A MISSIVE TO His Majesty of Great Britain, KING JAMES.  
Written divers years since, By Doctor CARIER.  
Containing the Motives of his Conversion to Catholic Religion. With a notable foresight of the present distempers both in the Church and State of His Majesty's Dominions: And his Advice for the prevention thereof.  
Eructavit cor meum verbum bonum; dico ego opera mea Regi.  Psal. 44. 
First printed at LIEGE, and now reprinted at PARIS: With some Marginal Notes; And a previous Discourse to the like purpose. M. DC. XLIX.   

To the Reader of what Reformation soever in matters of Religion.  
LIghting casually of late on the ensuing Letter, written above thirty years ago by one of the most learned of his time among English Divines, Doctor Carier, Chaplain to King James, and sent to His Majesty, by him, as a justification of his then deserting the Protestant Cause, and conversion to the Catholic Church, as a submissive testimony of his loyalty to his Sovereign; and as a faithful Servants advice to his royal Master, for his future safety both in this and the world to come; I could not but sigh with a groaning Utinam, that the King had entertained his suggestion with a more yielding regard. Had he been so happy, I dare boldly pronounce the temporal State of his left Kingdom, (to say nothing of the other world) and posterity, had not been so deplorable, as now with mournful countenances we are forced to behold it.  
Dr. Carier (being a man born and bred from his infancy in the Protestant Profession, orderly promoted to his academical degree, and above others endeared to his Prince for his greater proficiency in the literature and principles of the English Church, i in the grounds of Luther or Calvin, or both, with others of the late Reformers of the old Christian world) foresaw to what tragical conclusions their premises did dispose, and what Cockatrices would be convaturally hatched out of their eggs, when time served to sit long upon them: he foresaw they would certainly prove destructive to Church and State, where ever they found good acceptance. Nor can I say the Doctor was a Prophet by that foresight, more than he, who seeing the heavens overcast with clouds, prognosticates a tempest; or he who seeing Gunpowder enough laid under the corner stones of a building, and the match fired, foretelleth a quick subversion of that Fabric. A man becomes not a Prophet by such a prediction, but contrarily he is to be esteemed , and of little consideration, that sees not those necessary effects, if he sees the cause.  
Take first for example sake, those Doctrines of your first General in the late Reformation, Luther in his Comments upon S. Paul to the Galat. in his books de libertate Christiana, and de seculari potestate, That Christians are not tied to the observance of the Decalogue, but freed by faith from all Laws. That among Christians there must be no Superiority. That there is no hope of salvation or safety, as long as the Commonwealth is governed by humane or civil Laws. That God is to be prayed unto, that Magistrates be not obeyed by their Subjects. These Doctrines are impugned and execrated by all Catholics, as their Books do every where testify: but take them, I say, and digest them once for truths, and then tell me what sequels will naturally follow, or rather what will not follow? tell me, if you can, to what end Ecclesiastical or Civil Laws are enacted? what obedience can Princes or Magistrates of either sort expect from those they count their Subjects? who scour in his own possessions? what kerb for vice? To those points of reforming Doctrine, add his scornful saucy censure of temporal Princes in the cited book de Seculari Potest. Scire debetis quod ab initio Mundi rara admodum avis est princeps prudens; ad huc multò rarior Princeps probus: sunt communiter maximè fatui; ac pessimi nebulones super terram, sunt Lictores & Carnifices Dei. It is a thing that all aught to take notice of, that from the beginning of the world a prudent Prince hath been a very rare bird, and much rarer a Prince morally honest: they are most commonly the veriest fools and greatest knaves on earth, they are the Catchpoles and Hangmen of God. Whether this proceeding as Doctrine from the mouth and pen of one reputed a reforming Saint, be not apt to breed disrespect of Princes in their Subjects, and to stir these to disobedience, contempt, and rebellion against them, I appeal to others judgement?  
Add again his spirited encouragements against Bishops in his Bulla contra ordinem Ecclesiasticum. Quicunque opem ferunt (saith he) corpus, bona & famam in hoc impendunt, ut Episcopatus Devastentur, etc. And again, Evangelium quocunque venit, oportet ut tumultuetur; nisi id faciat, non est verum. Whosoever afford their assistance, and employ their strength; goods, and credit to waste and destroy Bishoprics, and to root out Episcopal Government, they are the beloved children of God, and true Christians, obedient to God, and resisting the Ordinances of the Devil: and on the contrary side, whosoever maintain E-Episcopall Government, and obey it, they are the Ministers of Satan: wheresoever the Gospel comes it must breed tumults, unless it do so, it is a sign it is not the right or true. More might be added out of his book Contra Regem Angliae, of his insulting foul language against Princes, Church, and Bishops; but what I have already produced is sufficient to demonstrate, that one conversant in his School must quickly discover him altogether destructive of all order in Church and State. But before I go any further, I cannot but wonder, that the pretended Bishops in England did not see themselves Mar-Prelates, I mean destroyers of their own Government, (put Deane and Chapter to boot) and consequently of their Church, whilst they sided so strongly with Luther, and magnified his reformation; which to do, was co ipso, as you may read in his words, utterly to abolish Episcopacy, and to cut their own throats. O insensari● O senseless and unwise men! what bewitched you into so blind a stupidity, as not to see so palpable an error and contradiction in your practice?  
Secondly, take this Dogmatic point of your other grand Reformer Calvin (all Catholics declaim against it, as most execrable blasphemy) touched by D. Carier in his Letter, That God predestinates to evil; That he is the Author, willer, and promoter of what men call evil, as well as of those they call good actions, and then tell me what rational check you can find against any crime, how enormous soever? be it treason or rebellion, against Church or Prince, with the slaughter of both; be it blasphemy against God, or Deicide itself, as far as humane malice can reach towards it; hath not the perpetrator a ready protection to justify his fact? God predestinated him unto it, God would have it so, who must not obey God? or who may lawfully resist his decrees? tell me again, what Church, or Prince, or private person can promise himself security, whilst every villain hath that principle to justify his attempt against them?  
These and the like Doctrines, dispersed up and down in the written works of the late Reformers, obvious to be met withal both in the Authors themselves, and in others that writ of them, did D. Carier ponder, and in them saw clearly the effects, that by an unavoidable connexion (as long as the causes were kept in their vigour) were to flow out of them▪ and these were the overthrow of Church and State. Nor did he see these effects only in their cause, but really extant in themselves, he saw the Germans, till then commended for loyal to their Princes, and obedient to their spiritual Pastors, presently upon Luther's firing and blowing the coals with a pretence of Reformation, divided among themselves in open Rebellion against their Liege Emperor Charles 5. without regard to Ecclesiastical Superiors. He saw their Churches wasted and profaned, and men's manners in a moment altered into worse, he saw the Genevean tumults against their true Prince and Bishop, their Reformer Calvin (that so he might be more absolutely independent of all, and chief over all) being the Incendiary. Nor can I think him ignorant of the Council held at Geneva, in the year 1560. for the murdering of the King and Queen of France, the Queen Mother with the royal issue, the Catholic Peers & Magistrates of the Kingdom, the two great Reformers Calvin and Beza being Authors and principals in the Conspiracy, as Bolsecus in the life of Calvin makes appear out of a Letter of the said Calvin to his trusty friend Viretus; he saw the ruinous devastations that fell upon the flourishing Kingdom of France from the same fiery spirit of Reformation, which Herod-like was most malicious against the venerable Antiquities of the nation. He saw again (to omit others) the rebellion of the Scots against their Sovereign Queen Mary, our present King's Grandmother, who afterwards by the arm and axe of the old cause, was beheaded at Fodringham Castle in England, the common Hangman of London by public authority (O eternal shame to the English and Scottish Nation!) imbruing his hands in her royal blood. And observing how hand in hand real destruction, rebellion with their issue outrages, and their sister pre●ence of Reformation traversed other Countries; he saw that one could not stand long parted from the other throughout King James his Dominions, so gave him a seasonable warning of it; and as a provident No shown his Majesty a safe Ark to prevent the Deluge, if he pleased. But to the present woe of his posterity, and their loyal Subjects, through ill private choice, or counsel from others, he neglected the wholesome advice of his knowing and faithful servant the Doctor.  
Now though the publishing of this Epistolar Treatise comes too late for the effect first intended to King James, yet seeing the old principles still standing, and the authority of their founders still maintained by the Reformed Church of England: And again, seeing our Kingdom in blood from Sea to Sea, with wounds inflicted, doubled, and redoubled by them, (though few reflecting whence the blows do originally proceed) I thought it no ill office of a Patriot (though now in a kind of exile) to endeavour a stop to my Country's evils; as far forth as the reading of a sheet or two of printed paper might contribute thereunto, by presenting all whom it may concern (and whom doth it not concern,) with a fresh view of D. Carrier's advice. The old proverb (out of the Prophet Isay, cap. 28. v. 19) is, Vexatio dat intellectum, vexation gives understanding; it sometimes cures mad men, and brings them to themselves again. Perhaps the smart of so many blows may make men reflect whence they have good and bad derived unto them, and render them more capable to regard the Doctor's remedy, then whilst they were blinded with fullness, ease and prosperity; His remedy in a word is an obedient return of all unto that Church, whence those Reformers rebelliously apostated; the charge of which Church is to execrate to the pit of hell the blasphemies and seditious principles of Luther and Calvin, to reduce all to a sound saveing belief, with a good conscience, to order all into their due postures of obedience to temporal and spiritual Superiors; and in a word, not to live profanely, as men destitute of the knowledge of the true God; nor thirsting one another's blood, nor invading one another's rights, as Wolves and Tigers: but as the Apostle saith, (Tit. cap. 2. v. 12.) sobriè, & justè, & piè, soberly for ourselves, justly towards our neighbour, and piously to God, or as the true pattern of all Justice Christ Jesus hath taught us, reddentes quae sunt Caesaris, Caesari, & quae sunt Dei, Deo: By this you have one reason why D. Carrier's Letter is republished.  
Another reason is to show the world that the late conversion of D. Tho. Vane, late Chaplain to the King's Majesty that now is, and of Dean Cressey (so much talked of in England; and the more by reason of their learned books printed to satisfy all why they became Roman Catholics) and of many other prime wits of our Universities (some whereof are hereafter particularly mentioned) who have lately trodden the same paths, utterly forsaking their former Tenets in Religion, not for temporal gain, (as all men know) unless it be of poverty and persecution, is not a thing new, strange, or to be wondered at.  
When D. Carier listed himself into the Militia of the Roman Church, (choosing rather as Moses did in Exodus to be afflicted with the true Israelites, then prosper among the Egyptians; and to be, according to the Psalmists Dialect, an abject in the House of God, rather than inhabit the Tabernacles of sinners) there were many circumstances that might make some inconsiderate people to wonder at it.  
The Church then called Protestant, whereof it seems he counted himself a member, was at that time most flourishing in England; they had a visible supreme head of above forty years standing without interruption, (after the title was first taken by Henry the eight, to legitimate his Marriage with Anno Bolen, whilst his first wife lived, it ceased during the reign of his daughter Q. Marry, and so was interrupted) in whom by Oath they acknowledged the supremest power in all things under heaven. They gloried in their Prelates & Bishops, not found in any reformed Churches out of their King's Dominions, they had some colourable pretence to a succession of Ministerial Ordinations, and Missions from the Apostles and Christ. They thought they had their Church well and properly marked by thirty▪ nine Articles. They boasted of a Liturgy consecrated with the blood of Martyrs, more complete for all uses, and satisfactory to the people, thou any of the neighbouring Reformations enjoyed. They had differences of days, some kept holy, others fasted. They used some solemnities in the administration of their two Sacraments. They had decencies in their Burials. They had several practices outwardly religious: and in brief, they had so many Relics of the old Christianity of their Country, as did manifestly distinguish them from Jews, Turks, and other more profane people. All which as they were plausible stays to withhold men in the Protestant Religion, and not to think on any other, especially if they were born and bred in Protestancy: so made they any man's conversion to Catholic Religion in those days, more remarkable, more wondered at, and more subject to the question, what moved him to forsake the Protestant? Withal D. Carrier's favour with his Prince, together with his great learning, and good parts, making him capable of the chiefest spiritual dignities and promotions in the Kingdom, might well move many to take notice of his conversion, and wonder he should change both his present possessions, & pregnant hopes of more, for the poor contemptible being of an exiled Papist, perhaps scanted in necessaries to live and breath.  
But now to use the Prophet Jeremy's words, in his Threnes (c. 4. v. 1. cap. 2. v. 2. though in a different sense) Obscuratum est aurum; mutatus est color optimus; dispersi sunt lapides Sanctuarii in capite omnium platearum: what seemed gold among the Protestants, is now altogether darkened, and cast off as dross, the most specious of their fair colours is faded, (an argument it was of no long lasting complexion) the seeming corner stones of their seeming Sanctuary are dispersed in the head of all the streets. The sworn supreme head of their Church, though grey, aged, and well deserved of them, is made his vassals subject, their ward, their captive, scarce allowed to keep his own head on his shoulders; and whilst it is on, is little less then basely foot-balled by the miscreants of his own Subjects.  
Their Bishops once the corner-stones of the English Sanctuary, or Reformation, are even leveled to the flock by their own Disciplinated sheep: yea, I may say, facti sunt opprobrium vicinis, subsannatio & illusio his qui in circuitu sunt: they are truly become a reproach to their neighbours, a scorn and mock to all about them. The Reformation, now thought best for England, can subsist (they say) as well without Bishops, as their neighbour Churches. Their old Ordination of Ministers (and as old as it is, only invented in King Edward the sixths' days) is already laid to the wall, this present Parliament hath found a newer way to supply the Bishop's Office; there is no pretence to Mission, derived by any order from the Apostles, all claim an equal right to the Pulpit, Tinkers, Weavers, Tailors, Fiddlers, Soldiers; nor do any fail of novell-hunting auditors, some of the old Protestant Preachers silenced by the Parliament, others fallen to silence of themselves, as not knowing what to preach to day, for fear they be driven to contradict it in the next Sermon, or to fight for their Pulpit; others preach according to the times▪ though against their own consciences, to save their live. And good God what nonsense, ignorances', seditious & rebellious Doctrines, yea Blasphemies, do the Tubs and Pulpits ring with, whilst they are knocks and belaboured by those new Mountebank Predicants or Praters, who decry and contemn the Lords Prayer, the Apostles Creed, and ten Commandments, as rags and relics of Popery and Superstition.  
