CONSIDERATIONS Touching the Late TREATY FOR A PEACE held at Uxbridge. With some Reflections upon the principal Occasions and Causes of the frustration THEREOF. Extracted out of the late Printed full Relation of the Passages concerning it.  
PRINTED AT OXFORD, BY Leonard Lichfield Printer to the university. 1645.   

CONSIDERATIONS TOUCHING THE frustration Of the Late TREATY.  
CONON describing the practices and plots used by Gelon, how to make himself sole Tyrant over Sicily, sets this down for a ruled observation upon his Case; {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, that, as there is a kind of Pleasure, in the practice and exercise of any Power which is given; so, that pleasure, is improoved to a kind of Lust or Venery, no way so much, as, when that Power is exercised and administered, either against the Fortune, or against the Person, of that man, which gives it: The beams of sovereignty, by like, being as the beams of the sun, not so hot, in direct and strait lines, as in reflections. And therefore, as Pliny speaks of Callimachus (an excellent Painter, but one that was so curious, that the grace of his work was much abated by the diligence; for, he could never tell, when he had done well) that, he was maximus sus calumniator, his own worst detractor: So does Aristides observe of an excellent Prince, administering that Empire with remissness and Favour, which is best swayed by justice, and by Power; that he is {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, his own greatest Rebel; For, letting down the string of Monarchy never so little, and sinking his own natural Right and Interest in all High Actions, to an inferior communication, and adoption of other counsels, It often happeneth to him, as it does, to many other kind Masters in the World, That, whatsoever he shall, heretofore, have granted, shall be no longer thought on, as a piece of Grace and Mercy; but, whatsoever He shall, henceforth, deny, shall be now looked on, as an Act of great Injustice and Tyranny. The sad testimony, which the Miseries of our present war afford unto this Truth, will save the labour of examining other witnesses; and the sadder testimony, which the Mistakes of our late pretended Peace, afford, will save the examination of them. Never did condescension, (I had almost said, submission) in any Prince, meet with so much scorn and contempt, from any People; whilst all His former Acts of Grace and Favour, that should have Instructed their obedience, do but arm their Pride: By receiving, they only learn to ask; and, having gotten a Power into their hands, they are now so far enamoured of Majesty, that, if they cannot get her sceptre, (as they hope, they shall) They are resolved, not to let go her Sword; not unlike, to some young passionate lovers of Beauty, who, when they cannot obtain the Eldest daughter to Wife, whom they most desire, will match her Sister. They think it not enough to cozen us of our moneys; now, they cozen us of our very senses; and whilst they call upon the World, to behold and see a Treaty, They cheat them, with a very Trick. They have dealt with this whole Kingdom, now, as they dealt with the Lord Mack-Quire, not long since; They have, in a manner, executed a commonwealth, these three or four years, by Rapines, by Rebellions, and by all the sad appertenances of war; and now, They cut it down, as it were in a pretended Treaty, for a well settled Peace; but, to what end? not, as purposing or intending any such blessing, as Peace, unto the Kingdom, that should animate it, as it were, with a new life, and make it happy; but, only, to recover a little, so much of her exanimated Spirits, as shall make her sensible, and more apprehensive of fresh and new Miseries. For, that in the late Treaty, they never did intend a Peace, I think, will be easily made appear to any common judgement and understanding, that shall observe and weigh no more, than these four particulars. First their Indisposition and Aversion from Treating: Secondly, their Impotent and Imperfect Qualification of their Commissioners to Treat: Thirdly, their Insolent Expostulations and Demands in the Treaty: and Lastly, Their Inexorable Obduration and deafness, against all Enlargement, Prorogation, or Reviving of the Treaty.  
I. Concerning the first of these, their natural indisposition and aversion from Treating. It is worth observing, That from the 4th of July last, when His Majesty recommended this Treaty first unto them, unto the 23d of November last, when their Propositions were brought down to Oxford, upon which the Treaty was founded, there passed almost five whole months between. A Small Time, for the grave Advices of a Parliament to work in, in such a point full of perplexities, as this, Whether it be better for the kingdom, to have Peace, or war? If the question had been only put, whither Presbytery were not better than Episcopacy, whereon dependeth but the ruin of the Church? or whether Democracy, were not better than Monarchy, whereon dependeth, but the ruin of the State? or lastly, whither the Militia of the kingdom, were not safer in their hands, then in the Kings; whereon dependeth, but the ruin of them both? For the ventilation and agitation of such easy points, as these, a matter of Three days a piece, is time enough; (for no more would be allowed us, at Uxbridge) as if the Church, amongst the other new marks of Primitive Institution, were in this also, to be reckoned the more like▪ to Christ; for dying and rising again; for laying down her old Ceremonious and carnal Body, and taking up a new, glorious and spiritual Body, and all in Three days? But when a point of so great concernment, as this, comes in debate, whither it be better to have Peace, or war? A point, which, if it miscarry never so little in the stating, may chance endanger That Lord's Pension, and this Lord's Place; may chance endanger the trial of some of the Members, and the Trade of more; may chance return them, to their original threepenny seats, that have sat, all this while in great State, upon the Stage? It will ask time, to traverse and discuss it; and four or five months' Allowance, is truly, with the shortest. All this while, indeed, had they a very hard game to play. They held the wolf by the ear, as they say; They durst not hold a Treaty, when the King offered it, for then, They knew they should lose Themselves; and They durst not let it go, when it was offered; for, than they knew they should lose the People. Was it not high time, for to bestir them now, and like true State-Iugglers, express a little skill? First therefore, to make the People a little sport in the street, the better to persuade them faster in; They do give it out, that if the King would acknowledge them His Parliament, and the Great council of the kingdom, than They would Treat; as if this were a World for men, {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, to admire Names for Things: as if Theodora in Procopius, having been a common Whore, and now coming to the Court to be Justinians wife, were ever a whit the honester Woman, for Euphemia's name; as if they knew not▪ how to imitate their dear Brethren of Scotland, as Aesop's ass did the dog, who, seeing the dog leap upon his Master, and his Master struck him, and call him by his Name, thought that He might do so too, and be as welcome. When this did not take, as was expected, (for I dare say, They stood upon this Denomination, They desired the grant of this Liberty, but as Saint Augustine in his youth is reported to have desired the gift of Chastity, which He had rather God would have denied him) when there was no Remedy, but that Treat they must; By mere slight of hand, they draw some Propositions, which they will have called, Propositions for a safe and a well grounded Peace, like so many ribbons out of their mouth, the various Colours whereof do so please the people's Eyes, that they cannot see the Cordes; Propositions, which the very Anabaptists have already christened in their childhood, and called them Propositions of Peace; which I am confident, They dare not hope to see, at their full years of Action and Accomplishment, even by a successful war. And thus, having made the quarrel become the Decision; having by cleanly conveyance, juggled the true ground of the war on the King's part, into the Foundation of the Peace on their part: They hope, they have satisfied the World, now, that They are for Peace, but that the King is not; And they doubt not, I warrant you, to raise good sums out of the People, for the continuance of war, upon the credit of these pretended Intentions, which they had of Peace: as your ordinary jugglers of Small▪ Wares use to do; who will put a padlock into the poor Country-fellowes mouth, that shall thereby suffer some of his Tricks, and then make him pay his penny, besides, for seeing them.  
