THE LIFE OF LEWIS of BOURBON, LATE Prince of Conde. Imprimatur, Jan. 9 1092/3. EDMUND BOHUN. ADVERTISEMENT. MEMOIRS of Emeric Count Teckely, in Four Books: Wherein are Related all the most considerable Transactions in Hungary and the Ottoman Empire; from his Birth, An. 1656, till after the Battle of Salankement, in the year 1691. Translated out of French. Printed for Tim. Goodwin at the Maidenhead against St. Dunstan's Church in Fleetstreet. LOVIS DE BOURBON PRINCE DE CONDE. THE LIFE OF LEWIS of BOURBON, LATE Prince of Conde. Digested into ANNALS. With many Curious REMARKS on the Transactions of EUROPE for these last Sixty Years. Done out of French. LONDON: Printed for Tim. Goodwin at the Maidenhead against St. Dunstan's Church in Fleetstreet. MDCXCIII. TO The Right Honourable WILLIAM Earl of Devonshire, Lord Steward of Their MAJESTY'S Household, Lord Lieutenant of the County of DERBY, Knight of the most Noble Order of the Garter, and One of Their Majesty's most Honourable Privy Council, etc. My Lord, BY Encouraging the Translating of useful Books, the French Nation have made an Universal Conquest upon Learning. They have by this Method possessed themselves of the Wit, Wisdom, and Experience of all Ages and Climates. 'Tis no Scandal to take Example by an Enemy, in what is Commendable; and our imitating them in this Practice is one way of making Reprizals. I confess, that Translations from French Originals, are only for the Advantage of common English Readers; but they being the Generality, the Benefit is Public: For which Reason it is not below the Dignity of our Court and Nobility to Countenance such Endeavours. 'Twas upon this Account that I presumed to Offer the following Translation to Your Lordship's Protection, in order to its Public Reception. You are the English Varus. Nec gratior ulla est Quam sibi quae Vari praescripsit Pagina Nomen. This Piece may be thus Recommended to our Countrymen, and find that welcome Entertainment which a Useful History deserves. It likewise gave me an Opportunity (as Zeal is always Officious) of expressing (in some measure) the Respect I am obliged to Entertain for Your Lordship, as an Eminent Patron of the Muses. But if I were an utter Stranger to them, I have at least an Englishman's Right of Offering my small Tribute of Acknowledgements among the Crowd of Your Admirers. 'Tis impossible for Sublimest Wits to say what they ought upon this Theme, and for the Meanest not to say something; since the ablest Panegyrist in Attempting Your Character can only speak the Sense of Nations. Even Foreign Courts are sufficiently Acquainted with Your Worth; and if any are so little Civilised as to be Strangers to Your Name, they may inform themselves wherever Good Sense or Gallantry are in any Esteem. 'Tis both Your Happiness and Merit to be Admired Abroad, and Beloved at Home. Your Lordship appears so much a Favourite of Heaven and Nature, that I can never think of You without calling to Mind that Horatian Character of the Roman Tibullus; I know not how the Description squared with Him; but if it were then a Compliment, 'tis now proved a Prophecy. Dii tibi Formam Dii tibi Divitias dederant Artemque fruendi. Quid vovest dulci Nutricula ●ajus Alumno Quam fap●re & fari possit quid Sentiat; & Cui Gratia, Fama, Valetudo, contingat abunde. Your Advantages of Fortune and Person might create Envy in some, if Your greater Accomplishments of Mind, and most obliging Nature, did not irresistably command the Affections of All. Your Noble Ancestry bequeathed You those Endowments that were capable of being bequeathed; and You have furnished Yourself with such as are not to be transmitted by Descent, but obtained by the particular Virtue of the Successor. Courage, Constancy, Magnificence, Justice and Liberality, are derived to You with Your Blood, and, with relation to the Public, true English Principles are Yours by Inheritance. You are happy in Examples of Your Ancestors, and more happy in Personally maintaining the Honour and Reputation of so Illustrious a Family. You preserve with their Greatness, their Condescension and Affability. Generous Actions are Your delight; and when You dispense Your Favours, Your Judgement as well as Generosity is exerted. Want and Merit are ever the Objects of Your Compassion. You have the Art of supporting Grandeur without Formality; even Business itself by a peculiar Felicity, sits easy upon You. You manage the Hurry of Affairs with that Tranquillity, that is scarce to be found in the Cell or Cloister. Your Method resembles that of Nature, whose greatest Progresses are carried on with Serenity: The shallowest Streams are always the most noisy; the deeper the Current, the greater the Silence. Your Retirement again is never unactive; and he that follows You to your Retreat, shall find you, Tacitum Sylvas inter reptare Salubres Curantem Quid sit dignum Sapiente Bonoque. Your Lordship has shown the world that a Statesman can be a Friend, and a Courtier an Englishman; that Complaisance and Gallantry can consist with Sincerity and good Sense. I will not pretend to enumerate all those Qualifications that endear You to Your Country, being sensible how imperfectly I have touched what is obvious to every man's Eye; my comfort is, That the Readers Private Sentiments will do You Justice: I will only presume to join with them in hearty Wishes, That Your Lordship may long continue in your flourishing Prosperity, an Ornament to the Court of Great Britain, an Assistant to Their Majesties, and the Nation's Affairs, beloved by Your Country as much as You are a Lover of it. This is every true Englishman's Prayer, and particularly of My Lord, Your LORDSHIP'S Most Humble and Devoted Servant, N. TATE. The PREFACE. THE Life of the Prince of Conde has been enquired after so long since, that considering my disability to answer the Public Expectations, for want of all the Memoirs that I stood in need of (for it would require an Age to get 'em all) I designed to have set forth a Collection of all the Printed Relations of the Campaigns, wherein the Prince had commanded in chief, of the Battles he had won, the strong Holds of which he had made himself Master, and of such other Pieces which I had taken care to get together; to which purpose no diligence was omitted, though some of 'em were become very scarce. And there is no question to be made, but that such a Rude Collection alone would have been very grateful. For People would have been glad to see such a Prospect of the Achievements of so great a Hero as the Prince of Conde; and the greatest part of those Pieces, though printed long before, would have been Novelties to many People. Nevertheless, considering that if those Pieces were read successively according to the Order of Time, and shaped into a Methodical Form of History, they would please much better, I determined to take that course. So that when you find entire the greatest part of those Relations which have already appeared, and of which some begin already to be quite out of print, you will find an Abstract of the Life of that great Personage sufficiently guarded with the Circumstances of Relation, and the Principal Matters that complete his History. We are to inform the Reader farther, That by the Assistance of Particular Memoirs which we received from several Officers who had served under the Prince, and Letters written by Persons who had free access to Chantilli, there are many Circumstances here mentioned which were never Printed, nor are any other where to be found. As to what remains, we must acknowledge, That we have made use of the Memoirs of Rochefoucault, Tavanes, Puysegur; the History of Marshal Gassion, the Theatrum Gallicum, M. de Leti, the History of the French Monarchy; The History of the Present Age; That of the Wars of Holland; That of Sweden by Puffendorf, Labardaeus de Rebus Gallicis, Prido, P. Rapine, P. Bergier, and the Principal Funeral Orations that have been preached in honour of the Prince's Memory. THE HISTORY OF LEWIS de BOURBON, Prince of Conde. First Book. THE World has no such reason to wonder, The Design of the Work. that tho' the Prince of Conde has been dead for so many Years, yet no Body attempted any sooner to write his Life. He was a Prince whose Life was intermixed with so many Varieties and Changes of Fortune, 1621. who signalised himself by so many great and glorious Actions, and whose retiring from Business had something so Heroic in it, that it must be thence concluded, that such a History, delightful in the General Knowledge of it, could not choose but be acceptable, when enlarged into particulars. And it would be so much the more kindly entertained, in regard the Public is encouraged to believe that some Body will undertake it. For my part I have neither Memoirs enough, nor Ability sufficient to Enterprise so great a Work; so that I shall not adventure to presume so far. The Design which I propose to myself, is only to collect together such Relations, as have been made from time to time, of the most remarkable Actions of this Prince, and to tack these Pieces in such a manner, one to another, as to make an Epitome of his Life, from his Birth to the time of his Decease: to the end, the Reader may have a view of the Battles which he won, or wherein he signalised his Courage; the Sieges of the Towns which he took, and of the Consequence of those great Victories, to which indeed the Monarchy of France is beholding for her Grandeur. The Birth of the Prince of Conde. Lewis of Bourbon, the II. of that Name, that is to say, the Hero of whom I am now to speak, was born at Paris, the 8 th'. of September, in the Year, 1621. Lewis the XIII. his Godfather, gave him his own Name, and while his Father lived, he bore the Title of Duke of Enguiens. This Young Prince was Grandson to Lewis the I. that famous Prince of Conde, who after the Death of Henry II. put himself at the Head of the Malcontents, in the Civil-Wars about Religion, for those Reasons which are known to all the World; and Son of Henry of Bourbon, and Margaret of Monmorenci. After the Death of Lewis I. Prince of Conde, who was slain after a most execrable manner, by a Captain of the Duke of Anjou's Guards, Hen. IU. who to preserve his Crown, found himself constrained to renounce his Religion, was desirous that the Young Henry should be bred up in the same Principles which he had embraced himself, and had begun both to practise and profess. To which purpose, he was put into the Hands of those who were made choice of for his Education. And such extraordinary Care was taken to infuse into this Young Prince an early good Opinion and Affection for the Catholic Religion, that never was any Prince more Zealous than He for the Roman Worship. Insomuch, that it may be said of him, that he was born for the Re-establishment of the Catholic Religion, which the Prince, his Father, would have rooted out of France; that he only lived to defend it; and that he was the Ornament and Glory of it. It may be readily conjectured by this Portraiture, 1629. that Prince Henry of Bourbon was no less desirous that his Son, the Duke of Enguien, His Studies. should be brought up betimes in the knowledge of a Religion of which himself was in some measure the Support and Column. And he had a Passion so extraordinary for it, that so soon as he arrived to be 8 Years of Age, his Father sent him to Bourges, to the College of Jesuits, where he was committed to the Tuition of two Persons of that Order, the most able and learned that could be found. Thus the Young Prince continued Three Years in that House, going regularly every day to his Form or Classis, as well as the Rest of the Inferior Scholars. And in regard he had a quick and piercing Wit, a retentive Memory, and a great number of Natural Endowments, his Tutors understood so well to cultivate his Genius, that at Twelve Years of Age he was able to discourse of Religion after a very rational manner, and at Thirteen Years of Age, he had improved himself so perfectly in his course of Philosophy, that he maintained several Thesis' and Arguments in public, with that subtlety and solidity that he became the wonder of all that heard him. Certain it is, that this Great Prince was a proper Receptacle for all manner of Sciences and Learning, but his predominant Passion led him to a Martial Life. For that reason he was desirous to understand the Art of War, so soon as he found himself in a Condition to undergo the Fatigues and Hardships that attend it. And he no sooner set forward in that Illustrious Career, but he made surprising Progresses. His most Early Years were remarkable and signalised with all the happy Presages that usually accompany the Infancy of Extraordinary Men; and the Accomplishment of 'em was so quick, that People had hardly time to distinguish the Effects from the Hopes. The Marshals the Chaunes, de Chatill●n, & de la Meilleraye, besieged the City of Arras, in the Year, 1640. 1640. And having repulsed the Cardinal Infanta, He is present at the Siege of Arras. who attempted to raise the Siege; they carried the Place two months after. The Duke of Enguien performed his first Campaign, under these Generals, as a Volunteer: and he signalised himself, in this Siege, for his Bravery, all along, from the very first day that the Trenches were opened; nor was it a little that he contributed to repair the Ignominy of that ill Success which had some days before befallen the French Army at the Sieges of Charlemont and Mariembourg, which they were constrained to raise. He was married the Year following, and espoused Clara Clementia de Maille-Breze, 1641. who was Wealthy to abundance; for she was the Daughter of Marshal de Breze, who being Cardinal Richlie●'s Brother-in-law, H●s Marriage. had been advanced to Places of great Dignity and Importance. 