Their Liturgy (which began in the nonageraign of Edw. the 6. and after some years' interruption, got stronger footing by an Act of Parliament in Q. Elizabeth's days, and so was become almost of fourscore years' prescription, half as old as one of our Grandfathers) is decried, antiquated by the present Parliament, contemned by the people, and succeeded by a new thing called a Directory, of 4. or 5. years unquiet standing, which gins already to lose credit with its first accepters, though as yet the stronger Faction (not without frequent scuffles and bloodshed) keeps it perforce in many Churches; and what is kept in perforce it neither likely to breed devotion, unless it be of the new garb, nor to be of long durance, if the old Proverb fail not, Nihil violentum diuturnum.  
Their former mark of thirty nine Articles is little regarded, if not quite out of date: yea, which is worse, the Apostles Creed, the perpetual mark or symbol of a Christian, is questioned and hath stood these six or seven years subjected to the disquisition of the Parliaments subpedancan Divines, without determination as yet, whether it be to be embraced all and entirely for truth, or only part.  
Concerning the solemnities of their Sacraments▪ I need not tell you into what omission and confusion they are fallen about their Lord's Supper, some Churches having had no Communion at all these six or seven years: some using it after the old fashion, others after the new: some receive it kneeling, some standing, some sitting, none of the new-modelled Ministers (some of the old did, others derided it) claiming more power to consecrate, than the Layicks of the Parliament can give them, which they know to be no more than the Bakers that sell them bread can sell with it.  
As for their Sacrament of Baptism, besides their novelty in the manner and circumstances, it is certain they are defective in some places, even in the essentials, I mean in the words of Institution, and application of water, some saying (instead of I baptise thee in the Name of the Father, etc.) We take thee into the Congregation of the faithful. Whether all apply the water either at all, or rightly, is more than my distance out of the Country permits me to learn, but not more than I have reason to doubt of: And where any of the essentials are wanting, there certainly the child is not baptised, but left as he was borne, a child of perdition by the state of original sin.  
The Burials now among the Reformed in England, are in a manner profane, in many places the dead being thrown into the ground like dogs, and not a word said; nor have they willingly more differences of days, by holy or fast, in memory of Christian mysteries, than Turks and Infidels: nor finally is there any thing almost out of the Catholics hands left in the Country that can persuade a travelling stranger to think England to be rather Christian then Turkish, excepting the outward shape of Churches, which of the charges to alter them be not a Remora, may be also reform ere long.  
To these metamorphosies or changes of late inventions into the present of a little fresher coin, add the confounded Chaos we see now in matters of Religion throughout the Kingdom, God Almighty permitting the monster of Reformation to reveal its own turpitude, and to betray its self by its cloven feet of Sects and Divisions, to be what indeed it is, that men might more easily discern it, to beat it down and detest it.  
Luther himself at the first, and afterwards his followers of whatsoever Reformation, were mightily tormented with those questions of the Catholics, Where the Church afterwards called the Lutheran, or Reform, was in the year of Christ, 1512.? (when Luther was an Augustine Friar in his Monastery, a Catholic in communion with the Pope of Rome) Who was then a Protestant? In what Country did he live? What was his name? the question is not, Who was then a Protestant in name? without ask them, we know by Histories, that the Lutherans had the name of Protestants some years after the Reformation begun, from their Covenants and Protestations first made at Spire, and afterwards at Smalcald in Germany, when finding their party growing strong, they began to take head against their Catholic Sovereign Charles the fifth. Nor was the question, who was then (before Luther's forsaking his cloistre and former Religion) opposite to the Church of Rome, or of a different belief from hers? This question had been easily answered by naming the Hussits, Wicklesians, Berengarians, Arrians, and others, which for particular points of Doctrine, were as different from Luther, as he from the Catholic; but the meaning of the question was, and still is, Who did then believe all those points of Faith, and only those, which Luther, or any other after-Reformer did afterwards believe, and wherein they differed from the belief of Catholics, which they pretended to reform? this hath been from the beginning, and still is a tormenting question to all of the Reformed Churches, and though daily asked by Catholics, Writers, and Discoursers, yet to this day could never be answered, with any satisfaction or probability worthy a Scholars pen.  
If now in this November, 1648. I should ask who is a Protestant in England? i one holding all those points of faith, and only those (what other definition of a Protestant to give I know not, but desire the learned Protestants to agree in it, and to set it down, that he, who desires to be one of their number, may know what he desires,) which Luther the supposed Grandfather of Protestancy, and Enemy to Catholics, professed to believe? perhaps it would prove as troublesome, or unsatisfiable a Quaere as the former: yea, if I should ask what three or four Scholars (speaking of those that are come to some eminency in learning, and to have some conceit of themselves for it) are to be found in the Kingdom justly agreeing in all matters of faith? yea, to come closer to the purpose, if the question were, what one man (setting the Catholics aside). is there to be found of the same opinion now in matters of saith, that he was of, on the second of November, 1640? (the day before the present Parliament began) perhaps it would put you to a long search, before you met a sure satisfactory answer.  
Lest you should think I speak too much at random, consider I beseech you, how frequently you meet with men, seriously and deliberately saying, Pox on it, rather than hazard my life, liberty, or fortunes, I'll be of any profession. I'll keep my conscience to myself, but I'll never lose my land for want of outward compliance, or conformity with the prevailing Multitude. And really their practice both in Religion and Loyalty is squared by that Dictamen; Of what Religion I pray you do you count these? Are they Protestants? Weighing them in the true scale of the Sanctuary, I take them to be Nullisidians, indifferent, for Christianity, or the Turkish Turban, in evident state of damnation for their souls; and that Tyre and Sidon may escape with a more remiss damnation in the day of Judgement than they, Mat. ch. 11. v. 22. Consider secondly, the multitude of Sects lately sprung up in the Kingdom: what divisions, and subdivisions are there known to be of the old Anabaptists; besides the two main Factions of Presbyterians and Independents, new things and names, that have almost quite abolished their Protestant Progenitor; their zeal and number ebbing and flowing by success of the Sword. Some, you know, are servant Zelots of the Scottish Reformation; others detest it as pestiferous and heretical: Some retain the old denomination of Protestants, yet have much of the new Model: Some hold Episcopacy essential to the true Protestant Church; others deny it▪ holding Bishops altogether unnecessary to the reformed Churches; and demonstrating it by the not being and nonuse of them, in any Reformation, even from the beginning, out of the King of England's Dominions. Some again, as you know, either of curiosity, or to prevent Penalties, frequent the Parish Churches on Sundays; and on other days frequent Conventicles of another Communion, utterly detesting that of the Parish Church, as superstitious or heretical; and so on the Week days outwardly disavow the profession, they avowed on the Sunday. Consider thirdly, the little regard that is now given to the 39 Articles, heretofore the distinctive difference of the old English Protestant. And fourthly the questioning of the Apostles Creed, which implies a doubt of its truth, at least in some points. Before this Parliament it was every where used throughout the Kingdom, as an outward profession of every one's belief: Now it is questioned, and consequently doubted of, by the Representative Body of the whole Kingdom, and their Synodical Divines; Add to this, the old true saying, Dubius in fide, infidelis est, he that doubts in matters of faith, is no right believer, and then draw you the consequence; Put all together and you will see, that the questions I made you, are not so easily answerable, as perhaps you thought at the first.  
S. Augustine (lib. de. haeres.) numbereth ninety several Heresies (so many Reformations were they) sprung up betwixt Christ's time and his. i. in about four Centuries. So many more rose betwixt S. Augustine's days, and Luther's. i. 180. Heresies in 1500. years, according to the observation of others. Betwixt Luther's apostasy from S. Augustine's Rule, and defection from the Catholic Church in the year 1517. and the year 1595. (which is but the interval of 78) modern Authors, Staphilus, Hosius, P●ateolus, and others do reckon 270 new Sects, all Reformations of what was some days, or hours before. But if any man would number all the Reformations, or Sects that these last 8. years have hatched in England, perhaps the probablest rule of his Arithmetic would be quot capita, tot sententiae, as many opinions in matters of Religion, as heads of men; no common name being to be found, sit to comprehend our Sectaries, but that of a Suist, one that follows his own dreams or fancy in choice of Scripture, in the interpretation of it, and in every particular concerning Religion, without profession of agreement or communion, which any follow, unless it be the communion of non-agreement. The Scrofa Alba of Reformation hath been so fertile these later days, that to use Stanislaus Roscius his words (Lib. de Atheismis) Errans nescit quid velit, neec quid nolit. The erring Reformer doth neither know what he would, nor what he would not: let it be but new, it sufficeth.  
S. Hilary (lib. ad Constantium & Constantem Imperat.) objected as a great absurdity against the Arrians, that they had annuas, & menstruas fides, that they changed their faith once a year, yea once a month; an evident argument of their falsehood. If you will take the testimony of twice two or three, and compare the weekly Sermons together, you may perhaps find some of your English reforming Doctrines, brought to old age, and funerals, in less than a month. An evident demonstration, that Reformation of Faith is not a city built on a mountain, (Matth. 5. 14.) nor a wise man's house seated on a rock, (Matth. 7. 24.) but a wall raised and daubed without tempering, (Ezech. 13. 11.) or a fool's cottage erected upon sands.  

Quae pendulum solutae  
Pondus far recusant.   

In Heresies unstable ground  
No settled footing can be found.   
And how real that of S. Athanasius against the Arrian Heretics (Epist. de Nicaena Synodo) agrees unto all the Reformers of the later days, I submit even to their censures: Nunquam unam, etc. They never stand to one and the same opinion, but run from one to another; now praising, now dispraising the same; now condemning what they approved a little before: a true character of heretics, and mark of falsehood.  
Things then being fallen to this unconcealable confusion in England, without likelihood of stop, as long as the principles of the prime Reformers stand still in vogue; can any man wonder at the conversion to Catholic Religion, either of the men hereafter specified, or any others? for my own part, I cannot but wonder, that any man acknowledging the soul immortal, and that either Hell or Heaven must be her eternal Domicil after this life; and with all acknowledging that a false Religion cannot be the way towards beatitude; should expect a second call, for his deserting that, of whose falsehood in itself, damnableness to man's soul; and inconsistency with an ordered Church, or State, be hath so many, and so pregnant Demonstrations, as it were to the eye.  
The old Proverb of the Hebrews is, Veritatem, stabiles; mendacium, debiles habere pedes▪ that truth hath strong steadfast, sure footing; but a lie, only weak, unsteadfast, tottering foundations: Whence, the first is of a permanent perpetual durance; the other, easily supplanted and overthrown. Were any of the Reformations that are so yearly, monthly, if not oftener forged, true; it would stand the same in itself, firm, and constant, scorning chop and change: but seeing there is none that doth not lose ground upon the first approach of a new spirit, none that suffers not in her reputation, by the credit of every gifted Preacher of the new Model, (you know how frequently new spirits and new gifts are pretended) certainly by the Hebreans Adage, all Reformations are to be esteemed, as weak grounded lies.  
Nihil quod non manet in se ipso, verum est: omne quipp● quod alteratur, falsitas est, non manens in scipso. Nothing can be true, (saith that rare Prodigy of Nature Trismegistus) that doth not abide the same constant in itself: every thing subject to alteration, is false: That your Reformations in England are subject to alterations, I need not tell you, unless you be blind; that therefore they must of necessity be false, you may take as a sure truth, from the pen of Trismegistus.  
If according to the Wiseman in his Proverbs, the later ends of some ways, which seem to a man, just and upright, so outwardly masked with morality of life, and good neighbourhood, as hardly discernible, (especially by the unwary vulgar) from ways really sure and good; do yet lead to death: how sure of eternal death and damnation must he be, who runs the ways of the present Reformation; which are so far from seeming just by any obducted disguise, that every man (even the greatest sticklers stick not to confess it now and then among their friends) sees them plainly full of injustice, impiety, oppressions, rebellions against all sorts of humane superiors, and blasphemies against God himself? certainly it is more than high time for all men to abhor the Sodom and Gomorrhe of Reformation in Faith, with the inundation of vice, and corrupted manners it hath brought with it into the world.  
That you may yet farther penetrate the malignity of the confusion you are fallen into, (another argument that Reformation in Faith is of the serpent Hydra's nature,) take this Corollary or addition to what is said already: That it must be endless in Church and State, and altogether remediless, as long as the old laid principles of Reformation, derived from Luther and Calvin, stand uncontrolled: there being now no way left to withstand the reforming decrees of the present Parliament, (from which is issued the main of your late alterations,) or condemn, what most men now judge to be amiss; without condemnation of what you have been approving & abetting ever since your first revolt from the Pope and Roman Church. For a clearer explication of my mind, give me leave I pray, with your patience, to propose you some questions.  
Sic volo; sic jubeo; sit pro ratione voluntas,  
I so will have it; so command;  
My will must for a reason stand.  
When others failed, this was one of Luther's Laws, to set forward his fanatical Reformation against the Pope, and Catholic Church. Why may not the Parliament, the Representative Body of a Kingdom, use it with more authority than Luther, one single private man? If you allow the Parliament the use of such a legislative Power; you must not condemn the seque●l● that do naturally flow out of it: you must 〈◊〉 to all their Orders and Ordinances, how irrational 〈◊〉 they seem to private persons. If you condemn it in the Parliament, (look well to it) through their sides, you condemn it à fortiori in Luther, and so you crack the pate and credit of your grand Reformer, who so insultingly used it, and whom you have been so long upholding for a Saint.  
