Considerations Offered to all the CORPORATIONS OF ENGLAND, Well worth their OBSERVATION, Containing seasonable advice to them in their future Elections OF BURGESSES To Serve in PARLIAMENT, Merely in Relation to, and so far forth only, as such Elections affect Trade, and are, as will appear hereby, the main cause of its present great decay.  
LONDON, Printed for William Cademan, at the Sign of the Popes-Head, in the New-Exchange in the Strand, 1681.   

CONSIDERATIONS Offered to all the CORPORATIONS OF ENGLAND, Well worth their Observation, containing seasonable Advice to them in their future Elections of BURGESSES to serve in PARLIAMENT, merely in relation to, and so far forth only, as such Elections affect Trade, and are, as will appear hereby, the main Cause of its present Decay.  
EXperience does sufficiently assure every Trading-man in this Kingdom, that there is a great and general decay of Trade, but the true Reason of this decay is known to few, and they very likely who do perceive it, having little or no Interest by it, are little or not all concerned to remedy it; divers causes are assigned by divers men, according to their different Interest and Principles; the Divine charges it upon the sinful lives of men, for which God has brought this, and threatens other yet severer Judgements, and he is not altogether mistaken, it being on all hands confessed, that for the sins of a Nation are God's Judgements upon it, but as the design of these sheets is to inquire into second and causes merely humane, I shall pass over this first, with this Observation only, that if that were the only reason, as the sins of the Nation are general, and common to all Orders and Degrees of men, the Judgements for those sins would be so too; but here is a heavier Portion upon one part, of the land then upon the rest, and they who are most afflicted, are not perhaps the greatest Offenders.  
To keep therefore within my bounds and to my first purpose of humane causes; that your factious Schismatics (those Enemies of God and the King) who hate and mislike the Government only because they have no share in it, (and who fearing the pretence of Religion too stolen a cheat, are glad to lay hold on any) are they who most cry out for the decay of Trade, though they have least reason so to do, since I shall make it appear anon they are the main cause of it, is visible to all men, these impute that decay to the miscarriages in Government; and whilst their restless Spirits (which still long for the fleshpots of their old Egypt in which the true Israel was by them enslaved) are afraid too openly to declare against the Government, they do the utmost to undermine what they dare not directly assault, in commending, and slily insinuating the good days of the late times, the Plenty, Power, Riches and Reputation of their dear Commonwealth; Thus labouring to create some disturbance, that in the troubled waters they may fish for themselves, and catch once more some share in the Government which God and Nature have not form, the King called, nor their own Abilities qualified them for.  
I come now to the true Cause, which as I have already said, is chiefly in and from them who most complain: If Trade have not run in its old current; if Manufactors of all sorts are brought so low, that Workmen can scarce be paid so as to live, and their Masters get bread at the same time; If through this abatement of the value of Manufactures, men are so far discouraged from making them, that thousands of men are thereby without employ; Men become averse to the breading up their Children to Trades, by which they are not likely to get a Livelihood, and Tradesmen as backward in taking Youth into their service, when they have not a Prospect of work enough to answer the charges of their Servants and their own Pains; the great reason of all this decay is, that Trade is not in that esteem it was formerly, and the cause of the decrease of that esteam is plain, because it has not of late years had the advantages and encouragements it once had, and which without doubt by the Laws and Constitutions of the Kingdom it ought still to have.  
These discourages and disadvantages of Trade, the true causes of its decay, are no less truly the effects of the undue Elections of Members to serve in Parliament, in which these ill affected Gentlemen have for these last fifty years, had a far greater Interest than the rest of men who had voices in Elections; I call the Elections undue, because I find them directly against the plain words and sense of such Statutes as direct Elections.  
