Daughter of George Duke of Clarence, all of the House of York, to whom the Right of Succession certainly belonged: yet Henry was crowned in October, 1485, and assumed the Crown in Right of the House of Lancaster; 
Bacon 's History of Hen. 7. p. 6, & 11  and when he did marry the Heiress of York, he would not suffer her Title to be mentioned, nor allow the Parliament to settle the Crown any further than on his own Heirs. So that here were four or five Persons excluded at his assuming the Crown, and no Care taken of them in the Settlement afterwards: Yet still the Monarchy remained Hereditary.  
His Adversary did not instance in Edward the Third, 
Page 23.  because the only Breach then was in the Person of the reigning King; but then he was worse dealt with than the late King, being forced to resign first his Crown, and soon after his Life, and to thank his Deposers for declaring the next in Succession King. But in Henry the Fourth's Case there were great Breaches made, which he would conceal by saying, King Richard the Second left no Son, and by falsely affirming, Henry was the next Heir, because the Pretences of the House of York were not yet set on foot. But the Truth is, King Richard's right Heirs were the Mortimers descended from a Daughter of Lionel Duke of Clarence, elder Brother to Henry the Fourth's Father: And Edmund Mortimer Earl of March, his Brother Sir Roger, his Sister Ann, (by whom came afterwards the true Title to the House of York) and Elinor, were then and long after all alive, and utterly excluded, when Henry assumed the Crown, though the Bishop of Carlisle in open Parliament declared, that Edmund aforesaid was true and undoubted Heir to the Crown. So that here was the reigning King deposed and murdered, a remote Branch of the Royal Family advanced, and four Princes of the Blood, with their future Issue, excluded from their Right, and kept out for three Reigns: Which is a much greater Breach than is now; and our Author's Outcry for a Parallel shows his Ignorance or his Dishonesty. We can show him Acts of Parliament, which have not only excluded the Collateral Line, but the right Heirs, even when they were not (as it is in our Case) of a Religion different from the established one, and inconsistent with the Safety of England.  
In short, 
Page 24.  considering the Reason and Necessity, our Revolution hath made the least Breach that ever was made in such a Change. The late King was not deposed, but deserted us; his next Heir (the present Queen) of whom there is no doubt, was put into the Vacant Throne, and the Crown settled Hereditarily upon her and her Sister, and their Heirs successively: there is no Breach made at all, except one Contingency happen; and if it do, 'tis Personal, Temporary, and highly-merited: and if greater Breaches never made this Monarchy Elective, this lesser one cannot do it. The Succession is taken due Care of in the right Line, as the Convention believes, and settled on the true Heirs; so that they were no Republicans, but true Friends of the Old English Monarchy, which the People of England (I hope) will never change for French Slavery, the certain Consequent of that Restauration into which he would decoy us.  
The next Bugbear he sets up to fright us into Rebellion against the present King, is the Fear that the Title of Conquest should alter the Government. But by the way, since the late King cannot return but by Force, is there not more danger that he proving victorious, should urge this Title in prejudice of our Liberties, who was so arbitrary when he was here? And if so, we leap out of the Frying-pan into the Fire, by his recovering his Throne. King William I am sure never pleaded this Title, nor do either of the Authors he citys, maintain that he conquered the People of England, (though in Fact he did conquer the late King.) We freely submitted to him, and he as freely swore to govern us by our Laws. Which one Observation spoils all his impertinent Declamation upon the Mischiefs of Conquest, viz. Slavery, Loss of the Subject's Rights and Properties, and Change of Laws, etc. Sure he is dreaming of some wretched Country, conquered and ruled by the most Unchristian King. Our Prince treats his very Enemies who stay here, better than King Lewis doth his own Subjects: and the Conquest those Authors speak of, relating only to the late King, is very consistent, (1.) with the Prince's Declaration; (2.) with the Convention settling the Crown on him; and (3.) with our Rights and Freedom.  
When the Prince put out his Declaration, 
Pag. 25.  he could not foresee King James would finally refuse to call a Parliament; or that he should first resolve to fight, and being conquered, to fly rather than to treat. He brought no more Force with him than sufficed to protect himself, and the English who joined with him, in requiring their Grievances might be redressed: which shows he did not aim at Conquest. Yea, when the late King's Army was routed and disbanded, he yielded to treat, according to his Declaration; which shown no Design to take advantage as a Conqueror. And when the late King fled from this Treaty, he did not meddle either with the Administration or the Crown, till they were successively offered him by those who represented the People of England, and he granted them all their Liberties at first; and since he hath had Power, he hath redressed all the Grievances, which the Trouble his Enemies give him will permit him to help: nor hath he refused any Acts of this kind which the Parliament hath offered him. So that as far as he could then foresee, his Promises in his Declaration and his Actions do agree. He might safely say he came not for the Crown; but did not say he would not accept it, if there were no body else to wear it, or if it were freely offered him. And as to the Convention's Gift, they and King William believe, after the Throne was vacant, that they ought to have declared his Wife's Hereditary Right. As to himself, he will own that the Crown was the just Gift of a free and grateful People, who so little believe his having infringed their Liberties, (as Conquerors use to do) that I dare say, if it were needful, the Parliament would add any further Confirmation to his Title. Nor will the Body of the English Nation suffer a Mercenary Pen, hired with a few Luidores, to alienate their Affections from so kind and gracious a Prince, who perhaps might have seized the Crown by his Power, but chose to accept it in his dear Consort's Right, and as a Reward of his personal Services; and never did bear himself like a Conqueror, or treat us like a conquered People.  
His Declamation upon the woeful Condition of a Conquered Nation, the Value of our Liberties, 
Page 26.  and the Zeal other People have showed, and we ought to show to shake off Slavery and Arbitrary Power, I highly approve, and would have transcribed it, had it not been too long, being a just satire upon King James his Effects to rule us Arbitrarily, a true Description of the miserable Condition of the poor French, who, as he grants, pag. 54. are all made Slaves. And truly this whole Discourse is useful, both as it arms us against our late Arbitrary Monarch's fresh Attempts by that Tyrant's Assistance, and as it is a clear Vindication of the late Revolution, and a deserved Encomium on those brave Englishmen, who after the Example of their Ancestors, nobly shaken off the Shackles K. James was putting on them.  
However, 
Page 27.  this can be no Motive to any body to rebel against K. William, who, as this Enemy confesses, never yet pretended to this Title of Conquest, and knows nothing what Books his Secretary licenses: and that Book which moves this Author's Jealousy, speaks only of a Conquest over K. James, not over the People of England: so that it makes nothing to his purpose. K. William, as his Declaration for Scotland assures us, came to hinder the late King from taking away his Subjects Liberties: and it was high time, when that King in his Declaration for Liberty of Conscience in Scotland, Feb. 12. 1686. said, (in the very Phrase of the French Tyrant) he would have his absolute Power obeyed without reserve,— and made them swear to assist and defend him and his Heirs in the exercise of this his absolute Power against all Deadly. Now he that claims absolute Power, and Obedience to it without reserve, leaves his Subjects no Liberties; he owns that his Will is not bounded by Laws or Privileges, and no Law can exempt a Subject in that case from obeying an illegal Command.— Yea, he makes that enslaved People swear to put this heavy Yoke on their own Necks, and to help him to destroy all that stood up for their Laws and Liberties. And they were following this Copy in England, when Jefferies would suffer no Lawyer to plead in the High-Commission-Court; and without hearing the Cause, gave Sentence in these Words, It is the King's Pleasure that such and such be suspended, fined, deprived, etc. And the late King himself at Oxford would not hear the Magdalen-Fellows plead their Cause, but in a Fury told them, He would make them know he was their King, and would be obeyed. Now let this Gentleman declaim as much as he will against a King's infringing his People's Liberties, it hurts not K. William, but falls very heavy upon his own Master.  