But to insist no longer on that extravagant principle. The specious pretence of Reformation will so justify the present Parliaments actions (seem they never so new or paradoxical) that you shall hardly question them, without subversion of the whole Fabric of your late Reformation. For example, tell me why may not this present Parliament cashier the Ordination of Ministers, invented only in Edward the sixths' days; as well as those of his time, cashiered the manner of Ordination, they then found in being and vigour, without any known beginning of it since the Apostles? Why may not this Parliament degrade the now pretended Bishops, made only according to that new Model, and only authorized by Parliament; why not divest them of their Peerage, cast them out of their government, and level them to the rank of ordinary men; as well as other Parliaments cast out the old Bishops, consecrated after the manner of the whole Christian World, and who were never pretended to have their spiritual authority from Parliament, nor to be invested in their dignity by usurpation of any other man's right; cast them out (I say) of their Seas of Government, their Seats in Parliament, out of their means, and liberty, into poverty and prison? Why not trench on all men's proprieties, and violently despoil them of their fortunes; as well as former times for Reformation sake, impropriated to themselves the Church and Abby-lands from their first true owners, casting the Monk's Friars and vowed Nuns a begging into the world? D. Carier observed (nor did he alone) that Church and Abbey lands did seldom thrive with their new holder's. If (I tell you now) that the present ruin of a flourishing Kingdom is but the natural offspring of the old injurious depopulations of the Churches and Abbeys, you will hardly know how to refute me.  
Why may not this present Parliament damn the Common Prayer Book first invented in Edward the sixths' days, and afterwards confirmed by Act of Parliament in Q. Elizabeth's Reign, since the birth of many now alive, (no long prescription) as well as those of their times, damned the Mass, which was as ancient in England, and generally throughout the world, as Christianity itself? Why may not King Charles that now is, (whom I honour and love from my heart, as it is the duty of all Subjects to do in whatsoever Country they live) overthrew the Reformation, he swore at his Coronation to maintain, as well as King Henry the eighth and Queen Elizabeth introduced their several Reformations, contrary to the old Religion which they found in the Kingdom, and swore at their Coronations, to preserve, with all her Rights, Liberties, and Privileges? would King Charles be more perjured than they, or his perjury worse than theirs? why may not this Parliament, yea particular Subjects, rebel against their Sovereign for a better Reformation; as well as the Lutherans in Germany rebelled against their Sovereign Charles the fifth, to bring in their Reformation, and to abolish Popery; or (to omit others, all applauded justified and abetted by those of the reformed Churches) as the Scots rebelled for the same end, against Queen Mary, our King's Grandmother, afterward beheaded in pursuance of the same cause? you tell me I do C●me●in●m movere. I desist with the proposal of one only question more; when the present Agitators of Reformation have purged themselves of all the pretended Religion they had eight or nine years ago, and raised their work to a higher pitch than they have 〈◊〉 thought on; will it not still be subject to a Babylonian confusion? Why may not the children of the present Reformers cut the throats of their fathers, and condemn them for ignorants or superstitious, and rescind all the Acts of their predecessors, for a better Reformation, according to their new spirits, as well as these present cut the throats of their forefathers, undoing at a breath what bade been so long a doing in the Kingdom.  
Damnosa quid non imminuit dies?  
Aetes' parentum pejor avis, tulit  
Nos nequiores: mox datura  
Progeniem vitiosiorem.  Joel ch. 1. 
Where Grandsires Erukes are; their issue may  
Wild Locusts prove; next comes, in Joels list;  
The Bruke; a plague of worse, and greater sway:  
And what comes then? a blast, or burning mist.  
Thus men, in tract of time, from bad do fall,  
To what is worse; from worse, to worst of all.  
To pretend that, what the present or past Reformers did, was all done for the truth, for the glory of the Lord, for the light and liberty of the Gospel, to abolish Idolatry and Superstition: to ●nthrone Antichrist, the whore of Babylon, the Beast of the Apocalypse, and the like; is more than childish simplicity; there is no Reformer so forgetful or stupid, but by his spirit pretends Scripture, the glory of the Lord, the light and liberty of the Gospel, the planting of saving truth, etc. and whosoever is opposite to his spirit, is Antichrist, the Whore of Babylon, the Beast of the Apocalypse, and therefore must be pulled down whosoever he be. Nor can it avail at any time, to say, that hitherto the work of Reformation hath been in fieri, or in doing; (as some say, Qu. Elizabeth's broom did not sweep clean) but now is in facto esse: Now it is come to a Non plus ultra, perfected beyond all addition or alteration: this, I say, can never avail, nor stop the confusions; as long as the reforming private spirits, for the pretences already specified, (which will never be at an end) or the Calvinian Doctrine of Predestination says, No.  
Perhaps the present pretended Bishops, and the Party suffering with them, may say, The old Reformations against the Catholics were good and necessary, but the means used to begin and promote them, naught, and not to be imitated: And that if there be any farther Reformation to be made, it must not be by prosecution of the old unlawful means. Their suffering by the means used for the present further Reformation, makes them condemn the old. This comes now too late: they should have condemned them long ago, before their testimony became invalidated by their private interest. Certainly Luther and the first late Reformers never acknowledged the means they used, to be naught or unlawful. And why should we think the present or future Reformer will ever hold the means necessary for his ends, unlawful? Endless then is the confusion of Church and State in England to be; no end of stickling and rebellions; no end of our wounds and bloodshed; no inheritance more entailed upon our posterity, than violation of humane and divine Laws; nothing more certain than eternal damnation of men's souls, as long as the first Reformers principles stand in force, and their Reformations applauded.  
Behold more than sufficient cause, not only, not to wonder at the late conversion of divers learned Scholars to the Roman Faith; but to admire that more do not follow their examples. Behold more than sufficient cause, for those that pretend to any fear of God, or care of their own souls, by regard to Religion, or manners, to the spiritual or politic weal, utterly to anathematise all Reformation in Faith, with the damnable principles of the late Reformers, the sources of all the evils our Kingdom now groans under. Consequently behold more than sufficient cause, for all to rank themselves into the number of Catholics, who have now the same unchanged Religion they had before this present Parliament; and then had the same they had in the reign of K. James, ●u. Elizabeth, Qu. Marry, K. Edward 6. and Henry the 8. in whose days the Reformation was commenced in Germany, and through too general a looseness in manners, and, desire of sensual liberty, began to creep into England, as all Histories can evidence unto you. Nor can any desire a more pregnant testimony of our being now, and in former days of the same Faith, without variation of one tittle; then our reformed Adversaries are ready to afford us, who have for the times past, and still do persecute us, not as new Sactaries with old Laws, but with new Statutes for nonconformity to their new Reformation, and for our constancy to the profession of our forefathers: from which had we stincht but the breadth of a nail, and taken upon us some new denomination, we had been as hard to be found out as other Sectaries, and as free from penalties as they: which forefathers of ours, living (before Luther's days) in communion with the Catholics of France, Spain, Italic, and all the Christian world, as we do now, did deliver faithfully (it stood upon their salvation so to do) unto their children (those of the rest of the Christian World did the like unto their children) that Depositum of Christianity, which they had received from their predecessors, and they from theirs, by a continued successive line of Tradition from the Apostles, and Christ; no reforming enemy being able to show, when the Catholic Faith now professed by us, and persecuted in us, began in the world, nor when the successive Tradition we and all Catholics pretend unto, was intercepted; an infallible argument of our persecuted Religions being from the Apostles & Christ. More than sufficient cause, I say, for all to return to the Catholic Church, settled by Christ the divine Architect, upon a rock never to be prevailed against by humane or Devil's powers, never subject to fall from herself in points of faith, nor consequently to be reform in them, from which Church your first Reformers fell, Ex nobis exeuntes (one of the marks by which we are to discern Heretics, as the Apostles teach us in their Acts, chap. 15. ver. 24.) going out from among us, to gain sensual liberty to themselves, to be revenged on their superiors, or for private byends: troubling the world with words, subverting men's souls, without commission or mandate from any superior for their facts, or pretended Reformations.  
And finally, cause enough, for the world to reflect how ill advised they were in times past, and what an ill precedent they shown posterity, in their former greedy acceptance of new reforming spirits, so prejudicial to saving truth, to orderly government in Church and State, and to particular men's properties. And withal, to take warning for the future, not to remit the work of Reformation, even in things subject thereunto; as Ceremonies, humane practices, manners, and the like, to every giddy pretending spirit, (if you do so, you shall certainly have more holes made then mended) but to such as are lawfully ordered and commissioned for it by the visible Church, the pillar and ground of truth, that all things be done according to her prescript, honestè & secundum ordinem, 1 Cor. 14. 40.  
But fearing, lest I should make this Prefatory Discourse like the gates of the City Myndus, or like a great portal to a little house, I'll first present you with the names of some late Converts, and then detain you no longer from my promised re-impression of Doctor Carrier's learned Letter to King James, which is here rendered verbatim according to the Original, excepting only the addition of some few marginal Notes; I desire you to read it with attention, reflecting from those, to these times, and not permit your mind to be so prejudicated, as to give censure, before you have well pondered the matter, the scope of which (mutato tempore) is the same with this, which comes from one, who unfeignedly would have all men saved, and come to the knowledge of, and embrace the truth.  
N. STRANGE. From Paris 1. Novemb. 1648. stylo novo.  PSAL. 2. 
Et nunc Reges intelligite: erudimini qui judicatis terram. Attendite disciplinam, nè— pereatis.   

The names of some who have lately been Ministers, or University men in England and Scotland, and are now converted to the Catholic Faith.  
Tho. Vane, Doctor of Divinity of Christ's College Cambridge, lately Chaplain Extraordinary to His Majesty, and Parson of Crayford in Kent.  
Hugh Paulin de Cressy, of Cambridge, lately Prebend of Windsor in England, and Deane of Laghlin in Ireland, now entered into the Religious Order of S. Benedict at Douai.  
Hen. Ireson of All-Soules Oxford, Doctor of the Civil Law.  
N. Read of New College Oxford, Doctor of the Civil Law.  
Mr. Rich. nichols Bachelor of Divinity, of Peter-house Cambridge.  
Mr. Rich. Crashaw, Master of Arts of Peter-house Cambridge, now Secretary to a Cardinal in Rome, well known in England for his excellent and ingenious Poems.  
Mr. William Roland's Minister of S. Margaret's Westminster, Master of Arts of Exeter College Oxford.  
Mr. Tho. Normington, Master of Arts of Pembroke Hall Cambridge, now in Italy, a very able man in divers Sciences.  
Mr. joiner Bachelor of Arts, and Fellow of S. Mary Magdalene's College Oxford.  
Mr. Blakiston Bachelor of Arts of Cambridge, who died last year in the English College at Rome.  
Mr. Edward Barker of Caius College Cambridge, Bachelor of Arts.  
Mr. Eton of Cambridge, now Priest in the English College at Rome.  
Mr. Peter Glu, Minister, of Ballioll College in Oxford, now Priest.  
Mr. Jackson Minister.  
Mr. Cooper. Minister.  
Mr. Daniel Minister, now entered into a Religious Order.  

Of Scots.  
Mr. John Chrighton, a famous man in his Country, late Preacher of Parson in Scotland, afterwards eminent in Languedos, and lastly Chaplain to the marquis of Ormond.  
Mr. Andrew Youngston late Regent of Aberdein, now in a College in Spain.  
Mr. William Simple late Regent in Glascow now also in Spain.  
Mr. Hugh Rosse late Regent in Aberdein, now also in Spain.  
Mr. Tho. Johnston, etc.  
Besides these, there are divers both learned and unlearned, lately entered into Communion with the Church of Rome, whose names you may more easily learn, than I discreetly publish. Nor do I doubt but one more commerced with England Scotland and Ireland, with other parts of France, and with the promises of the low Countries might easily furnish you with a larger Catalogue of Convertites, of as good fame for their learning, and good parts in your Universities, and in their respective countries, as these I have been bold to name: their understanding being now better disposed to discern and reflect upon their former errors, by the palpable confusion and unconsciable effects they saw e-every where sprouted and sprouting out of the late Reformation begun by Luther.    


Errata in the Preface.  
PAge 6. line 13. read pretence of. p. 12. l. 6. r. the bread. & l. ult. r. of a little.   

ERRATA.  
PAge 3. line 28. read title. p. 7. l. 13. deal one at. p. 11. l. 15. deal in. p. 21. l. 24. r. swinge over. p. 23. l. 13. r. in these. p. 39 l. ult. r. reasonable.  
Other less material faults, with some false pointings, the discerning Reader will easily discover and correct.    

Most Excellent, and renowned Sovereign,  
IT is not unknown to all that know me in England, that for these many years I have had my health very ill: And therefore having from time to time used all the means and medicines that England could afford; last of all by the advice of my Physicians, I have made it my humble suit unto your Majesty, that I might travel unto the Spa for the use of those waters; purposing with myself, that if I could be well, I would go from thence to Heydelberg, and spend this winter there. But when I was gone from the Spa to Aquisgrane, and so to Colein, I found myself rather worse, than better than I was before: And therefore I resolved with myself, that it was high time for me to settle my thoughts upon another world. And seeing I was out of hope to enjoy the health of my body, at the last to look to the health of my soul, from whence both Art and experience teach me, that all my bodily infirmities have their beginning: For if I could by any study have proved Catholic Religion to be false, or by any means have professed it to be true in England, I doubt not but the contentment of my soul would have much helped the health of my body. But the more I studied the Scriptures and most ancient Fathers to confute it, the more I was compelled to see the truth thereof. And the more I laboured to reconcile the Religion of England thereunto, the more I was disliked, suspected and condemned as a common enemy. And if I would have been either ignorant or silent, I might perhaps with the pleasures and commodities of my preferments, have in time cast off the care of Religion. But seeing my study forced me to know, and my place compelled me to preach, I had no way to avoid my grief, nor any means to endure it. I have therefore apprehended the opportunity of my Licence to travel, that I may withdraw myself for a while from the sight and offence of those in England, who hate Catholic Religion, and freely and fully enjoy the presence of our B. Saviour, in the Unity of his Catholic Church; wherein I will never forget at the daily Oblation of his most B. Body and Blood, to lift up my heart unto him, and to pray for the admission of your Majesty thereunto. And in the mean time, I have thought it my duty to write this short Treatise with my own hand; wherein, before I publish myself to the world, I desire to show to your Majesty these two things. 1. The means of my conversion unto Catholic Religion. 2. The hopes I have to do your Majesty no ill service therein. I humbly crave your Majesty's pardon, and will rest ever,  
Your Majesty's faithful, and truly devoted Servant, B. Carier. Liege Decemb. 12. 1613.   