'Tis well known of late years, the house of Commons has been filled with Gentlemen, whose Ignorance of, and unconcern for Trade, has by degrees brought it to the condition it is now in; and the end I propose to myself in this, is to convince all Corporations, that it is their duty and interest in the elections hereafter, to choose such men, who live and subsist by Trade, and whose interests are of necessity to rise and fall as that does; that it is their duty will appear from the Acts of Parliament, and that it is their interest also, will I hope be made pretty plain from what I shall hereafter set down.  

7 H. 4. Ch. 15. 11 H. 4. Ch. 1. 1 H. 5. Ch. 1. 8 H. 6. Ch. 7. 10. H. 6. Ch. 2. 23 H. 6. Ch. 15.  There are several Statutes concerning Elections, as you will find them set down in the Margin, the first of these directs the time and manner of giving notice in the County of an Election to be; the second confirms the first, Fines the Sheriff who shall Act contrary to it in one hundred pounds; the third I shall speak of last; the fourth appoints every Knight of the Shire that shall be chosen to have forty shilling a year at least of freehold in the County where he shall be chosen, and to be resident and dwelling in the same County; the fift obliges every man who shall have a voice in the election of a Knight of the Shire, to have likewise forty shillings a year, and to be dwelling in the same County; the sixth provides against false returns, and appoints Penalties on the Sheriffs in that case: The third which is most to the present purpose, confirming former Statutes, appoints what men shall be chosen Burgesses, and how qualified for the Election, which being so material and necessary for all men to know, I have thought good to set it down in its own words, the rather for that it is very short.  

1 H. 5. Ch. 1.  First that the Statutes of the Election of Knights of the Shires to come to the Parliament, be holden and kept in all points, adjoining to the same, that the Knights of the Shires, which from henceforth shall be chosen in every Shire, be not chosen, unless they be resident within the Shire where they shall be chosen, the day of the date of the Writ of the Summons of the Parliament: And that the Knights and Esquires, and other which shall be Choosers of those Knights of the Shires, be also resident within the same Shires in manner and form as is aforesaid: and moreover it is Ordained and Established, that the Citizens and Burgesses of the Cities and Boroughs, be chosen Men Citizens and Bugesses resident dwelling and Free in the same Cities and Boroughs, and no other in any wise.  
Thus far the Statute which is very short and very plain: Here the King with his Parliament observing how at their time Gentlemen Freeholders were sometimes returned for Boroughs, who had Interests of their own to manage, and these being opposite to those of Tradesmen, whose Burgesses they were, they were not like to favour these against themselves, nor to take that care of Trade as was requisite for the public good, of which, and of the ways and means of improving it, they were wholly Ignorant.  
These things considered by King and Parliament, to prevent the growing mischief, they did very seasonably apply that early remedy of this act of Parliament, obliging thereby Corporations to choose Representatives among themselves of their own Cities and Boroughs, inhabiting and dwelling among them, and sure this was done with as great Wisdom as Justice; for since the design of Burgesses from every Corporation was (and still is) that each City and Borough might have some body on their behalves present in Parliament, well versed in their ways and means of dealing, best acquainted with their Greivances, and consequently best able to represent them; that so through the endeavours of every Burgeses in particular, the Mischiefs and Greivances of every part being made known, by those who best knew them, the whole Nation might be preserved and its Interests advanced; I do not see nor can conceive how any man can be presumed better qualifyed to answer these ends, than such men as the Statute directs, viz. Citizens and Burgesses resident, dwelling and Free in the same Cities and Boroughs and in no other wise; and sure for any number of men in any Corporation to set up a stranger for the Election, is a bold liberty they assume to themselves of dispensing with Acts of Parliament, and that in a matter of the highest nature and consequence imaginable; it is imposing their sense upon the Nation, and preferring their own private opinion to the Supreme Wisdom and Judgement of the Kingdom, the King and his two Houses; and this I think is sufficient to show them their plain, easy and necessary duty in Elections. I come now to show that it is their Interest also; where it might be enough to tell them that the