And so doth this eloquent Description of the Mischief of a Prince's assuming a Dispensing Power, 
Page 28.  which fatally threatens the Liberties of a People, and (as he saith) makes them Tenants at Will for their Privileges, wherein the Law gives them a Freehold. And was it not time for the English to look about them, when the late King claimed and exercised this Power in a thousand Instances? But to avoid that natural Application, he pretends to wonder that our Convention and Parliament since the Revolution never set Bounds between the Prerogative and the People's Rights— Which is a notorious piece of Dissimulation; for he knows when the Convention tendered the Crown to their Majesties, in that very Declaration solemnly approved, Feb. 12. 1688. these Bounds are set, and the Subject's Liberties and Rights declared, (especially such as the late King had invaded) to which K. William consented: and this was enroled both in the Parliament-Rolls, and in the Chancery 
* Hist. of Desertion, p. 127. . Yea, this Author citys this Declaration three or four times by name, 33, 34, 35. yet here he would insinuate there was no such thing, only that he may slander the present King and Parliament. With equal Confidence he accuses K. William, upon the Reduction of Ireland, for acting Arbitrarily, because to spare the Effusion of his Subjects Blood, he granted some Privileges to the Irish who laid down their Arms, by his own Authority, though he confesses he got them afterwards confirmed by Parliament: Which is no more Power than a General is often wont to assume, in signing Capitulations without consulting his Prince. And is this Criminal in a King, that is allowable in some of his Officers? He knows the late King in time of Peace granted both Privileges and Dispensations more contrary to Law, and despised a Parliament's Confirmation, affirming his Will to be sufficient Authority for the most illegal Grants. From this he passes to harangue upon the Injustice of illegal Imprisonment, and the Worth of Freedom, which he sets off as the choicest part of our Magna Charta, forgetting that K. James, contrary to Law, imprisoned many hundreds in all parts of England upon Monmouth's Invasion; and clapped up seven Bishops, Peers of the Realm, most unjustly, and almost daily broke in upon this dear Piece of our English Privileges in time of Peace.  
But he that excuses this, and will not see it, 
Pag. 29.  roars out at our present King for clapping up a few Jacobites, and aggravates the Matter extremely, but saith not one word of the Occasion. But 'tis well known, that while the French King and King James prepare to invade us from without, the Papists, and their Protestant Accomplices of that Party, have laid divers treasonable Plots at home to destroy this Government; and by railing, by Libels, and all other Methods, have laboured to disturb the public Peace, to seduce their Majesty's Subjects from their Allegiance, and to take away their Majesty's Lives and Crowns: for which under any Government but this, many hundreds of them e'er now had paid their Heads: But our Prince, who, like the brave Antoninus, punishes all Offences more gently than the Law ordains 
* Vide Jul. Capitolin. in Vitâ, pag. 206. , hath been content only to confine some of the chief of them to prevent their doing Mischief, as the Safety of the Nation absolutely requires when Invasion was threatened; and this is the Occasion of all this Noise. As for the Benefit of Acts of Parliament, which he saith they were denied, I must observe they were Men (generally) that deserved no Protection from, or Benefit by the Laws, because they have not only refused to swear Allegiance to this Government, but by Words and Actions, declared, they are sworn Enemies to it, and resolve to overturn it as soon as they can: Nor could the Government want Informations against them, who had so often and openly discovered their Intentions. But it was K. William his innate Clemency (which would soften any but such ungrateful Creatures) that made him forbid any Prosecution: And most of these Men were set at Liberty so soon, that his Majesty's Friends thought his good Nature prevailed over that Caution which seemed necessary while so many Plots had been laid, and were actually carrying on: Yea one of them, upon whom actual Treason in the highest Degree was proved, hath been pardoned after Conviction and Condemnation; and of many hundreds guilty of Treason, two only have suffered for it in this Reign; yet he rails at the Parliament for suspending the Hubeas Gorpus Act; as if this were betraying their Trust, and giving up all our Liberties: Whereas, first, they had full Power and Right to suspend an Act made by the same Body not many Years ago. And, Secondly, there was Reason, yea, Necessity to suspend it then, when the French were about to invade us, and so many ill Men at Land ready to join them: The Disappointment of which unnatural Design of betraying his Native Country, is the true Cause why this Writer: (one of the Criminals) falls into a Rage like that of the evil Spirit in the Gospel, Matth. 8.29. who counted it a Torment not to be suffered to do Mischief: For they who would bring in that King by Force, that without any Parliament suspended all Laws, cannot be concerned for English Laws or Liberties: But as one of the Accomplices writ to the French King in a Letter that was seized, their being in Prison made it impossible for them to serve him as they desired.  
The raving Fit holds him all the next Page, 
Page 30.  wherein with much Fury, and no Sense, he inveighs against the Parliament, who had full Power to repeal this Act, only for suspending it till the Danger was over, and as it proves, it was pity this Author was kept in Prison, and hindered from appearing in Arms, for than he would have had his Desert e'er now, and this Libel had been strangled in the Birth. I am sure all good Subjects of the Government have their Liberty, and had during the Suspension of that Act: none but Rebels and Plotters, Enemies to the Government, and such as renounce its Protection can complain. And if these bloody Men had been let lose, the Parliament had betrayed the Liberties of all the King's peaceable Subjects, and sacrificed many of their Lives, and the Government had not protected those who bear true Faith and Allegiance to it. Yet he hath one true Observation in his Anger, viz. That K. James never dreamed of such a Method; No, for he hanged up the Innocent with the Guilty, he proclaimed divers Peers and Gentlemen Traitors, for intending to join with Monmouth after he was defeated. My Lord Macclesfield's, Brandon Gerrard's, Delamere's, and others Cases are not forgot. He scorned to play at the small Game of suspending one Law for a few Months on just Reason in a legal way; he without any Parliament suspended what Laws he pleased for ever: And can it be the way to secure our Liberties, to send for this Prince again?  
He in times of Peace cashiered all Officers and Soldiers that were qualified, 
Pag. 31.  and got a whole Army of unqualified Tories in Ireland, and put out most of the qualified Officers, filling their Places with illegal Men here: yet this Writer (who hath the Forehead to excuse all this) arraigns K. William for having a very few Foreigners in a great Army in times of War, and this after they are gone out of the Nation, and can do us no harm. It was no Crime in King James to set up a barbarous Court to take away men's Liberties and Livelihoods without Law or Reason; and yet it is very criminal in this King to pardon one of the Members of it upon his Repentance: yea he seems angry he doth not hang all K. James his Evil-Ministers, among which probably he had come in for his share. K. James in times of Peace executed many by Martial Law, for deserting, before any Law enabled him so to do. And if K. William have used this Method in time of War, it is very justifiable. Yet this is brought in to excuse that violent invading of the Properties of the richest College in England, without any Colour of Law, only because the Fellows of it were by their Oaths obliged to deny an unreasonable Request of the King's. A dreadful Precedent to all the Nation, that their Estates were all at the Mercy of that Arbitrary Prince! But the Water runs very low with him, when his utmost Malice against K. William can find nothing to accuse him for but what was answered before; and when he can meet nothing in this Nation blame-worthy, but is forced to run as far as New-Englaud for a trifling Complaint.  