II. In the second place, observe their Impotent and Imperfect. Qualification of their Commissioners to Treat: For first, whereas, the King invested his Commissioners, or any ten of them, with a full and whole Power, not only to Meet and Treat, but also, to Compose and Conclude a Peace, obliging himself under his own royal Hand to ratify whatsoever they should do: The Men of Westminster endow their Commissioners, but with half a Power; A Power to Treat; but reserve to themselves the better half, a power to Conclude; tying up their Commissioners only to such Instructions, as, either were already given them, or else, from time to time, should be. Now, let all the World judge, whether these men had any Love to Peace, (nay, whether they, rather, did not fear it) who, durst not trust their own Members, creatures of their own election and free choice, with the managery and regulating of it. The King's Majesty trusted his Commissioners with a power, which, if they had abused, they had, indeed, abused the King, by giving and betraying up his Rights; but, They had not abused themselves; nay, they might have done it, no doubt, to their own great advantage: But, if They had trusted their Commissioners with such a power, those Commissioners could not have abused the Parliament, by giving up, and betraying of their Rights, but withal, They must abuse Themselves, and do it, to their own special disadvantage: And yet, so zealous is the King for Peace, that it might be settled, that, Those men, who might abuse his Power to his prejudice, are trusted; and so jealous are the Rebels of Peace, lest it should be settled, that Those men, who could not abuse the Parliament-power, but to their own prejudice, are not. Now: what could the World expect, in order to a Peace, from such Eunuch-Commissioners? from such persons, who were rather Parliament-Conduits, to convey such Answers, and the Reflection of such Thoughts, as were hourly put into them; then, Parliament. Commissioners, to speak upon occasion, and to utter, what They themselves Thought? What could the World look for, from men, who were not so much, 
Full Narration. Pag. 50. No. LX.  as their Humble orators, to use (if not, any Reason, as being against the usage of Parliament, yet) a little rhetoric to colour, and set off the business; but, were only their dumbo Oracles, which opened not their mouth, or ever spoke word, but, as the devil of Westminster (who, was brought every day from London to Uxbridge in a cloak-bag, as the Holy Ghost, they say, was once brought from Rome to Trent) did usually possess them, and inspire them. I believe, they durst confide in their Committee; but, they durst not confide in their Commissioners. The Grand Committee, they knew, was, as the first-running of this Rebellion; all the Strength and Spirit of Sedition was in it; which would keep life in their designs and Purposes, though at the very last gasp; But these Commissioners, are but like the second-tap, which runs smaller and smaller; there might possibly they thought, be some relish and tincture of Allegiance in some of them; and therefore, they durst not adventure any rich Commodities, in a bottom, that had, or might have, more pieces, than they could imagine. In the mean time, God help the poor common people of this Land, that have trusted these men with their Fortunes, freedoms and Lives, in managing of a war, for the space of three years, and over; who, now dare not Trust one another, with either, in settling of a Peace, for the space of three whole days together.  
III. Thirdly, consider their Insolent Expostulations and Demands in the Treaty. Whereas war is ever full of tumours, Risings and Swellings; all Treaties have in them, still, a kind of lankness, leanness, or as it were, a falling away of Desires; (for, if there be not a mutual condescension on both Sides; if one part only take, and the other only give: The commonwealth may have a clove put in her Mouth, but she hath not cured her lungs, and as one disadvantage does beget a Treaty, so another advantage will break it) And then, to what one abatement, in what one part, of what one Proposition, did their Commissioners ever condescend? In what one thing, did they go less at Uxbridge, then before they did at Oxford: unless perchance you will account it a greater insolence, to defy the King at fifty miles' distance from their own dunghill, then to do it at fifteen? Men, that will pretend to Treat, and yet will proceed in no complying, but all in a commanding and Imperious way, as these men did, can no more properly be said to Treat, than the Slave and his Master in Terence, could be said to Fight; when the one with beating, and the other with being beat, at last, They were both sore and weary. Induciae sunt Belli Feriae, saith Varro: Truces and Treaties, are war's holidays: and as Religion useth to have her free practice and exercise in the one, so should Reason in the other; and for men to urge only Demands in a Treaty, which lies open on purpose, for admitting of Debates, is all one, as for a man to think to make a syllogism, of nothing but Conclusions, because he would have no Proposition denied. Besides, if nothing less than the granting of all these Demands can obtain a Peace, (as it should seem it cannot) I would fain know, what these men propose unto themselves if they should obtain by war? What can They have more to ask, or the King to Give, unless it were his Life? (and if any thing secure that, it must be their scorn, as preferring that of any Constables before it.) Suppose (I doubt not, but the King of Kings will ever keep them at the distance of a Supposition, and therefore I suppose) that all success, which ever yet crowned impious Attempt, should wait on thi● Rebellion, and make them Lucky villains: (for I find, 〈◊〉 even the rebel Jews, a Nation condemned to Slavery 〈◊〉 the sacking of Jerusalem, were prosperous and for tunate once, for seven years together, in an Insurrection under the Persian, which is more than ever they could boast off, either before or since) Yet I dare say, that in these Propositions, They have endeavoured to lay some particular Obligations upon the King, in the way to Peace (as for example, that Imperious Obstruction of the Two Princes Right in their electoral Dignity, which is the provision of the 22th Proposition) which They themselves will never be able to make good unto their Malice, if they should succeed and prosper in this unnatural war: And are these fit Ingredients for a Peace? If they can gain that, in order to a Peace (that is, a curb and Bridle on the imperial Law) which they cannot lose by war, (because they never had it) I should commend the playing of their cards; and think they do just, as some cunning Merchants of their own Miseries use to do; that will ordinarily get more by the brief, than they could lose, by the Fire.  
But you will say, They demanded of the King, in order to our Peace, in a manner, but two things; An abolition of episcopal Government, for the settling of the Church; and a disposal of the Militia to Commissioners of their own Nomination, for the securing of the State. And to say truth, They did not: but then, if you mark it, These two particulars do stand out, and show themselves as the most prominent pieces of all their Propositions, as those Two teeth did in the worm, which C●esias writes of in his Indian Stories: which indeed, were all the teeth that worm had: and yet with those two Teeth, was that worm able to pull down any Camel or ox, that happened to come near him. The bare concession of these, involves a total Alteration in the Government, both of the spiritual and civil State; and all other things contained in their Propositions, non sunt plura, sed minora, as Quintilian speaks, They are not more parts of Insolence, but lesser pieces.  
Concerning the abolishing of Episcopacy, there passed Arguments with the Divines: one side pressing for it, and the 〈◊〉 against it. Those Arguments on our part, that concluded against the abolishing thereof, were drawn, as I have learned, from these three several Heads: First, from the point of Perjury, the King having taken a solemn Oath to maintain the Rights & Liberties of Holy Church: Secondly, from the point of sacrilege; The alienation of Things offered unto God, being accompanied still with visible, and more than ordinary judgements from God, either upon the Persons or Fortunes, or Families, of those men that are the chief Instruments and Actors therein: and Thirdly, from the point of Divine Right; Episcopacy having been accounted and accepted, as an Ordinance and Institution of Christ himself, by the most Learned men that have lived in all Ages of the Church.  