CHAP. I. The means of my Conversion to the Catholic Religion.  
I Must confess, to God's honour, and my own shame, that if it had been in my power to choose, I would never have been a Catholic. I was born and brought up in Schism, and was taught to abhor a Papist as much as any Puritan in England doth. I had ever a great desire to justify the Religion of the State, and had great hope to advance myself thereby. Neither was my hope ever so great, as by your Majesty's favour it was at the very instant of my resolution for Catholic Religion, and the preferment I had, together with the honour of your Majesty's service, was greater by much; then without your Majesty's favour, I look for in this world. But though I was as ambitious of your Majesty's favour, and as desirous of the honours and pleasures of my Country, as any man that is therein, yet seeing that I was not like any long while to enjoy them, and if I should for my private commodity speak, or write, or do any thing against the honour of Christ his Church, and against the evidence of my own conscience, I must shortly appear before the same Christ, in the presence of the same his Church, to give an account thereof. Therefore I neither durst any further pursue my own desire of honour, nor hazard my soul any farther in the justification of that Religion, which I saw was impossible to be justified by any such reason, as at the day of Judgement would go for payment; and that it may appear that I have not respected any thing so much in this world, as my duty to your Majesty, and my love to my friends and Country, I humbly beseech your Majesty to give me leave, as briefly as I can, to recount unto you the whole course of my studies, and endeavours in this kind, even from the beginning of my life until this present.  
2. I was born in the Year, 1566. being the son of Ant. Carier, a learned and devout man, who although he were a Protestant, and a Preacher, yet he did so season me with the Principles of Piety and Devotion, as I could not choose but ever since be very zealous in matters of Religion. Of him I learned that all false Religions in the world, were but Policies invented of men, for the temporal service of Princes and States; and therefore that they were divers, and always changeable, according to the divers reasons and occasions of State. But true Christian Religion was a truth revealed of God, for the eternal salvation of souls, and therefore was like to God, always one and the same: So that all the Princes and States in the world never have been, nor shall be able to overthrow that Religion. This to me seemed an excellent ground, for the finding out of that Religion, wherein a man might find rest for his soul, which cannot be satisfied with any thing but eternal truth.  
3. My next care than was, after I came to years of discretion, by all the best means I could, to inform myself, whether the Religion of England were indeed the very same, which being prefigured and prophesied in the Old Testament, was perfected by our B. Saviour, and delivered to his Apostles and Disciples to continue, by perpetual succession in his visible Church, until his coming again: or whether it were a new one, for private purposes of Statesmen invented, and by humane Laws established. Of this I could not choose but make some doubt, because I heard men talk much in those days of the change of Religion which was then lately made in the beginning of Q. Elizabeth's Reign.  
4. I was sorry to hear of change, and of a new Religion, seeing me thought in reason, if true Religion were eternal, then new Religion could not be true. But yet I hoped that the Religion of England was not a change, or new Religion, but a restitution of the old; and that the change was in the Church of Rome, which in process of time might perhaps grow to be superstitious, and idolatrous; and therefore that England had done well to leave the Church of Rome, and to reform itself; and for this purpose I did at my leisure and best opportunity, as I came to more judgement, read over the Chronicles of England, and observed all the alterations of Religion that I could find therein: But when I found there, that the present Religion of England was a plain 
* What then is it now!  change, and change upon change, and that there was no cause at all of the first, but only that K. Henry 8. was desirous to change his old Bed-fellow, that he might leave some heirs male behind him (for belike he feared that Females would not be able to withstand the tile of Scotland,) and that the change was continued and increased by the posterity of his later wives, I could not choose but suspect something; but yet the love of the world, and hope of preferment would not suffer me to believe, but that all was well, and as it ought to be.  
5. Thus I satisfied myself at School, and studied the Arts and Philosophy, and other humane learning, until being Master of Arts, and Fellow of Corpus Christi College in Cambridge, I was at the last, by the Statutes of that House, called to the study of Divinity, and bound to take upon me the order of Priesthood: then I thought it my duty, for the better satisfaction of my own soul, and the saving of other men's, to look as fare into the matter as possible I could, that I might find out the truth. And having the opportunity of a very good Library in that College, I resolved with myself to study hard, & setting aside all respect of men then alive, or of Writers that had moved or maintained controversies (farther than to understand the question which was betwixt them) I fell to my prayers, and be took myself wholly to the reading of the Church History, and of the Ancient Fathers, which had no interest in either side; and especially I made choice of S. Augustine, because I hoped to find most comfort in him for the confirming of our Religion, and the confuting of the Church of Rome.  
6. In this sort I spent my time continually for many years, and noted down whatsoever I could gather, or rather snatch either from the Scriptures or the Fathers to serve my turn. But when, after all my pains and desire to serve myself, of Antiquity, I found the Doctrine of the Church of Rome to be every where confirmed, and by most profound demonstrations out of holy Scripture, made most agreeable to the truth of Christ's Gospel, and most conformable to all Christians souls, and saw the current opinions of our great Preachers to be every where confuted, either in plain terms, or by most unanswerable consequence, although my understanding was thereby greatly edified, (for which I had great cause to render immortal thanks to our Blessed Saviour, who by these means had vouchsafed to show himself unto me) yet my heart was much grieved, that I must be feign either not preach at all, or else to cross and  from the Doctrine, which I saw was commonly received.  
7. Being thus perplexed with myself what course I were best to take, I reflected back again upon the Church of England, and because most of those Preachers, who drew the people after them in those days were Puritans, and had grounded their Divinity upon calvin's Institutions, I thought peradventure that they, having gotten the multitude on their side, might wrong the Church of England in her Doctrine, as well as they desired to do in her Discipline, which indeed upon due search I found to be most true; For I found the Common-Prayer Book and the Catechisms therein contained, to hold no point of Doctrine expressly contrary to Antiquity, but only that it was very defective, and contained not enough. And that for the Doctrine of Predestination, Sacraments, Grace, , Sin, etc. the new Catechisms and Sermons of those Preachers, did run wholly against the Common-Prayer Book and Catechisms therein, and did make as little account of the Doctrine established by Law, as they did of the Discipline; but in the one they found opposition by those that had private Interest, in the other they laid what they list, because no man thought himself hurt.  
8. This truly was a great increase of my grief, for knowing divers of those Preachers to be very honest men, and such as I did love with all my heart, I was exceeding loath to descent from them in private, much more loath to oppose them in public. And yet seeing I must needs preach, I was loathest of all to oppugn my own conscience together with the faith wherein I was baptised, and the souls of those to whom I preached. Nevertheless having gotten this ground to work upon, I began to comfort myself with hope to prove, that the Religion established by Law in England, was the same, at the least in part, which now was and ever had been held in the Catholic Church, the defects whereof might be supplied whensoever it should please God to move your Majesty thereunto, without abrogating of that, which was already by Law established, which I still pray for, and am not altogether out of hope to see; and therefore I thought it my duty, as far as I durst, rather by charitable constructions to reconcile things that seemed different, that so our souls might for ever be saved in unity, then by malicious calumniations to maintain quarrels, that so men's turns might for a time be served in dissension.  
9 In this course although I did never proceed any further than Law would give me leave, yet I always found the Puritans and Calvinists, and all the Creatures of Schism, to be my utter enemies, who were also like the Sons of Zerviah, too strong for David himself, but I well perceived that all temperate and understanding men, who had no Interest in the Schism, were glad to hear the truth honestly and plainly preached unto them. And my hope was, that by patience and continuance, I should in the end unmask Hypocrisy, and gain credit to the comfortable Doctrine of Antiquity, even amongst those also, who out of misinformation and prejudice did as yet most dislike it. And considering with myself, that your Right to the Crown came only from Catholics, and was ancienter than the Schism, which would very feign have utterly extinguished it; and that both your disposition by nature, your amity with Catholic Princes, your Speeches, and your Proclamations did at the beginning all tend to peace and unity, I hoped that this endeavour of mine, to enforce Catholic Religion, at the least as far as the Common▪ Prayer Book and Catechism would give me leave, should be well accepted of your Majesty, and be as an Introduction unto farther peace and unity with the Church of Rome.  
10. But when after my long hope, I at at the last did plainly perceive, that God for our sins had suffered the Devil, the Author of dissension, so far to prevail, as partly by the furious practice of some desperate Catholics, and partly by the fiery suggestions of all violent Puritans, he had quite diverted that peaceable and temperate course, which was hoped for, and that I must now either alter my judgement, which was impossible, or preach against my conscience, which was untolerable: Lord, what anxiety and distraction of soul did I suffer day and night, what strife betwixt my judgement, which was wholly for the peace and unity of the Church, and my affection, which was wholly to enjoy the favour of your Majesty, and the love of my Friends and Country. This grief of soul growing now desperate, did still more and more increase the infirmities of my body, and yet I was so loath to become a professed Catholic with the displeasure of your Majesty, and of all my honourable and loving friends, as I rather desired to silence my judgement, with the profits and pleasures of the world, which was before me, then to satisfy it with reconciling myself unto the Catholic Church; But it was Gods will, that ever (as I was about to forget the care of Religion, and to settle myself to the world among my neighbours) I met with such humours, as I saw by their violence against Catholics and Catholic Religion, were like to waken my soul by torture, rather than bring it asleep by temper. And therefore I was driven to recoil to God, and to his Church, that I might find rest unto my soul.  
11. And yet because I had heard often, that the practice of the Church of Rome, was contrary to her Doctrine, I thought good to make one trial more before I resolved; and therefore having the advice of divers learned Physicians to go to the Spa for the health of my body, I thought good to make a virtue of necessity, and to get leave to go the rather for the satisfaction of my soul, hoping to find some greater offence in the Service of the Church of Rome, than I had done in her Books, that so I might return better contented to persecute and abhor the Catholics at home, after I should find them so wicked and Idolatrous abroad, as they were in every Pulpit in England affirmed to be. For this purpose before I would frequent their Churches, I talked with such learned men as I could meet withal, and did of purpose dispute against them, and with all the wit and learning I had, I did both justify the Doctrine of England, established by Law, and object the Superstition and Idolatry which I thought they might commit, either with the Images in the Church, or with the Sacrament of the Altar.  
12. Their common answer was, that which by experience I now find to be true, viz. that they do abhor all Idolatry and Superstition, and do diligently admonish the people to take heed thereof. And that they use Images for no other purpose, but only for a devout memory and representation of the Church Triumphant, which is most sit to be made in the time and place of prayer, where after a more special manner, we should with all reverence have our conversation amongst the Saints in Heaven.  
And for the B. Sacrament, they do not worship the Accidents, which they see, but the substance which they believe; and surely if Christ be there truly and really present (as your Majesty seems to grant he is) he is as much to be worshipped, as if we saw him with our bodily eyes; Neither is there any more Idolatry in the one, then in the other. If our B. Saviour himself should visibly appear in person, as he was upon the earth, Jews and Infidels would hold it for Idolatry to worship him, and would crucify him again; and so would all Heretics also, who refuse to worship him in the Sacrament, where he is really present.  
13. After divers other objections which I made, not so much because I was not, as because I desired not to be satisfied, I came to the Pope's supposed pride and tyranny over Kings and Princes, and told them of the most horrible Treason intended and practised by Catholics against your Majesty, which hath not yet been judicially condemned by the Church of Rome. They all seemed to abhor the fact, as much as the best Subjects in the world, and much more to favour, and defend the authority of their Kings and 
Witness their loyalty to the King in these late wars.  Princes, than Heretics do. And they said, that although your Majesty were out of the Church, yet they doubted not, but if complaint were made in a Judicial proceeding, that fact should be judicially condemned. In the mean time it was sufficient that all Catholic Writers did condemn it, and that the Pope by his Breve had condemned it, exhorting the Cathelikes of England to all Christian patience and obedience. As for any other authority or superiority of the Pope, than such as is spiritual and necessary, for the unity of the Church, I have met with none that do stand upon it.  
14. So that, whereas my hope was, that by finding out the corruptions of the Church of Rome, I should grow farther in love with the Church of England, and joyfully return home: and by inveighing against the Papists, both enjoy my present preferments, and obtain more and more; I saw the matter was like to fall out clean contrary. It is true indeed that there are many corruptions in all States; God hath no wheat-field in this world, wherein the Devil hath not tares growing; and there are no tares more rank than those that grow among the wheat; For, optimi corruptio pessima; and where grace abounds, if it be contemned, there sin abounds much more. But seeing both my reading and experience hath now taught me, that the truth of Christian Religion now taught and practised at this day in the Church of Rome, and all the obedient Members thereof, is the very same in substance, which was prefigured and prophesied from the beginning of the world, perfected by Christ himself, delivered to his Apostles, and by them and their Successors perpetually and universally in one uniformity practised until this day, without any substantial alteration. And that the new Religion of England, wherein it doth differ, hath no ground, but either the pleasure of the Prince, and Parliament, or the common cry and voice of the People, nor no constancy or agreement with itself, what should I now do? It is not in my power not to know that which I do know, nor to doubt of that which I have spent so much time, and taken so much pains, and bestowed so much cost, and made so many trials to find. And yet I know, if I should yield to be reconciled to the Church, I should be for this world in all likelihood, utterly undone; and that which grieved me more, I should be rejected of your Majesty, my most redoubted Lord and Master, and despised by all my dear friends and lovers in England.  