He goes so oft into Scotland for Instances of the King's Arbitrary and Illegal way of Government; 
Pag. 32.  that this, together with the whole Thread of his Style, made me conclude him to belong to that Nation. We who feel the Justice and Gentleness of the Government, cannot be easily led to think that Matters are managed otherwise elsewhere. We find, it's true, the Soldiers are apt upon many occasions to be irregular; but we see that upon Complaints, Redress is given, and care is taken for the future: And of this the Nation is so sensible, that Men are willing to pass over several things, which otherwise could not be well digested, and could not at all be born with, if we were not sure that the Government did not encourage them. For after all, Soldiers are no Philosophers. Yet this in general did not satisfy me: So I writ to a Friend that is nearer the Scene, and knows matters better, and I will give you this account which I had from him. The Author of this Pamphlet is so nearly related to Sir Ja. Man— ry. that when the Character of the one is given, the other will be best known by it. He was of a Presbyterian Education, and entered into some Confidences with K. James' Ministers. But upon this Revolution he got to be a Member of the Convention in Scotland, in which he bore great Sway, and was a main Stickler for the Abdication, and their present Majesties: He was a constant Haranguer during that whole Debate; which he did not manage as some others did. Upon the Extremity to which K. James had driven Matters, and the Warrant that extraordinary Occasions gives for extraordinary Proceed, he went wholly upon Republican Principles, and she wed so violent a Fury against all the Episcopal Party, that his being like to pretend to a great Post, upon the Merit of those Services, gave them very sad Apprehensions: This was signified by many of them to the King: For it was he that stood upon the taking away of Episcopacy, and carried it to be made a main Article of their claim of Right; though it standing then established by Law, many who agreed to place it among the Grievances that were to be redressed, could not think it reasonable to claim it as a Right. Since there was then no Law in force for it, and a great many against it. He was one of the Three that were sent up with the Tender of the Crown of Scotland to Their Majesties. But when he sound that the King intended to try him first in a lower Post of the Ministry, before he would raise him up so high as his Ambition carried him: He upon this began to cabal against the Government; and upon his return to Scotland, he sowed such Jealousies and ill Impressions of the King, in some People's Minds, that Matters could not go on; but all things were at a stand for above a year, notwithstanding the Dangers of that time. But not content with this, he came back to London the following Winter, on pretence indeed to justify himself; but in truth to enter into a Treaty with K. James. He resolved to be a Secretary of State; and it was indifferent to him who should be King, provided he might govern. He began his Negotiation under Nevil Pain's Conduct, and drew in a great many with him to enter into a Treaty with K. James; the main Point to be carried, was to make sure of the Plurality of Voices in the Parliament. So the Jacobites were applied to, to take the Oaths, and qualify themselves, that by swearing to this Government, they might betray and over-turn it. Many were persuaded to this unexampled piece of Treachery; and Sir Ja. was very industrious in it. A Foreign Force was likewise to come from Dunkirk. But this was happily discovered; some that were in the Plot disliked the Answers that they had from K. James, then in Ireland and Q. Mary at St. Germane: The breeding the Pr. of Wales in the Protestant Religion was flatly refused; and no Security was offered for the Protestant Religion; even the Dispensing Power was not parted with, only promised that Presbytery should be continued in Scotland; and Money was sent over, together with large Promises to all the Plotters, in which Sir Ja. had the best Share: Yet the whole Business was by that watchful Providence that has never yet failed this Government in its greatest Straits, both disappointed and discovered: Most of those who were concerned, have confessed their share in it, and have sued out their Pardons. When this was first discovered, Sir Ja. M. denied his knowledge of it in a Strain of the deepest Imprecations that could be invented; yet afterwards he confessed all, and was favourably recommended to the Queen for her Pardon in Summer 90. But when he found he could not have it unless he would frankly discover all he knew, he kept himself out of the way, and has absconded ever since: But being a Man of a virulent Temper, and noted from a Child for a peculiar Talon of Impudence, he has now given us a very full Essay of his Abilities that way: And though such as knew his Notions and Style, were not long to seek in their Conjectures for the Author of so black a Libel; yet I am confirmed in this, by the knowledge I have of the Evidence already given in this Matter. This is the Account that is sent me by one that I have no reason to distrust, and who gives me leave to publish the Advertisement he has sent me. I had sent away the other parts of this Discourse before I received this, which fills up a Blank that I had made, and in which I must retract every part that contradicts this: on which my Reader may soon be satisfied how far he can rely. Such Men, and such Practices are fit to be employed for bringing us again under the Tyranny from which God has so graciously delivered us. It is no wonder if those who went in the late Revolution without any regard either to the Interest of Religion, or of their Country, but only to raise their own Fortunes, should prove false to it, when they do not find their own account in it: And impotent Rage must always support itself by Calumny, for let him study to persuade this Nation, that they are fallen under a Tyrannical Government as much as he will, he can never hope to succeed in it, as long as they do plainly see that it is not so: And as long as the Dutch Troops are kept under so good Discipline, and are so inoffensive in their Quarters; none of the Strains of his false Rhetoric will be able to raise a Spirit in the Nation against them.  
As little Success will all he says have to persuade us of the poverty of the Nation, as long as we feel ourselves in so full a Plenty; while our Enemies are reduced to the last extremities.  
But one Particular he mentions, did, I confess, raise my curiosity a little: He says the Government ordered a Military Execution of all the Males in Glencou, which was executed upon them without any legal Trial, Jury or Record. This had so strange an appearance, and was so unlike all the other parts of the King's Government, that has been often taxed with an excess of Clemency, but never till now of Cruelty, that I was in some pain, till I had learned what truth there was in it. And in this I have received such full satisfaction that I desire the Reader will by this Instance, consider how far our Author is to be depended upon in all the rest. It is well known that there was a Rebellion kept up in the Highlands of Scotland long after the rest of the Country was quiet, and tho' it had been an easy thing to have reduced them to the utmost extremity, if cruelty had been the King's Inclination; yet he sent a Person of Honour and Credit among them, with a considerable Sum to be distributed, as the most powerful Argument to work upon them. A Negotiation was set on foot, and they all agreed by such a day to lay down their Arms, and take the Oaths: Yet many of them not keeping to this Capitulation, but continuing in Arms still, the day was prolonged twice or thrice. In conclusion, the King ordered them to be held to their Capitulation, and gave private directions, that if any Examples were to be made of such as still stood out, it should be of such as had been eminently guilty of Robberies and Murders. A milder and juster Order was never given. This was executed upon none but known Robbers and Murderers, and such as were still in open Rebellion. If the Officers who executed it did it with too much fierceness and Violence, tho' such things are but too natural to Military Men, yet the King has expressed a high displeasure at it; and now by this Sample, the Reader may, judge of all the rest.  
Having exerted his utmost Malice in misrepresenting K. William's Actions at home, 
Pag. 37.  his Envy hurries him on to attempt to hid his Glories abroad, and after he hath slandered his Conduct in Civil Affairs, he despises his Martial Prowess; whereas all Europe sees he hath raised the honour of the English (buried in the Effeminacy and Vices of the two last Reigns) to the greatest Height: And the Great Lewis is so sensible of his Valour, and his Soldier's Courage, that his famed, numerous and disciplined Troops (as the Pamphlet calls them) durst never attack us, but are braved in their very Camps, and tamely suffer it, counting a Shield a better Weapon than a Sword, and reckoning the Cowardice of avoiding a Battle, to be the best way of making their Campaigns. The French King's Laurels, as our Author justly says, are drenched in the Tears of his Subjects; for he hath ruined the Liberty and Property of his People, to maintain an Army for robbing, burning, and destroying all about him. And 'tis not our King (who only defends the Oppressed) but he, that makes all Christendom pay so dear for safety and Protection. In Ireland our victorious Prince hath utterly routed not the Irish only, but great numbers of well disciplined and armed French; and in little more than two years entirely conquered that large Country: And that which Spain yet retains in Flanders, is principally owing to K. William's Conduct and to the Bravery of his Army, who hath at the same instant dared the French by Land, and given them such a Blow at Sea, as they will not recover of many years: A Victory that eclipses the little Advantages that their Fleet had at Beachy, and hath done us more good, and them more damage, than the winning a Land Battle could have done; nor will the taking of Namur pay for their loss of so many Capital Ships, so necessary for their Defence by Sea, which is their weak side. But it is not enough to satiate our Author's spite, to trample on the glorious Reputation of our King, he reviles all Christian Princes that are in the Confederacy, and he will not allow it to be the Usurpation of France that engages them against their Common Oppressor, but imputes it to their particular interests. Tho' any  Man, any but a Loyalist or a Jacobite, would see, it must be universal Injustice, and horrid Barbarities committed by the French on every side, that forces the most zealous Princes of the Roman Communion, to join against a King pretending to the same Religion, and enter into League with those they count Heretics, to save their several Countries out of the Hand of a devouring Power: Yea the best Pope that Rome hath had for many years was in the Confederacy, not to secure our Rights and Religion (as this Writer weakly suggests) but to defend his own Privileges against a Prince that persecuted the Pope and the Protestants both at once, and thereby shown he had no Religion at all. 
Pag. 38.   
Nor is it any wonder that the Confederates loved and trusted the Prince of Orange more than King James, for he had always been true to the Interest of Europe, and gloriously opposed the French Encroachments, while the late King abetted the Monsieur in oppressing his own Subjects, and robbing all his Neighbours, and had as little regard to the safety of Christendom, as to the welfare of England, in hopes by this infamous Obsequiousness to be assisted in his pious design of Enslaving and Dragooning his own People; and on this desirable Work he lavished out all those Treasures he had laid up while he was Duke of York, which so generally disgusted his Subjects, that no Parliament of English Protestants would ever have given him any more. So that he forfeited his Credit and Interest every where but in France, and therefore could never be invited into this Confederacy; into which, not Ambition, but the love of Justice, and his pity to Oppressed Nations drew this brave Prince, who in the former part of this Pamphlet is represented to be so cunning as to cajole his Uncle, make a mere Tool of his Father-in-Law, and to out wit all the Priests and Jesuits: Yet now this same King William is so extreme silly, that he would make us believe all the Confederates make a Fool of him, and tho' he owns he knows nothing of the private Agreements King William hath made with the Confederates, yet he confidently pronounces, We are to have all the Loss and they all the Gain by this League; and upon this Subject he rails blindfold till he be out of Breath; but all that have Eyes in their Heads will see through this winking Malice, and sooner believe that he is a shameless Calumniator, than that all the Confederate Princes are Knaves, and King William a mere Stepping stone to their Designs, as this modest Gentleman upon bare Conjecture represents them.  