Against those Arguments deduced from the two first heads, there was scarce any thing offered in the shape of a Reply, which indeed was not Ridiculous, even in the judgement of their own Commissioners: for it appeared, in those Two questions of sacrilege and Perjury, Their understanding of the State thereof, was like their Conscience of the sin, little or just none at all. Indeed little could be said, by greater clerks than they: for as the orator observes of some Creatures, that are pretty nimble at shifting for themselves, so long as they are in crannies and in Holes▪ who notwithstanding are soon overtaken and caught when they are brought out into an open Field, where every man may see them; So there are some pieces of Truth, which will admit of disquisition, whither they be so, or no, so long, as they do but peep now and then, out of the Pitt; which, when they are once laid open to the understanding, will bear no Argument; because they carry their own light with them, that does betray them. But as touching the third Head, those Arguments that were instituted in defence of the Divine Right thereof, out of the Scriptures, to those, They made a shift to say something; and although that something were no more like an Answer, than an Ape is like a Man: yet their own Commissioners, who saw them beaten from their two other works, and yet were resolved never to give up the Fort; abet those Answers, and seem to wonder, that we were not satisfied therewith. Alas! I cannot blame young Gamesters at disputing, if they catch up their last Stake. It was all they had to live on. The two former Heads, that of sacrilege, and the other of Perjury, they frighted them so, that they durst not look them in the Faces: They were indeed so open, and so demonstrable: But this Third Head of Divine Right; because they thought it a Head in a bag: because They knew it was more problematical, and would admit colours on either side: therefore they stick close to that, and think they can avoid all Arguments from Scripture, that may be brought to prove it; nay, They think they can raise as good Arguments out of the Scripture, that shall conclude against it. And truly, I would not have any man think it strange, for men of contrary persuasions to have contrary Conceptions upon some Texts of Scripture, which Scripture they did neither make nor write, and, which Scripture, is brought to prove and evidence a Truth, perchance, which, either it did not intend at all, or but upon occasion, and by the by; (as it may well happen in the case of Episcopacy, and in most other points of Christian Practice.) Why should any man, I say, wonder at this, that shall observe the very same Men, according to their different, and divided interests, to have as divided and different understandings, upon some Texts of Law, which Law, notwithstanding, they themselves framed and made, and which Law was brought to prove and evidence a Truth, which was one of the very Reasons, why that Law was made: (as it happened afterwards in the Case of the King's Power in making a Cessation with Ireland, 
Full Narration. No. CXLIV. CXLV.  whither it were limited, or whither it were not limited by the Statute made this Parliament; and as it will happen in most other points of gavel-right.) Not that I can think these Arguments brought on either side, to be of equal worth and strength (for as it appears by all their Commissioners Answers which I have read, so does it appear by some of their Commissioners Arguments, which I have heard, that They had no Power to Conclude) but that I think Ignorant Men, in pursuing of any Truth, to be like ignorant Hunters in pursuance of their Game; who whatsoever they can light on, by the by, lay hold on straight; and if they come to sell it, will be sure to ask much more than it is worth, or then any other man who knows what the Thing is will give, Imbecillitate suâ pretium rei metientes, as he says; having no better measure of the things worth, than their own weakness; Or, that I think, with Saint Hilary, quot voluntates, tot fides; there are as many several Faiths, as there are, Willes; and, when men of several engagements, fall into heats and disputes, in points, which are not mathematically demonstrable; their several affections ordinarily will improve into several opinions, and they will judge of things, not according to other men's proofs, but their own praepossessions: And therefore, for my part, I have ever thought most of our Divinity Disputation, but a kind of church-duel; which does oftener declare, which is the Stronger side, then, which the Truer; & so much the more often, by how much, it may fall out easily, that the truth may be on neither. But if men will proceed to Disputes and Arguments, (which, seldom, or, never, is, to any purpose; for, either, those persons, at whose request, or for whose satisfaction that Disputation is instituted, are able to judge of the solidity and strength thereof, or they are not: If they are not able to judge of it, they receive no good by it; and, If they are able to judge, they do not need it) it is a requisite expedient for hopeful proceedings in that kind, That, men proportion their proofs according to the nature and condition of those Propositions, which they are to prove: If the matter, be a Matter of belief, the Scripture is the best proof thereof; b●cause the Scripture exactly contains all matters of Faith; but if it be, a Matter of practice, the Scripture is not the best proof thereof; because, as it contains not exactly, all Matters of form, so, neither is there any reason, why it should contain them; it being the principal, if not the sole end of Scripture, to transmit those laws of Faith unto the world, by which, it should be governed: and not, to transcribe the forms, Institutions, and Difference in degrees, of those Officers, who, than did, and ever were, to govern it. Nor does it a whit impeach the Divine right and Institu●ion of Episcopacy in the Church, founded in the first Apostles, if there should chance to be found, no particular Text in Scripture, which, in express terms, does settle and establish that Foundation: no more, than it does impeach the Right of Monarchy, in a State, founded in the Roman Empire, or, in any other Kingdom of the World, a thousand years ago, because in the Code, or Digest of those fundamental laws, by which those Kingdoms have been so long governed, there is no particular Act or law, made, in direct words, which does establish and ordain, that imperial and monarchical form of Government. And therefore, there is no more reason in the world, when a man sees, or may see, that the whole Church of Christ in all ages, hath ever acknowledged, and observed a difference of Order between a Bishop and a Priest, why, he should infer, that at first, a Bishop and a Priest were all one, no doubt, because the word Presbyter, in Scripture, is sometime given to both: Then there is, when he reads, or may read, that the Church of the Jews in all ages, never had but One High-priest; Why, he should infer, that at last, there were Two High Priests in that Church, no doubt, because Annas and Caiphas, are both called High Priests together, in Scripture.  
I speak none of this, as if I thought the Divine Right of Episcopacy could not be proved by Scripture (for I rest most assured, it is as clearly proved from thence as the Observation of the Lord's Day: which particular, I rather do insist upon, because, in these Propositions for a well settled Peace, There is One Act desired to be passed, for the Abolishing of the One, and Another Act desired to be passed, for the Observation of the other; when all knowing men must confess, their Interest and Tenure in the Scripture, to be equal, and the same.) But because I think, that Scripture is not the right topic, out of which men ought to deduce and draw those proofs; If it find but any footing in the Scripture, the Churches universal Practice of such a proof, is the best Proof that can be made, of such a Practice; In regard, that Matters of Faith and Good Life, as they are essential to the Church, so, they are Vnivocall; and, the Scripture, as it delivers them, once, so it delivers them, ever: but, Matters of form, and Government, if they should be confessed essential to the Church, in their Institutions; yet, are they not always Vnivocall, in their operations; but of necessity must rise and fall, and, either admit of growth, or seem to do so, according to the conditions and changes of time, that will suit best unto them. Besides, the condition of the mystical Body, the body of the Church, as considered in her Infancy, to my thinking is not much unlike to the condition of the natural body, the body of Man, as considered in His; and the several operation of orders in the one, is not much unlike to the several operation of souls in the other; now we know that the reasonable soul, albeit a soul of another order, than the sensitive (being derived from a nobler extraction, and origine) and infused from the beginning into the Body, no less than it, yet, it exercises little or no distinct operations in that body from it; till such time as that body come to years of understanding, where Reason may have room and scope to work in, at her pleasure: In like manner that Order of Episcopacy might be planted from the beginning in the Church, and be superinduced upon this order of priesthood, as a distinct and nobler Order from it; and yet, in the nonage of the Church, there may be little or no distinction found in the Scripture, of Administration of those Orders; which then began most eminently to appear, when that Body of the Church was a little more grown, and come to years, and had Instruments fitted, and Organs well prepared for the execution thereof. Furthermore it would be considered, that there is something almost in every practical Text of Scripture, like to that which the Painters call the air in every Face; if all the parts of a Face, be taken in their right feature and proportions, and that air be not taken (which air is a kind of centre, wherein all consents of similitude and likeness meet) one man will confidently pronounce the Face is like, and another will as confidently pronounce as he, that it is not; and both believe themselves to be very right in judgement; If the sense of the words of any Text be taken and understood, according to the partial and particular acceptation of those words in other places; and than the general air, the Scope and Harmony of the whole Text, with that which went before, and that which follows; The Relation and Interest which it hath to persons and places, or that cast of the lo●ke, as it were, which it hath upon some Times, usages, and customs; if all this be not taken, and understood, as well: One man, may deduce one conclusion from that text, and another man, another cross to that, and both think themselves to have inferred justly. No marvel then, if these men, should produce some Texts of Scripture, that colour for Presbytery to those men's Apprehensions, that are resolved before, to set it up: and no marvel, if they produce other Texts, that look a squint upon Episcopacy, to those men's understanding, that are resolved before, to pull it down; For, when the air of the Face, is missed, it is no longer, a Picture, but a fancy; and, whom, every man is pleased to think it like, like to them, it is, and, when the air of a T●xt is missed (as they, generally, either, never go about to take it, or, ever miss it) That text, is like the Children of Israell's Manna, which will taste, to every man, according to the particular affection and inclination of his own palate; or, like Pauso's Horse, which was, ever ready made, whither you would have the Head or heels stand uppermost, all was one. And, therefore our Commissioners chalked them out the readiest way, to detect the unlawfulness of episcopal Government, 
Full Narration p. 56. nᵒ LXIX.  if there were any; when, They desired to be informed by them, when, and where any national Church since the Apostles time, was ever governed without it. For, if they pretend that Government to be unlawful, and yet, can show no other; it is a shrewd argument, that they do but pretend it; For, it can hardly be imagined, that Christ should ordain but one only lawful form of Government in his Church, that was to abide, even unto the end of the World: and, that, that form should so soon decay and perish, as that there should not remain the least foot-step or impression of it in his Church, for the whole space of Fifteen hundred years together. But their Commissioners will not hear of this; They tell us, that, what our Lords did mention concerning a national Church, 
Their Reply 21. Feb. p. 57 nᵒ LXX.  is a new Question, which hath not, as yet, been any part of the subject of their Debate. Good Lord I how well acquainted are these men with congregational, and classical, and synodical, and national Assemblies, which are for them: and, what a strange matter they make, of a national Church, because, it is against them? This is but just, as I have known some beggars, who will make you believe they do not understand scarce a word of good English, because they find, they can get more with Canting. Well: They are willing for all this, to believe episcopal Government unlawful: and I make no question (at least no new Question, for I believe, it is already stated) but that, They look to be well paid for their opinion. But this I must tell them; I would not have them found that unlawfulness on Scripture; or I would have them find it; For, as concerning all their arguments out of Scripture, which have hitherto been brought against it, I will say no more but this; That they have concluded no more against Episcopacy, even to those very persons that have such unequal thoughts, and so prejudicate affections to that sacred Order; Then they may conclude, when they please against the keeping of the Lord's Day, against the baptising of Infants, against original sin, or in a word, against any one Article, either of Christian Practice or belief, established in the Church; when the disbeliefe of any one of these Articles is like to prove as advantageous and beneficial to them, as the disbelieving of this Episcopacy hath done.  