15. These were in my thoughts at the Spa, which did so vex and afflict my soul, as that the waters could do my body no good at all, but rather much hurt. Nevertheless I avoided the company of Catholics, abstained from the Church, and did both dispute and write against the Church of Rome, as occasion was offered. I still hoped that time would give me better counsel, and therefore resolved to go from the Spa to Heidelberg to do my duty there. In the mean time I thought with myself, it may be God hath moved His Majesty's heart to think of peace and reconciliation. I know his disposition was so in the beginning; and I remember M. Causabon told me when I brought him out of France, that his Errand was nothing else, but to mediate peace betwixt the Church of Rome, and the Church of England. Therefore I thought, before I would submit myself to the Church of Rome, I would write to M. Causabon such a Letter as he might show unto your Mdjesty, containing such conditions as (I thought) might satisfy your Majesty if they were performed by the Church of Rome. The copy of which Letter is too long here to set down. But when Mr. Causabon answered me that he knew your Majesty was resolved to have no society with the Church of Rome upon any condition whatsoever, and that it would be my undoing, if those my Letters should come to your Majesty's hands, or of those that bore the sway, I began to despair of my return into England, unless I would overthrow both the health of my body and the quiet of my mind, and either utterly damn my own soul, or greatly endanger not only my living and credit, but my life itself also, by reason of your Majesty's displeasure, and the severity of the Statutes made, and in force against Catholics, and Catholic Religion.  
16. There is a Statute in England, made by King Henry, the 8. to make him supreme head of the Church in spiritual and Ecclesiastical Causes, which Statute enjoins all the Subjects of England, on pain of death, to believe and to swear they do believe that it is true. And yet all the world knows, if King Henry the 8. could have gotten the Pope to divorce Q. Katherine, that he might marry Anne Boleigne, that Statute had never been made by him, and if that Title had not enabled the King to pull down Abbeys and Religious Houses, and give them to Laymen, the Lords and Commons of that time would never have suffered such a Statute to be made. This Statute was continued by Q. Elizabeth, to serve her own turn, and it is confirmed by your Majesty to satisfy other men. And yet your Majesty yields the Church of Rome to be the Mother Church, and the Bishop of Rome to be the chief Bishop or Primate of all the Western Churches, which I do also verily believe, and therefore I do verily think he hath, or aught to have some spiritual Jurisdiction in England. And although in my younger days, the fashion of the world made me swear, as other men did (for which I pray God forgive me) yet I ever doubted, and am now resolved that no Christian man can take that 
* i Of Supremacy.  Oath with a safe conscience, neither will I ever take it, to gain the greatest preferment in the world.  
17. There is another Statute in England, made by Q. Elizabeth, and confirmed by your Majesty, which makes it death for any Englishman to be in England, being made a Priest by authority derived, or pretended to be derived from the Bishop of Rome; I cannot believe that I am a Priest at all, unless I be made by authority derived from Gregory the great, from whence all the Bishops in England have their being, if they have any being at all.  
18. There is another Statute in like manner made and confirmed, that it is death to be reconciled by a Catholic Priest to the Church of Rome; I am persuaded that the Church of Rome is our Mother Church, and that no man in England can be saved, that continues wilfully out of the visible unity of that Church, and therefore I cannot choose, but persuade the people to be reconciled thereunto, if possibly they can.  
19 There is another Statute in like manner, made and confirmed, that it is death to exhort the people of England to Catholic Roman Religion, I am persuaded that the Religion prescribed, and practised by the Church of Rome is the true Catholic Religion, which I will particularly justify; and make plain from point to point, if God give time and opportunity, and therefore I cannot choose but persuade the people thereunto.  
It may be these are not all several Statutes, some of them may be members of the same, (for I have not my books about me to search) but I am sure all of them do make such felonies and treasons, as were the greatest virtues of the Primitive Church, and such as I must needs confess myself, I cannot choose if I live in England, but endeavour to be guilty of, and then it were easy to find Puritans enough to make a Jury against me, and there would not want a Justice of Peace to give a sentence, and when they had done, that which is worse than the persecution itself, they would all swear solemnly that Doctor Carier was not put to death for Catholic Religion, but for Felony and Treason. I have no hope of protection against the cruelty of those Laws, if your Majesty be resolved upon no conditions whatsoever, to have any society at all, or communion with the Church of Rome. And therefore whilst the case so stands, I dare not return home again. But I cannot be altogether out of hope of better news before I die, as long as I do believe that the Saints in heaven do rejoice at the conversion of a sinner to Christ, and do know that your Majesty by your birth, hath so great an interest in the Saints of heaven, as you shall never cease to have, until you cease to be the son of such a mother, as would rejoice more than all the rest for your conversion. Wherefore I assure myself that she with all the rest do pray that your Majesty before you die, may be Militant in the Communion of that Church, wherein they are Triumphant.  
And in this hope I am gone before to join my prayers with theirs in the unity of the Catholic Church. And do humbly pray your Majesty to pardon me for doing that which was not in my power to avoid; and to give me leave to live, where I hope shortly to die, unless I may hope to do your Majesty service, and without the prejudice of any honest man in England, to see some unity betwixt the Church of England, and her mother the Church of Rome. And now having declared the means of my conversion to Catholic Religion, I will briefly also show unto you the hopes I have to do your Majesty no ill service therein.   

CHAP. II. The hopes I have to do your Majesty no ill service in being Catholic.  
MY first hope that your Majesty will accept of that for the best service I can do you, which doth most further the glory of our Blessed Saviour, and my own salvation. Indeed there are Kingdoms in the world, where the chief care of the Governor is, Non quàm bonis, sed quàm subditis regnent: such were the heathen Kingdoms which S. Augustine describes (in his 2. de Civit. Dei, cap. 20.) In such Commonwealths the way to be good Subjects is not to be good men, but to serve the times and the turns of them that bear the sway whatsoever they are. But if it be true, (as some holy & learned Fathers teach) that in a well-ordered Government there is, cadem faelicitas unius hominis, ac totius civitaiis, than I am sure that it must follow, that in a Commonwealth truly Christian there is, eadem virtus boni viri, ac boni Civis. And therefore being a Minister and Preacher of England, if I will rather serve your Majesty then myself, and rather procure the good of your Kingdom then my own preferment, I am bound in duty to respect and seek for those things above all other, that may advance the honour of God, and the salvation of my own soul, and the souls of those who do any way belong to my charge; and being sufficiently resolved, that nothing can more advance the honour of our Saviour and the common salvation, then to be in the unity of his Church, I have done you the best service I could at home, by preaching peace and reconciliation, and being not able for the malice of the times, to stand any longer in the breach at home, I think it safest in this last cast to look to mine own game, and by my daily Prayers and dying, to do your Majesty the same service in the unity of the Church, which by my daily preaching and living, I did endeavour to do in the midst of the Schism.  
2. And though it be sufficient for a man of my profession, to respect only matters of heaven, and of another world, yet because this world was made for that other, I have not regarded my own estate, that I might respect your Majesties therein, and after long and serious meditation, which Religion might most honour your Majesty even in this world, I have conceived undoubted hope that there is no other Religion that can procure true honour and security to your Majesty, and your Posterity in this world, but the true Catholic Roman Religion, which is the very same, whereby all your glorious Predecessors have been advanced and protected on earth, and are everlastingly blessed in heaven.  
3. The first reason of my hope is, the promise of God himself to bless and honour those, that bless his Church and honour him, and to 
* No question but this will come home in the end to the Church-Prophaners of our times.  curse and confound those that curse his Church, and dishonour him, which he hath made good in all ages. There was never any Man, or City, or State, or Empire so preserved and advanced, as they that have preserved the unity and advanced the prosperity of the Church of Christ; nor ever any been made more miserable and inglorious, than they that have dishonoured Christ, and made havoc of his Church by Schism and Heresy.  
4. If I had leisure and books, it were easy for me to enlarge this point with a long inumeration of particulars. But I think it needless, because I cannot call to mind any example to the contrary, except it be the State of Q. Elizabeth, or some one or two other, lately fallen from the unity of the Catholic Church, or the State of the great Turk, that doth still persecute the Church of Christ, and yet continues in great glory in this world. But when I consider of Q. Elizabeth, I find in her many singularities; she was a woman, and a Maiden Queen, which gave her many advantages of admiration, she was the last of her race, and needed not care what became of the world after her own days were ended. She came upon the Remainders of Devotion and Catholic Religion, which like a Bowl in his course, or an Arrow in his flight, would go on for a while by the force of the first mover, and she had a practice of maintaining wars among her neighbours (which became a woman well) that she might be quiet at home. And whatsoever prosperity or honour there was in her days, or is yet remaining in England, I cannot but ascribe to the Church of Rome, and to Catholic Religion, which was for many hundred years together, the first mover of that Government, and is still in every settled Kingdom, and hath yet left the steps, and shadow thereof behind it, which in all likelihood cannot continue many years without a new supply from the fountain.  
5. As for the honour and greatness of the Turk, and other Infidels, as it reacheth no farther than this life, so it hath no beginning from above this world; and if we 
In Luc. 4. & alibi.  may believe S. Ambrose, those honours are conferred rather by God's permission, then by his donation, being indeed ordained, and ordered by his providence, but for the sins of the people, conferred by the Prince that rules in the air. It is true, the Turkish Empire hath now continued a long time, but they have other principles of State to stand upon. The continual Guard of 100000. Soldiers, whereof most of them know no parents, but the Emperor. The Tenure of all his Subjects, who hold all in capite ad voluntatem Domini, by the service of the sword, their enjoined silence, and reverence in matters of Religion, and their facility in admitting other Religions, as well as their own to the hope of salvation, and to tolerate them, so that they be good Subjects.  
These and such like are principles of great importance to increase an Empire, and to maintain a Temporal State. But there is no State in Christendom that may endure these principles, unless they mean to turn Turks also, which although some be willing to do, yet they will neither hold in Capite, nor hold their peace in Religion, nor suffer their King to have such a guard about him, nor admit of Catholic Religion so much as the Turk doth.  
6. It is most true, which I gladly writ, and am ready, with all the honour I can of your Majesty, to speak, that I think there was never any Catholic King in England, that did in his time more embrace and favour the true body of the Church of England, than your Majesty doth that shadow thereof, which is yet left, and my firm hope is, that this your desire to honour our Blessed Saviour in the shadow of the Church of England, will move him to honour your Majesty so much as not to suffer you to die out of the body of his true Catholic Church, and in the mean time to let you understand that all honour that is intended to him by Schism & Heresy doth redound to his great dishonour, both in respect of his Real, and of his Mystical Body.  
7. For his Real Body it is not as the Ubiquitaries would have it every where, as well without the Church as within, but only where himself would have it, and hath ordained that it should be, and that is only amongst his Apostles and Disciples, and their Successors in the Catholic Church, to whom he delivered his Sacraments, and promised to continue with them until the world's end; So that though Christ be present in that Schism, by the power of his Deity, (for so he is present in hell also) yet by the grace of his humanity, (by participation of which grace only there is hope of salvation) he is not present there at all, except it be in corners and prisons, and places of persecution. And therefore whatsoever honour is pretended to be done to Christ in Schism and Heresy, is not done to him, but to his utter enemies.  
8. And for his mystical Body, which is his Church and Kingdom, there can be no greater dishonour done to Christ, then to maintain schism and dissension therein. What would your Majesty think of any Subjects of yours, that should go about to raise civil dissension or wars in your Kingdom, and of those that should f●ster, and adhere unto such men? It is the fashion of all Rebels when they are in Arms, to 
* You know who have done so of late.  pretend the safety of the King, and the good of the Country; but pretend what they will, you cannot account such men any better than Traitors. And shall we believe that our B. Saviour, the King of Kings, doth sit in heaven, and either not see the practices of those, that under colour of serving him with Reformation, do nothing else, but serve their own turns, and distract his Church, that is his Kingdom on earth, with sedition? Or shall we think that he will not in time revenge his wrong? Verily he sees it, and doth regard it, and will in time revenge it.  
9 But I hope and pray, that he may not revenge it upon you, nor yours, but rather that he will show, that your desire to honour him, is accepted of him, and therefore will move you to honour yourself, and your posterity, with bestowing the same your favour upon his Church in the unity thereof, which you do now bestow in the Schism, and that he will reward both you and yours for the same, according to his promise, not only with everlasting glory in heaven, but also with long continued temporal honour and security in this world. And this is the first reason of my hope, grounded upon the promise of God.  
The second Reason of my hope, that Catholic Religion may be a great means of honour and security, to your Majesty's posterity, is taken from the consideration of your neighbours, the Kings and Princes of Christendom; among whom there is no State ancient, and truly honourable, but only those that are Catholic. The reason whereof I take to be, because the Rules of Catholic Religion are eternal, universal, and constant unto themselves, and withal so consonant unto Majesty and greatness, as they have made and preserved the Catholic Church most reverend and venerable throughout the world for these 1600. years, and those Temporal States that have been conformable thereunto, have been always most honourable, and so are like to continue, until they harken unto Schism. And as for those that have rejected and opposed the Rules of Catholic Religion, they have been driven in short time to degenerate, and become either tyrannical or popular; your Majesty, I know doth abhor Tyranny, but if Schism and Heresy might have their full swing cover the Seas, the very shadow and Relics of Majesty in England, should be utterly 
* God grant this prove not too true.  defaced and turned into Helvetian, or Belgian popularity: For, they that make no conscience to profane the Majesty of God and his Saints, in the Church, will, after they feel their strength, make no bones to violate the Majesty of the King, and his Children in the Commonwealth.  