With the like random Guesses, 
Pag. 39  he goes on to banter us with idle Suggestions, That we are like to have no Advantage by a Successful War in this Confederacy, and dreadful Losses if it prove unfortunate in the Issue: To which I shall only reply, That King William is as eminent for his Prudence as for his Valour, and the Nation is convinced they may trust him with making War and Peace for them, since his Interest and theirs are one and the same. The Dutch and the House of Austria, do not aim at, or intent the Destruction of France, as the French King doth at theirs; but only at the humbling and reducing him to his just Bounds, and to secure themselves against his Ravages and Usurpations. So that he is ridiculous in talking of the Confederates falling out who shall have the Power at Sea, and who the Provinces at Land, when that Great Empire falls to be divided amongst them. The Confederates glory in the Justice of their Cause, which is to recover the late Encroachments from France, and defend their present Possessions from Burning and Destruction; and they hope the Righteous God will make their Cause as prosperous as it is Just and Necessary: and if it prove so, every one of the Confederates will be content with his Share in the Common Safety. But if for our Sins it should prove Unfortunate, we are as likely and as able, under the Conduct of our Wise and Valiant King to defend and secure ourselves, as any Nation or Country in this Confederacy. Nor will his Eloquence in setting off the Miseries of our falling into the French Mercy, have any other Effect upon this brave Nation, than to make them more obstinate in fight against, and more wary in treating with so bloody and treacherous a Foe.  
But the Perfection of his Politics, 
Pag. 40.  is showed in his learned Demonstration, That all Christian Princes wish the dethroning of King William, and the restoring of K. James, imitating Seneca's Tool, who being blind, fancied all the House was dark. That France will endeavour both, as well by Force as Treadhery, that Unchristian King hath sufficiently showed, to put us upon our Guard. But the House of Austria cannot have a more Faithful and Powerful Ally on the English Throne than King William, who will certainly assist them to bring King Lewis to Reason, and be their best Guarrantee when he is reduced to a Just Peace. Whereas K. James' former Carriage hath convinced them, That if he had Power it would always be at the French King's Service Right or Wrong. Again, if the Dutch, (as he pretends) hated King William, they must keep him on the Throne, to prevent his return among them. But their Affection and entire Confidence in him is apparent by the great Command they now give him; which shows they believe the greater his Power is, the safer are their Liberties; and they know, K. James mortally hates them, and never can forgive them. His Fancy that Sweden should wish for an English King and his Heir, both of that odious Religion which they have banished out of their Country with their lawful Queen who had embraced it, is as peculiar and ridiculous, as that Denmark (which lends us Forces) should hate King William for bringing one of their Blood Royal to so near a Possibility of the English Crown. And England knows it is her Interest to have a King that will protect them from the fatal Ambition of France, so that all his Politics fail him; and he must suppose us all, as he did (Pag. 2.) to be Idiots and Madmen, to be enticed into a Civil War with such Paltry Reasonings as these.  
His last Exploit is to despise his Adversary, and charge him again with Impudence and Emptiness, for wondering any Man should be so weak, as to believe that K. James' Restauration is the way to secure the Protestant Religion and here with his usual Confidence he undertakes to prove and answer all things; but of his Performance let the Reader judge.  
First, 
Pag. 41.  he will prove our Religion was in no danger of being over-turned by King James' Practices. And here again all that Prince's open trampling on Law and Right, all his Zeal by Promises and Threats to make Converts, his Swarms of Priests, his standing Army to protect them, his Rage and Rigour against all that oppose his illegal Methods to bring Popery to be the established Religion, are by this Jesuit in Disguise, smoothed over, or passed by, as nothing extraordinary, nothing but a desire natural to Mankind to procure some ease to them of their own Persuasion, etc. But if this were all, why did he not accept of that Liberty which his Loyal Protestant Parliament offered to grant, that is Indulgence as to their Worship to all Papists, and Liberty to prefer a certain number of others? This he rejected with Rage, and dissolved that Parliament only because this would not answer his design of putting all Power into Popish Hands. And as to Liberty of Conscience the thing needs none of his Commendation: The Roman Faith indeed needs severity; without which no Nation under Heaven would endure it. But our most Holy Faith can subsist without Compulsion; and therefore this Nation was not against it, if a further design had not been discovered. We were sure K. James could not love Liberty of Conscience for its own sake; first, because Popery absolutely damns all other Religions: And can a devout Papist give whole Nations leave to go to Hell? Secondly, because it neither is nor ever was allowed in any Popish Country where that Church had Power to persecute. Thirdly, because he used all means but open Force (which he durst not practise) to urge Men not half convinced, to declare themselves Papists against their Conscience, as divers of them now declare: Wherefore Liberty of Conscience was known to be inconsistent with the Principles and Practices of his Church, and contrary to his French Master's Copy as well as to his own Judgement; and all this makes it plain he only pretended to love Liberty of Conscience to break the Church of England, divide Protestants, and set up Popery at the last: So that the thing itself was as dangerous in his Hands, as the Methods were unjustifiable: The Counsel was given by Contzen the Jesuit long since, That to divide Protestants by seemingly favouring all Parties, was the ready way to bring in (as our Author kindly calls it) the Roman Religion.  
At last it seems it is with him but a bare Supposition, that some did intent by Liberty of Conscience, 
Pag 42.  to prefer Catholics and propagate that Religion, yet he thinks K. James understood the World and England so well, that he would never attempt it. It s now his Cue to make K. James very wise, even in a Point where his zeal blinded him, whereas just before he was the weakest Man alive, and foresaw nothing; and tho' he used the means, this self contradicting Creature will not allow he wished for the End: I am sure no body was in so much Grace with him as these Priests and new Converts, whose warm Brain, and enterprizing Faith entirely guided him: And it is no thanks to K. James his or their good Intentions, that these Projects did not succeed, but to the early discovery of the Plot, and the Nation's brave opposing him in bringing it to effect. But Truth will out, and therefore, finally, he grants (that which all England knows to have been plain Matter of Fact) that K. James did every thing to advance Popery, and suppress the Protestant Religion; and then he guards himself with the little Progress that was made— Which is false; for in less than two years' time after he pulled off his Mask, there were many in the Court, the Camp, the Universities, Inns of Court; in all Cities and in the Country, who really or feignedly turned. Thousands more complied, and were ready to shake Hands with their Religion as soon as their Interest told them they might do it safely. And what might have been the Consequence of our Passive Obedience (as some expound it) in a year or two longer is easy to judge: But he would recall his grant again, and says, If the late King had by real Discoveries evidenced his Intentions to ruin the established Religion, nothing but an universal Defection could have followed. Oportet Mendacem esse Memorem: He said Pag. 6th. That the Army was quite Poisoned, and that there was nothing sound and untainted in the whole Kingdom: and Pag. 11th. There was an universal Defection of his Children, Servants, Soldiers and Subjects. Therefore by his own Rule K. James had made real, public, and undoubted Discoveries of his Intention to ruin the established Religion. Well, but he urges, That the Catholics were but few— However they daily increased, and had a Biggotted King to protect them from fear of Laws, an Army (after the designed Regulation) ready to defend them, the Sectaries generally on their side, and wanted nothing but a pre-engaged Parliament to make them uppermost. As to the Laws, upon which he makes so large an Encomium, as if they were a sufficient security to our Religion.  
I grant they would have been so, 
Pag. 43.  if our King, knowing this, had not resolved to break through all these Fences, and picked out Judges for his purpose, who expounded the Laws as the King directed, and set up his Dispensing Power at one blow to null them all. Laws are, 'tis true (as the Philosopher saith) the Soul of a City, but the Magistrate is the Soul of the Laws; which are a dead Rule, a mere Shadow, when the Prince and his Judges conspire not to execute them, and no Man dare claim the Benefit, or need fear the Penalty of them. What good did the Laws do any Protestant cited before the High-Commission-Court? What hurt did they do to any illegal Officers, Magistrates, or promoted Priests? What Security were they to Corporations when Jeofferies' roared out the King's Will. Old Maynard, when King William told him he had outlived most of his Profession, truly answered him, That if He had not come over he had over-lived the Law itself. And we had seen the French Tyrant in one part of his Reign subvert all the Laws of his Country, and destroy all the Liberties of his Subjects,— He was going on in the same Design, Licet non passibus aequis: And why should not he hope and we fear, that what was done at our next Door was poffible to be done here. 'Tis true, the Nation was in as little danger of loving him then, as they are now of wishing his Return: But those Fears and Jealousies (which he rails at in the last Page, and here commends) had signified nothing if he had gone a little further in these Methods. He resolved to have no Parliament, but such an one as would engage before hand to betray their Country, and comply with him in every thing? And was it likely an oppressed People could manage a wise and discreet Treaty with such a King, in such a Parliament? He foresees it will be objected, That K. James being a Friend and Ally of France, could not want French Forces to compel the more obstinate sort of Heretics; which is a dreadful, but a certain truth; and he gives no satisfaction by his Sham-Reasons to the contrary: First, K. James (he thinks) was not so lost to all Discretion and Morality to accept French Troops; for now you must know he is to be represented very Discreet; and he that was so easily drawn in by his Enemies to act against his Judgement, is now so wise and wary, that for fear of ill Consequences, he will not admit any Succours from his Friends to help him to save a Million of Souls, Credat Judaeus Apella. He that was training up many of the old Race of murdering Irish for this meritorious Work, would not (if occasion had been) have scrupled adding French Dragoons. And our Author's Morality is not to be relied on, when he saith, K. James refused French Succours at the Revolution; for 'tis well known the King of France's Hands were full elsewhere, he having then made a violent and treacherous Invasion upon the Empire, and besieged Philipsburg: For his Intelligence from England was that he relied on, he believed that this Kingdom was falling into a Division and a Civil War, that would be so equal and last so long, that he might finish his Conquests in Germany, and yet come time enough to complete our Ruin, while we should have been destroying one another. Otherwise K. James (if he had not wanted time, and his Ally-Forces ready) would not more have refused French Troops to keep the Prince from coming in, than he now scruples to use them for turning him out.  