Concerning the Militia, their demands were Two; First, They demand the sole Nomination of all the Persons to be entrusted therewith wholly to themselves, not allowing the King, not only the Power of nomination of one man in Twenty, but not so much as the Power of exception against one man in Twenty: Secondly, they demand the Continuance of this Power during pleasure, and without any limitation or restriction of Time. And truly, when I met with this, I began to think, that in short time, the Rebels would invest the King with such a Prerogative, as Agatharcides reports of the Sabaeans, that they allowed their King▪ So long as he kept close, and within his Court, it was lawful for him to do any thing, what he would; but if once he stirred a foot, but out of his Palace, it was then lawful for them to stone him. His majesty's most loyal and most Humble Subjects, will be content to spare him a little Honour; but they will be sure to clip, and pare him to the quick, of all His Power. So that upon the whole matter; the Case is this. John a Nokes and John a Stiles fell out, and fought; and having drawn some blood one from another, at last, they were contented to put up their Swords, and be made Friends; Provided, that both their Swords might be put into such hands, as might prevent all further quarrelling between them. John a styles, he proposes that both their swords may be put into Two friends hands; that the one's Friend may keep the one, and the others Friend the other. But John a Nokes, (though causelessely he drew first on John a styles, which meant him no harm yet now) afraid lest John a styles should do him mischief, will have both the Swords put into his own hands, or He will not be Friends. Now certainly, though upon severe examination of this offered Composition, there be no real security, founded upon that motion, even of John a Stiles (for if the Two Swords should be put into two Friends hands as he desires; The Danger might be more, because They might fall out also, as the other did before them: But the Security is not, because two Persons are no more secure against two, than one against one) yet there is more Imaginable security, that is, Men will be more apt to conceive and imagine, that John a Stiles intended and meant honestly, as equally, and as indifferently to provide for both their securities, as possibly upon the sudden he could, in this His way; then They can imagine or conceive, that John a Nokes, could intend or mean in that way of His. And yet this is the way the Parliament will take, or none; unless they may have the whole Power of the Militia put into the hands of such Persons amongst themselves, whom they shall nominate, They will not hear of Peace. Now if the Nomination of Commissioners for the Militia be deviced, as the fittest Instrument in order to security of Sides, as no doubt it is; reason will, that, as the fears are equal and reciprocal on both sides, so should the securities be also; And than what reason is there in the world, that the King should not as well desire the sole Nomination of all the Commissioners of the Militia, in order to His better Security from Them; as that They should desire the sole Nomination of those Commissioners, in order to their better security from Him? Oh! there is great Reason, they will tell us; and such a Reason that we little thought on; 
Full Narration, Pag. 92. No. CXXXVI.  For This Power of the Commissioners, whom they desire to Nominate, without the King, is not to be exercised by them until a Peace be concluded upon the Treaty, and then His Majesty will be fully secured by the laws of the kingdom, and by the duties and affections of His People. If I understand aught, the Result of that which is here said, is this: There are two ways of securing both the King and the kingdom, when the Peace is once settled, from those mutual fears and jealoufies, which the one hath of the other; and they are these: First the sole and whole Nomination of such a number of Commissioners, that shall have power over all the Forces of this kingdom both by Sea and Land: that is one way; and Secondly, The benefit and use of the laws of the Land, together with the Duties and Affections of the People to guard one's Person; that is another way. Now the justest and most equal way, to divide this double Security between both Parties, against their double fears, is this: For Them to take the Sole Nomination of all Commissioners that shall have Power over all the Forces of the kingdom, both by Sea and Land; and so secure the kingdom this way: and for Him to betake himself to the laws of the Land, and the Duties and Affections of His People; and so secure himself that way. But what if this way be neither just nor equal? I have a just suspicion upon it, which I wish they would remove; For I demand: This Security, which the laws of the Land, and the Duties and Affections of the People can give, either it is greater than that other Security, which consists in the Sole Nomination of Commissioners, or it is less, or it is even, and as commensurate in all parts and proportions, as any two things can be. That both these Securities are equal on all parts, I believe, they will not say; because I know, they never measured them; for albeit, they may reckon and number the strength of their Horses, and their arms, yet they may not reckon and number the Aff●ctions and Hearts of the People: or if they have numbered them, and find them equal on all parts; I hope I may say it 〈◊〉 not Incivility, and I know They must 〈◊〉 It is not Injustice, 〈◊〉 two equal Securities, for the King to Choose, and then the matter is ended. But if they say, it is either greater or less, then are the King and the Kingdom, still in the very same Insecurities, fears, and jealousies which they were before; and so these ways which they have found out for mutual securities, do not reach their Ends; and by consequence are not in reason to be insisted on. For if the Laws of the Land, and the Duties and Affections of the People be a lesser security to the King, than the sole nomination of Commissioners is to the Parliament; then is not He so secure from fears and jealousies from Them, as They are from Him; And if they be a greater security, then are not they so secure from fears and jealousies from Him, as He is from Them So that, take these ways how you please, and they must needs prove either impossible or useless; useless, if one of the securities be greater or less than the other, for than they do not equally proportion the Securities unto the fears: Impossible, if once they go about to number the Hearts and Affections of the People, and reckon upon them: which commonly the greater sort of People themselves do not truly know.  