'Tis said, that the Duke of Enguien, who aspired to a higher Alliance, showed at first a Reluctancy to match himself into the Family of that Minister, and that he stood upon his Punctilios, like a Person of great Honour and Gallantry. But in regard that Cardinal Richlieu, to speak properly was then King; some there are who say, that Lewis XIII. gave him to understand, that 'twas his Pleasure to have the Match concluded, unless he had a mind to incur his Anger; and that the Cardinal, whose will was a Law, had laid a Contrivance to have him arrested under some specious pretence, if he should hesitate never so little upon the Proposal which was made him; nay, if he did not make the first steps of Courtship to the Lady. However it were, the Duke of Enguien went to visit the Cardinal, who at that time was at Ruel: So that the Match was concluded at that Visit; and the 11 th'. of February the Nuptial Ceremonies were performed with Royal Magnificence. War, as I have already said, being the prevailing Passion that swayed the Duke of Enguien, He is present at the Siege of Aire. no sooner the French took the Field, in the Year, 1641. but he accompanied Marshal de Meil●eray into Elanders, and was at the Siege of Air, which was a most remarkable Siege, and where he signalised himself with no less Gallentry then in the Trenches of Arras. Air Surrender'd upon Composition; but the Spanish Garrison was hardly marched out of the Town, before the Spaniards made themselves Masters of Lil●ers, and immediately after, were resolved to fall upon the French in their Lines, or to starve 'em in their Entrenchments, if they refused to fight. General Lamboy's Army, which the Spaniards had brought into Alsatia, puffed up with the Victory which they had won at La Marfee, near Sedan, An occasion wherein the Prince of Conde signalises himself. marched just before the Vanguard, in the very Face of the French Army. Of which, so soon as Marshal Gassion had Intelligence, he Sallied out of the Camp, with a part of his Regiment, to observe the March of the Enemy, and to Charge 'em in the Rear, if they passed forward. But he was so surprised to see so numerous an Army making towards him, that he retreated about a Mile, and made a stand, upon a Rising Ground, at the corner of a little Copse, where he stood secure. But that which stopped the Marshal de Gassion, could not stop the Duke of Enguien, who being mounted a Horseback, in Company with Marshal de la Meilleray, and about three or fourscore Lords, and some Volunteers, to view the Enemy, advanced so far, that all of a sudden they found themselves environed with two great Squadrons of Horse, from which they had much ado to free themselves; but at length they did get rid of 'em, in such a manner as redounded highly to their Honour: For after a short, but very hot Conflict for the time, they regained their Lin●s, without much loss; and particular Commendations were bestowed upon the Young Duke, for the Bravery and undaunted Courage which he had showed upon that Occasion. 1642. In the Year 1642. Lewis XIII. being desirous to make himself Master of Perpignan, he ordered the Marshals de Schomb●rg and Meilleray to besiege it; and that great Monarch was present, in Person, at the Siege, He is at the S●ege of Perpignan, and command's the Arrierb●n of Langu●d●c. for some time. Nor could the D. of Enguien, who followed the King, fail of Employment in an Enterprise of that Nature. He commanded the Gentry and Nobility of Languedoc, and behaved himself with so much Honour, that the Town being constrained to yield, a●ter a Resistance of four Months, believed she could not make a more glorious Surrender then by delivering the Keys of her Gates to the Young Prince. How many Lives would those Marks of Valour have sufficed to Honour, which the Duke of Enguien gave in his first three Campaignes! He showed an Ability to Command so extraordinary, mo●e especially at the Siege of the last Place, that Lewis XIII. who in part had been a Witness of his great Actions, thought he could not do France a greater piece of Service, He is made General of the King of France his Army. then to put him at the Head of his Armies. After the taking of Perpignan, which was attended with the Surrender of Salces, and the total Reduction of the whole Country of Roussillon. Cardinal Richlieu died upon the 4 th'. of December, 1642. Death of Card. Richlieu. All People imagined, that upon the Death of that Minister, the Face of Affairs would have strangely altered; and that Lewis the XIII. who had been as it were a Slave for twenty Years together, would take that opportunity to break his Chains. But through a strange Fatality, not easy to be paralleled, that Prince who had boasted, upon the News of the Cardinal's Death, that now he should begin to be a King, had not however the Courage to shake off so base and ignominious a Yoke; and notwithstanding the aversion he had for the Memory of that Cardinal, he saw himself constrained, through his own Cowardliness, not only to dissemble one part of his Sentiments, but to authorise the Disposal, which that Minister had made by his last Will, of the Principal Employments, and most important Preferments in the Kingdom. In a word, the Kindred and Favourites of Cardinal Richlieu enjoyed all the Advantages which he had procured 'em, altogether as peaceably after his Death, as they did in his Life-time. And Cardinal Mazarin, who was the only Person of all his Creatures, in whom he most confided, and who was most deeply engaged in his Interests, was made choice of to Succeed him in the Government of Affairs. Bu● according to all probability, there was some Prospect of a sudden Change. For Lewis XIII. had so long laboured under a decaying and languishing Distemper, that there was no hope of any Cure, and then all People believed that so soon as the Queen, or the Duke of Orleans cam● to the Regency, that Richlieu's Party would be utterly discarded; but they flattered themselves in vain. For Cardinal Mazarin, who foresaw every thing that could happen, and who moreover had very powerful Reasons to side with the Queen, and preserve his Authority by that means, made use of all his Power over the King, to insinuate into his mind, that it behoved him of necessity to declare that Princess Regent. The King was no way dispoed to follow the Cardinal's Advice. For besides the little Kindness which he had for the Queen, he was so ill satisfied with her Conduct, in regard of the Ties which he believed she had with the Spaniard, by the Mediation of the Duchess of Cheureuse, who was fled for Sanctuary to Brussels; and he was otherwise so preposessed, that out of the design which the Duchess had to Marry the Duke of Orleans, she had had a hand in the Conspiracy of Chalaes', Grand Master of his Wardrobe, who would have assassinated him, that tho' he gave great Credit to the Cardinal's Advice, yet he would not give him any positive Answer touching that Matter. And indeed the King was at a great loss which way to turn himself. There was no Body could pretend to the Regency, if the Queen were Excluded, or obliged to have a Partner; and both the Queen, and the Duke of Orleans, were equally hateful to him. But Cardinal Mazarin would not be so put off. For in regard he soothed the Queen with every thing that could flatter her Hopes, he lost no time either in soliciting the King, or causing him to be importuned in Favour of that Princess. And the better to bring about his Design, and that at the same time he might have the greatest part himself in the Management of Affairs, he took a Resolution to propound Conditions, so little to the Queen's Advantage, that Lewis XIII. who saw himself just dropping into his Grave, thanked him for having disengaged him out of that Irresolution, wherein he had hesitated so long. For in short, altho' he consented, at last, that the Queen should be declared Regent; yet the Power which he gave her was extremely limited, that Princess not being able to undertake any thing of herself, without first imparting the Business to the Counsel, of which the Cardinal was to be the Chief, and where things were to be carried by Plurality of Voices. But how disadvantageous soever these Conditions were to the Queen, the King however thought he had done enough, and the Queen, and the Cardinal, who had their Prospects, and their Ends, were highly satisfid that Things were brought to that point. Nevertheless, in regard the Business was not concluded, and for that the King's mind might alter, the Cardinal left nothing omitted to keep the King steady in the Resolution he had taken, while the Queen, The Queen endeavours to draw the Prince of Conde to her Party & succeeds. on her side, laboured to win to her Party all the considerable Persons in the Court; of which number was the Duke of Enguien: and it was a long time before she thought of him. But the Duke de la Roche Foucaut, who had always an Antipathy against Cardinal Richlieu, and sought all Opportunities to be serviceable to the Queen, having one day put it into her Head, that it would be of great Advantage to her to gain this Young Prince, she took it for good Advice. And the Duke of Enguien, who was glad of an opportunity to oppose the Authority of the Duke of Orleans, who aspired to the Regency, willingly accepted the Queen's offer. The Queen promised to prefer him before the Duke of Orleans, not only by the Mark of her Esteem and Confidence, but also in all Employments from whence it lay in her Power to Exclude the Duke of Orleans, by such ways as they two should agree upon together, and which might not provoke that Prince to a Rupture with her● On the other side, the Duke of Enguien promised to be inseparably devoted to the Queen's Interest, and to be beholding to her alone for all the Favours which he desired at Court. And now the Queen thought herself strong enough, when she saw herself assured of the support of this Young Prince; and therefore relying on the other side upon the Cardinal, she waited for the King's Death with a great deal of Confidence. 1643. About that time the Duke of Enguien departed to Command the Army in Flanders, and lay the Foundations of those great Things which he performed with so much Honour. Lewis the XIII. also died within a short time after, The Death of Lewis XIII. that is to say, the 14 th'. of May, in 1643. the very same day that he began his Reign. After the Death of this Monarch, there happened one thing which perhaps never happened before in France, where there is a greater regard had to the King's Pleasure, then in any other Monarchy, that the Parliament of Paris, The Queen confirmed Regent, by a Declaration of Parliament. which according to the Institution of it, is the Trustee and Guardian of all the Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom, and which derives its Jurisdiction only from the King, cancelled the Declaration of Lewis XIII. by which, as has been already said, he ordered a Council for the Regency, to the end, the Queen, whom he thought incapable to manage the Government, might be under a kind of Tutelage. For the Queen, Four days after the King's Death, went to the Parliament, and there did what she pleased herself, in a manner so Advantageous to herself, that ●here could nothing more be done; the whole Assembly testifying that they desired nothing with so ●uch fervency, as that her Authority should be ●bsolute. In short, the Queen was confirmed Re●ent by a Declaration of Parliament, bearing date ●he 18 th'. of May. This Digression was absolutely necessary, as you ●ill find by what ensues. Now therefore to return ●o the Duke of Enguien, while these things were ●hus transacted in France, and that they were preparing to carry the King's Body to St. Denis, the spaniards besieged Rocroy, and so vigorously pressed ●he City, that it was greatly to be feared it would ●all into the Enemy's hands, unless it were speedily succoured. But the Duke of Enguien, who was already set forward to Command the Army in Flan●ers, resolved to relieve the Place, and no less briskly to attack the Enemy, who seemed as willing ●o come to a Battle; and he performed what he undertaken, as he had laid his Design. This Prince was then not above Two and Twenty Years of Age, and one of his Panegyrists has said, and that not without doing him Justice, that he had formed ● Design which was above the reach of the Old Experienced Hoary-headed Captains; but which Victory however justified. The Enemy's Army ●as much more numerous than that which he Commanded. It was composed of those Old Bands of Walloons, Italians and Spaniards, which never had ●een broken before; but all that could not make ●he Young Duke desist from his Enterprise. Don ●rancisco de Melos stayed his coming, with a firm Resolution to engage him. He was a Captain formidable for his Consummate Experience, and for ● great many Victories which he had won, and be●ides all that, he lay entrenched among Woods and ●oggs. All the Forces of the Kingdom, were ●ow to be ventured in one single Combat. Upon that day depended the good or bad Fortune of the Regency. For in short, had the Duke lost that Battle, it would have been impossible for France to have stopped a Torrent, which would certainly have delug'dall Champagne, Picardy, and the Neighbourhood of Paris. The Consideration of so many Dangers would have terrified any other Person but the Duke of Enguien. However, never did any General appear more Sedate, or more Undaunted. He lay the Night preceding that famous Battle, as if he had not thought of any such thing as fight, and slept so sound, that they were forced to wake him the next Morning. This Prince, who by that Battle opened the way for so many others; upon that Occasion acted not only like a Man of his Birth, but like a Common Officer. He was in all places where danger appeared. He received several Shot in his clothes, and in his Boots; he had a Horse wounded under him, with Two Musket Bullets; and he underwent all the Hazards and Fatigues of Combat, with so much gaiety, and a Look so cheerfully unconcerned, that he was the equal wonder as well of the Spaniards as the French. Toward the end of Lewis the XIII. Reign, the Spanish Army was Master of the Field. A Relation of what passed in the Campaign of Rocroy, in 1643. by M. de i● Chapelle. Don Francisco de Melos, Governor of the Low