But he pretends it was not the French King's Interest to lend K. 
Pag. 44.  James any Forces to assist him in the Conversion of England. But suppose he were bend upon it, and would hazard three Crowns on Earth for it (as his saying was) and chanced to be opposed in it by his stubborn Subjects, K. Lewis must not let his dear Friend sink or suffer by following his Example, especially since he was sure as long as this King was in Power, he could not want one that would stand by him in all his Usurpations and Cruelties without Reserve: And I dare affirm the greatest part of the Nation firmly believes, That within a little time, King Lewis would have sent, and King James have accepted a Body of booted French Apostles for this religious Work. To divert with rational Fear, our Author starts an improbable Paradox, and for three Columns together pursues it with full cry, viz. That the French K. rather wishes England should remain Protestant than become Papist, because (forsooth) he is in no danger of an Invasion while the Nations continue to be of different Religions: Which frivolous and false reasoning deserves no Answer; so that I will make a few brief Remarks upon it, and dismiss it.  
First, 
Pag. 45.  he hath learned of the Jesuits to suppose England was always terrible to France till Queen Elizabeth's Reign, and to blame the Reformation for this: Whereas it is well known that the English lost their hold in France in the Reigns of Hen. 6th. and Queen Mary, two Popish Princes; and none of our Kings were ever more courted by France than that Illustrious reformed Queen, who broke the dangerous growth of the most Catholic King, tho' her Subjects and his were of different Religions. Secondly, he falsely supposes all the French are zealous Catholics, whereas those of the Roman Communion there (the Clergy excepted) are no Bigots; and there are many thousands who have by Cruelty been forced to declare for Popery, that yet are Protestant's in their Hearts, and the French King knows that if he be invaded by a Protestant Prince, these Men will endanger him by a Revost. Thirdly, we observe that many Catholic Countries have been so Barbarously harrassed, and their Princes so injured by the French K. that (without any regard to his Profession) He who shall be the happy Instrument to humble France, will be grateful to the greatest part of Christendom, because the Mounsieur usurps upon Papist and Protestant without distinction. Lastly, I must observe that the French King's late inhuman Usage of the Protestants hath made him odious, especially, to all reformed Nations; and our English have lately shown they will and can fight as bravely against France as ever their daring Ancestors have done: Wherefore all this Banter of the Author's is a false Alarm, designed to make us secure on that side where our danger is.  
To this he adds another Fiction of K. James his offering us to carve out our own Securities, 
Pag. 26.  and dreams of lasting, legal, full and happy Settlements we might have had under him: But when, and to whom were these Offers made? the Prince made Offers to him, and desired a Parliament might be called, but K. James burned the Writs, and fled from the Treaty, dreading nothing more than a Legal Settlement to tie up his Hands. Promises he had made many, especially in his Distress; but alas, he had taught us they were Insignificant; and it was plain enough the Irish and French were always his Darlings: For the English Nation, he never loved, them, yea, his parting Letter shows his Hopes, viz. That we should be so divided, as to send for him again upon his own Terms: He therefore that would not stay to redress any thing, nor endure either a Treaty or a Parliament, for fear of being bound to secure us by Law, and now attempts to break in upon us by Force. He is to answer for all the Money and Lives spent in our own necessary Defence. We desired to be quiet under him, and neither began nor continue this War, further than for the safety of our Religion and Liberties, which he resolved not to secure: So that as the Crocodile weeps over them it intends to devour, this Hypocrite sheds his deceitful tears over bleeding England, which he and his Party have forced into a War, and now would wheedle us into a Peace more fatal than all the other Mischiefs they have involved us in.  
To this purpose he would persuade us, 
Pag. 47.  that this is a religious War, and notes, That Defections on pretence of Protestant Religion, generally terminate in the destruction of Religion, and the pretenders to it: Where observe that he cannot find any such things in Defections for Popery: They doubtless in his Opinion are lawful and prosperous: He never heard of the League in France, nor of the Earl of Westmorland's Defection from Queen Elizabeth, etc. Papists may do this, but Protestants are only to sit still and have their Throats cut. We thank him for so plainly telling us what side he is of. But to pass that by, his Examples show he understands foreign History no better than our Chronicles. Zisca's Bohemian War was begun for both Religion and Liberties, Anno 1419. And besides the Success in the beginning, it had this Event, That the Religion they defended was professed there for about 200 years after, and (as Dr. Heylin notes) tho' War and Persecution both have been used, yet this Doctrine could never be routed out. Cosmog. C. 2. Pag. 78. The Civil Wars in Germany were defensive against Charles the fifth, who hoped (as our late King also did) to extirpate the Northern Heresy. But the Conclusion was the settling the Protestant Religion in many Countries and Cities where it remains to this day; and the Imperial Family wears greater Scars of it than any Protestant Princes concerned in it. 'Tis true, the second Bohemian War had an unfortunate Issue, by the neglect of timely Protestant Succours; but there the Papists drove out the rightful King, and yet prospered: So that this Instance should have been brought to prove that Protestants are not the only People that fight against their Princes to settle their own Religion, or set up Kings that will defend it. The Hungarian War on the Protestants Part, was purely in defence of their Liberties, and to guard themselves from an illegal and cruel Persecution, of which (as he intimates, Pag. 37.) the Emperor was the Author, and they were ready to have laid down their Arms if they could have had any reasonable Conditions; and the Emperor hath got nothing by that War; nor hath he so extinguished Protestant Religion there, but that he must grant the free Exercise of it, or he will never have Peace on that side.  
However, 'tis well he grants at last that Protestants may be Victorious so long as they only Petition, tho' with Arms in their Hands: For this was our case so long as our King would stay to be Petitioned. These are all the discouraging Instances he can pick up, but he might have found as many to encourage us if he had pleased. Holland, Scotland, Geneva, some of the Cantons, and divers Hans-Towns were fortunate in their Defections to keep off Popery and Slavery; so that one or two Instances on the other side do not make the Scales even, only we may justly wonder to hear a Jacobite who rails at Dr. Sherlock's Providential Reasoning, Pag. 57 pressing an Argument from Success, and must admonish this Author to look into the Answer to Mr. Ashton's Papers, Pag. 16, 17. where he will find that which way soever the success go, Queen Elizabeth, King James the first, King Charles the first, and their Parliaments; yea, and Archbishop Laud himself have declared the thing lawful, and resolved, That where Princes broke in upon their Subjects Rights and Religion, they ought to defend thenselves, and might justly be assisted in such a War.  