10. I know well that the Puritans of England, the Huguenots of France, and the Gueses of Germany, together with the rest of the Calvinists of all sorts are a great faction of Christendom, and they are glad to have the pretence of so great a Majesty to be their chief, and of your posterity to be their hope: but I cannot be persuaded that they ever will or can join together to advance your Majesty, or your Children farther than they may make a present gain by you. They are 
* One may swear it.  not agreed of their own Religion, nor of the principles of Universal and Eternal Truth, and how can they be constant in the rules of particular, and transitory honour? where there is Nullum Principium ordinis, there can be Nullum Principium honoris; such is their case, there is a voice of Confusion among them, as well in matters of State as of Religion. Their power is great, but not to edification, but destruction. They join together only against good order, which they call the Common Enemy, and if they can destroy that, they will in all likelihood turn their fury against themselves, and like Devil's torment, like Serpents devour one another. In the mean time if they can make their Burghers, Princes, and turn old Kingdoms into new States, it is like enough they will do it, but that they will ever agree together to make any one Prince, King, or Emperor over them all, and yield due obedience unto him, further than either their gain shall allure them, or his Sword shall compel them, that I cannot persuade myself to believe. And therefore I cannot hope that your Majesty or your posterity can expect the like honour or security from them, which you might do from Catholic Princes, if you were joined firmly to them in the unity of Religion.  
12. The third reason of my hope, that Catholic Religion should be most available for the honour and security of your Majesty, and your children, is taken from the consideration of your Subjects, which can be kept in obedience to God, and to their King by no other Religion, and least of all by the Calvinists; for if their principles be received once, and well drunk in, and digested by your Subjects, they will openly maintain, that God hath as well predestinated men to be 
* Is not this now openly professed, by those who would have the King called to an account? etc.  Traitors, as to be Kings, and he hath as well predestinated men to be Thiefs, as to be Judges, and he hath as well predestinated that men should sin, as that Christ should die for sin; which kind of disputations, I know by my experience in the Country, are ordinary, among your Country Calvinists, that take themselves to be learned in the Scriptures, especially when they are met in the Alehouse, and have found a weaker brother, whom they think sit to be instructed in the profound mysteries. And howsoever they be not yet all so impudent, as to hold these conclusions in plain terms, yet it is certain they all hold these principles of Doctrine, from whence working heads of greater liberty, do at their pleasures draw these consequences, in their lives, and practices. And is 
* It now appears it is not.  this a Religion sit to keep Subjects in obedience to their Sovereigns?  
13. Here I know the great Masters of Schism, will never leave objecting the horrible treason of certain Catholics against your Majesty, which if the Devil had not wrought to their hands, they had had little to say against Catholic Religion before this day. But I humbly entreat that the fact of of some few men, may not be for ever objected against the truth of a general Rule. It is not the question which Religion will make all your Subjects true, but which Religion is most like to make all true. It is certain there be Traitors against God and man, of all Religions, and Catholics as they are the best Subjects, so when they fall to it, they are the worst Traitors. But if we will look upon examples, or consider of reasons, the Catholic is the only Religion, which as it doth duly subordinate Kings unto God, so doth it effectually bind Subjects to perform all lawful obedience to their Kings, I will not repeat examples, because the ancient are tedious, and the present are odious. But if there can be but one King named in all the world, that did ever receive honour from Calvinists, farther than to be their Champion or Protector, until their turn were served, than I may be content to believe that your Majesty, and your Family shall receive perpetuity from them. But if your Calvinists do profess to honour you, and all other Calvinists do overthrow their Kings and Princes wheresoever they can prevail, I can hardly believe that yours do 
* It appears so now.  mean any more good earnest than the rest. There is certainly some other matter that they are content for a time to honour your Majesty, it cannot be their Religion that ties them to it, for it doth not tie them to itself. There is no principle of any Religion, nor any Article of any Faith, which a Calvinist will not call in question and either altogether deny, or expound after his own fancy, and if he be restrained, he cries out by and by, that he cannot have the liberty of his Conscience. And what bond of obedience can there be in such Religion?  
14. It is commonly objected by Statesmen, that it is no matter what opinions men hold in matters of Religion, so that they be kept in awe by Justice, and by the Sword: Indeed for this world it were no matter at all for Religion, if it were possible without it to do Justice, and to keep men in awe by the Sword. In Military estates whilst the Sword is in the hand, there is the less need of Religion, and yet the greatest and most Martial States that ever were, have been willing to use the conscience and reverence of some Religion or other, to prepare the Subjects to obedience. But in a peaceable Government, such as all Christian Kingdoms do profess to be, if the reins of Religion be let lose, the Sword commonly is too weak, and comes too late, and will be like enough to give the day to the Rebel: and seeing the last and strongest bond of Justice is an Oath which is a principal act of Religion, and were but a mockery, if it were not for the punishment of hell, and the reward of heaven, it is impossible to execute Justice without the help of Religion. And therefore the neglect and contempt of Religion hath ever been, and ever shall be the forerunner of destruction in all settled States whatsoever.  
15. The Devil that intends the destruction as well of bodies, as of souls, and of whole States, as of particular men, doth not commonly begin with men's bodies, and with matters of State, but being himself a spirit, and the Father of lies, he doth first insinuate himself into men's understandings by false principles of Religion, whereunto he hath the more easy entrance, because he hath persuaded their Governors to believe that it is no great matter what opinions men hold in matters of Religion, so that they look well into their actions, and keep them in obedience, which persuasion is all one, as if the Enemy that besiegeth a City, should persuade the Garrison, that they might surrender the Castle unto him well enough, and keep the base Town, and all the people of the Town to themselves. But when the devil hath prevailed so far, as by false opinions in matters of the first truth, that is of Religion, to get the understanding in possession, which is the Castle as it were, and watchtower both of the soul, and body, and state, and all, he will peradventure dissemble his purpose for a while, and by slandering of the truth and pleasing them with the trifles of the world, (which by God's permission are in his power) make men believe, that the world is amended; for, Nemo repentè sit pessimus, but shortly after when he sees his time, he will out of his Arsenal of false apprehensions in understanding, send forth such distorted Engines of life and action, as will easily subdue both body, and goods, and states, and all, to his devotion,  
16. The calvinistical Preacher, when he hath gotten his honest, abused, and misguided flock about him, will cry out against me for this Popish collection, and call God and them to witness, that he doth daily in his Sermons exhort men to good works, and to obedience unto the King's Majesty; and am not I and my brethren (saith he) and our flock, as honest, and as civil men, as any Papist of them all? For my own part I will not accuse any Calvinist though I could, neither can I excuse all Papists, though I would.  
Iliacoes intra muros peccator & extra.  
But I must never forget that most true & wise observation which the noble & learned Sir Francis Bacon makes in one of his first Essays, viz. That all Schismatics utterly failing in the Precepts of the first Table concerning the Religion and worship of God, have necessity in policy to make a good show of the second Table, by their civil & demure conversation towards men. For otherwise they should at the first appear, as afterwards they show themselves, to be altogether out of their ten Commandments; and so men would be as much ashamed to follow them at the first, as they are at the last. It is a sure rule of Policy, that in every mutation of State, the Authors of the Change, will for a while show themselves, or pretend to be honest, rather of spite, then of conscience, that they may disgrace those, whom they have suppressed: but it doth never hold in the next generation. You shall scarce hear of a Puritan father, but his son proves either a Catholic or an Atheist: Mutinous Soldiers whilst the Enemy is in the field, will be orderly, nor for love of their General, but for fear of the Enemy: but if they be not held in the ancient Discipline of Wars, they will upon the least truce or ceslation, quickly show themselves.  
17. And as for their exhortations to obedience to your Majesty, when they have first infected the understanding of your Subjects, with such principles of Rebellion, as have disturbed and overthrown all other States, where they had their will, it is a ridiculous thing to think upon such exhortations, and all one, as if a fantastical fellow, finding a herd of young Cattles in a close, should first break down the hedges, and then cry loud to the Cattles, not to venture to go out, nor to seek any fatter pasture, for fear they be put into the pound, and if they chance to feed where they are, because they have no experience of other, and to tarry in the Close for an hour or two, than the unhappy fellow should run to the owner of the Cattles, and tell him what great service he had done him, and how he had kept his Cattles in the Close by his goodly charms and exhortations. Let them say what they list of their own honesty, and of their exhortations to obedience, as long as they do freely infect the people's souls with such false opinions in Religion, they do certainly sow the seeds of disobedience, and Rebellion in men's understandings, which if they be not prevented by your Majesty's giving way to Catholic Religion, will in all likelihood spring up in the 
K. Charles feels the sad effects of this prediction.  next generation, to the great prejudice, and molestation of your Majesty, and your posterity. So that whether I do respect heaven, or earth, my own soul, or the service of your Majesty, God, or your Neighbours, or your Subjects, my assured hope is, that by joining myself to the Catholic Church, I neither have done, nor ever shall do any ill duty or service unto your Majesty.  
18. But perhaps there is such opposition both in matter of Doctrine, and in matter of State, as it is impossible that ever there should be any reconciliation at all betwixt the Church of England, and the Church of Rome, of which I humbly pray your Majesty to give me leave to show you what I have observed.  
19 It is true, the breach hath continued now these many years, and it is much increased by so long continuance, so that it was never greater, than it seems to be at this day, nor ever more dangerous to deal withal; For if a man do but go about to stop it, there ariseth presently a great and fearful noise, and roaring of the waters against him: but yet nevertheless the greatness of the noise ought not to discourage us, but rather to give us hope, that although it be wide, yet it is but shallow, and not far from the bottom, as proceeding from affection, which is sudden and violent, and not from judgement, which is quiet, constant, and always like itself; for if a man ask in cold blood, whether a Roman Catholic may be saved, the most learned Churchman will not deny it. And if a man ask, whether a Roman Catholic may be a good Subject, the most wise Statesman will easily grant it; May we be both saved? then we are not divided in God. May we be both good Subjects? then we are not divided in the King. What reason is there then that we should be thus hotly and unplacably divided?  
20. Truly there is no reason at all, but only the violence of affection, which being in a course, cannot without some force be stayed. The multitude doth seldom or never judge according to truth, but according to customs; and therefore having of purpose been bred, and brought up in the hatred of Spaniards and Papists, cannot choose but think they are bound to hate them still; and that whosoever speaks a word in favour of the Church of Rome, or of Catholic Religion, is their utter enemy. And the puritannical Preacher, who can have no being in charity, doth never cease by falsifications, and slanders, to blow the coals, that he may burn them, and warm himself.  
But if your Majesty shall ever be pleased to command those make bats to hold their peace a while, and to say nothing, but what they are able to prove by sufficient authority, before those who are able to judge, and in the mean time to admit a conference of learned and moderate men on either side, the people who are now abused, and with the light of the Gospel held in extreme ignorance, are not yet so uncapable, but they will be glad to hear of the truth, when it shall be simply and evidently delivered by honest men; and then they will plainly see, that their Light of the Gospel, which they so much talk of, is but a counterfeit light in a Thief's lantern, whereby honest men's eyes are dazzled, and their Purses rob. And it will also appear that there is not indeed any such irreconcilable opposition betwixt the Church of England, and the Church of Rome, as they that live by the Schism, do make the world believe there is, neither in matter of Doctrine, nor matter of State.  
21. For matter of Doctrine there is no reason that your Majesty or the Kingdom should be molested, or burdened for the maintenance of Calvinisme, which is as much 
* Indeed a true Protestant and a Papist are now almost equally odious.  against the Religion of England, as it is against the Religion of Rome, and will by necessary consequence overthrew not only the Catholic Church, the Communion of Saints, and the forgiveness of sins, but also all the Articles of the Creed, saving only so much as the Turk himself will be content to believe, which will be easy to prove upon better leisure.  
The Doctrine of England is that which is contained in the Common Prayer Book and Church Catechism confirmed by Act of Parliament, and by your Majesty's Edict, wherein all English men are Baptised, and aught to be confirmed, and therefore there is some reason that this should be stood upon.  
But this Doctrine, in most of the main points thereof (as hath been touched before, and requireth a just treatise to set down in particular,) doth much differ from the current opinions and Catechisms of Calvinisme, or doth very near agree with, or at least not contradict the Church of Rome, if we list with patience to hear one another. And those points of Doctrine wherein we are made to be at wars with the Church of Rome, whether we will or not, do rather argue the Corruptions of that state, from whence they come, then are argued by the grounds of that Religion whereupon they stand; and the contradiction of Doctrine hath followed the alteration of State, and not the alteration of State been grounded upon any truth of Doctrine.  
22. For when the breach was resolved upon for the personal and particular ease of King Henry the eight, and the Children of his later Wives, it was necessary to give every part of the Commonwealth contentment, for which they might hold out in the heat of affection, and study to maintain the breach, otherwise it was likely that in the clearness of Judgement it would quickly have grown together again, and then the Authors thereof must have been excluded, and given account of their practice.  
23. Therefore to the Lords and 
* In like manner the Members of Parliament, and their Adherents have now purchased the Bishop's Lands at easy rates, etc.  Favourites of the Court were given the Lands and Inheritance of the Abbeys, and religious Houses, that having once as it were, washed their hands in the bowels and blood of the Church, both they and their posterity might be at utter defiance therewith. And so having overthrown and profaned the good works of the Saints, it was necessary for them to get them Chaplains that might both dispute, preach and write against the merits of good works, the Invocation of Saints, the sacrifice of the Altar, Prayer for the dead, and all such points of Catholic Doctrine, as were the grounds of those Churches and Religious Houses, which they had overthrown and profaned. And it was not hard for those Chaplains by some show of Scripture to prove that which their Lords and their followers were so willing to believe.  
24. To the Commons was given great hope of relief for their poverty, case of Subsidies, and of the burden of so great a Clergy, and many other goodly gay nothings. And for the present they should have liberty, and the benefit of the Common-Law, that is, leave to live by such Laws as themselves list to make, and to contemn the Authority of the Church, which although it were for their benefit every way, yet because it crossed their affections, like wayward Children, they could never abide it. And was not this reason enough for them to hold out the breach, and to study Scripture themselves, that they might be able to confute Confession, Satisfaction, Penance, and to declaim against all that Tyranny of the Church of Rome, whereby themselves, and their forefathers had been kept in awe and obedience unto God, and their Kings?  
25. To the Clergy men that would turn with the times, besides the possibility of present preferment by the alteration, was given shortly after leave to marry, and to purchase, and enjoy the profit and pleasure of the world, as well as the Laity. And what carnal minded Monk, or Priest, would not with might and main keep open the breach, after he was once plunged in it, rather than be in danger to forgo so pleasing a commodity? Hence did arise a necessity of speaking, and writing against Vows, Virginity, Poverty, Fasting, Praying, Watching, Obedience, and all that austerity of life, which is by the Laws of the Church required in a Monastical, and Priestly Conversation.  