And as it is against Reason, this Demand of Theirs, so is it against Law; The Power of war and Peace, and the Managery of the civil Sword, being so riveted and incorporated into the crown, by the fundamental laws of this Land, that without manifest Alteration in the very Foundation of this Government, it cannot be distinguished and divided from it. When They are told of this, They tell us again; that this Demand of Theirs, contains no such Alteration, as we speak off, 
Full Narration, p. 62. nᵒ. LXXV.  but Desires that, which by the wisdom of the Parliaments of both kingdoms is judged necessary at this time, for the security of His majesty's kingdoms, and preservation of the Peace now to be settled. But if these words admit of any, they must admit of one of these four senses; and let us see, whither any one of them make a true Answer to that which hath been said. For first, either they must mean, that to have had a Power, and now to have it not, is no Alteration, (and surely that is false; for if a ●otion from being such, to a not being such; be a proper Alte●ation, as the Philosopher telleth us, it is; Certainly, to have the Sole Power of the Sword in ones hands, is a being such; and to have no Sword in one's Power, is a not being such; and so by consequence an Alteration.) Or Secondly, they must mean, that such an Alteration in the Government of the State, which both the Parliaments of the kingdom desire, is not to be termed an Alteration; (and truly that is true; so long, as both the Parliaments only desire it: but when They obtain that desire, than it is as perfect an Alteration, as if it were made by Force and Violence: as a man does as truly lose his money when he is cheated, as he does when he is robbed: and then 'tis false again.) Or in the third place, Their meaning must be, that, that Alteration which is for the better, namely, the preserving of the Peace, and securing of the kingdoms, and is judged necessary to that end, by the wisdom of both the Parliaments, that, is not to be called an Alteration; (and if the other sense be false, this cannot be true: for it is all one, in respect of the Truth and Nature of an Alteration in the civil Body, whither it be done in Passion, and for the worse, or in judgement, and for the better: as it is all one, in regard of the Truth and Nature of an Alteration in the natural Body, when he that was well the last minute, and is ill the next, whither he be made so sick, either by his Surset or his physic.) Or last of all, They must mean, that They do not know what an Alteration is: (and that may be True; but supposing the wisdom of the Parliament, it were better for their credit to be False:) And then, take these words of theirs, in any one of these four senses, which you please, and they signify just nothing in the way of a true Answer to that objection concerning Alteration, which our Commissioners urged them with before; For the words taken in either of the three first senses, do indeed contain an Answer, but that Answer is not Truth: and taken in the last sense, They may indeed contain a Truth, but that Truth is no Answer.  
This Demand notwithstanding so senseless and unreasonable in the very substance of the thing, receives a new accession of Insolence, from the circumstance of time: For (as if their sovereignty could have no soul, unless that soul were immortal.) First, they desire this nomination of the Commissioners, without any limitation or restriction of Time; and Secondly they desire it for seven years at least, 
Full Narration, p. 88 nᵒ, CXXXI. 21. Feb.  and after the expiration of that term, to be settled and exercised in such manner, as shall be agreed on by His majesty, and the Two Houses of Parliament in England, and by His majesty, and the Estates of the Parliament in Scotland, and not otherwise. So that for these seven years it seems they will proceed with the King, as God did with Nebuchad-nezzar for his seven times; He shall converse with Beasts, (that is, He shall be no better than any one of the Beasts of the People, as the Prophet speaks,) His Royalty, and His imperial Rights all this while being taken from Him; which after those seven years, like Nebuchad-nezzars' understanding, shall revert and return safe again unto Him. And is not this a gracious condescension? Is not this a kind relaxation of the former Rigour? are not these men willing to comply, and to do any thing for Peace? I will not say that either this is a condescension, and a complying on their parts, or that nothing is; but I will say that either this was a condescension and complying on their parts, or that nothing was; for in all those Twenty days of the Treaty, which should have been intended by both sides, for reciprocal abatements of the rigour of their first Desires, They never receded from any one part of any one of their Propositions, but only in the particular of this Limitation; and eighteen of the twenty days were full elapsed and expired, before ever they expressed that. But what if these Oraculous words of theirs should have a double sense? what if that which we are willing to take, as a little Grant▪ should prove a greater Grievance? I think if these words [And after the expiration of the said term, the Militia of the kingdom to be seiled, and exercised in such manner, as shall be agreed on by His majesty and the two Houses of Parliament, &c.] be well weighed and examined, although they may seem to return the King, after His seven years' Apprenticeship, unto his Liberty again, and as it were make Him Free, yet they will signify no more in order, to any such true Freedom, then in that old expression of [For ever and a day] that Day, there signifies in order unto any true time; For if the King shall not exercise His own legal Power of the Militia, when those seven years are expired, Otherwise, then by both Houses of Parliament shall be agreed on (as their words expressly say, he shall not) what is the difference between His condition, during these seven years, and His condition when those seven years shall be expired, but only in this, that for seven years He shall have no Power with them; and after those seven years He shall have no Power without them; so that either way He is bereaved of His Right; and for aught I can see yet, more this last way, which is proposed in the way of Concession, and Favour; then he is, the first way, which is imposed by way of Oppression and Rigour. For the King, having no Power with them, but being excluded for seven years, from the nomination of Commissioners, hath thus much of Liberty left him, that he is not obliged, either to God, or Man, to answer for those miscarriages of State, that shall happen in the mean while, by Persons that may abuse their Trust; and although he suffer something, yet all this while, he is sure, that He shall do nothing, against his own will; But the King having no power without them, that is, having his Power ordered, as it is like to be, when his seven years are out, by both His Houses of Parliament, and [OTHERWISE] not to be exercised; may be reduced to this strait and necessity, that if both His Houses of Parliament shall agree upon some Person notoriously disaffected to His majesty's Rights or government, who thereby, perchance, shall have merited some mark of His Displeasure; The King notwithstanding, shall be compelled and enforced, to do something against his own will; and to set upon such a man a special stamp of Confidence and Favour; Which indeed, rather is a piece of infelicity than a part of any Power; as we call it Power in God, whereby he is able to do any Thing; and yet, do not call it Power but weakness, even in God himself, if he should be able to sin.  
And having thus extracted all the Pure metal of the crown, by their demands; having thus extenuated and annihilated all the King's Power of making war; they begin to bethink themselves, of disposing the alloy too, for their best advantage; They will not leave Him, so much, as a Power neither, of Making Peace. For they demand, That the Cessation of Ireland, 
Full Narration, p. 95. nᵒ. CXXXVI. 7. Feb.  and all Treaties with the rebels, without consent of both Houses of Parliament be pronounced void; And that the Prosecution of the war in Ireland, be settled in both Houses of Parliament, to be managed by the joint advice of both the kingdoms: Good God That these ill men should not be content to rob their King of all His Power and Royalty; that they should not be content to render Him no True King; But their petulant insolence must attempt His very Faith and Honesty; But they must attempt to render Him no True Man? As if they had a purpose to constrain Him, to a needless breach of Promise now; that with more colour, and better credit, hereafter, they might distrust Him; as they report of the daughter of Sejanus, who was first purposely ravished, that after wards, she might be put to death; because being a Virgin, by the Law she could not suffer? For this particular demand of making the Cessation void, was made in the month of February last; and that very Cessation voided of itself, expired in the month of March; Now if the King's Commissioners had agreed to the latter part of this Demand, the settling of the prosecution of the war in both Houses of Parliament, for the time to come; what could the voiding of this Cessation contribute to the current of their design (but only by way of scandalous reflection upon His majesty's breach of Faith and Promise) when that Cessation would void itself, would exhale and expire of itself, before ever those designs of theirs could be ripe for any prosecution?  