Countries, had retaken Air, and La Bassee, and won the Battle of Hannecourt. The Designs which were laid were vast; nor was his Ambition satisfid with re-taking only those Places which Spain had lost. He foresaw that the King's Death would occasion great Troubles in France, and the Physicians had all adjudged his Distemper incurable; and every body was studying to make their best Advantages of the ensuing Minority. The French also, who were wont to lose by their Dissensions all the Advantages which they used to get in their Foreign Wars, were about to have furnished Melos with a favourable opportunity to extend his Conquests. Upon these Considerations he altars his design of Besieging Arras, the Preparations for which had taken him up all the Winter, and he resolved to attack Rocroy; as being a serviceable Post that gave him an Entrance into Champagne, and therefore fit to make a Place of Arms, that lay convenient for all his Erterprises. In a very short time after, Lewis the XIII. died, and his Death divided all the Court, as Melos well foresaw. The Cabals that were secretly held to get the Regency, threatened France with a General Revolution. All the States of the Kingdom were unwilling to fall again under a Ministry like that of Cardinal Richlie●. The great Lords and Peers could not be easily induced to buckle before a Minister, who possessed a Station, of which every one thought themselves more worthy than himself. The Magistrates were unwilling to depend upon any Person, but the King, in the Exercise of their Duties, and could not brook the receiving Laws from a private Subject. And as for the People, they never fail to charge upon the Counsels of the chief Minister, all the Taxes and Impositions which have been laid upon 'em; and generally all Men are inclined to envy the Fortune. and hate the Person of a Favourite. Thus the Remembrance of what was passed became Odious, and the future was to be feared; the Present was full of Trouble, and therefore great Care was to be taken of the Kingdom under so great a Change. All People wished for a Government more Gentle and Free, but no Body agreed upon the means to bring it to pass. Nevertheless, the King, before his Death, had nominated and appointed the Persons that were to compose the Council of the Regency. He had also, at the same time, given the Command of his Armies to the Duke of Enguien; but to curb and moderate the Early Flames and Heats of Youth, frequently transported with desire of Glory, he gave him the Marshal de l' Hospital for his Lieutenant General and Counsellor. But notwithstanding this same Settlement of Affairs, and all the Intrigues at Court, the Queen was declared Sole Regent with Absolute Power. There was some likelihood at first, that she would have called the Bishop of Beauv●is to the Ministry; and she had also some thoughts of procuring a Cardinal's Cap for him upon the first Promotion. But that Prelate, instead of managing himself prudently and cautiously in the dawn of Favour, went about to ruin all those that Richlieu had advanced, and by that means drew upon himself a great number of Enemies. Now while he was unseasonably endeavouring to overturn all which that Minister had done, Mazarin took his Advantage of the whole, and made his Leagues with the Persons that were in most Credit with the Queen. They whom the Bishop sought to pull down had recourse to the Cardinal's Protection. The Q. therefore fearing lest he should create her a great deal of Trouble, took distaste at his Services; finding the Cardinal, at length, much more fit to supply the Place of Chief Minister. And they in whom ●he most confided, persuaded her to make this choice so that she resolved to send the Bishop back to his Diocese, and openly to declare her Inclinations to the Cardinal. At first she met with great Obstacles; the very Name of Cardinal dreaded the minds of Men, recalled past Mischiefs to their Memory, and caused 'em to fear worse for the future. Thus the Queen's Creatures were divided, every one took his side, and Affairs were worse embroiled then before. Ne●ertheless, the Cardinal's Policy, and good Fortune, ●he Services which he had done France, the Queen's ●esolution● and the respect which all People had ●or her appeased the Malcontents. Nor did the ●lot laid against him by the Duchess of Cheuruse, ●nd the Duke of Beaufort serve to any other purpose then to Settle and Confirm his Authority. And thus Melos was deceived in his Prognostics, as ●re all Foreigners that ground great hopes upon the Divisions of the French. For tho' their Natural Levity sometimes excites 'em to revolt; yet the in●ate respect and affection which they have for ●heir King, reduces them always to their Obedience. In short, the Grandees, the Parliament, and the People, submitted to the Queen's Choice, and all Authority bowed under the Ministry of Cardinal Mazarin, tho' he were a Foreigner, and that his Enemies published him to be Originally a Subject of Spain, which was a Nation that had no Kindness for the French; and tho' but a little before he appeared under an Eclipse far distant from so splendid an Elevation. The Duke had carried himself imprudently in the management of the Enterprise against the Cardinal, and the Duchess believing herself more Crafty, and more in the Queen's Favour, scorned his Submissions. So that at the same time that the Duke and she were consulting to destroy him, the Duke was arrested, the Duchess disgraced, the rest of the Cabal dispersed themselves, and France enjoyed a more pleasing Calm then ever. While the Court was busied in these Intrigues, The Prince of Conde desirous to relieve Rocroy. the Duke of Enguien was preparing for the next Campaign. Amiens was the place appointed for the Rendezvouse of the Army, where the Prince arrived toward the end of April, 1643. and there ●et Gassion with part of the Forces: Espenan drew others together about L●on. Marshal de Grammen● had put himself into Arras at the beginning of the Winter, and had a considerable Body in that place. The Duke of Enguien stayed Three Weeks in Amiens in expectation of the Forces that were to meet there, and to penetrate the Designs of the Spaniards: He had also sent Gassion to Dourlens, with Orders to observe 'em more narrowly. At length he understood that Melos had drawn all his Forces together about Dovay, and that he was upon his March toward Landrecies, with a great Train of Artillery. The Duke of Enguien mustered as many men as possibly he could draw together near Amiens, and sent Orders to those that were more remote to join him in his March. The second day he lodged his Army near Peronne, whither La Ferte Seneterre brought him some Reinforcements of Infantry, and the Troops that had Wintered in Arras, joined him at the same place. And now the Prince began to be impatient of coming to a Battle, choosing rather to hazard all, then to bear the ignominy of seeing a Town lost at the beginning of his Command. But in regard the Marshal de l' Hospital was altogether averse to this Design, the Duke of Enguien thought it requisite to bring that about by Policy, which he was unwilling to overrule by his Absolute Authority. For this Reason he discovered himself to no Body but Gassion only; who being a Man that made slight of the most dangerous Attempts; he had soon brought the Business to the point which the Duke desired. For under pretence of putting Men into the Place, he had insensibly drilled on the Marshal de l' Hespital so near the Enemy, that it was not in his Power to avoid a Battle. The Army marched forward to Guise, which was a place the most exposed of the Frontiers, and which might have been with ease relieved by the Spaniards. But the French Vanguard was hardly lodged in Fansome, when the Duke of Enguien was informed that the Spaniards were passed by Landrecies, and Capelle, and that they made long marches toward the Meuse. This made the Prince believe they had some design upon the Garrisons in Champaign; and he had reason to fear that he should not be able to overtake Melos, till the intrenchments of his Camp were finished, and perhaps not till he had taken some one of those places, which he knew to be ill furnished with Men and Ammunition. This foresight caused him to send Gassion before, with a Body of two thousand Horse, to observe the designs of the Spaniards; and to put the Dragoons and Fuzeliers in such places as had most need. All this while the Duke of Enguien contrived his March with all speed, and the Troops which Es●enan Commanded, met him at jeigny: and there it was that he received certain intelligence that Mel●s had invested R●c●oy, and that he had began the same night to open his Trenches. Upon which the Prince laid all thoughts aside, but those of speedily succouring that Place, when the news was brought him that Lewis the XIII. was Dead. Perhaps upon the same occasion, any other than the Duke of Enguien would have laid aside his Design of relieving Rocroy. His high Quality, his Affairs, the interest of his Family, the advice of his Friends recalled him to the Court. Nevertheless, he preferred the General Good before his Private Advantages; nor would his eager pursuit of Honour permit him to take a moment's Consideration. Thereupon he concealed the news of the King's Death, and marched the next Morning toward Rocroy; making Marshal de l' Hospital believe that his March so near that place, was only to supply it with a Reinforcement of Men and Ammunition, through the Woods that environ it. Gassion rejoined him in his March at R●migni, and gave him full information of all the Spaniards Proceedings; described all their Posts, and showed him which way to come at 'em. For Gassion had marched with that speed, that being arrived at the entrance into the Wood of Rocroy, in a very short time after they had posted themselves before the Place, he had put in a hundred and fifty men into it, and had observed by the s●ituation of the Places, that the whole Success of the Enterprise consisted in passing the Lanes, and presenting the Army in Battle Array between the Wood and the Town. Rocroy is seated in the midst of a Plain environed with Woods so thick, and full of Bogs, that which way soever you go to it, 'tis impossible to avoid very long and incommodious Lanes, and narrow Passes. 'Tis true, that on that side next Champagne, there is not above a quarter of a League of Wood, and the Lane itself, which is very narrow of itself, grows broader and broader afterwards; and the Plain is discovered by degrees. But in regard the Country is full of heathy Ground, and very Boggy, there is no marching but in small Companies, till you come near Rocroy itself, where the Ground insensibly rising is much more dry than in the Wood; and affords a spacious Field sufficient for the drawing up two great Armies. Melos, being arrived the 10 th' of May before the place, had divided his Army into six Quarters, made his Entrenchments, and placed the principal of his Forces on that side next the Lanes and narrow Passes, contenting himself to secure the rest by the general disposal of his Men; to the end he might spare that time which is usually employed in raising a Circumvallation. Besides these precautions, which he had observed in the Enemy's Posts, he found that they had placed a great Body of a Guard upon the Road to Champagne: And his Sentinels, and his Scouts were so well laid, that nothing could enter into the Plain but they must have knowledge of it. His Army was compos`d of Eight thousand Horse, under the Leading of the Duke of Albuquerque, and Eighteen thousand Foot, Commanded by the Count of Fontaine, among which were the Select Spanish Infantry. The Duke of Enguien, being informed of all these things, called together all the Officers of his Army at Rumigni, and after he had laid before 'em all that Gassion had informed him, he declared that 'twas his resolution to do all that could be done for the relief of Rocroy, to which purpose he would pass the narrow Lanes with all the speed he could. That if the Spaniards undertook to defend 'em, they must be obliged to leave their Quarters ungarded, and consequently there would be a way left open for the Relief, which he intended to put into the Town; or if they suffered him to pass the Lanes without fight, it would prove otherwise to their advantage, so that the Army having room and space enough in the Plain, the Spaniards might be induced to come to a Battle; or at least that the French might be able to take Posts, and fortify themselves, till they could amply provide for the Relief of the Besieged. At last, the Prince told 'em, that the King was dead, and that at such a Conjuncture of trouble and Confusion, it behoved 'em to hazard all, rather than lose the Reputation of the Arms of France. That for his part, there was not any thing which he would not venture, to prevent the taking of Rocroy. Thereupon they all concluded upon giving Battle, and the Marshal de ● ' Hospital made a show of giving his consent. For he imagined it may be, that the Spaniards would dispute the narrow Pass, Th● Battle of Rocroy. and so the Enterprise would end in a bickering within the Wood; that in the mean time relief might be put into the Town; and that the Army not being engaged beyond the Pass, it would be easy to make a retreat, without coming to a General Battle. Upon this a resolution was taken to march directly toward Rocroy: and the Duke of Enguien advanced the same day as far as Bossu, and disposed the Order of his Battle, to the end that every one might prepare himself for an Action, the success of which was of such importance to his Glory and the safety of France. His Army was composed of Fifteen Thousand Foot, and Seven Thousand Horse, and they were to fight upon two Lines, supported by a Body of a Reserve; the Command of which was given to Sicot. The Marshal de l' Hospital took care of the Le●t Wing, and La Ferte Seneterre serv●d under him as Camp-Marshal. Espenan commanded all the Infantry; Gassion was under the D. of Enguien, in the Right Wing; and because they were to fight in difficult places, there was a Division of fifty Musqueteers put between every Interval of the Squadrons. The Carbines, the Duke's Guards, and those of the Marshal de L' Hospital, together with the remainder of the Dragoons and Fuzeliers were placed on the right and left side of the Wings. These Orders being given, the Duke sent away the Baggage to Aubenton, and whatever else was useless in a day designed to fight, and marched in Battle Array, to the entrance of the Wood Mel●● pressed Rocroy so vigorously, that had it not been for the Socour which Gassion had put into it, the French would hardly have had time to raise the Siege. The Garrison was so weak and ill provided, that the Spaniards made no attempt but what succeeded. And indeed they had been rightly informed of the bad condition of the place, which made 'em believe that the Town could never hold out till the arrival of any Succour, in regard the Duke of Enguien was at such a distance from them. But the French Army was reinforced by degrees with little Bodies of men which joined them in their march, which was the reason that the Spaniards could not discover their Strength: besides that Intelligence was hard to come by, in regard the Country was all French. So that M●los never knew the true number of the Duke of Enguien's Army, till the very day that they entered the Pass. The last intelligence that he had of it was, that they were not above Twelve Thousand men; but he understood when it was too late that they were three and Twenty Thousand fight Soldiers, and that they were also marching into the Wood Melos was constrained to a quick deliberation, whether he should defend the Pass, or whether he should stay in the Plain till they came to Attack him. 