26. Upon these conditions, the Lords, the Commons, and the Clergy, were content to believe that the King was supreme Head of the Church of England, not that they did think so indeed, or that they desired to augment his authority, but that they might be protected by him, and freely enjoy those commodities, 
So our Purchasers love not to hear of peace or unity, lest they should come to lose their so easy bought Bishops lands, & other profits.  which they thought Schism had brought unto them, and feared the unity of the Church might again take from them. Hence did arise a necessity of inveighing against the Pope, and the Church of Rome, as against Antichrist and Babylon, and the greatest enemies of the State of England.  
Insomuch that that Clergyman was most acceptable to them, and in their opinion most worthy of preferments, that could most confidently preach, and write the most foul, and monstrous assertions of the Pope, and the Church of Rome, though they were never so false. These and such like are those temporal respects, which would feign seem the daughters of those Doctrines, which themselves have brought forth, and to be divided from the Catholic Church by Doctrine, when they themselves have caused the Doctrine of Division.  
27. In all these, and all other Doctrines of Division, men have received great countenance, and encouragement from Geneva; For although ●. John Calvin were never any good Subject, or friend to Bishop, Duke, or King, yet he did so fit the common people with new Doctrine, that no Gospel can be so pleasing to them, nor so lightsome as his. For finding Geneva to be fallen out both with their Bishop, (who was their ancient Prince) and their Duke, to whom they pretended against their Bishop, and to be all in a combustion among themselves for want of government, although he were then a stranger, and a very young man of some 26. or 27. years old at the most, yet he thought good upon the opportunity to give the venture, and to step in himself to be the founder of a new Church, and State amongst them, and for that purpose, he found them out such a Catechism, as they might easily contemn all ancient Learning and authority, and save themselves by a strong fancy, which he called Faith. And this pleased the Burghers of Geneva so well, that they called a meering, and caused all the Citizens to swear, that that Catechism was true, and that all Popery was false, as may appear in calvin's life, written by Beza himself, and prefixed to his Epistles. And although the Ministerial Presbytery of Geneva, hath lost much of M. calvin's greatness, yet the City hath had the fortune ever since by the help of their neighbours to hold out against their Bishop, and their Duke, and all their ancient Governors.  
28. Now it is the nature of all common people, especially of Islanders, not only still to 
* These late times witness this truth sufficiently.  affect more and more novelty and liberty, and to be weary of their old Clergy, but also to admire any thing that comes from beyond the Seas, & to cherish, and comfort one another with reporting the good success which Schismatics and Rebels happen to have against their lawful Prelates and ancient Governors, & to impute all their good fortune to their new Religion. Hence it comes to pass, that that Doctrine, which is indeed the lawful Doctrine of the Church of England, is neglected, and contemned as a Relic, or a Rag of Popery, and calvin's Institutions being come from Geneva, and fairly bound up with the Preface of the Gospel, is dispersed throughout all Schools, Cities, and Villages of England, and hath so infected both Priest and People, as although it be against Law, yet it is cried up by voices to be the only current Divinity in Court, and Country. In hope (belike) that it may one day serve the turn in England, as well as it hath done in Geneva, and in other places where it hath prevailed.  
28. These reasons, or rather Corruptions of State, have so confounded the Doctrine of the Church of England, and so slandered the Doctrine of the Church of Rome, as it hath turned men's brains, and made the multitude on both sides like two fools, who being set back to back, do think they are as far asunder as the Orisons are, which they look upon. But if it might please your Majesty to command them to turn but each of them a quarter about, and look both one way to the Service of God, and your Majesty, and to the salvation of souls, they should presently see themselves to be a great deal more near together in matters of Doctrine, than the puritannical Preachers on both sides do make them believe they are. I cannot in the brevity of this discourse descend into particulars, but if it please your Majesty, to command me, or any other honest man, that hath taken pains to understand, and observe all sides freely, and plainly to set down the difference betwixt Calvinisme, and the Doctrine of England established by Law, and and then to show Locos concessos, and Locos controversos, betwixt the Church of England, and the Church of Rome, I doubt not but the distance that will be left betwixt, for matter of Doctrine, may by your Majesty, be easily compounded.  
30. But perhaps there is so great opposition in matter of State, that although the Doctrine might be compounded, yet it is impossible to hear of agreement. And if there be the same reason of State which there was in the beginning, and continued all Q. Elizabeth's days, there is as little hope now that your Majesty should hearken to reconciliation, as there was that King Henry 8. or Q. Elizabeth would. But when I do, with the greatest respect I can, consider the State of your Majesty, your Lords, your Commons, and your Clergy, I do find as little cause of holding out, in reason of State, as I do in truth of Doctrine.  
31. King Henry the 8. (although he had written that book against the Schism of Luther, in the defence of the Sea Apostolic, for which he deserved the Title of Defensor Fidei, yet) when he gave way to the lust of Anne Bolen, and the flattery of his Favourites, and saw he could not otherwise have his will, he excluded the Pope, and made himself supreme Head of the Church, that so he might not only dispense with himself for his lust, but also supply his excess with the spoil of the Church, which was then very rich. But when he saw God blessed him not, neither in his wiving, nor in his thriving, he was weary of his Supremacy before he died, and wished himself in the Church again, but he died in the Curse of his Father, whose foundatitions he overthrew, and hath neither child to honour him, nor so much as a Tomb upon his grave to remember him, which some men take to be a token of the Curse of God.  
32. Q. Elizabeth, although she were the daughter of Schism, yet at her first coming to the Crown, she would have the Common-Prayer Book, and Catechism, so set down, that she might both by English service, satisfy the Commons, who were greedy of alteration, and by Catholic opinions give hope to her Neighbour Princes, that she would herself continue Catholic. And all her life long she carried herself so betwixt the Catholics, and the Calvinists, as she kept them both still in hope. Yet being the daughter of the breach-maker, and having both her Crown, and her life from the Schism, it was both dishonourable, and dangerous for her to hearken to reconcilement. And therefore after she was provoked by the excommunication of Pius Quintus, she did suffer such Laws to be made by her Parliaments, as might cry quittance with the Pope, and the Church of Rome. And this course seemed in policy necessary for her, who was the daughter of King Henry the 8. by Anne Bolen, born with the contempt of Rome, the disgrace of Spain, and the prejudice of Scotland.  
33. But now that your Majesty is by the consent of all sides come to the Crown, and your undoubted Title settled with long possession, the case is very much altered, for your Majesty hath no need of dispensations, nor no will to pull down Churches, nor no dependence at all on Henry the 8. and if this Schism could have prevented your Title with the divorce of one wife, and the marrying of five more, neither your Mother nor yourself, should ever have made Q. Elizabeth afraid with your right to the Crown of England. And therefore although it were necessary in reason of State to continue the Doctrine of division, as long as the fruit of that Doctrine did continue, yet now the fruit of Schism is all spent, and that Parenthefis of State is at an end, there is no reason, but that the old sentence may return again, and be continued in that sense, as if the Parenthesis had been clean left out; and that God had of purpose crossed the fleshly pretence of Schism, and raised your Majesty to restore it, as your most wise, and Catholic Progenitor King Henry the 7. did leave it.  
34. But perhaps the Schism though it serve you to no use at all for your Title, yet it doth much increase your authority and your wealth, and therefore it cannot stand with your honour to farther the unity of the Church of Christ.  
Truly those your most famous and renowned Ancestors, that did part with their authority, and their wealth to bestow them upon the Church of Christ, and did curse and execrate those that should diminish them, and take them away again, did not think so, nor find it so: and I would to God your Majesty were so powerful, and so rich, as some of those Kings were, that were most bountiful that way. You are our Sovereign Lord, all our bodies, and our goods are at your command, but our souls, as they belong not to your charge, but by way of protection in Catholic Religion, so they cannot increase your honour or authority, but in a due subordination unto Christ, and to those that supply his place in iis quae sunt Juris divini. It was essential to heathen Emperors to be Pontifices, as well as Reges, because they were themselves Authors of their own Religion. But among Christians, where Religion comes from Christ, who was no worldly Emperor (though above them all,) the Spiritual and Temporal Authority, have two beginnings, and therefore two supremes, who if they be subordinate, do uphold and increase one another; but if the temporal authority do oppose the spiritual, it destroys itself, and dishonours him from whom the spiritual authority is derived. Heresy doth naturally spread itself, like a Canker, and needs little help to put it forward; So that it is an easy matter for a mean Prince to be a great man amongst Heretics, but it is an hard matter for a great King to 
* K. Cham knows this to be true by woeful experience.  govern them. When I have sometimes observed, how hardly your Majesty could effect your most unreasonable desires amongst those that stand most upon your Supremacy, I have been bold to be angry, but durst say nothing, only I did with myself resolve for certain, that the Keys were wont to do the Crown more service, when they were in the Arms of the M●●er, than they can do, now they are tied together with the Sceptre, and that your Title in spiritual affairs doth but serve other men's turns, and not your own.  
35. As for your wealth, it is true, that the Crown hath more pence paid unto it now, then in Catholic times it had, but it hath never the more wealth. It is but the gain of the Tellers to have more money, true wealth is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, he is the richest Prince, that hath means to main●●ine the greatest Army, & to do most magnificent works both in war and peace, wherein the facts of your Catholic Ancestors do appear upon good Record, your Majesties are but yet hoped for, and if ever you have the help of Catholic Religion to assist you, I hope you shall excel them all; otherwise I assure myself, the Schism will do what it can to make you poor, and then complain, that you are not rich. It was indeed one of the main pretences in the Statutes of Henry the 8. that the Schism might enrich the King, and maintain his wars, but God did not bless it; for notwithstanding 
No more will Church-lands enrich this Parliament, or the Purchasers.  all the Church-lands, and Goods, and Tenths, and Fruits, and Praemunires, King Henry the 8. was feign to abase his coin more than once, and yet he died not so rich as his Catholic Father left him. And since his time what is become of the Court of Augmentation? what benefit you receive of all the Church-lands, more than your Progenitors did when they were in the hands of the Clergy, what case your Subjects have of Subsidies thereby, or in brief, how much your Coffers are in iched, you may be pleased to be informed by th●se that have to do with those offices, and can readily give you an account: for mine own part I have diligently read over all the Statutes made by Henry the 8. and do find that the Events are so clean contrary to the Prefaces and pretences of them, as if God of purpose would laugh them to scorn.  
36. There is yet another objection or two in reason of State concerning your Majesty, which seem to be harder to answer, than all the rest, whereof the one is, that your Majesty hath undertaken the cause in writing, and set out a book in Print, and it must needs be great dishonour to you to recall it. This indeed is that which I have heard the Calvinists of England often wi●h for, before it was done, and much boast of, after it was by means effected, that your Majesty should be no longer able to show yourself indifferent, as you did at the first, but were now engaged upon your honour, to maintain their party, and to oppugn the Catholics, and altogether to suppress them. But there is nothing in that book, why your Majesty may not when you please admit the Pope's Supremacy in spirituals. And you are partly engaged thereby to admit the trial of the first General Counsels, and most Ancient Fathers. And as for the question of Antichrist, it is but an hypothetical proposition, and so reserved, as you may recall yourself when you will; and howsoever that book came forth either of your own disposition, or by the daily instigation of some others, that did abuse your Clemency, and seek to send you of their own Errand, it cannot serve their turns, nor hinder your Majesty from harkening to an end of contention. For if King Henry the 8. in the Judgement of Protestants, might save his Honour, and contradict his Book from very good, to stark naught, they must not deny, but that your Majesty may increase your Honour by altering your Book from less good, to much better.  
37. The other and the greatest objection, that howsoever your Majesty before your coming to the Crown, and in the beginning of your Reign, were indifferent, yet after the Gunpowder Treason, you were so angered, and averted, as now you are resolved never to be friends. And therefore he is no good Subject, that will either himself be reconciled to the Church of Rome, or persuade any of your Subjects thereunto. It is true, I confess, your Majesty, had great cause to be throughly angry, and so had all good men, whether Catholics or Protestants: but if your Majesty will hearken to those, that work their own purposes out of your anger, you shall be driven to live and die out of Charity; which although it be not so horrible to the body, yet is it more harmful to the soul, then violent or sudden death. It is hard I confess for a private man to assuage his anger on the sudden, and there is as much difference betwixt the anger of a private man, and the indignation of a Prince, as betwixt a blast upon the River, which is soon down, and a storm upon the Sea, which having raised the billows to the height, is nourished by the motion thereof, and cannot settle again, in a long time. But there is a time for all things; And seven years is a long time. When a man is in the midst of his anger, it pleaseth him not to be entreated by his neighbours, much less by his servants; but when a man hath chidden, and punished until he is weary, he will be content to hear his servant speak reason. And though he be not the wisest, yet he is the lovingest servant that will venture to speak to his Master in such a case. God himself is exorable, and it pleaseth him to be entreated by his Servants for his Enemies. I am persuaded there is no good Catholic in the world, that can be your Majesty's Enemy. And therefore I do assure myself, that God will be pleased with you to hear them speak, and not angry with me for moving you● thereunto. And if your Majesty do but vouchsafe so much patience as to give equal hearing, I doubt not but you shall receive such satisfaction, as will give you great quiet, and contentment, and disquiet none of your Subjects, but those only, that do for their advantage misinform your Majesty, and misled your people.  
And if your Majesty have no such use of the Schism, as King Henry the 8. and Q. Elizabeth had, and that it doth neither increase your authority, nor your wealth, nor your honour, but rather hinder them all, and deprive you of that blessing which otherwise you might expect from Christ and his Church, from your Catholic neighbour Princes, and Subjects, and from the Saints 〈◊〉 heaven, in whose communion is the greatest comfort of every Christian, both in life and death, than whatsoever some great Statesman may say to the contrary, I do verily believe they do but speak for themselves, and that there is no true Reason, that may concern your Majesty, to hinder you from admitting a toleration of Catholics, and Catholic Religion, that those who cannot command their understanding to think otherwise, may find the comfort, they do with so great zeal pursue, in the unity of the Catholic Church, amongst whom I confess myself to be one, that would think myself the happiest man in the world, if I might understand that your Majesty were content that I should be so.  