I confess, when I look well upon it, me thinks the true state of this question, concerning the Irish Cessation, is the same with the state of that question in Plutarch, concerning Demonides his shoes. Demonides was a lame impotent man, and therefore had his shoes made very wide and easy for his feet; Those shoes, when a cunning youth had stolen one day from him, and some of his neighbours coming in, and willing to extenuate and alleviate his loss, that he might be the less affected with it, had told him, that they were but a scurvy pair of clouterly shoes, and very naughtily made; Demonides replied, that the shoes indeed, were no very good shoes; but they were very good shoes for Demonides, because a better pair would not have fitted his sore feet half so well. In like manner, it may be said of this Cessation; That indeed, it was no very good Cessation; because peradventure other Cessations heretofore, have been made, according to the more punctual Rules of Honour and Advantage: But it was a very good Cessation for Ireland; because the condition of her infirmity was such, that she could admit no better. For when the chief justices and Officers of State, when the chief Commanders and Officers of the camp, when both of them shall complain unto the King, of the miserable condition and posture of Ireland, for very want of Food; and advertise Him, by their Letters, of her present inabilities to maintain the prosecution of a war; what could the King do more, in discharge of His duty both to God and Man, then to admit of a Cessation, in order to a present Peace? The Houses of Parliament it seems would not help them at all; (for after Six months' expectation, they send them provision of victuals, for some seven days, as if they purposed a scorn to the Miseries of their poor Brethren, rather than a succour.) And the King could not help them better, then by giving his Approbation to a Cessation, which the public Ministers of the State of Ireland, had ordered and assented to, there, as fittest for the present condition of that kingdom; and so show himself, at least willing to Respite that Cause as well as He could, which He well knew himself unable, to Revenge.  
Now in Inducijs Bellum manet, quamvis Pugna cesset, say our Books; So long as the Parties engaged in a war, proceed no further than Cessations, and Truces for a time, There is only a suspension of the Fight, there is no suffocation of the quarrel; which may better be resumed again, when they that manage it, shall have out-grown those necessities and encumbrances, which compelled them first unto it: so that if this Cessation were Destructive to either of the Parties, it is most like to be so to the Rebels; who were not in that visible distress, and want of all sort of Provision, as the Protestant party was; and if the condition of the protestants were the worse condition when the Cessation began, because the actual necessities of both sides were unequal, and We wanted more than They; certainly the condition of the Rebels cannot be the better condition, when the Cessation shall end; because the possible supplies of both sides must be confessed equal, and They can be no more releived, than We. Notwithstanding all this, this Cessation of Ireland is exploded, and exclaimed against by both Houses of Parliament, as destructive to His majesty's good subjects, 
Full Narration, p. 99 nᵒ. CXLV.  and to the Protestant Religion, and only for the advantage of the Popish Rebels. Indeed I do read, that there may be Destruction in a Cessation; for the Prophet David calling all men to behold the works of the Lord, and what destruction he hath wrought upon the earth; in the 46 psalm; makes his first instance in the point of a Cessation, in the next words that follow, He maketh wars to cease. vers. 9 But the Prophet had a mystical meaning in his words; and so no doubt have They; For surely they mean that a Cessation is destructive to the good Subjects of Ireland, just in the very same sense, that the want of Victuals is a Preservative for them; and, if that be not a mystical sense, I know not what is. But if these men would speak plain, they would say, That this Cessation in Ireland is Destructive to His majesty's ill Subjects here in England, who cannot have that convenient colour now, to raise Forces and levy moneys, for the suppression of a Rebellion there; which moneys and Forces, they may convert, (as heretofore too often they have done) to the feeding and fomenting of their own Rebellion here. And this is evidently the Reason, why they so desire a prosecution of the war in Ireland, and demand the settlement of that Prosecution in their own hands; that having once a Power, of impropriating all the Succours of Ireland, to their own Rebellious ends and purposes, they may with better advantage, manage the war here in England, against the King; when they shall have Two swords for His One; and may fight against Him, not only with His Enemies, but with His Friends.  
For if both Houses of Parliament, intended only the prosecution of justice upon those accursed rebels, and not some vicious ends of their own, no less accursed than they, (for the grounds of all Rebellions are alike; and if there be any just ground for one, no ground is unjust, that is laid for any other) Certainly the King would be thought on, as a fitter instrument of execution, (whither He be considered as King, or as one single Person, who can have but one will, and so cannot differ from himself) than a collected body, made out of many Persons of two Kingdoms, (those of each Kingdom having a negative voice) who thereby may have Two wills, and so differ amongst themselves; whereby the main business must needs receive obstruction. Neither does that avoid this inconvenience, which these men say; namely, 
Full Narration, p. 120. nᵒ. CLXXIV.  That in case of any disagreement in the Committee, the two Houses of Parliament are to prosecute that war; unless they can imagine any man so simple, as not to think it as possible for the two Houses of Parliament to disagree, as for one Committee; Besides, when the Parliament had a mind to settle the Militia of England for the preservation of the Peace, in the hands of some Commissioners of their own naming, and would exclude the King, from so much as the nomination of any one amongst them; They give this, as a reason of their desire; 
Full Narration, p. 92 nᵒ. CXXXVI. 22▪ Feb.  That is the Commissioners should be severally named, as the King would have had them; probably they would have acted according to their several interests, and the war thereby would be more easily revived; And is it not as probable now, if the prosecution of the war in Ireland should be settled in a Committee of two several Kingdoms, England and Scotland, that the Persons of that Committee, should have several interests, and ends in the carrying on of that war, according to their several Necessities or Ambitions, and so what one aims at, as a Conversion, the other may intend, as Conquest? by which means, the war either will be retarded, or, which is worse, exchanged? I do not asperse either of the two Nations with the unworthiness of these designs; But I must needs say this: When a great man's House is on Fire, which he is able to quench, with the servants help of his own Family, and yet strangers will be pressing in whether he will or no; It is an even wager, if Two men come in together to help; but One of them comes to steal.  
If this Committee of both Kingdoms should have but one and the same end, and that end, a good one. The quenching of the Fire of that Rebellion in Ireland, and the reducing of that unhappy kingdom to His majesty's Obedience: yet certainly, reason would not, that the prosecution of such a good end, should be put into the hands of such State-Empericks, who will go about to cure a burnt Finger, by putting it into another Fire: who think to quench the flames of that Rebellion there, by blowing up a greater Rebellion here. And let no man wonder, that I call this Rebellion a greater: For as the Casuists use to say, That, when a man swears, the greater the subject-matter of his Oath is, the less is the sin: So do I say, That, when a man Rebels, the better his Ground is, whither it be Religion or God's Glory, the worse is his Rebellion: because he goes about to lay that for a Foundation, which will never incorporate with any part of the Superstructure or Building. Nay, further than all this: If it should please God to give these men the grace of true Repentance, so that they should detest this unnatural Rebellion here; and with unfeigned hearts should set themselves to the extirpation and rooting out of that Rebellion there; yet, in reason, were not the prosecution of that war, to be put into their hands, even then; because, in the Traverses of an uncertain war, In those ordinary reciprocations and returns of Fortune; In those ebbings and flowings of success, which are not the less natural to great Enterprizes, because, less certain: There will fall out many particular emergent occasions, both for Action and council, quae, non dum fiunt laudentur, sed cum facta sunt, as the orator speaks: The success whereof, will much depend upon the Secrecy: and the greatest commendation that can be given the doing of them, is, that they are already done. Which counsels can never run so clear through a sieve, as through a Pipe: where, many Heads have the conveying thereof, as where, but one. And therefore it was not a piece of Pride but Policy, in that great statesman, who would usually debate all his designs of war amongst his council; but then, would be sure never to follow that Advice, which generally was accounted for the best: because by long experience he had observed, that a less Expedient, accompanied with secrecy and silence, operated more in the ways of Advantage; then a greater Expedient, exposed to common observation and knowledge. And then let all the World judge, whither it stand with ordinary Prudence and Reason, to commit the prosecution of a war to their Hands, who do now manage an actual war against their own Prince, and are in open Rebellion against Him; which ordinary wisdom and Discretion would not entrust them with (as being a Multitude) if They should return to their Subjection and Obedience.  