'Tis true there was nothing more easy for him to have done, then to have disputed the passage of the French Army, by planting his Infantry in the Wood, and supporting them with a good Body of Horse. It was also in his power, by a good management of the advantages which he had of the Woods and Boggs, to have found work enough for the French Army with one part of his men, and to have pushed forward the reducing of the Town with the other, which could not have held out above two days longer. This seemed to be the most certain Course, and every body thought that Melos would have taken it. But his Ambition was not be to limited by the taking of Rocroy. He imagined that the winning of a Battle would open him a way into the very Bowels of France; and the Victory which he had won at Honnecourt, put him in hopes of the same good Success before Rocroy. Besides that in hazarding a Fight, he thought he could venture no more than the least part of his Army, and some Frontier Towns. Whereas by the defeat of Enguien, he proposed to himself infinite advantages, in the beginning of a Regency not well settled. Upon these considerations Melos, who according to the Spanish genius, let go the Present, out of an extraordinary greediness after the Future, resolved upon a General Battle. And to the end he might the more easily induce the D. of Enguien to it, he stayed for him in the Plain, and made not the least Effort to dispute the Passage of the Narrow Lanes. Not but that Melos might have been constrained to have done that by Force, which he did of his own accord; in regard that while he stood consulting, the time was almost over for debate. For the foremost Troops of the Dukes already appeared, and the French Army had already past the Lanes, before Melos could draw all his Quarters together. Nevertheless, had he done in time what he ought to have done to oppose his passage, the Duke of Enguien would have been hard put to it to have forced him; in regard there is nothing so difficult as to get clear of long encumbrances of Woods and Marshes in the sight of a Potent Army drawn up in a Plain. However it were, we find that Melos had prepared himself for a General Battle, since he took all the care he could to get his Forces together; and had sent for Beck, who was gone ●oward the Palatinate, to join him with all speed. The Duke marched in Battalia, drawn up in two Columns, from Bossis to the entrance of the Pass; while Gassion rod before with a Party of Horse to observe the Enemy; and finding the Pass defended with no more than an ou● Guard of Fifty Horse, he repulsed 'em, and brought the Duke word how easily he had made himself Master of the Pass. In this place it was that the Duke thought it convenient to speak his mind more plainly to the Marshal de l' Hospital, because the Marshal saw, that if they advanced forward into the Plain, it would be impossible to avoid a Battle. Gassion also used all his Rhetoric to engage him to it, but still the Marshal opposed him. But the Duke put an end to the Dispute, and told him in a Commanding tone, that he would take the event upon himself. Upon that the Marshal no longer contested, but put himself at the Head of the Saquadrons which he was to Command. He then caused the right Wing to advance through the narrow Passes, lodging the Infantry in the most difficult places, to secure the passage of the rest of the Army. At the same time also he advanced with a Party of Horse to a small rising ground, within half Canon shot of the Spaniards. So that if Melos had then Charged the Duke he had certainly Defeated him. But immediately the Duke so well covered that rising ground, with the Squadrons which he had about him, that the Spaniards could not discover what was done behind. Melos could not imagine that so great a Body of Horse, would have advanced so far without being seconded by Infantry; however; all he did was only to try by slight Skirmishes, whether he could open a way to see behind the Rear of the Squadrons: but not being able to break through, he began to think of nothing else but putting his men into Battalia. Thus both Generals concurred in one and the same Designs The Prince made it his whole business to pass the Woods, and M●los laboured only to unite his separated Quarters together. The place which the Duke made choice of for the field of Battle was wide enough to range his whole Army in the same order as he had contrived before. The ground was there somewhat more raised then in the parts adjoining, and extended itself insensibly into all the rest of the Plain. There was a great Bogg upon the lefthand, and the Wood not being very thick in that part was no hindrance to the Squadrons from drawing into Order. Just opposite to that Eminency which the Duke possessed, there was another rising Ground almost resembling it, where the Spaniards planted themselves, and made the same Front as the French, and between the two Battles a hollowness ran along in the nature of a Valley. By the situation of this place 'tis easy to judge, that neither of the two Parties could attack each other without ascending. Nevertheless, the Spaniards had this advantage, that upon the declension of their rising ground and before their Left Wing, there grew a Copse of Underwood, which descended a good way into the Valley, where it was an easy thing for them to plant Musketeers to gall the Duke as he marchd toward 'em. The Two Generals laboured with extraordinary Diligence to Marshal their Troops as they came severally up, and instead of Skirmishing, as is usual when Two Armies meet, they spent their whole time in ordering their Men. All this while, the Spanish Canon annoyed the Fr●nch much more than the French Canon did the Spaniards, because they had a greater number, more advantageously planted, and better plied. Therefore still as the Duke extended the Wings of his Army, the Enemy played furiously with their Canon, that had it not been for their extraordinary Resolution, the French could never have kept the Ground which they possessed. There were above three Hundred Men that day slain and wounded by the Canon Shot, among whom the Marquess of Persan, Campmaster of a Regiment of Infantry, received a Shot in his Thigh. About Six a Clock in the Evening, the French Army had passed the Defile, and the Body of the Reserve being got clear of the Wood, advanced to the Ground which was assigned it. The Duke also, unwilling to give the Spaniards any longer time to secure their Posts, prepared to begin the Fight; and the Order of March was given throughout the whole Army, when an unlucky Accident not to be foreseen had like to have put all into an extreme Confusion, and given the Victory to Melos. La Ferte Seneterre alone commanded the left Wing in the Absence of the Marshal de l' Hospital, who was with the Duke. That Wing of the Army was defended by a Bogg on the one side, so that the Spaniards could not attack it; and therefore lafoy Ferte had nothing to do but to keep firm in his Post, and expect the signal of Battle. The Duke had never quitted the right Wing, where while the Officers were ranging the Squadrons in their proper Places, he made it his chief Business to observe the Countenance of the Enemy, and in what places it would be most to his Advantage to Charge 'em. But than it was that la Ferte, perhaps by some secret Order of the Marshal, or else out of Emulation and Envy to Gassion, to Signalise himself by some extraordinary Exploit, would needs be trying to put a considerable Reinforcement into the Town. And to that purpose ordered all the Cavalry to pass the Marsh, together with Five Battalions of Foot; by the sending away of which Detachment the Left Wing became naked of Horse and much weaknd by the want of a great Body o● Foot. But so soon as the Duke had Intelligence of it● he ordered both Horse and Foot to make a halt, and flew to the Place where the Confusion called him. At the same time also, the Spanish Army moved forward, their Trumpets sounding a Charge, as if Melos had designed to take his Advantage of the Disorder. But the Prince having supplied the void space of the first Line. with some Troops of the second, the Spaniards stopped; which showed that they had no other intent then to gain Ground to range their second Line. There are certain Critical Minutes in War, that fly away with the winged swiftness of Lightning, if a General has not a piercing Eye to watch 'em, and a presence of Mind to seize upon the Opportunity. Fortune never sends 'em again; nay, many times she turns with Indignation against those that were so blind as not to lay hold of her Favours. The Duke of Enguien therefore sent to Command la Ferte back again, so that the Detachment repassed the Bogg, with all speed, and before Night, the whole Army was resettled in their appointed Posts. Thus, this Accident did but only delay the Battle, and wrought no other Inconvenience, only that it gave the Spaniards time to spread themselves more at large, and put themselves into somewhat better Order than they were before. The Night was very dark, but the Forest being near, the Soldier's kindled such a vast number of Fires, as enlightened all the Plain, and both Armies were surrounded with an Enclosure of Wood, as if they had been to ●ight in a Box. Their Corpse du Guards were so near each other, that there was no distinguishing the French Fires from the Spanish, and both Camps seemed to be but one. So soon as it was Day, the Duke gave the signal to March; and the Duke himself, at the Head of his Cavalry, charged a Thousand Musqueteers, which the Count of Fontaines had lodged in the Wood; and tho' they fought in a place, as it were entrenched by Nature, and advantageous for Foot, the Attack was so Vigorous, that they were all cut to pieces upon the Place. However, for fear the Squadrons should be Disordered, and Broken, by crossing the rest of the Wood, where that Infantry was Defeated, the Duke, with the second Line of the Cavalry, turned to the Left, and commanded Gassion to lead the first Line about the Wood upon the Right. Thereupon, Gassion extended his Squadrons, marching under the Covert of the Wood, and Charged the Enemy's Cavalry in Flank, while the Duke attacked 'em in Front. All this while, the Duke of Albuquerque, who commanded the Left Wing of the Spaniards, knew nothing as yet of the first Action, nor had he foreseen that he might be Attacked in two places at once. For he relied upon the Musqueteers that were lodged in the Wood, and covered his first Line; to that finding himself in some Disorder upon this Attack, he thought it proper to oppose some Squadrons against Gassion, by whom he was ready to be surrounded. But there is nothing so dangerous for a General, as to make great Motions before a Potent Enemy just ready to assail him. For those Squadrons, already tottering, were broken at the first Charge, and all Albuquerques' Troops overturned one another. The Duke seeing 'em fly, commanded Gassion to pursue 'em, and turned short against the Foot. Marshal de l' Hospital fought not with the same Success, for having galloped his Horse upon the Enemy, they were out of Breath before they came to join. The Spaniards therefore stood firm to receive 'em, and broke the French upon the first Encounter. The Marshal, after he had fought with an extraordinary Valour, had his Arm broken with a blow of a Pistol, and had the Misfortune to see all his Wing betake themselves to headlong flight. The Spaniards followed their Blow vigorously, cut some battalions of Infantry to pieces, gained the Canon, and never stayed till they came within sight of the Reserve, which put a stop to their Victory. While the two Wings fought with such unequal Success, the French Infantry marched against the Spanish. And already some battalions were engaged. But Espenan, who commanded the Foot; understanding the Misfortune that had befallen the Left Wing, and seeing that all the Spanish Infantry stayed for him in good Order, and with a more than ordinary fierceness in their Countenances, thought it convenient not to be too rash, but to hold the Enemy in play with light Skirmishes, till he saw which of the two Cavalries had the better. In the mean time, the Duke of Enguien had overthrown all the Walloon and Germane Foot, and the Italians had betaken themselves to flight, when he perceived the Rout of the Marshal. Then