Wherefore if his Rhetoric should move some weak People, 
Pag. 48.  his Logic cannot work upon any considering Man, who concludes from two Examples neither proper nor truly related, that this and all Wars wherein Protestants defend their Religion must be unfortunate: But how should he be a Prophet to foretell the Issue of Wars, who is so ignorant as to mistake the present Emperor's Name, whom he calls Rodolph instead of Leopold, like the ridiculous Star-Gazer who was predicting future Events by looking up to the Stars, and dropped into a deep Pit just before him. And it seems at last his Heart fails too as to the certainty of our defensive Wars ending unfortunately; so that he turns his Threats into Wheedle, and would have us tamely to send for the late King again, and accept of his Concessions, (which we never yet saw) yea to tell he may return upon a Protestant and English Foot. But I must tell him, we can make no such Offers now, without out King and Parliament; and if we could, whatever promises he should make to get us once more into his Power, he would certainly break them, unless he would return with a Protestant Heart, which is never to be hoped for. He concludes with that which he calls answering the Objections raised against King James his Return, but indeed with nauseous Repetitions of that which he had said over and over before, so that I may Answer all that is new in these Pages in a little Room. First, we say he cannot return but by a Conquest; and he thinks he must and aught to be allowed 15000 French for his ordinary Guard, and these he hopes, with the accession of English who will desert King William, will do the Business without Conquest: Alas, he forgets that most of those who will fly to a Popish Prince, at the Head of a French Popish Army, must be Papists, or very lose Principled Protestants. The main body of the Nation, the Nobility, Gentry and People are averse to K. James, who used them rudely and left them, without any Care of them; and they will freely venture their Lives for King William, a Prince of their own Religion, who rescued them once from extreme Danger, and hath ventured his Life for their safety ever since: He forgets also what he said, Pag. 45. That Catholics will fight to the last to escape the Dominion of such as they believe Heretics: Now is it not much more rational that Protestants will also sight to the last against such as they know to be not only Papists but persecuting French Dragoons and Irish Murderers? In short, let K. James (if he have so great an Interest here) stay till the Nation send a General Embassy to recall him as they did in his Brother's Case: Or otherwise let not him or his Friends hope he can force himself upon Us, without such an Opposition as must end either in his or their Ruin, or the Destruction of the best part of the English Protestants.  
And such a Conquest would make us Slaves both to K. James and to the French King, 
Pag. 49.  to whom he was ever obsequious; but the merit of restoring him will make him his Vassal: So that we shall have Cham's Fate to be Servant of Servants; and if K. Lewis help to make us so, he will account these three Crowns a Purchase and no Present. But considering how uneasy English Protestants must be under a double Slavery, the only way to tame them must be a severe Persecution; to which, if Interest did not lead the French King, Ambition would: For he Dragooned his own Subjects against his Interest, purely out of Vainglory, and to show his Will was absolute and , and that neither Conscience nor the Fear of God should exempt any Man from Obedience to it; besides, we saw by K. James his Elight, that he considers not the Nation's safety when he thinks himself in Danger, and when he hath his trusty Irish and French Guards about him; 'tis but pretending our Liberties and Religion are inconsistent with his Security, and then Popery and Slavery must be advanced to keep him in the Throne.  
We may take the Author's Word for K. James' Concessions to the Scotch Plotters, 
Pag. 50.  (since he hath no doubt been in all Plots since the Revolution) but suppose they have his Word, his Hand and Seal for these Favours, we know he will promise any thing in his Distress; but were he restored and in full Power, it would be pleaded, he was under a Force when he made these promises, and so not obliged to perform them. Moreover I would ask why he did not offer such Acts of Grace here, while he had Power to call a Parliament to confirm them? The only reason must be, that if his Concessions had passed into Laws, and other Securities had been given, he could never have ruined the Protestant and set up his own Religion: Nor would he be so free to grant now, if he did not know how to be absolved from fulfilling those Grants. His Pre-Engagements to the Pope are well known; we have his Letters to the Holy Father, and hear of the Arguments used at Rome for his Holinesses' Aid, which are his losing three Kingdoms for his Zeal to reduce us to the Catholic Faith, and his Resolution upon his Restauration to promote the same pious Work. Oh! but King William (he suggests) hath made more Engagements to the Holy-Chair, to gain the Pope to favour his Advancement to the Throne. Very Comical! King William's Advancement to the Throne was neither foreseen by the Pope, nor any Catholic Prince, nor by himself: Some of them might possibly know of his Descent, and favour it, as it might tend to weaken their common Enemy the French King and his only considerable Ally, but none of them foresaw that K. James would desert, and therefore the Liberty the Papists enjoy here is owing to King William's good Nature and Tenderness, not to any Promises he made beforehand to any of the Confederates.  
His next Attack is upon Dr. King's Book of the State of the Protestants in Ireland, 
Pag. 51.  which proves that K. James expressed his Hatred of Protestants, and his Bigotry for Popery there since the Revolution: A Book writ with that known Truth, and Firmness of Reason, that every Page of it is Demonstration, which hath been often threatened with an Answer, but the long Silence of the party shows guilt and despair. As for this Author's Falsehoods and Calumnies, I refer the Reader to that convincing Tract, which not only confutes all our Adversary's shame Stories of these Irish Affairs, but exposes his Impudence in venturing his Credit by telling such Improbabilities. The Truth in short is, that Tyrconnel had disarmed all the Protestants before K. James came over, and left them naked to the Outrages of the bloody Rapperees, who plundered whole Towns and killed many, and upon Complaint, no Protestant could have Redress; K. James would not employ nor trust any of them, their causes in all Courts still went against them, the Soldiers oppressed them, the meanest Papists insulted over them, their Lands were unjustly taken from them by that tyrannical Law of Repealing Settlements, and this by K. James' own Solicitation, who struggled with his Bishops and modest Judges to carry it, and after he was duly informed of the Cruelty and Injustice of it, still pressed it, and at last got it passed to the ruin of Thousand Protestant Families, most of which had purchased and paid for these Estates. Those who stayed in Ireland were oppressed, imprisoned and used barbarously. Those who fled for safety or for Bread, were attainted of High Treason, by an Act that never had a Precedent in any Age since the Roman Proscriptions. Many thousands of all Qualities and Ages and of both Sexes were Condemned without Citation or any sort of Evidence brought against them. And whereas to give some Colour to so Barbarous a proceeding, they had a day assigned them to come in, after which the Attainder was to take place; yet that none of them might be the better, for the Orders were given, and care was taken that no Man should come by the sight of it. And every where Protestant Churches were taken from them by Force and given to Popish Priests, by the Order or Connivance of the late King. Yet all his was done in those parts of Ireland where the Protestants were very peaceable under him. And now let the World judge whether these undeniable Matters of Fact be not a sufficient Cure for any English Protestants wishing to see him restored to a Power to do the like Mischiess here: His Temper and Principles we see are the same they were, in the height of his Attempts on our Religion and Liberty, and if we put him into the same Circumstances, we should soon feel the Effects of our Folly and his Revenge.  
We agree with him that King Charles the first was ill treated to the great Scandal of that part of the Nation who were his Enemies; 
Pag. 52.  but when his Son saw how dire Effects a few stretches of the Prerogative, and some groundless Fears of Popery had produced, methinks he should not in the same Age have set up a more illegal High-Commission-Court, nor openly declared himself a Romanist, and against Law and Reason given all the best Places in England to those of that Persuasion: Nor should he have Imprisoned or Fined Men contrary to Law, nor committed more Outrages by his Army in times of Peace, than have ever since been committed by a more numerous Army in time of War. He therefore, not King William is most concerned in that unhappy Precedent. The kind Arguments which one of his Adversaries urged to convince the Non-swearing Protestants have an equal share of Logic and Truth; for which cause this Author rather evades than answers them; he brings in over again the Grants to the Scotch Plotters, which were showed before to be insignificant, and at last passes his Word for his Master, That he will be very kind to them at his Return, and persuades them to believe all things and doubt nothing; tho' Experience and Reason both show there is no ground for them to expect any thing, or rely on any Promises: I shall therefore only beg of the worthy Gentlemen concerned, to read the Paper cited, and compare those solid Reasons with this Man's smooth Sophistry, and then shall leave the obstinate that Cardinal's Benediction, Si vult Populus decipi decipiatur.  
The next Caution is as prudent as the former was charitable, 
Pag. 53.  viz. That we must beware lest another Revolution should set up the Prerogative higher than is consistent with the Subject's Liberties: For 'tis natural for all Men, especially the English, to run from one extreme to another, and K. James' Inclination and Intetest will lead him to it: The Papists will work upon his Fears, and plead it is necessary, and many Protestants will join with them either to make their Peace or to curry favour. And if Monmouth's Invasion which was so easily quashed and soon over, gave colour to raise so great a standing Army, this last Revolution may be easily improved into keeping up a greater Force, and lodging more power in the King. He proceeds to answr some Questions which that Author asks, and first owns he thinks not himself bound in Conscience to fight for Popery against the Protestant Faith; but will not allow fight for the Restauration of K. James can be called by that name. I answer by an old Logical Maxim, Causa Causae est Causa causati. He that fights to put a Prince into Power that will certainly use that Power to promote Popery, and suppress the Protestant Religion, and fights to eject another Prince who hath rescued us from extreme Danger Popery, and establish the Protestant Faith. He fights for the former and against the latter Religion. As to his repeated Phrase of King James, his desire to return upon a Protestant Foot. I have reason to believe he doth not wish to be so restored; for than he must leave most of his Priests behind him, and deliver up his Son to be brought up a Protestant, and give Securities for it; and that he will by no means like: Yet if he can find a Popish Nation so tame as to have let in a Protestant Head (without such Conditions) upon a Popish Foot, we may promise him to follow the Example. We can show him a Country that obliged a Popish Head to quit her Crown, and march off upon a Protestant Foot, viz. Sweden: And can instance in France where Hen. IU. King James' Grandfather, so long as he was a Protestant, was kept out by Papists with Force and Arms, and could not be admitted quietly, till he declared himself of the Roman Church. And no People of any Religion (if they can help it) will set a King up over them, who is an Enemy to their established Faith: Wherefore till K. James sincerely becomes of the English Religion, tho' it should be his Interest and Inclination to return, it will not be ours.  