IV. In the last place, observe their inexorable obduration and deafness against all enlargement, prorogation, or reviging of the Treaty. For being importuned by the King Commissioners for an Addition of Time (that so, as they might give Fuller Answers to those Propositions of the Parliament if there were occasion; so they might hope to receive some kind of Answer to those Propositions of the King: of which some, received no direct Answer, and some, no Answer at all.) They kept them still in suspense, till the very Twentieth Day, that Day, when the Treaty was to break up, before ever They would give them Answer: And then they tell them, 
Full Narration, p. 148. nᵒ. Cxcu.  That their Lordships having not given full and satisfactory answers concerning Religion, the Militia, and Ireland, They cannot for those reasons expect an Addition of Time: (A man would think, they should rather have given more time in hope of Fuller Answers: specially having nothing else to do, but to receive the Homage of our Commissioners, as if they had come rather to keep a Court, then to speed a Commission.) Neither have they received any Instructions to continue this Treaty any longer than the Twenty days, of which this is the last. Oh! the torment of having an ill Conscience, and hearing Reason! I dare say, never was any Cheater in the Pillory, gladder to see the judges come from Westminster, than these ill men were to s●e the Twentieth Day, that was to redeem them from the cruelties of a convinced understanding! And yet, as your ordinary Players, when they cannot play that Comedy which was intended, because some of their principal men of parts are drunk: will lay the fault on the Spectators, and say, the House or Galleries are not full: So these Actors of a Peace; when they durst not continue the Treaty any longer, because of those Overtures that were made by our Commissioners concerning a Cessation, concerning the Kings return to Westminster, and concerning a present disbanding of both Armies, the very steam and air whereof, was able to turn the brains of this Rebellion, and to make it stagger; They tell our Commissioners, that it seems We had resolved that the Treaty should end with the Twenty days; 
Full Narration, p. 154. nᵒ. CXCVII. 22. Feb.  the means to continue it, being so well known to be, a good progress in the Propositions for Religion, the Militia, and Ireland; wherein they cannot find any satisfaction that was intended by us to be agreed unto. But when (as any man would imagine) did they tell them this? Truly just, when the last instant of the Twenty days was now expired; After Twelve a clock at night; when They were sure no Answer could be given, as part of the Treaty, without their Consent; As if the Rules of Treating were like those of Scolding, and the simple World must needs imagine, that because They had the last Word, They had the best Cause. I must profess ingenuously, when I met with this particular, and compared it with the drolleryes of many of their other Papers, where mere Fumes are maintained like Fortifications, and so much Reason, as will hardly make a cracker, is mounted like some whole piece of Canon, that must sweep and carry all before it; I could not, on the sudden, satisfy myself, whither I were reading Solids or fancies; whither I had met with a Relation or a Romance. I could never hear any thing of the Presbytery, but methoughts, it sounded like the report of some Enchanted Castle, which every Knight is bound by his Adventure to seek, but knows not where to find: For their Commissioners urge and press Our Commissioners, ever and anon unto it: and yet never so much as offer them any particular Idea, visible form, or Representation thereof, whereby they might be enabled to pass their judgement and Opinion of it. I never could read their Papers concerning Episcopacy, but methoughts, it looked, like to some strange black-knight, that was much afflicted and oppressed, but nobody could know the Cause: for I saw plainly, They were resolved to ruin it, though they had no Reason. And then, let the ground be never so disadvantageous, the Weapons never so unequal, the quarrel never so unjust, or the design never so impossible: I found that the Knight did ever kill the Giant, as in all Romances, He is wont to do: For let the Proposition be against Law, let it be against Reason, nay, let it be against Religion, all is one for that: and the Parliament is sure to have the better of the King.  
But did Our Commissioners make no good progress in their three Propositions as these men pretend? First, it is evident, We proceeded farther in Their Propositions, than They did in Ours; for, apprehending the business of that Meeting in its true and proper notion, as being intended rather for a trial of judgements, than a tickling of Humours, Our Commissioners never returned Answer to their Papers, but such as was elemented and made up of Reason and Conscience, justice and Prudence, which of necessity must satisfy, either wife men or good; whereas They rather gave Excuses than Answers, when They did give any; and sometimes They would not give so much as that: which I think was so far from being Satisfactory, that it was not civil. And do these men accuse us of breaking up the Treaty by our ill progress in their Propositions; when We had Propositions, (which They were to Treat on as well according to the tenor of their own Commission,) wherein notwithstanding They made not so much as any kind of progress at all? Secondly, We conceive, (and so We doubt not but the wiser world will,) that the Commissioners on both sides, were to be reckoned on as Parties, who were mutually to make up this good progress between them, by their complying and cooperating Hands; and not as judges for the one side to determine, whether that were good or no, which the other side had made; and therefore we think, there is no more reason on the one side, why our progress on Their Propositions should be reckoned and accounted no good progress, because They say it is not; Then there is on the other side, why it should not be reckoned and accounted a good progress, because We say it is.  
They find themselves a little pinched with this; and therefore They produce a Reason against our good progress, which they doubt not, but will satisfy the World, (Then, truly must they serve the World, as they served us at Uxbridge: suffer it only to receive a Paper, and then▪ not suffer it to return an Answer; for otherwise, there is room enough for a Reply.) And that reason, is this: that, For Religion We granted them very little or nothing but what already They were in possession of by the laws of this kingdom. Should this which they allege be true, certainly this were a strange Argument against us, to prove, that we made no good progress in their Propositions, because we granted little or nothing, but what they were already in possession of by Law; For, if the defence of their laws, was one of the chief ingredients that made the war, (as out of doubt it was; and four years ago, what other language did they speak? wherefore did they take up arms, but for the maintenance of Religion, their Liberties, and their laws?) Assuredly, the bare Concession of the free use and benefit of those laws, is a sign of fair progression in the way to Peace. He that should have told the soldier when he first took up arms, that he was to fight for the making of New laws, and not for the maintaining of the Old, would, I believe, have found but very cold Musters; But in few years, see, to what a Contradiction of sin these Men are grown; At first, They took up their arms to compel and force the King to keep the laws; and now, They are resolved by like, never to lay them down again, if He will not Break them. It is one of the King's Propositions offered to them, 
Full Narration, p. 18. nᵒ. VIII.  That whatsoever hath been done contrary to the known laws of the kingdom, should be renounced and recalled: and I dare presume, His Majesty would allow that for a good progress upon His Propositions, if the Parliament would but grant Him that; nay, He would ask no more; He would repose himself in that, as the sole compliment of His Desires; and yet, that very thing which the King would be contented to rely and rest on, as upon His End; namely, That nothing should be done contrary to the known established Law of this Land; That, will not the Parliament accept of in the condition of a good progress, only bending and leading thereunto. Truly, this Allegation of theirs, is so full of advantage, that I could almost wish it True: that is, I could wish our Commissioners had not granted them, so much as very little, but had granted them entirely nothing at all, but what they are in possession of already by Law; because I cannot well see, how they could grant it. But, what if all this which they allege be false? What if our Commissioners were so far from granting them very little, but what they were in possession of already by Law, that they granted them very much? What if those particular Concessions, which were never yet established by Law, were more than those which were? Nay, what if it evidently be made appear, that they never were by Law of the Land in possession of any the least of those Concessions, which our Commissioners offered unto them? I am so charitable in conceiving these men may have some Flesh in their Foreheads, that I hope the Scotch Commissioners (who must be a little excused for not being Acquainted with our laws, unless they had rather be accused for their Acquaintance) had the penning of this Paper, that was the Stopple of the Treaty; because, although the words be English, yet the sense, is Scotch; But out of all doubt, there is not greater evidence of Light, then of this Truth; That of all those nine or ten Concessions which our Commissioners offered, upon the point of Religion, in the way of Reconciliation, and Advancement of a blessed Peace; There were none of them, but were the spawns of so many New laws: There was not one of them, to which the Church, and churchmen were heretofore obliged, by any known established Law of the kingdom, whatsoever. And now let all men judge of their Faith in other Testimonies, which cannot easily be reduced to a convenient Teste: who dare thus abuse the World with Falshhood in This, which lies so open and obnoxious to a plain and ordinary trial.  