the Prince clearly saw that the Victory depended wholly upon the Troops which he had with him; and therefore giving over the pursuits of the Foot, he marched behind the Spanish battalions, against their Cavalry, which gave Chase to the Left Wing of the French Army; and finding the Enemy Disordered by the pursuit, he easily put 'em to a total Rout. La Ferte Seneterre, who was taken Prisoner in the Rout of the Left Wing, where he fought with an extraordinary Courage, was found wounded in several places, and rescued by the Duke. Thus the Right Wing of the Spaniards enjoyed their Victory but a short time. They that pursued were now forced to fly themselves; and Gassion meeting 'em in their flight, put the greatest part of 'em to the Sword. Of all Melos' Army, there now remained only the Spanish ●oot; and they were serrid in one Body together near the Canon. More than that, the good Order which they kept, and their sour Looks, showed that they would sell their Lives at a dear Rate. They were commanded by the Count of Fontaines, who was one of the greatest Captains of his Time, and though he were forced to be carried in a Chair, because of his Infirmities, yet he would be every where giving Orders. But the Duke understanding that Beck was Marching with Six Thousand Foot toward the Entrance of the Wood, never stood to consider whither he should Charge the Infantry or not, tho' he had but a small number of Horse with him. The Count of Fontaines also stood him with a brave Resolution, not suffering his Men to Fire till the Fernch were within Fifty Paces of him. But then his battalion opened, and of an Instant a Discharge of Sixteen Canon, laden with Cartouches, saluted the French Infantry, which was accompanied with a shower of small Shot, as thick as Hail. This was such a terrible welcome that the French were not able to brook it, so that if the Spaniards had had but Horse to have followed their Blow, the French Foot could never have been rallied. But having no Horse to disturb 'em, the Duke soon rallyd 'em again, and brought 'em on to a second attack; which had the same Success as the former: and in short, he charged those Veterane Spaniard's Three times without being able to break 'em. But then the Body of the Reserve came up, and several Squadrons returning from the pursuit of the Spanish Horse rejoined the Prince●s Body. And then the Spanish Infantry being surrounded on every side, and overlay●d with Multitude, was constrained to give way to Number. So that the Officers laid aside all Thoughts of any longer defending themselves, but by the motion of their Hats made a sign of calling for Quarter. Upon this the Prince advancing to receive their Parole, and give them his, the Spanish Foot thought that the Prince had been going to make another Attack upon 'em, and upon that mistake discharged a full Volley at him, which was the greatest danger he was in, during the whole bloody Work of the Day. Which his men perceiving, and attributing it to the Treachery of the Spaniards, charged 'em on every side without expecting any Orders, and revenged the Risco which their General had escapd, with a most dreadful Slaughter of the Spaniards. The French pierced into the midst of the Spanish battalion, killing all that stood in their way, and notwithstanding all that the Duke could do, gave Quarter to none, but more especially to the Swissers, who are usually more Merciless than the French The Prince flew about every where, calling to the Soldiers to give Quarter: The Spanish Officers also, and likewise the Common Soldiers, crowded about him for shelter, and Don George de Castelui, Campmaster, was taken by his own hand. In short, all that could escape the Fury of the Soldiers ran in heaps to beg their Lives of him, and beheld him with Admiration. So soon as the Prince had given Orders for securing the Prisoners, he made it his Business to ●ally his Men, and to put himself in a Condition ●o fight Beck, if he should happen to worst Gassion, ●r if he should adventure to engage him in the ●lain. But Gassion returning from the pursuit of ●he Fugitives, told the Duke, that Beck made no haste to come out of the Forest, only contented himself to pick up the shattered Wrecks of the Defeat. That he had done it in so great Disorder, and with so little Knowledge of the Advantages he might have made of the narrow Passes of the Forest, that any one might plainly perceive that the Terror of Melos' Men, had struck his Soldiers with the same dismay. In a word, after he had saved some remnants of the Spanish Army, he retreated with an incredible precipitancy, leaving behind him two pieces of Canon. The Duke finding his Victory absolutely secure, fell upon his Knees in the midst of the Field of Battle, commanding all his Men to do the same, and gave God Thanks for his great Success. And certainly all France was no less obliged to pay her Thanksgivings to Heaven, and her Thanks to Him. For assuredly it may be said that for many Ages, France had never won a Battle more Glorious, nor of greater Importance. And indeed great Actions were performed on both Sides. The Valour of the Spanish Infantry can never be sufficiently applauded. For it is a thing but rarely heard of, that after the Rout of an Army, a Body of Foot deprived of Cavalry, ever had the Resolution, in open Field, not only to stand One but Three Attacks, without being so much as stirred; and it may be truly said, that if the Reserve had not come up, the Prince as Victorious as he was over the rest of the Army, could never have broken that stout and Courageous Infantry. One extraordinary Action of the Regiment of Velandia was remarkable. In the first Onset which the Duke made on that Regiment, the Musketeers being cut in pieces, and the Body of Pikes being surrounded on every side by the French Horse, they made a ●low retreat, in a Body, to the Gross of the Spanish Infantry. When the Left Wing of the French was broken, Word was brought to Sirot that he should save the Body of the Reserve, and make his escape; that there was no other remedy, in regard the Battle was lost. To which he answered, without being moved in the least, 'Tis not yet lost, because Sirot and his Companions have not yet fought. In short, his Courage contributed very much to the Victory. But by the report of the Spaniards themselves, nothing appeared so worthy of Admiration as the Presence of Mind, and Sedateness of the Duke, in the hottest Fury of the Battle: particularly when the Enemies left Wing was broken; for instead of greedily following the pursuit, he presently turned upon their Infantry. By which reservedness he kept his Men from breaking their Order, so that he was in a Condition to assail the Spanish Cavalry who thought themselves Victorious. Gassion won Eternal Honour, and the Duke gave him great Marks of his Esteem. For upon the Field of Battle itself, he promised to procure him a Marshal of France's Battoon, which the King granted him some time after. Of Eighteen Thousand Foot, of which Melos' Army consisted, there were above Eight Thousand slain upon the Place, and near Seven Thousand Prisoners. The Count of Fountains, Campmaster General, was found dead near his Chair, at the Head of his Men. The Loss of him was a long time after bewailed by the Spaniards. The French applauded his Courage, and the Prince himself said, That if he ●ould not have got the Victory, he wo●ld ●●ve died as he did. Valandia, and V●lalva, underwent the same Fate: All the Officers were either taken or slain. The Spaniards also lost Eighteen Pieces of Canon, and Six Battering Pieces, Two Hundred Colours of Foot, and Sixty of Horse. The Pillage was great; for that besides the Booty of the Baggage, there was the Money of a whole M●ste●, which the Army was to have received after the taking of Ro●roy. Of the French were killed in all about Two Thousand, but very few Officers or Persons of Quality. The D. lodged his Army in the Enemy's Camp, and after he had given Order for the wounded, enter'd a Victor into Rocroy. The next day, he understood that Melos retired out of the Battle, upon the rout of the right Wing of his Army, and never minded the rallying of the Fugitives till he was got under the Canon of Philip●ille. His Cavalry rejoined him in the same Place, but the Foot were utterly ruind, and the following Campaigns made appear the Vastness of the Loss, which Spain could never yet repair. So true it is, that a good Army of Foot cannot be too carefully preserved, whether in War or Peace; seeing it is not in the power of the greatest Kings, in a long time to recover a lost Body of Old Officers and Soldiers, accustomed to fight together and endure the Fatigues of War. The Duke, after he had stayed at Rocroy Two days, led his Army to Guise, the same way that he came. There he rested some days, during which the Prince prepared every thing ready to enter the Enemy's Country. For in regard the Magazines had been only provided for the Defensive part, there was a necessity of Storing up Provisions and Ammunition, in the most advanced Places of the Frontiers. Flanders lay open on every side; which way soever the Duke had a Design to Led his Victorious Army, there was nothing to oppose his Passage. He might either attack Mets, or the Towns upon the Scheldt, or the Moselle. There was also great probability that all these Enterprizes● might prove extremely Beneficial. But the winning of the Sea-Towns seemed the most Advantageous, which would not only be an Assistance to the Hollanders, but deprive the Low-Countries, at the same time, of the most speedy Succours which they received from Spain. But the Duke of Enguien knew, that the Hollanders were afraid of nothing so much, as of having the French to be their Neighbours, and that they would rather make a Peace, and Confederate themselves with the Spaniards, though their Natural Enemies, then endure that France should extend her Conquests over those Places, which serve as Barricades between the Spanish Territories, and those of the United Provinces. Moreover it was impossible to take either Gravelin or Dunkirk, without a Fleet: Nor were the King's Fleets in a Condition to keep the Sea. So that there wanted both Time, Money, and Negotiations, to vanquish the Mistrusts and Jealousies of the States-General, and engage 'em to lend their Ships; so that the Duke gave over that Design. There remained Two other Places, the Scheldt and the Moselle. The first was very difficult, in regard the Remains of the shattered Spanish Army were got thither, besides that the French had no Magazines on that side. The last Design was of great Importance toward the Conquest of Flanders, because Thionville, and all the other places upon the Moselle opened an Entrance for the Germane Armies into Flanders. So that the Duke not being in a Condition to take Sea Towns, could not undertake any thing more Advantageous than the Siege of Thionville, to the end that by possessing himself of this Place, he might hinder the Enemy's Communication between Germany and Flanders, and by this Conquest settle the posture of his Affairs, against the next Campaign, for greater Erterprises. It was easy to furnish his Army with Subsistance on that side next Champaign. All Preparations necessary for a great Siege had been Stored up there during the Winter. The Deceased King had caused Provision and Ammunition to be transported thither, with a Design to carry the War into Fr●nche Conte: and Marshal de Meilleray was to have undertaken that Enterprise. But the King's Death having overturnd all those Projects, and the Army in Italy being too weak to keep the Field, Meilleray's Forces were parted into Two Bodies. One part passed the Alps under Viscount Turenne, and the other commanded by the Marquis de Gesures, served under the Duke. Nevertheless, it required time to fetch out of Burgundy and Champaign, all the Ammunition and Train of Artillety. And therefore the Duke would not incline toward Thionville, for fear General Beck should reinforce it with Men. The Prince therefore Marchd into the middle of Flanders on purpose to alarm the Principal Cities, and to oblige the Enemy to strengthen the Garrisons, his Designs being to return the same way he came, and to sit down unexpected before Thionville. To this purpose he dispatched away St. Martin, Lieutenant of the Artillery, with Order to bring Ammunition to the Frontiers of Champaign; and he wrote to the Intendant of that Province to provide great quantities of Corn and Provision for the Subsistance of the Army, and then marchd toward Hanault, through Landrecies. Emery and Barlemont The taking of Emery, Barlemont and Mauberge. Surrendered after some few Discharges of the Great Guns, and Mauberge opened her Gates without Resistance. He moved forward as far as Binch, which the Enemy had reinforced with some Men; and that he might still carry on his Counterfeit show, he attackd that small Place, which Surrendered the same day at Discretion. There the Prince stayed Fifteen days without undertaking any thing, till the Preparations for the Siege of Thionville were all ready. On the other side, as the Prince foresaw, the Spaniards were retired, with their Cavalry, under the Guns of the fortified Towns, and the remainder of their Infantry was dispersed into the Cities adjoining to the French Army. So that 'twas easy for the Prince to get before 'em by wheeling of a sudden toward Thionville. He sent strong Parties from Binch, to the Gates of Brussels, and struck a Terror into the Cities that lay most remote. But at length, word being brought him that every thing was ready in Champaign for the Siege, and that the Marquis of Geseres was arrived with the Body under his Command; the Duke set forward from Binch, and returned by the way of Barlemont and Mauberge, re-entering into the Plain of Roeroy, through the same Pass, through which the Spaniards retreated after the loss of the Battle. Upon his departure, he sent away d● Aumont with Twelve Hundred Horse to join the Marquis of Gesures, and invest Thionville. Sicot was ordered to convoy the heavy Artillery by