same reasons which induced at first the making that Act of Parliament, do at this day oblige in point of interest all men to the just execution of it: It is a known rule, cessante causa cessat effectus; so vice versa, should the same causes continuing be attended with the like effects; and indeed I should be glad that any man would show me, how according to this Statute most of our late Elections be made out: how by your Statute is a Gentleman of the Temple a fit Member for Worcestor or Taunton? or how a very worthy Knight resident and dwelling in Southampton Square (though otherwise of very great abilities) sufficiently qualified for a Burgess of Plymouth? how these Gentlemen I say (though never so learned in all other things) can be supposed to understand perfectly the particular Interest of Cities and Towns, in which perhaps they ne'er set foot but at Elections? or what reason Tradesmen have to hope or promise themselves, that Strangers (being Gentlemen, whose Interests if they run not directly counter to, are yet very different from theirs who choose them) should be more concerned for their good (though in opposition to their own,) than men of their own body, obliged by the same Interests, and therefore moved by the same considerations, is not within my understanding: The mischiefs and evils in the Body Politic do thus far resemble the natural body, that to know and well understand the distemper is a good step to the cure of it, this is by all men allowed; so likewise that the knowledge a Physician has of the constitution of a body with reason prefers him to abler means in the cure, as most likely to remove the evil, common experience demonstrates daily: This might be sufficient to show that 'tis the interest of Tradesmen, to send Members chosen out of themselves; yet to make this more plain, to matter of Reason I will add matter of Fact, and show them how by neglect of this duty in their Elections they have already actually received much damage.  
1. What has the House of Commons, being full of Gentlemen, done, as for instance (not to run back into times, which it were to be wished were as absolutely forgot as the Gild of them is forgiven) in 1660? It was necessary to improve the revenue of the Crown, they did it by easing themselves and laying the burden upon the Trading part of the people.  
The Court of Wards and Liveries, Tenors in Capite and by Knight's service, were one of the goodliest Jewels in the Crown, a high and vast Prerogative it was, and such a one, by means whereof the Kings of England had a strange hand over all the Gentry, by the great Interest they had in all their houses as well over the persons of their Children as their Estates; yet this Prerogative extended but to them, Tradesmen were not at all concerned, this therefore they thought fit to remove, but that the Crown might be no loser (as there was no reason it should) something was to be found out equivalent, the Excise, which just before had been given for the King's Life, was thought sittest, and was accordingly settled upon the Crown in Fee. 
12. Ca 2di. Ch. 24.   
II. The taking away these Courts has been as Prejudicial to the Yeomanry, as it has been useful to the Gentry, who before, of Interest were obliged to make their Farms less, and to let long Leases at reasonable Rates; but now they erect great Farms which few are able to Rent, and Rack the poor Tenants.  
III. All the Assessments and Revenues of the Crown, are chiefly paid by the middle sort of People, as Tenths and first Fruits from the Clergy, Customs by Merchants, Excise by Brewers, Chimney-mony by Tenants, Freeholders paying nothing certain to the Crown, which is a great disadvantage to the Trading People; that Freeholders are not obliged to some Proportion, at least in payments with them.  
iv Upon a Presumption of raising the Product of England, many Laws have been neglected, which would be highly for the interest of the Trading sort of People, and some Laws have been made directly contrary to their Interest, which is no wonder, when amongst the Lawgivers there are so few (if any) that either understand what may prejudice or advance Trade, or if they do, through self Interest, Politicly dissemble that Knowledge, of this sort are all those Laws which give leave for the Exportation of the growth of England without Manufacturing: Secondly most of those Laws prohibit the growth of other Countries, which if Trading were free, we might with great advantage purchase with our own Manufactures, of this kind there is a very late one, the Irish Bill, which enriching only a few in the West of England, is out of every housekeepers way in London, and most Counties, twenty shillings a year for every person in his Family, besides the disadvantage of our Artificers in Exchange of Manufacture, and our Irish Merchant in Exchange of Mony.  