38. But although your Majesty sit at the stern, and command all, yet you are carried in the same ship; and it is not possible to wield so great a vessel against wind and tide. And therefore although it do not concern your Majesty in your own estate, yet if your Lords, and your Commons, and your Clergy do reap any great benefit by the Schism, it will be very hard for your Majesty to effect unity. But if upon due examination there be no such matter, than it is but the cry of the passengers, who, for want of experience, are afraid where there is no danger, and that can be no hindrance to any course your Majesty shall think to be best, for the attaining of the haven.  
39 For my own part, for the discharge of my duty, and conscience, I have considered of all their states, ●nd can resolve myself, that I have not prejudiced the state of any good Subject of yours, but mine own, in coming to the Catholic Church. And first for your Lords and Nobles. It is true that many of their Ancestors were allowed a very good share in the division of the Church, when the Schism began, and therefore it concerned them in reason of their state to maintain the doctrine of division. But I think there are very few in England, either Lords, or other now possessed of Abbey lands, which have not paid well for them, and might not as well possess them in the unity of the Church; as in the Schism. And there was a Declaration made by the Pope to that purpose in Queen Mary's days; so that there is now no need at all to preach against the merits of good works, nor the virtue of the Sacraments, nor the Invocation of Saints, nor the rest of that Popery, that built Churches, unless it be to help the Huguenots of France to pull them down.  
40. But perhaps the Commons of England do gain so much by the Schism, as they cannot abide to hear of unity. Indeed when the Puritan Preacher hath called his flock about him, and described the Church of Rome, to be so ignorant, so idolatrous, and so wicked as he hath made himself believe she is; then is he wont to congratulate his poor deceived Audience, that they, by the means of such good men as himself is, are delivered from the darkness, idolatry, and wickedness of Popery, and there is no man dare say a word, or once mutter to the contrary. But the People have heard these lies so long, as most of them begin to be weary, and the wisest of them cannot but wonder, how these Puritan Preachers should become more learned, and more honest, than all the rest that lived in ancient times, or that live still in Catholic Countries, or then those in England, whom these men are wont to condemn for Papists. Nevertheless I confess there be many honest men and women amongst them, that being carried away with prejudice and pretext of Scriptures, do follow these Preachers out of zeal and devotion to the truth, as myself did, until I knew it was but counterfeit. And these good People, if they might be so happy as to hear Catholics answer for themselves, and tell them the truth, would be the most devout Catholics of all other. But most of the People were never led by Sermons; if they were, the Catholic Church is both able, and willing to supply them far better than the Schism. But it was an opinion of wealth and liberty, which made them break at the first, and if they do duly consider of it, they are never the better for either of both, but much the worse.  
41. For wealth the Puritan unthrift, (that looks for the overthrow of Bishops, and Church's Cathedral) hopes to have his share in them, if they would fall once; and therefore he cannot choose, but desire to increase the Schism, that he may gain by it: but the honest Protestant that can endure the State of the Church of England as it is, could be content it were, as it was, for he should receive more benefit by it every way.  
The poor Gentleman and Yeoman, that are burdened with many Children, may remember that in Catholic times, the Church would have received and provided for many of their sons and daughters, so as themselves might have lived and died in the service of God without posterity, and have helped to maintain the rest of their Families, which was so great a benefit to the Commonwealth, both for the exoneration and provision thereof, as no humane policy can procure the like. The Farmer and Husbandman, who labours hard, to discharge his payments, and hath little or nothing left at the years end to lay up for his Children, that increase and grow upon him, may remember that in Catholic times there were better pennyworths to be had, when as the Clergy had a great part of the land in their hands, who had no need to raise their Rents themselves, and did what they might to make other Lords let at a reasonable rate, which was also an inestimable benefit to the Commons. So that whereas ignorant men carried with envy against the Clergy, are wont to object the multitude of them, and the greatness of their provisions, they speak therein, as much against themselves as is possible. For the greater the number is of such men as are Mundo mortui, the more is the exoneration of the Commons, and the more the lands are of such, as can have no propriety in them, the better is the provision of the Commons. For themselves can have no more but their food, and regular apparel, all the rest either remains in the hands of the Tenants, or returns in Hospitality, and relief to their Neighbours, or is kept as in a living Exchequer, for the service of Prince and Country in time of necessity. So that the Commons do gain no wealth at all, but rather lose much by the Schism.  
42. And as for liberty, they are indeed freed from the possibility of going to shrift, that is of confessing their sins to God, in the ear of a Catholic Priest, and receiving comfort and counsel against their sins from God, by the mouth of the same Priest, which duty is required of Catholic People, but only once in the year, but performed by them with great comfort and edification, very often; so that a man may see and wonder to see many hundreds at one Altar to communicate every Sunday with great devotion, and likely no day pass, but divers do confess, are absolved, and receive the blessed Sacrament.  
The poor Commons of England are freed from this comfort; neither is it possible, (unless their Ministers had the seat of Secrecy) for them to use it. And what is the liberty that they have instead thereof? Surely the servants have great liberty against their Masters by this means, the Children, against their Parents, the People against their Prelates, the Subjects against their King, and all against the Church of Christ, that is against their own good, and the Common salvation; for without the use of this Sacrament, neither can Inferiors be kept in awe, but by the Gallows, which will not save them from hell; nor Superiors be ever told of their Errors, but by Rebellion, which will not bring them to heaven. These & such like be the liberties, that both Prince & People do enjoy by the want of Confession, and of Catholic Religion.  
43. As for the liberty of making Laws in Church-matters, the Common Lawyer may perhaps make an advantage of it, and therefore greatly stand upon it, but to the common people it is no pleasure at all, but rather a great burden. For the great Multitude of Statutes, which have been made since the Schism, (which are five times more than ever they were before, since the name of Parliament was in England) hath caused also an infinite number of Lawyers, all which must live by the Commons, and raise new Families, which cannot be done without the decay of the old. And if the Canons of the Church and the Courts of Confession were in request, the Lawyer's market would soon be marred.  
And therefore most of your Lawyers in this point are Puritans, & do still furnish the Parliament, with grievances against the Clergy, as knowing very well, that their own glory came at the first from the Court Infidel, and therefore cannot stand with the Authority of the Church, which came at the first from the Court Christian. I speak not against the Ancient Laws of England, which since King Ethelberts time were all Catholic, nor against the honest Lawyers of England. I know many, and honour all good men among them, and do hope for better times by the learning wisdom, & moderation of the chiefest. But I am verily persuaded that the pretended liberties of the Commons, to make Laws in matter of Religion, doth burden the Common wealth, and both prejudice your Majesty, and pleasure none at all, but the Puritan, and pettifogging Lawyer, that would feign fetch the antiquity of his Common Law from the Saxons, that were before King Ethelbert. So that whether we respect the spiritual instruction and comfort, or the temporal wealth and liberty of the Commons of England, if the Puritan Preacher, and Puritan Lawyer, who both do seek the overthrow of the Church, and deceive, and consume the people, would let them alone, there would quickly appear no reason of their Sta●e at all, why they should hate the Catholic Church, that is so comfortable, and beneficial unto them, or maintain the Schism▪ that with sugared speeches, and counterfeit faces doth so much abuse them.  
44. I am therefore in very assured hope, that by my coming to the Catholic Church, besides the satisfying, and saving of my own soul, I shall do no ill service to your Majesty, neither in respect of yourself, nor your Children, nor in respect of your Lords, and Commons, and that there is no reason concerning the State in any of these, that is sufficient to dissuade unity. There is only the 
* The Protestant Clergy are now like to find this a true prediction.  Clergy left which (if Calvinisme may go on, and prevail as it doth) shall not in the next age be left to be satisfied.  
And there is little reason, that any man that loves the Clergy, should desire to satisfy such Clergy men, as do under hand favour Calvinists, and maintain such points of Doctrine, as if your Majesty's favour were not, would out of hand overthrow the Clergy, and instead of them set up a few stipendiary Preachers,  
45. There never was, is, or shall be any well settled State in the world, either Christian, or Heathen, but the Clergy or Priesthood was, is, and must be a principal part of the Government depending upon none, but him only, whom they suppose to be their God. But where Calvinisme prevails, three or four stipendiary Ministers, that must preach, as it shall please Mr. Mayor, and his Brethren, may serve for a whole City. And indeed if their opinions be true, it is but a folly for any State ●o maintain any more. For if God hath predistinated a certain Number to be saved, without any condition at all of their being in the visible Church by Faith, or their persevering therein by good works; If God hath reprobated the greatest part of the world, without any respect at all of their infidelity, heresy, or wicked life; If the Faith of Christ be nothing else, but the assured persuasion of a Mans own Predestination to glory, by him; If the Sacraments of the Church be nothing but signs, and badges of that grace, which a man hath before by the carnal Covenant of his Parent's faith; If Priesthood can do nothing but preach the Word (as they call it) which Laymen must judge of and may preach too, if they will, where occasion serves; If the study an I knowledge of Antiquity, Universality, and Consent be not necessary, but every man may expound Scripture, as his own spirit shall move him; If I say, these and such like opinions be as true, as they are among Calvinists in the world common, and in England too much favoured, and maintained, there will certainly appear no reason at all to your Parliament, whensoever your Majesty or your Successor shall please to ask them, why they should be at so great a charge as they are, to maintain so needless a party, as these opinions do make the Clergy to be. They can have a great many more 
How right this points upon the Doctrine of these times.  Sermons, a great deal better cheap, and in the opinion of Calvinisme, the Clergy do no other service. They that do in England favour, and maintain those opinions, and suppress, and disgrace those that do confute them; they, although themselves can be content to be Lords, and go in Rochets, are indeed the greatest Enemies of the Clergy. And it were no great matter for the Clergy they might easily turn Lay, and live as well as they do for the most part. But it is a thing full of compassion, and commiseration to see, that by these false and wicked opinions, the Devil, the the Father of these and all other lies, doth daily take possession of the souls of your Subjects, both of Clergy and Laity.  
These kind of Clergy men I confess, I do not desire to satisfy any other way, then as I have always done, that is by the most friendly and plain confutation of their errors, to show them the truth. As for other Clergy men that are conformable to the Religion established by Law, as well for their Doctrine, as for their Discipline, if they be good Scholars, and temperate men, (as I know many of them are) they cannot but in their judgements approve the truth of Catholic Religion; and if it were not for fear of loss, or disgrace to their wives, and Children, they would be as glad as myself, that a more temperate course might be held, and more liberty afforded unto Catholics, and Catholic Religion in England.  
These Clergymen, I am, and ever shall be desirous to satisfy, not only in respect of themselves, but also in respect of their wives and children, whom I am so far from condemning and disliking, as that I do account myself one of them, and I desire nothing more in this world, then in the toleration of Catholic Religion, to live & die among them. And therefore I have had so great care in this point, as before I did submit myself to the Catholic Church, I received assurance from some of the greatest, that if your Majesty would admit the Ancient subordination of the Church of Canterbury unto that Mother Church by whose authority all other Churches in England at the first were, and still are subordinate unto Canterbury, and the free use of that Sacrament, for which especially all the Churches in Christendom were first founded; the Pope for his part would confirm the Interest of all those, that have present possession in any Ecclesiastical living in England; And would also permit the free use of the Common Prayer Book in English for Morning and Evening Prayer, with very little or no alteration, And for the contentment and security of your Majesty, he would give you not only any satisfaction but all the honour, that with the unity of the Church, and the safety of Catholic Religion, may be required; which seemed to me so reasonable, as being before satisfied of the truth of Catholic Religion, I could ask no more. So that I am verily persuaded, that by yielding to that truth, which I could not deny, I have neither neglected my duty, and service to your Majesty, and your Children, nor my respect and honour to your Lords and Commons, nor my love and kindness to my honest friends, and brethren of the Clergy; but rather that my Example and my Prayers shall do good unto all.  
47. But that which I must trust to, when all the rest will fail me, is the service of God, and saving of my soul in the unity of that Church, which was founded by Christ himself, and shall continue until his coming again, wherein all the Saints of God have served him on earth, and do enjoy him in heaven, without which Holy Catholic Church, there is no Communion of Saints, no forgiveness of sins, no hope of Resurrection unto life everlasting. I beseech your Majesty let not calvin's Ecclesia Praedestinatorum deceive you, it may serve a Turk, as well as a Christian, it hath no faith but opinion, no hope, but presumption, no Charity, but lust, no faith, but a fancy, no God, but an Idol. For Deus est omnibus Religionibus commune Nomen, All Religions in the world, begin their Creed, with I believe in God. But homini extra Ecclesiant, Religio sua est cultus phantasmatum suorum; and error suus est Deus suus, as S. Augustine affirmeth, Epist. 64.  
48. I have more things to write, but the hast of answering your Majesty's Commandment, signified to me by Sir Thomas Lake his Letters, hath made me commit many faults in writing this very suddenly, for which I crave pardon, and cut off the rest.  
But for my returning into England, I can answer no otherwise but thus, I have sent you my soul in this Treatise, and if it may find entertainment, and passage, my body shall most gladly follow after. And if not, I pray God I send my soul to heaven, and my body to the grave, assoon as may be. In the mean time, I will rejoice in nothing, but only in the Cross of Christ, which is the glory of your Crown. And therefore I will triumph therein, not as being gone from you to your adversary, but as being gone before you to your Mother, where I desire, and hope for ever to continue  
Your Majesty's true Servant, and Beadsman, B. CARIER. Liege Decemb. 12. Anno, 1613.  
Multum incola fuit anima mea  
Cum his qui oderunt pacem; eram pacificus,  
Cum loqucbar illis, impuguabant me gratis.  
FINIS.