the way of Toul and Mets, while the Infantry, with some Field-pieces, marchd toward Thionville. All these things were executed according to the Duke's Orders. Nevertheless d' Aumont, and de Gesures did not arrive before Thionville, till Two days before the Prince. For, notwithstanding the great falls of Rain, and the Hardships which the Foot suffered in their March, he was but Seven days marching between Binch and Thionville; choosing some of his way through the Country of France, the more to conceal his Design, and passing the Meuse at S●dan, he crossed Luxemburgh, and sat down the Seventh day before Thionville. This Town is Seated upon the Banks of the Moselle, on Luxemburgh side; not above Four Leagues below Metz. The Plain where it is Seated is very fertile; and Bordered on Two sides with little Hills covered with thick Woods. The Advantage of the Place, and Beauty of the Country, was the reason that great Expense and Art had been bestowed upon the Fortifications of it. It had been all along in the Possession of the House of Austria, only when it was taken by the Duke of Guise, in the Reign of Henry the II. till the First Treaty of V●rvins, at what time it was restored to the Spaniards. The Misfortune that befell F●quieres in 1639. had rendered it Famous, during the last Wars, and every Body looked upon it as a Conquest of Importance, but which would cost dear. The Moselle secures it wholly on the one side; so that on that side there is only one Rampart terminating in a right Line. The remaining Circuit is fortified with Five great Bastions, lined with Freestone, and Two Demi-B●stions at the Two Ends that re-join the River. The Mote is large, deep and full of Water. The Counterscarp is very broad, and the Courtins covered with Five Half Moons; and before the Gate on that side next to Cirque, stands a great Horn-work. The Country round about it is so plain and level, that there is no approaching the Town without being exposed to great and small Shot; and the adjoining Hills command the Plain in several Parts, which makes the raising a Circumvallation difficult. There were Eight Hundred Foot in the Town, and Store of Ammunition and Provisions when the Duke sat down before it. So soon as the foremost Troops began to enter the Plain, he caused the Commander Grancy to pass the River, with the Cavalry, to hinder the Entrance of any Relief, before the Quarters were assigned. This Grancy, had commanded at the First Siege in 1639. and was ●ully acquainted with the Situation of the Places and Passes, through which the Spaniards could steal in Relief. But many things happen in War which all the Prudence of a General, and his Principle Officers, cannot prevent. While Grancy passed the River, the Prince stayed in the Plain, and as his Forces came up, ordered 'em to be posted in all the Avenues which were most to be suspected; referring till the next day the Appointment of their several Quarters, and the Settlement of the Camp. The whole Army also stood to their Arms all that Night, without hearing the least News of the Spaniard. Yet by break of day word was brought to the Duke, that a Reinforcement of near Two Thousand Men was got into the Town, through the Count of Gran●y's Quarters. Nevertheless, the Count had placed his Corpse du Guard with all the Care imaginable; besides that he visited all the Posts himself, with an extraordinary Vigilance. Nor had he had any Alarm all the Night long. However, an Hour before day one of his Parties brought Two Countrymen to him, who affirmed that some Spanish Troops had p●ss'd the River at Cirque, and that they marched along the Bank of the River, and got into Thionvil●e; and they told their Story with so many Circumstances, and so much Probability, that Grancy believed 'em. At the same time therefore he changed the Order of his Guards, and leading all his Forces to that Place which the Peasants had described to him, he left but Two Regiments to Guard the Post toward Mets. In short, Two Thousand Men had passed the River at Cirque, but they took another way, then that which the Peasant's Information mentioned. For, instead of keeping close to the River, they had taken a compass round about the Wood to enter into the Plain on that side next Metz. And indeed the Spantards performed their Business with extraordinary Diligence and Courage, so that by peep of day they were discovered, marching directly to the Half-Moon; so that the French Guards, astonished at this Alarm, Charged the Relief too late, and with some Disorder. And whether the Spaniards performed any Exploit more remarkable than usual, or whether the Guards were remiss in their Duty, that Reinforcement entered Th●onville without any loss. The Duke was not a little displeased at the News; he saw it would much retard the taking of the Place, and by Consequence delay those other Conquests which depended upon this, if it did not quite put 'em off till the next Campaign. A place like Thionville well fortified and defended by a numerous Garrison, could not be carried in a small time, nor without a great Loss of Men. But all these Inconveniencies did not hinder the Prince from continuing the Siege: On the contrary, he applied himself to it with so much the more Diligence, as the peril and difficulties were the greater which he had to surmount. He forded the River that he might be able to assign his Soldiers their Posts on that side, and he ordered Two Bridges of Boats to be made both above and below the Town. After he had Lodged his Men also in Two little Villages on that side next Lorraine, he appointed the Guards, and marked out the Place where he would have the Line of Circumvallation drawn along; which done, he repassed the River to give the same Orders on Luxemburgh side. Immediately he divided his Army into Five Quarters. The greatest Body of his Horse he encamped in a Meadow, along the River, on that side next Mets; where Gassion was also Quartered to Command 'em. The Head Quarters were taken up near Gassion's, in a small Village, almost a Mile from the Plain, upon the Bank of a Rivulet which crosses it, and which falls into the Moselle at the Foot of the Counterscarp of Thionville. There the Duke Lodged himself, with the Principal Body of the Infantry, and extended his Camp into the Plain, as far as the Foot of the Mountains; and the Regiments of ●ambuzes, and the Swisses under Molendin Posted themselves upon the rising Grounds, near the Woods, with which the Hills were covered. There was one much higher than the rest, which Commands not only all the Plain of Thionville, but all the Hills that lie round about it. The Importance of that place constrained the Duke to settle there a Powerful Quarter; for which the Camp was marked out in the middle of the Hill, and d' Aumomt had the Command of it. Dand●●●t commanded the other Quarter. Ges●res undertook with his little Army to Guard that side next to Cirque, from the River to the rising Grounds. Palluau and Sicot had the Care of all that lay beyond the River, in regard Grancy was fallen Sick, and had left the Camp. So soon as the Quarters were disposed, the Duke ordered the Line of Circumvalation to be cast up, and large Forts to be traced out upon the rising Grounds, which commanded the greatest part of the Plain. At the same time he also secured his Line with Redoubts, supplying the weakest parts with sharp pointed Piles of Wood; and Pallisadoes. All this while the Convoys arrived from all parts with Ammunition and Provisions; and for twenty days together that the Circumvallation was finishing, the Duke caused to be brought from Mets thirty battering Pieces, and ordered great provision to be made of Planks and Oaken Timber, Sacks of Earth and Bavins to carry on the Trenches, and for the service of the Artillery. On the other side, the Besieged prepared all things necessary for their Defence; and while their Infantry was employed in raising new Works, and repairing the Old, their Cavalry Sallied out every day to annoy the Besiegers. The Sally which they made two days after the Division of the Besiegers Quarters, was so vigorous that they came on so far as the Duke of Engui●●'s Camp; and the Count of Tavans had his Arm broken with a Pistol Shot● The Plain was every day full of Skirmishes, and some of them happened to be such obstinate Conflicts, that as many men were lost on both sides as in many more remarkable Encounters. But the last was the most vigorous of all. For at the time that the Duke was providing a great number of Gabions and Faggots near a Chapel in the midst of the Plain; the Besieged, resolving to see what he was doing, ●all●'d out w●th the greatest part of their Horse, to view those preparations near at hand, which they could not so well discern at a distance. The Afternoon was almost spent in skirmishing, when the Duke incensed to see the Enemy keep the Plain so long, commanded Dandelot to drive 'em into the Town. Dandelot performed his Orders with extraordinary Courage, but with great precepitancy, for that he could not be followed but by a small number of Volunteers: the Skirmishers also gave way upon the first Charge that he made, and retreated under the Counterscarp of the Town, but then the Squadrons that were to second 'em advancing, Dandelot found himself surrounded on every side, and he had been taken, but for a small Guard of thirty Troopers led by Moussaye, who rescued him out of the hands of the Enemy. However those Squadrons still pressed upon Dandelott and Moussaye, with so much vigour, that they could never have made good their Retreat, had not the Duke ran to the main Guard, and brought it on himself in all haste to their relief. Gerze and Dandelot were wounded; and so the Spaniards retired after an obstinate Combat. However all this could not prevent completing the Circumvallation, nor fortifiing the Camp with all things requisite, the Duke being every where present, as well to encourage the Workmen, as to observe what places were most proper to make his Attacks. And after due consideration he resolved upon two; Both upon the Face of one of the two Bastions, that looked toward the middle of the Plain, to the end that being near together, they might the more easily support each other. There was a wide space left between the two openings of the Trenches, and that space lessened, as the Trenches advanced toward the Town: One of these Trenches covered itself to the Right, and the other to the Left, and the Regiments of Pi●a●dy and Nav●rre, were the first that Mounted the Guard. In the night time two Great Shouldring of Gabions were raised, which covered two places of Arms, wide enough to contain each a hundred Horse; for that they stood in need of Horse behind the Trench, to support it against the terrible Sallies of the Enemy. The same Night the Duke order da long Line to be drawn, and two Redoubts to be begun, Spacious enough to lodge a hundred Men: and in all the returns of the Lines he ordered large places of Arms to be made, and that that Trench should be carried on with all speed; so that maugre the continual firing of the Besieged it was advanced the fourth Night within two hundred Paces of the Counterscarp. In that part the Duke resolved to have a Communication between the two Attacks, which were already in good forwardness. And instead of making his Communications with the usual Line, he joined 'em together with a large Battery of four and twenty Pieces of Cannon. The diligence of the Officers was so great, that the sixth Day after the Trenches were opened, the Cannon began to play upon the Town. In the same place of Communication also, the Two Batteries took a different way, and separated at some distance one from the other, to turn themselves toward the Face of the two Bastions which were opposite to 'em. On the right Hand of the Duke of Enguien's Trench, stood a Mill, upon the Rivulet already mentioned, which was fortified with a good Palisado, and wherein the Besieged had planted some Musketeers, who very much annoyed the carrying on of the Trenches, in regard they had a view of 'em behind. There upon, the Duke resolving to clear that Post the same Night, which was the Seventh after the opening of the Trenches, ordered it to be Stormed, notwithstanding the obstinate Resistance of the Besieged, and their continual Firing from the Rampart and Counterscarp. And before Day, this Lodgement was joined to the Trench by a Line, and the Mill served the Besiegers, instead of a Redoubt, against the Sallies out of Mets-Gate. At the other Attack, the Line was carried on with equal Diligence; but the Eighth●Day the Besieged made a furious Sally upon Dandelot, who was upon the Guard, with the Regiment of Harcour●. And while all the Cavalry that belonged to the Besieged fought against the Horse that seconded the French, their Infantry poured upon the Head of the Works, and forced the Out-guard to retreat to the Battery. Thereupon, Dandelot who was in the other Attack near the Prince, marchd along the Counterscarp to Succour the F●ench; so that the Besieged, fearing to be intercepted, retreated in great haste. The Horse-Guard also being reinforced with some Cavalry from the Camp, repelled the Town-Cavalry to the very Barricado's of the Gate, and the Infantry was forced back by Dandelot to the Counterscarp. But the more the Duke laboured to advance the Works, the more the Besieged redoubled their Efforts. For before the Besiegers were got to the Counterscarp, they had cut in the Glacis a second Covert-way well Pallisadoed, and more difficult to take, then that of the Counterscarp; in regard the Defence it obtained from the Town was nearer, and had a greater power to cut off those that came to attack it. Nevertheless, the Ninth Night, this new Covert-way was carried on two sides. But it cost the Lives of a great many Men, and it was impossible it should be otherwise, when Men are to be Lodged at the Foot of a Glacis of a Counterscarp open on every side to the Enemy's Defence. Among the rest, Perseval, who had the Leading of the Duke's Attack was here mortally wounded. This Lodgement of great