Before I pass further, I must needs here mention one great damage the Crown itself sustains by this Bill; for the Victualling the Navy stands his Majesty each pound of Beef once as much again as his Neighbours the French and Dutch, to whom the Irish (being forbidden England) are forced to sell their Cattle at a very low rate; thus the King loses, the City loses, all Ireland or a good part of it suffers, when besides the French and Dutch, a few West Country Gentlemen and their Tenants only gain by it.  
V There are many Laws which would be of very great use for the Public Interest, which upon the same account are neglected and laid aside; as first the most excellent Statute of the fifth of the Queen, Ch. 5. The very title of which were sufficient to recommend it, it is an Act touching politic Constitutions for the maintenance of the Navy; in this Statute amongst other things, that great and wise Princess, and as true a Protestant as the best of them that distinguish themselves by the Name, makes several Provisions for the increase of Shipping, and Sailors, appointing them certain Fish days, by which means they might be encouraged through the certainty of a Market for Fish, to build Vessels, bring up and employ Seamen, and for want of which, those few that do now use Fishing, carry it into other Countries, where they are sure of a Market, so that we find by Experience that Fish is cheaper in other Countries of Europe, than it is here in England, though that Fish be taken upon our Coast and by our Countrymen. Secondly Flesh would be at a more reasonable rate, if that Prodigious quantity were not each day devoured, and for which we are looked upon as such Gluttons by the world, even to become a byword among the Nations, for who has not heard it said that London must needs be a strange Beast, that in six Months consumes more flesh than all Spain in seven years, and this was another end of that Statute.  
VI The Laws ought to be revived which preserves the Property of the Trading Corporation, and those which regard Aliens, not that at this time, when the Wisdom of King and Council think fit in so extraordinary an occasion to receive and encourage them to use their Trades, I presume to offer any thing further than that the Statute, whereby they cannot work, but as retained by English, nor take other Apprentices than English, saving their own Children, be at that time looked well after; for that by such means, these Aliens might freely Trade, and the Profit be shared between them and the English.  
7. The Laws against Hawkers aught to be revived, by whom great abuses are committed; Wares are ill made and Trade brought low, all which matters now so heavy on Tradesmen would be remedied, if so in their Elections they pursued the Act of Parliament, and made choice of such men as were sensible of such greivances, and were obliged as well of Interest as in Justice to redress them.  
There are likewise many things very advantageous and beneficial that might be passed into Laws, if such Elections were,  
1. As first, that Freeholders should constantly bear an equal share in Payments to the Crown with the Trading People; that would Enable the King to force a Trade abroad, and encourage Manufactures at home.  
2. That a Register might be Established to prevent Cheats, which fall most on Tradesmen, and the many trivial Suits in Law, upon several and inconsiderable accounts; a Blessing not to be hoped for as long as Lawyers fill the House.  
3. That all Linen cloth under the value of 3 s. an Ell might be prohibited, and a valuable Tax set upon our own Manufactured Cloth, to make up the loss the Crown will receive by that Prohibition: This would employ a Million of People, and if the Work were carried on by a public Stock, it would in three years' time abate as much in the Poors Book, as the first advanced Stock would amount to.  
4. That many Persons having little or no Estate, (who live at a rate much above their Ranks and Fortunes, whereby the Tradesmen of whom they take up must needs be losers) may be obliged to take to some honest Employment.  
5. That money lent upon Land-security, should not receive above 4l. 10s. per Cent and money upon Personal-security, be at 8l. per Cent. The present equality of Interest money, without respect to the difference of the security, having this disadvantage, that 6l. per Cent. being more profitable than the Land itself at 20. years' Purchase, men choose rather to lend upon Land, than Purchase it; hence arise Mortgages, whereby so many have been cheated; where if this remedy were had, men would choose to buy outright, and Fraud prevented.  