Secondly, For the Militia, they say, 
Full Narration, p. 155. nᵒ. CXCVII.  We made no good progress therein, and therefore were resolved, it seems, the Treaty should break up; Because We thought it not fit to consent to any one of their demands, but made some new Propositions of our own, which were not in any degree sufficient for the settling and securing of the Peace of both the kingdoms. I did ever think, till now, that it was one thing to make a progress, and another thing, to make an End: do they say, We made no good progress in the Militia, because We consented not unto their whole Demands? They might altogether as properly say, that a countryman travailing towards London, hath made no good progress in his journey; because, He is not come as yet, to Charingcross. questionless a progress is made on their demands, when We Consent, but unto any part thereof; and the better that part is, that is consented to, the better is the progress. Now, if half of any Thing be a good part, than is our progress upon their Demands, a good progress; for We consented to the one half of every thing that was required. They demanded the Nomination of all the Commissioners: and We granted them the Nomination of half; They demanded the Militia for seven years: and We would have given them it, for Three. But I perceive, He grants them nothing, that does not grant them all; and it fares with the Parliaments Demands, as some report it does, in the fortunate lands of Arabia, with the People days; They know not what belongs to dawning: They never see Day, till the whole sun appears unto them.  
Besides, if Our Commissioners had made no better progress, than They pretend: if We had exhausted all those Twenty days assigned for the Treating upon Their Propositions, in mere Tergiversation and cavil: if We had denied Our Assent to all their Demands, and then had been never able to make good any colourable Reason for that Our denial; yet certainly, Their original Commission having a kind of Counter part, and they being authorized to Treat upon those Three Propositions offered by us to Them: as well, as upon these other Three, offered by Them to us: Reason and equity would, that an equal number of Propositions, should have been allowed an equal number of days: and then, if the Successes and Issues of both, had happily fall'n out equally unprofitable, yet, no one side could have had just cause for to complain, of the partial and uneven proceedings of the other. And although We do not urge it, as an Argument of Insolence and Pride, that Their Propositions must be Treated on, in the first place, before the Kings; yet, when the pretence of Our ill progress upon Theirs, is made a Reason of their no progress at all on Ours: We cannot but look upon this Order and disposal of the parts, as an Argument of great Inconvenience, against a Peace: and which hath somewhat of the visage of an Affected and studied Obstruction, cast in the ways thereof. For those Three Propositions of Theirs, if They had been denied at Uxbridge; yet, they might have been granted at Westminster, in a Full and Free Convention of Parliament; out of which I know not well, indeed, how They could be granted. But these Three Propositions of Ours, They, cannot be granted at Westminster, if They be denied at Uxbridge: unless you think it fit to persuade one man to lay down the Bucklers, whilst another beats him. The King's Proposition for a present Cessation in England, could not be settled, but in a treaty; The Parliaments Proposition against the Cessation which was already past, in Ireland, might be settled, out of it; and yet, so enraged & incensed are these men against that Cessation there; that they will not endure the mention of any thing that sounds like it, here; as that impetuous Emperor, who, by witchcraft having learned three letters of His name, that was afterwards to Succeed him; put every man to death whom he could lay hands on, that had those three letters, for the beginning of his Name. His majesty's return to Westminster (which Our Commissioners desired in the second place) could not be Safe, but as both Sides agree, before He comes: But Episcopacy (which their Commissioners desired to have abolished) could not be, but unsafe, even after his coming: for if there be just Reason to take it away, now; there will be reason, then. And yet, so transported are they, with a passionate and eager pursuit of a thing, in the persuasion whereof both Parties profess they differ: that they will not admit Discourse, or Treat of another thing, wherein both Sides profess before hand, that They do agree. Both Armies cannot be Disbanded (according to that Demand of Ours) but before the King and Parliament do meet: but the Power of the Militia, may be settled (according to that Demand of Theirs) after that Meeting; and indeed, there is but little reason, that this Power of the Militia should now come in projection in these Times of war: which must lie Dormant, as Themselves confess, and not be put in Execution, till the Time of Peace. And yet, so violent are these Men in settling of a Power, which must not be exercised, but in the Time of Peace; That they will hear of no course, that may be taken in the mean time, for dissolving of the war: like ordinary People in a crowd; that will make such haste, every man to get first out of doors, that no man stirs. So that, upon viewing of the whole matter, We can cast all these obstacles and Impediments in the ways of Peace, that arose out of this perverse Method of handling the Propositions, into no other Mould, but this; That They, never intending to conclude a Peace, resolved in the first place to Treat of Their Propositions, which they knew, no man with Honesty or Conscience could Grant; That, in the second place, they might with better colour avoid the Treating upon Our Propositions, which they knew, no man with Conscience or Honesty, could offer to Deny.  
And, if all this which hath been said, be not enough to persuade with men of common understanding, that these Rebels never did intend a Peace, but that they purpose to make this war, which at first was their Necessity, now, become their Trade (for too many of them know not how to live without it) yet this One Consideration is sufficient to enforce them to belief, if they will but weigh it well, and that is this: That, They never would allow the Tender and Offer of all those things, for Overtures of Peace; the stop and Obstruction whereof, they themselves, ever professed, till now, was the greatest Incentive and Occasion of the war.  
They took up arms, for the Liberty of the Subject; to vindicate and to recover that; and yet, in all this Treaty, they never let fall so much as any one word or syllable, tending or bending thereunto. They did well to set those words, [The Liberty of the Subject] in their Banners, so as they did; For all the World cannot but see, that they meant it for a Flourish; For, when the King's Commissioners urged and pressed this point, of the Liberty of the Subject in many several particulars, and desired, 
Full Narration, p. 18. nᵒ. VIII. Prop. 3.  that all illegal Power used over the Subject, as imprisoning, or putting him to death without law; stopping of his Habeas Corpus, and imposing upon his Estate, without Act of Parliament (the very grievance, which these men heretofore possessed the World they laboured under; and therefore urged them to take up arms, that so they might redress them) should from henceforth be utterly disclaimed; They would never so much as admit of any Treaty thereof, or return any colourable Answer concerning it.  
They took up arms for Defence of their Religion; And yet, in all the Twenty days of this whole Treaty, were never able to produce any one Article of Doctrine, avowed and established in the Church of England, wherein that Church had receded either from the Truth, or from herself: And for points of Discipline; when the King offered in His Propositions, all ease to tender Consciences, in such particulars as should be agreed on by a national Synod legal called; They would never hear thereof; but, put off the Treating of that Proposition, as they did the rest, with this uncivil Answer; 
Full Narration, p. 141. nᵒ. CLXXXIV.  That, when the Houses of Parliament shall be satisfied in the good progress of the Treaty upon their Propositions, concerning Religion, the Militia, and Ireland, they will give time for the Treaty upon these Propositions sent by His Majesty; In the point of which Satisfaction, they were resolved before hand, both to be Parties and judges, as already hath appeared.  
They have raised several Armies, upon this very reason and ground, To bring the King (whom they pretended to be seduced by evil council) up unto the Parliament (His great, and His good council, as the World must needs imagine) By means whereof, too much of Christian blood hath been already shed, and, as yet, shed in vain; (for by Force, They never yet were able to obtain it) And They do now Refuse His majesty's willing Offer of return; or to Treat of any fair means of Accommodation, in pursuit thereof, the only visible way left under Heaven, by which They may effect it. And if They shall go about, after all this, to Farce and fill the World with noise and Clamour, that They would have had a Peace, but the King would not. (as it is like they will) For my part, I sh●ll leave off further persuasion, and fall to Prayer; humbly beseeching God, who is the Searcher of Hearts, and knows the Spirits of all Men; To prosper on both Sides, those Issues and Successes, which They hope now to have, by war; according unto those upright Intentions, and unfeigned Purposes, which They then had, of Peace.  
FINIS.