He is also very free to declare he will not fight for his Prince against the Laws; 
Page 54.  but these are only words. He will fight for a King who endeavoured to alter the whole Frame of our Government; who challenged, and exercised a Power to vacate and suspend what Laws he pleased; that resolves to be above, and without Law, and will endure no Judge who shall not force the Laws already made to bow to his Will. No Parliament that will not promise beforehand to Make and Repeal what Laws he pleases. Now if this be not fight for a Prince against the Laws, I know not what is. As to his Insinuation, That King William hath broken and intends to destroy our Laws: It is as groundless, as 'tis malicious; he hath done nothing but by Advice of his Convention, Parliaments, and Judges; and hath very sparingly exercised his Prerogative, even in this time of War, when Necessity sometimes required it: so that to fight against him, is really to fight against the Maintainer and Defender of our Liberties and Laws, and consequently of our Religion, whereof these Laws are the best Fence. And therefore, as he well hints, the French King, who resolved to change his Subject's Faith, first made them Slaves, that so he might make them Papists; and he who copied out that Pattern in England, began with our Laws, and pulled up all the Fences; and his next Work would have been to suppress our Religion; which if it be dear to us, we must never expose it again to one that used such Methods, but stick to him who can never design to make us Papists, and therefore can never desire, or need, to make us Slaves.  
But our Author thinks, 
Pag. 55.  whatever 'Cause Protestants have, they are the only People of the World, who must not enter into a Religious War; no, not to defend themselves from Popish Aggressors: As if their Religion alone, stripped them of that universal natural Right of Self-Defence, and let lose all Mankind upon them. He hath no Remarks upon the Holy Guisian League; none upon his dear Monsieurs League with Infidels. 'Tis only Wicked in the Germans of old, and us now, to resolve to defend our Countries from Popish Aggressors. I am sure the Germans League was so necessary and so just, that a Popish French King assisted them in it, and the Protestants were not all overrun by it, but are still very numerous and potent there. And when Denmark was in Danger, King Charles the first thought it pious and lawful to assist them; and Archbishop Laud drew up a Declaration to justify and promote it, as our Author may see in the Answer to Mr. Ashton's Papers, pag. 17. We grant it is no Chimaera, that the Jesuits have in all times solicited the Catholic Princes to unite for the Extirpation of Protestants; and therefore we cannot be safe under a King conducted by their Councils. But the Protestants never did combine to extirminate Popery in general, and we do not fear that all Catholic Princes (most of them disobliged by K. James) should unite, to be revenged upon us, for not stopping our late King, when he resolved to leave us: But withal, we observe how this deceitful Writer blows both hot and cold, pag. 50th. He would fright us with the Pope's being in Confederacy with King William, and with some solemn and sacred Engagements made to the Holy Chair: And now he threatens us with an Army of Catholic Princes, and the Pope in the Head of them, to destroy us, and all the Protestants of Europe. He may well call us Fools and Madmen (in the next Column:) For if he did not think us so, he would not hope to work on us, with such incoherent improbabilities. He proceeds to deny, that the Liberties of Europe are concerned in the Issue of this War with France, because divers Princes of Europe are in perfect Peace with that Crown. I reply first, they are all far distant from this Tyrant, and so do not yet feel the Effects of his Cruelty and Injustice; and secondly, they only stand Neuter, there being not one Christian Prince (now King James is gone off) who gives him actual Assistance; so that an Infidel Mahometan (to his eternal Reproach) is his only thorough-paced Confederate: Nor is it any great Glory to the French King, that all the States he could reach have been so woefully injured, and so barbarously treated by him, that he hath exasperated all his Neighbours against him; and the remoter Princes will repent, too late, of their Neutrality. If France should enlarge its Conquests, all Europe, in time, may suffer, for not more early entering into this Confederacy:— Tua res agitur paries cum Proximus ardet.— 
To Day thy Neighbour's House they burn,  
To Morrow 'twill be thine own turn.   
His Adversary doth not say, 
Page 56.  (as he falsely suggests,) That the Interest of our Prince and Country, is, to give way to that of the other States: But when their Interests and ours agree, (as it doth, in hindering France from the Universal Monarchy it aims at,) it is a good Argument for our Prince and State, to confederate with other Nations in this Common Cause, without any Distinction on the Account of Religion: And being entered into so just a League, we are not to desert our Allies, till their Dangers be averted, and their Injuries repaired, as well as ours. The last Case is not only probable, but certain: King James, his Temper, his Principles, his late Acts in Ireland, and the Allies who assist him, convince all thinking Men, that he will return with the same Designs he had before. But since, to divert this, he proposes the giving up those Ministers of King William to Justice, who advised or assisted in our Rescue from Popery and Arbitrary Power; I will make another Proposal, with humble Submission to Authority: Which is this, That since King James his Priests and Popish Ministers put him upon these illegal and mischievous Methods, which hastened his Fall, and hinder his Return; let him first give up all these Criminals to suffer what they deserve by Law, and then we will treat with him concerning a Return. I doubt he will not part with them for his Three Crowns; and if he will not come without them, and must have these implacable Enemies of our Religion and Liberties about him, he will be governed by them, and make use of them after his Restauration: And therefore we shall infallibly lose our Troy, if we take in this Papal-Horse, with his Bellyful of armed Foes; and the certain Consequence of restoring him with this pernicious Crew about him, will be the perfecting those Designs they so dangerously had begun; of which this Nation is so firmly persuaded, that King James truly said in Ireland, 
* See Doctor King's State of the Protestants in Ireland, chap. 3. pag. 49,  He never expected to get into England, but by Fire and Sword. Wherefore it was very just in one of our Author's Adversaries, to say, That the Jacobites Pangs of Loyalty were very unseasonable now. A little of this Loyalty before he went off, (if he durst have trusted them, and they him,) had kept him on the Throne by a fair Treaty; which was all the Prince desired: But then they let him sink, seemed glad he was gone, and were as ready as any body to put the Government into the Prince's Hands, out of which (after the Nation hath fixed it there) they cannot tear it again, but they must involve their Native Country in a bloody Civil War, and expose us to French Incendiaries and Dragoons, who will soon waken them out of their senseless Lethargy; and make those who invited them in, wish, (with half their Estates) to hire them out again.  
The greatest part of the Nation believe that King James his Desertion vacated the Oath formerly taken to him; 
Pag. 57  therefore these, with a good Conscience, took the Oath of Allegiance to King William, and think themselves obliged to defend him; these must and will fight for him: Some few, perhaps, mocked God, and the present King, in taking them, to save their Bacon: But no Casuist need to trouble himself to solve such men's Cases; for this Hypocrisy and Profaneness shows they have no Conscience, and will neither be true to any Religion, or any Prince; but to be sure, the lowest sense that any honest Man (who hath sworn Allegiance to King William) could take that Oath in, is to live peaceably, and not to fight against, or betray him to whom they have solemnly vowed Faith and Allegiance: And if they do look upon their Oath as Conditional, however, it binds them till King William desert us, as King James did; or, till he utterly break the Original Contract, (not by a few unavoidable Errors, as our Author grants, pag. 12. but) by attempting to overthrow the whole Constitution, and Main Body of the Laws; and we need desire their Faith and Allegiance no longer, than till one or both of these happen. But as for those who declare they ought to fight against this Government, so soon as an Enemy appears; I hope the Government will withdraw its Protection from them, and pair their Nails in time. His Jest, of our expounding Allegiance by Abdication, will not pass; for we say, King James cast off our Allegiance, when he left to Protect us: We did not Depose him, but he Deserted us; and our Allegiance doth neither bind us to keep him in his Throne, when he will not stay; nor to live in Anarchy till he return; no, nor to take him again on ill Terms; especially when we have a far better Prince, whose Courage, Conduct and Interest is such, that they who attempt to force him from us, must involve their Native Country in a bloody War: And to hinder them from so fatal a Purpose, we may properly desire them to consider of the sad Examples of the Wars between York and Lancaster, between King Charles I. and the Parliament, and of the Miseries France and Germany suffered by Civil Wars: For they who impose an Abdicated King upon an unwilling People, by Foreign Forces, are the Aggressors, and must answer for all the Blood and Calamities that do ensue.  