Importance being made, they laboured in the next place to Lodge themselves upon the Counterscarp; to which purpose, upon the Tenth Night Musketeers were planted on the Right and Left to support the Enterprise, which was put in Execution the Eleventh Day. They who understand what belongs to War agree, that there is nothing more difficult in Sieges then Lodgments upon Counterscarps, when the Besiegers are resolved to carry it by the point of the Sword, instead of making use of the longer delays of Sapping and Mining. That of Thionville was very strong, by reason of the breadth of it, and the Traverses which the Besieged had made in it: Besides, that it was not an easy thing to choose out a Place proper to make a Lodgement; for whether you made it opposite to the Face of the Half-Moon, or the Bastion, the Besiegers Works must lie open to one of those two Fortresses. But notwithstanding all these Difficulties, a Resolution was taken to force the Covert-way in those Parts which looked toward the Face of the Bastion. For the Duke was of Opinion that while the two Trenches gave their Onsets both at a time, they that defended the Counterscarp would give way, for fear of being enclosed between the two Attacks, and so the Lodgement might be made by Shouldring, high-raisd, to cover 'em against the Defences of the Bastions, and the Half-Moon. Upon the Night appointed for this Attack, Espenan commanded the Right, and Gesures the Left; and so soon as the Signal was given, their Men marchd directly to the Palisado's; at what time the Granadeer, that were foremost, fired their Granades so furiously, that the Besieged could not make much Resistance; but observing in their Retreat, that they who opposed the Marquis of Gef●res had made a more stout Defence, they joined with them, which occasioned such a desperate Conflict in that part, that the Marquis lost abundance of Men before he could drive the Besieged from the Covert-way. In the mean time, Espenan, who met with no other Opposition then that of the Half-Moon and Bastion, began his Lodgement; but La Plant, who performed the Duty of an Engineer in that Action, was wounded, while he was tracing out the Work. This Accident put those that carried the Materials into Disorder; for the Line was but half drawn; no Body knew where to throw the Faggots, nor how to go about to begin the Lodgement. And indeed, a good Engineer, is as one may say, the Soul of an Attack; nor can they be too much valued who have both Courage and Understanding to acquit themselves well of such an Employment. To this part therefore the Duke of Enguien flew, and set all the Tail of the French at work to carry empty Barrels, Faggots, Sacks of Earth, while some of the Officers traced out the Lodgement as well as they could. In this Lodgement, such as the Disorder would permit 'em to make; Fifty Men secured themselves before daybreak, and afterwards more strongly fortified themselves with Blinds and * Two pieces of Wood five or six foot long, set up an end upon a Traverse five or six foot one from the other, the Spaces being filled with Bavins. Chandeleers, in such Places where they saw themselves exposed. Thus the Duke became Master of the Covert-way; nor could the besieged any longer defend their Traverses between the two Attacks. The Night's following, they did nothing but extend their Lodgments; to the end they might embrace the point of the Half-Moon and the Bastions. But so soon as they had lodged themselves before the Face of the Half-Moon, the D. gave Orders for making a Descent into the Mote: He also caused a vast number of Faggots to be thrown into it to fill it up, and at the same time the Miners went down. But the besieged had made a little Lodgement with Barrels of Earth upon the † A way three foot broad, at the foot of the Rampart, between the Rampart & the Moat. Berme of the Half-Moon, which sometimes with Bombs, sometimes by stroke of Hand hindered the Miners from Lodging themselves. The Duke therefore seeing that unless he could destroy the Lodgement upon the Berme, with his Canon, it would be impossible to secure the Miners, caused a Battery to be raised of Four Pieces of Canon, against the Face of the Half-Moon, which ruin'd the Lodgement upon the Berme in a short time. The Works of the other Attack were advanced very far, and the Lodgments were enlarged in such a manner to the Right and Left, that the Batteries designed to ruin the Flanks were raised almost the same day. The Lodgments closed together at the head of the Half-Moon, and in less than Eight days the Counterscarp was secured. And then it was that they began their Descents into the Moat, just opposite to the Faces of the Bastions; and the Duke ordered the Materials to be got ready for building Galleries. This is a Work long and difficult, when the Moat is wide and deep, like that of Thionville. Besides, the Impatience of the French will not permit 'em to use all the Precautions which the Art of War requires for the sparing the Lives of Men. Till the Siege of Hesdin, they contented themselves with only filling up the Moat, by throwing Faggets into it at haphazard, without covering themselves either above or in the Flanks. The Marshal de Meil●eray who commanded at that Siege, being assisted with all things necessary to procure his good Success, and having in vain attempted all the usual ways to Pass the Moat made use of a means till then unknown in France. For Courteilles found out the Invention of a Gallery of Bavins, so ingeniously contrived, that it was fortified with a Covering, and Parapets like a Gallery of Earth. With such Galleries as these it was, that the Duke of Enguien past the Moat of Thionville. For he ordered a great number of Bavins to be brought to the Tail of the French, where he had Men ready to carry 'em continually to the Head of the Works. So that as soon as the Descents were in a little forwardness, he began his Work in this manner. He ordered Bavins to be thrown into the Moat, till they came to be five or six foot high above the Water. When the Heap of Bavins was raised so high as he would have it, they finished the Sapping for entrance into the Moat. Six Men went into the Sapping, and secured themselves against the Face of the Bastion, behind the Heaps of Faggots● and so soon as they were secure, they began to range the Bavins, to the Right and Left, in order to make the Parapets, interlacing 'em sometimes long ways, sometimes a cross, and sometimes a● the ends, to render the Work more Solid. Now as the foremost Workmen disposed the Bavins, others thrust 'em together with Forks; and the Men appointed to fetch 'em from the Tail to the Head of the French, threw 'em without ceasing into the Moat. Afterwards they placed all the length of the Gallery, Blinds and Chandeleers, to the end that the Workmen might not be seen from the top of the Rampart. They also carried on their Works by degrees toward the Wall, at what time the besieged were amazed to see a heap of Faggots insensibly crossing the breadth of their Moat, and yet not to be able to discover the Persons that advanced the Work. Moreover, while these Galleries were finishing, Batteries were raised against the Flanks of the Bastions. The Canons also were so well plied, that the Great Shot from the Town, no longer annoyed the Works; besides, that the besieged were constrained to remove the greatest of the Guns to a Chand●leer, from whence they might shoot into the Plain, and play upon the Tail of the French. The Battery raised to break their Lodgement upon the Berme of the Half-Moon, had so shaken the Rampart, that it was an easy thing to make a Lodgement there without Springing a Mine. For which reason the besieged despaired of being able any longer to defend the Half-Moon, and therefore had made a Mine in that part where they foresaw the Besiegers would Lodge, and when they saw ●em preparing for an Assault, they gave 〈◊〉 to it, but it Sprung before the Men Commanded were mounted the Half-Moon. So that the Effect was so fortunate for the Besiegers, that it opened 'em a convenient space to fix their Lodgement, and did that in an Instant, which the Labour of several Men could not have done in a day. So soon as that Post was secured, the Duke ordered 'em to go on with other Lodgements upon the Gorge of the Half-Moon. Which done, a Battery was raised against the Curti●s and the ●lanks; and while the Canon played to ruin all those Defences, the Duke ordered a Bridge to be laid like the rest, directly to the middle of the Curtin. At the same time that the Bridges were building, the Duke ordered holes to be made with Canon, which he planted at the bottom of the Covert-way, to fix the Miners in the midst of the Faces of the Bastions; and these holes being wide enough to lodge two Men, he ordered the Miners to be wa●●ed over in little Boats, to the end the Mines might be ready against the Bridges were finished. On the other side, the Besieged omitted nothing on their part to hinder the Progress of these Works; for besides their continual firing with their Smallshot from the Bastions, they plied without ceasing, the besiegers, with Bombs, Granades, and other Artificial Fireworks, and from t●me to time made such Resolute Sallies, that had it not been for the continual Vigilance and Diligence of the Duke, the Soldiers would have been wearied out and repulsed. In one of the Sallies, upon the Attack on the Right hand, the besieged beat the Guard from the Batteries upon the Counterscarp, made themselves Masters of the Canon, nailed 'em, and retreat●● without any loss: And this Accident 〈…〉 the Duke to raise two good Redoubts to 〈…〉 defend the Batteries. However, the besieged wo●●● not desist; but attempted one of the most extraordinary Actions that were ever known in a Siege● For while they kept the Guard of the French in Play with a numerous Sally, some Foot crossed the Moat in Boats, threw themselves upon the Counterscarp, and entered into the Battery through the Embrasures, killed or drove away the Guards, nailed the Canon, and retired safe into the Town. Such dangerous Actions are not performed without the Loss of many Officers and Soldiers. Among the rest, the Marquis of L●non Court, Governor of Lorraine, being come from Nanci, to visit the Duke of Enguien, out of Curiosity would needs go view the Works, but he was hardly got to the First Battery, but he was shot through one of the Embrazures. At the same time a Canon Bullet fell upon a Sack of Earth, against which Dandelo● was leaning, and threw all the Dirt in his Face, without doing him any other Harm, only that it caused a swelling, and pain in his Eyes. So soon as the Galleries were finished, and the Mines had played, the Duke caused an Assault to be given, with an Intention to try whether they could make a Lodgement upon the top of the Bastion. The Conflict was very sharp on both sides, but the Besiegers were repulsed with Loss. The Duke therefore perceiving that the Mine had only beaten down the Lining of the Wall, which was not sufficient to Lodge themselves upon the Bastion, made a little Lodgement only at the Foot of the R●ine which the Mine had made. In the same place also he began another Mine to fetch down the Earth of the Bastion; but it was a difficult thing to carry on new Mines, in regard ●he Ground was so loosened, that they could not ●●ke a Gallery there, but with Oaken Plants and Chandeleers, under-setting it by degrees; for that when they shoared up the Earth on the one side, it tell down on the other. However, the Miners finished two little Mines, under each of the two Attacks, and the Besiegers prepared for a considerable Effort. So that after an obstinate Combat at the Attack on the Right Hand, notwithstanding the Bombs, Granades and Stones that flew from the besieged, the Besiegers made themselves Masters of the top of the Breach, but they were constrained to quit it a quarter of an hour after, not being able to stand the firing from an Entrenchment which the Besieged had thrown up upon the Gorge of the Bastion. Gassion, who commanded the Guard of the French, was there dangerously wounded in the Head, and Lescon, Lieutenant of the Duke's Guards was killed. The Ch●va●●●● d● Chabot also, and several Officers of the King's Guards were wounded. Nor was the Onset given at the other Attack any thing more Successful. For the two little Mines not springing at the same time, the Marshal of Gesures went on at the noise of the first, so that as he was just going to fall on with several Officers, they were overwhelmd with the Ruins of the second Mine. The Loss of so brave a Commander cooled the Courage of those that were under him. Thus the Attack on the Left hand was made with little Order, and less Vigour; and the Duke saw well that it behov●d him to proceed with more caution, against Men that defended themselves with so much Stoutness and Resolution. There was a necessity therefore to penetrate above the Entrenchment, and to levelly with the Ground those Bastions which they could not carry by Assault. La Pomme, Captain of th● Pion●●● undertook this Work, notwithstanding the continual Rains and difficulties whi●h he met with●● the Ground. The River had so overflowd her Banks, that the two Bridges for the Communi●●●tion of Quarters were carried away by the for●● of the stream; so that Pallua●'s, and Sicot's Qua●ters were in great danger; for that if General Beck who lay at Luxemburgh with his Army, had attacked 'em before the Bridges were repaired, the Duke could never have relieved 'em. In the mean time the Miners which the Duke had set to the middle of the Curtin, found only so much Earth behind as just su●fizd to Lodge themselves; which showed that the better way was to ruin it by a battery. In short● Four Great Guns in three days made a considerable breach; and in less than Six days the Mines under the Bastions were finished. Upon this, the Duke ordered the Enemy to be informed of the Condition they were in; to the end, that by a speedy Capitulation they might avoid the Destruction of their Men, the Ruin of their Fortifications, and the