From these Considerations I presume it is by this time pretty plain, that it is the Interest of all the Corporations in England, to make choice in their Elections hereafter, of Tradesmen of their own respective Corporations; it being as absurd as injurious to trust all the Trade of England, in the hands of men, who neither truly understand it, nor are concerned to improve and advance it, it being clearly the Interest of Freeholders, that the number of Tradesmen increase, though not their Fortunes, that Tradesmen be many and poor.  
There is no doubt but after the making of the Statute of H. 5th. Citizens and Tradesmen were returned to serve in Parliament; and 'tis very clear that the reason why that Custom has been discontinued, was by reason of the charges each City and Borough was at in paying their Members, which made them give ear to those who voluntarily proffered their service, though they have dearly paid for it since: surely there is scarce any Corporation so poor, but amongst them may be found two men of such Fortunes as does enable them to bear the expense of that service, though otherwise the paying of Members is by far the less evil, considering what burdens have been laid upon them by a house of Commons made up of Gentlemen and Lawyers.  
The greatest Strength and Riches of England, were formerly in the hands of the middle sort of People, and is not yet so far Alienated, but that it may be retrieved, if care be taken to make due Elections; without which the wealth of the Nation will quickly be engrossed into a few hands, and what ways or means men then shall have to raise their Foruunes by Diligence and Industry, every ordinary Judgement can satisfy itself.  
From these late Elections it has followed, that the Interests of Corporations have been neglected, their greivances unregarded, whilst so many learned Gentlemen, have thought every thing less than the whole Kingdom at a lump, too mean for their Consideration.  
The bare name of a Statesman, or Stickler, has of late preferred many men to Elections, and they have held themselves obliged to make good the opinion their Electors had entertained of them; so that one may say every single Burgess has of late, been not so much the Representative of a Corporation, as of the whole Kingdom.  
The Reason men give to excuse the great neglect of the Interest of Corporations is very plausible; Corporations, say they, are but little Members of the body politic, of which the State is the head; if that be diseased and its humours not purged, the several Members will be affected, and that I allow; But whether the ways and measures lately pursued with so much zeal and passion, be the properest means to purge what ill humours are in the head, so as to restore health and vigour to every Member, is a Question. May we not reasonably think, that if every Member would study the particular advantages of that County, City, Borough, he serves for, make it his business to inquire well into their Interests, and represent their real greivances, and each in their turns get the concurrence of the whole house to the remedying thereof; may we not think, I say, that this way of curing and comforting every Member severally (which would produce in the end, ease and safety to all) might do the business every whit as well? yet this is not to be expected, whilst by a monstrous mistrust of the honesty or ability of own our fellow Citizens, (not like London, who has wisely at all times preserved that great and important right of sending Members of her own) we accept of Gentlemen, whom (if but for their eager desire of the employment, being Strangers to us) we might very reasonably suspect to have some other and further ends and designs by the Election, than our Interests and concerns; For I cannot be brought to believe, that a Gentleman, one whom I have never obliged, of different Interests from me, will spend a thousand pounds to carry an Election, merely to serve mine: How unlikely this is, and unreasonable soever it be to believe it, yet we swallow the Pill, and are as fond of choosing them, as they are glad to be chosen; Thus whilst we cry out Liberty and Property, full of needless and imaginary fears and apprehensions from higher Powers, we ourselves are the greatest betrayers of our Rights and Liberties, whilst we rashly and unadvisedly, trust them and our Religion in the hands of men, whose Principles in Religion, Maxims of State, secret grudges and distastes at the Government upon private accounts, we as little understand as they do our true Interests.  
And now whilst we may Lawfully do ourselves Justice, to neglect it, and promise it to ourselves from other men, is surely great indiscretion: The mischiefs and inconveniences of undue Elections, are I hope made out, the burden that lies so heavy on Tradesmen most plain; what is wanting to perfect the happiness of the Nation, and the means to arrive at it set down; and all this to be done with much ease and security; If therefore the Considerations of duty cannot move men to stand their own Friends, at least let the dear Argument of self Interest be as prevalent in this, as it usually is upon all other occasions.  
FINIS.