Our Revolution was managed without Blood; 
Pag. 57  and if any attempt, by Force, to obtrude another, we cannot, by Perjury and Ingratitude, forsake that Prince whom we freely chose, when we were left without a Governor, and who rescued us from apparent Ruin. We have not hurt our Monarchy, and have happily settled both Church and State: We have no Disease now; and if we had, the French Physicians generally Let too much Blood, to be trusted with our Cure. And this State-Mountebank advises a Remedy ten times worse than any Disease we can fall into, under this Government; for he would have us take up the Sword again, that wounded us; and give ourselves a Second Wound, to cure the First; which is irrational and absurd.  
The Payments its confessed are greater than they need have been, if K. J's Friends did not encourage the French to invade us; but by these Payments England is delivered from Popery and Slavery, and remains in Peace, while the War is carried into another Country: And Ireland is rescued out of the Claws of Frenchmen, Tories and Rapparees: Our Government is settled in Church and State, and all his Endeavours to aggravate the Price of these inestimable Blessings turns upon himself. For when we have paid (as he saith) as much as we are able to bring things to a Settlement, it cannot be expected we can or aught to pay more to unsettle us again: A tired Horse can endure no Addition to his Load. If we can spare but a little more to maintain our Defender, I hope we shall not find Money to pay the late King's Debts to the French, contracted by his own Wilfulness; nor shall we willingly pay Money, to hire Executioners to destroy us.  
If the Payments will not draw the Nation to Mutiny, 
Page 59  he hopes the ill Success of our Arms will; and to make this Falsehood pass, he spits all his Venom at our brave King, on whom (as on the Darling of Heaven, and Delight of Mankind) either Victory, or at least Honour and Safety, always attends. It hath been observed indeed of K. J. that he ever brings ill Fortune to the side he takes, and never won a Battle in his Life: But for this mercernary French Pen to turn this Character on King William, who hath so often delivered oppressed Nations, and conquered their Oppressors, or reduced them to Reason; is the height of Impudence: His Victories in England, Ireland, and Flanders, will be writ in the Leaves of Fame, when the Great Monsieur will only be remembered for his Cowardice and Treachery. K. William's reducing a whole Kingdom last year, and beating the French Fleet this Summer, were great Actions; and his daring their whole Army by Land shows, that if (through others slackness) the French have the Advantage, yet he hath entirely the Honour of this Campaign, wherein K. Lewis hath had such Experience of our King's Valour and Conduct, as will give him Reason, by an honourable Peace, to endeavour to make us his Friends: And if we get no more for all our Charge, but Security and Quiet, while the War endures, and a profitable Peace at the End of it, we need not murmur; or if we do, it should be against that Common Enemy, who disturbs all that are within his Reach.  
He owns a Debt to the French King, 
Page 5●.  but supposes his tender Regard to his Honour and Glory, will make him forgive it, and not require Payment as the Dutch have done. But first as to the Monsieur, if he believe Honour to be the only Reward of Virtue, he hath taken the worst Measures in the World to get true Glory; having not got one Inch of Ground, nor a single Town by true Valour and Bravery, nor omitted any thing, tho' never so mean or wicked, which he thought tended to set up his only God, his Interest; and will Honour keep such a Prince from demanding Payments for his Men and Money, his Ships and Ammunition, lent to serve our late King? he that will burn a whole Country to Ashes, and turn 500 Families a begging in a day or two, only for not paying him Contributions when they own him nothing, nor cannot raise it; will his Generosity allow England to die in his Debt?  
Secondly, 
Secondly.  The Dutch desire no more than that Hire was promised them for their Men and Ships, and they deserve it, for helping us now in our extreme Danger, as we once before did assist them, when they beat out Slavery and Persecution: Payments of this kind are tolerable, but to repay the French King for fight against us, is so gross a Folly, that Englishmen cannot be guilty of it. As to Religion, it is the Glory of our Nation, that we are so tender of it, so zealous, and so careful to preserve it. The only Scandal to our Church, being this, that so many Pretenders to it, are ready to join with Papists to destroy it: But these Gentlemen are but a small Number; the greatest part of the Nation are not so easily wheedled or threatened out of their Religion, their Liberties, their Estates and Lives; they know their Foes from their Friends, and understand when they are well; so that this plausible Writer, with all his Rhetoric, will not be able to spread the Poison of his Sedition, so far as his Hopes flatters him.  
To conclude: 
Pag. 61.  Finding his Arguments will not make K. William and his People fall out and part, to make room for his dear Master; he falls to Praying and Flattering, desiring God to incline our King's Heart to take his Counsel, who mortally hates him, shamefully slanders him, and every where represents him as the worst of Humane Race; and after this, with a smooth Hypocrisy, even humbly desires him freely to give up that Crown which he hath been urging the Nation to take from him. But where such Folly is cried up as Heroick, King William's Eyes are open enough to see the dull and obvious Cheat: And One would imagine, he durst not offer such palpable sham's to so Great and Wise a Prince: But 'tis plain, he hath so accustomed himself to Falsehood and Sophistry, that he can blush at nothing; and gins to dream, that our present King is such a Creature, as he represents King James to be; One that was advised by his mortal Enemies to the ready way to ruin Himself, and all his Friends. But after all his elaborate Harangues, he must even be content to see King William despise his Railing and his Flattery, the Nation detest his seditious Counsel, and God cast out his foolish Prayer, who hath most graciously preserved our King and our Country hitherto; and till he do utterly abandon us, and deprive us of Grace, yea, of Common Sense, we cannot be so weak, as to promote this fatal Restauration, which he so vehemently recommends.  
FINIS.   

A Catalogue of some Books lately Printed for Robert Clavel, at the Peacock in St. Paul's Churchyard.  
☞ THE State of the Protestants of Ireland, under the late King James' Government; in which their Carriage towards him is justified, and the absolute Necessity of their endeavouring to be freed from his Government, and of submitting to Their present Majesties, is demonstrated. The Fourth Edition, with Additions.  
Bede Venerabili Opera quaedam Theologica nunc primum edita necnon Historica ante à semel edita accesserunt Egberti Archiepiscopi Eborocensis Dialogus de Ecclesiastica Institutione & Aldhelmi Episcopi Scireburnensis Liber de Virginitate ex codicae antiquissimo emendatus.  
A Defence of Pluralities, or holding Two Benefices with Cure of Souls, as now practised in the Church of England.  
L. Annaei Flori Rerum Romanorum Epitome, interpretatione, & Notis illustravit Anna Tanaquilli Fabri Filia, Jussu Christianismi Regis, in usum Serenissimi Delphini.  
De Presbyteratu Dissertatio Quadripartita, Presbyteratus Sacri Origines, Naturam Titulum, Officia & Ordines, ab ipsis Mundi primordiis usque ad Catholicae Ecclesiae consummatam Plantationem complectens. In qua Hierarchiae Episcpalis Jus divinum & Immutabile, ex Auctoritate Scripturarum Canonicè expositarum, & Ecclesiasticae traditionis Suffragiis, breviter quidem, sed luculentèr asseritur.  
Martindal's Art of Surveying.  
The Frauds of the Romish Monks and Priests, set forth in Eight Letters, lately written by a Gentleman in his Journey into Italy. The Third Edition.  
Observations on a Journey to Naples; wherein the Frauds of Romish Monks and Priests are farther discovered: By the Author of the former Book.  
Forms of Private Devotions for every Day in the Week, by a Method agreeable to the Liturgy: With Occasional Prayers, and an Office for the Holy Communion, and for the time of Sickness.  
Compendium Graecum Novi Testamenti, Continens, ex 7059. versiculis totius. N. Testamenti, tantum versiculos 1900. (non tamen integros) in quibus omnes universi Novi Test. voces, una cum version Latina, inveniuntar. Auctore Johanne Leusden, Philos. Doctore, & Linguae Sanctae in Academia ultrajectina Professore ordinary. Editio Quinta.  
Roman Forgeries in the Councils, during the First Four Centuries: Together with an Appendix concerning the Forgeries and Errors in the Annals of Baronius. By Thomas Comber, D. D. Prebend of York.  
The END.