Misfortunes and Calamities which usually attend the Sack of Cities taken by Assault. Thereupon, the besieged viewed the Mines, and seeing themselves assailed on every side, without hope of Relief, they desired to Capitulate. The Duke allowed ●em Honourable Conditions, so that after a long and stout Resistance, the Garrison marched out the 22 d. of August, and the 30 th'. day after the opening of the Trenches. Of two Thousand eight Hundred Men, of which the Garrison consisted at the beginning of the Si●ge, the whole number was reduced to twelve Hundred. ●he Governor was slain, and the greatest part of ●●e Officers that remained were either slain or ●ounded. The Duke ordered 'em to be conducted 〈◊〉 Luxemburgh, where Beck had lain during the ●hole time of the Siege, with the Body which 〈◊〉 commanded● And now besides that the French ●●fantry was very much impaired, the Season was 〈◊〉 spent and the Mines had ruined the Place to ●hat degree, that the Fortifications required long ●ime to repair 'em. So that the Army did nothing more for three Weeks together then only labour to repair the Fortifications, and to levelly the Line of Circumvallation. The heavy Canon were sent back to Mets; the Place was furnished with Ammunition and Provisions, and Maro●●es made Governor of the Town. But for the further security of this Conquest, and to render himself absolute Master of the Moselle, the Prince spent the rest of the Campaign in taking Cirk, and some Castles between Treves and Thionville. Cirk is a small Village in Lorain, The taking of Cirk. seated upon the Banks of the Moselle, in that part where the Channel of it is very much straightened by the Hills on both sides. It has no Fortification, all the security of it depending upon a Castle which commands the Town, and which is Flanked with very large and thick Towers, and is accounted the strongest Castle in all the Country; and the Duke of Lorraine kept a Garrison in it of a Hundred Men● The same Evening the Duke arrived before the Town he made himself Master of it, caused a Battery to be raised before the Castle, and fixed his Miners to the Walls. Thereupon, the Governor terrified with the Attack, and being hopeless of Succour, was unwilling to hazard the Loss of the Men which he commanded: So that after a defence of Four and twenty Hours, he Capitulated and Marched out upon an Honourabble Composition. The Duke also sent to take in several other Castles that lay upon the River, which made no Resistance. Which done, he led back his Army into France, where he put 'em into Quarters of Refreshment; Esp●nan and Dandelot stayed with the Army● and the Prince ordered 'em to March toward Estai● while he made an Incursion with two thousand Horse into the Heart of Luxemburgh. He advanced to the very Gates of the Capital City, where Beck with his Cavalry were constrained to keep themselves close, not daring to stir out. After that, he Marched into the Neighbourhood of Arlon, without meeting any Enemy, in all which Places his Men having got considerable Booty, he rejoined his Army at Villers La Montagne. This done, he gave the Command of the Army to the Duke of Angoulesme, The Prince of C●n●e arrives at Court, and leads a numerous Reinforcement into Germany. who had been during the Campagne, with a small Force upon the Frontiers of Picardy; and having left such other Orders as he thought requisite, he returned to Court, in hopes that he might have stayed there for some time, and take his Repose; but he was no sooner arrived, when the Affairs of Germany enforced him to return to the Army. Mercy had cha●'d Marshal de Guebriant on this side the Rhine; his Army being so enfeebled, that without a speedy and numerous Re-inforcement, he was no longer able to keep the Field. And there was a necessity for some Person of equal Quality to the Duke of Enguien to lead that Re-inforcement, for fear they should Mutiny and Disband of themselves, in regard the Soldiers were afraid of Marching into Germany. The Count of Ranzau therefore was made choice of to Head that Army, which was to join Marshal de Guebriant; nor did the Duke of Enguien stay above Fifteen days at Paris, being forced to Ride Post, that he might join Ranzau in Lorrai●; where he found him near Delme, which was the General Rendezvouse, and marching through Sarebourgh, at length he joined the Marshal at Dackstem, near Stras●●rgh, with five thousand Men. After he had viewed the whole Army, and assured the Marshal that he would return as soon as the season would permit to take the Field, H● returns to Court. he went and visited the Places upon ●he Rhine, and by the way made himself Master of saint Marie aux Mines, where he assigned the Army their Winter Quarters. At last he returned to Court, having in one Summer gained a Famous Battle, won a Town of great Importance, and carried a considerable Reinforcement into Germany. The Battle of Rocroy was attended with several other Conquests, but chiefly with the taking of T●●●nville, The Advantages of the taking of Thionville the reducing of which place was of extraordinary Moment. For it was a place that secured Mets and the Pays Messin from the Incursions of ●uxemburgh; it made the French Masters of the Moselle; it assured a Communication between France and the Electorate of Treves, which it behoved the French to be no less chary of, then of their own Country, by reason of the Elector, who with an extraordinary Zeal● and incredible Resolution, had espoused the Interests of France. And lastly, it was a Barricado for the French, between Luxemburgh and the Lower Palatinate, where the Spaniards were then powerful. Cardinal Mazarin had a long time had it in his Head to attempt this Siege, Why the Siege of this place was opposed. for the Reasons alleged. He had caused it to be twice proposed to Lewis the XIII. by Marshal de ● Hospital, who was much in his Favour. But the Design would never take in his Life time. However, the King was no sooner Dead but the Cardinal proposed the same thing to the Queen, who seeing the Success of the Battle of Rocroy, surrendered herself wholly to the Cardinal's Counsels, and withstood the open Opposition, and secret Thwart which lay i● her way in reference to the design of this Siege, which others would by no means have to go forward, because most People believed that the Cardinal was swayed by a Spirit of Jealousy, and that because he began to suspect the growing Favour and Glory of the Duke of Eng●ien, his main end was, that he should miscarry before Thionvil●● However it were, ever after this Campagne, the Duke was look● upon as a great Captain, no less formidable in Sieges then in Battles. And here observe one thing in a Young Victorious Prince, no less great than the Victory itself. The Court which had prepared against his Arrival those Applauses which he deserved, The Prince refuses the Encomiums of the Court. was surprised at his manner of receiving of 'em, as if he had been insensible of the Honour which they did him. He rejected their Encomiums● as if they had been affronts, and as one indocible to Flattery, he gave them to understand that he was afraid even of the shadow of it. Such was the Niceness, or rather the Solidity of this Prince. In like manner, he observed this for a Maxim, that it was for a Person of Honour only ●o mind well-doing, and to let Glory follow Virtue. The Queen turns out some Ministers ●●kes Mazarine. While these things were transacting in Flanders, the Queen turns out of Favour those who had had the greatest share in the management of Affairs. The Bishop of Beauvoise, who had been in Credit, was enforced to retire to his Diocese. Des●uyers and Chavigny were excluded, and Mazarine taken into the chief Ministry. The Queen, who was willing to show that 'twas none of her fault that the War between France and Spain was not brought to a Conclusion, Nego●iations o● Peace Fruitless. by fair and moderate ways, gave ear to the Propositions of Peace that were made her; and to that Effect, the Court appointed two plenipotentiaries, 1644. the Count's l● Av●●●● & de Serviers, with Orders forthwith to repair to Munster, where the Peace was to be negotiated. But certain Broils that happened between the Swedes and Danes prevented the good Success of that Assembly, which was the reason that nothing more was thought of but to make the best of the Advantages they had gained upon the Spaniards. Flande●s therefore was to be the Theatre of the War● during the Campaigne of the next Year, 1644. and the Command of the Army was given to the Duke of Orleans, who designed to Pesiege Gravelin. Now in regard that Prince had no mind that his Enterprise should be known, he divided his Army into three Bodies. The Marshal de Meilleray, as Lieutenant General commandd one part, with Orders to enter Flanders on that Side next Am●ens; the Count of Ranzaw commanded another part, as Sub-Lieutenant General, with Instructions to enter on that Side next to Abbeville. And as ●or the Duke, he reserved a longer March for himself, and the most hazardous, that is to say, through Peronne and Bapaume, where the Marshal Gassion, who commanded a separate Body was to join him. And in regard there were several Forts that might obstruct the Siege of Gravelin, Gassion, after he had laid a Bridge over the River Aa, possessed himself of Bajette●. Afterwards, the Forts of La Capelle, and St. Folquin, were taken in to facilitate the great Work. In a Word, Gravelin was besieged; the Town was taken; The Prince of Conde acts in Germany, where he resolves to relieve Friburgh, or fight the Enemy ● and the French made themselves Masters of Sas de Gand, and of all the Forts that could impede their Entrance into Flanders. Now, at the same time, the Duke of Orleans was acting in Flanders, the Duke of Enguien Signalised himself in Germany, whether he was gone, to Succour Friburgh, which the Bavarians had besieged. To which purpose he ordered his Forces to March with all the speed imaginable; but all his haste proved Fruitless. For that City was in so bad a Condition to hold out, that it was Surrender'd before he arrived. However, this Accident, which the Duke did never expect, no way disheartend him; for since he could not relieve the Town, he was now in hopes to join, and Fight the Enemy, and no less confident of Victory. He had no Design however to retake the Place, nor to force the Imperialists; for that his Forces were not strong enough to undertake those Erterprises: But he thought he might repair himself by a Battle, for the Loss of a Town which he had not time to rescue. The Design was great and hazardous, and there was something more formidable that presented itself to his Eyes then at Rocroy. He had not only to Fight against Men, but inaccessible Mountains, against Inundations and Precipices, on the one Side; on the other, against an impenetrable Wood, at the bottom of which was a large Bogg; against Rivers and Prodigious Entrenchments; against Forts raised up and down in every Place; against Timber, Trees cut down, and laid athwart most deep and dreadful Roads; and in a Word, against one of the Greatest Captains of the Age. Nevertheless, not all these Obstacles together were sufficient to daunt this Youthful Hero. Nothing would content him but a Battle, wherein he proved Victorious; though the Victory was not so considerable for the Number of the Slain, as for the Importance of the Conquests that ensued. For the Field of Battle, as barren as it was, in appearance, was worth whole Provinces to France, through the Conduct of this General; so well he understood to make the best of his Advantages. Which is that we are going to make out, by the following Relation of the Campaign of Friburg. The Battle of Rocroy, and the taking of Thionville had restored the Reputation of the Arms of France, in the Low-Countries. The Spanish Infantry was quite Ruined; A Relation of the Campaign of Friburgh, 1644. by M. La Chapelle. terror and dread had seized the Enemy's Forces; the greatest part of the Cities of ●landers, were in no Condition to hold out long; and a General might do what ere he pleased with good Success, and the Duke of Orleans had taken upon himself to manage the War in those Parts. In Germany, the Service was not so easy; for after the Duke of Enguien had led a Reinforcement thither, the Marshal de Guebriant was Slain before Rowil, and the Army had no other Chieftains, but Ranzan and Roze. Ranzan was a Person of great Courage and Wit; he was also endued with a certain Natural Eloquence, which was very persuasive in Councils of War, and which drew others to be of his Opinion; but his Conduct did not always answer his Elegant Discourses; for Wine caused him to commit great Errors, and many times put him out of being in a Condition to Command. He had Quartered the Foot at Tutlinghen, without taking any Care to prevent their being Surprised, and he had embroiled himself with all the Germane Princes. So that the Bavarians, and Lorrainers, fell upon him before he had the least Intelligence of their March, and john de Wert having enforced him to Surrender, with all his Men, all the Officers were Prisoners of War. The Germane Cavalry being dispiersed into several Parts, retired toward Brisack, under the Command of Raze, and took up their Winter Quarters in Lorraine and Alsatia. As soon as the News of this arrived at Court, Turenne, had Orders to rally together the shattered Remnants of that Army, and take upon him the Command of it; and he spent all the Winter in bringing it into better Order; but notwithstanding all his Care, it was not in a Condition to oppose the Bavarians, whose Army was become more Numerous after Ranzan's Defeat. Mercy therefore who commanded it, seeing himself Master of the Field, invested Friburgh, which was not in a Condition to hold out a long Siege. The Duke of Enguien had Intelligence of it at Amblemont, near Mouzon, and received Orders from the Court to join the Germane Army, and endeavour the Relief of the Town. To that purpose, he Marched the 20 tith. of july to Mets, where his Forces past the Moselle, and left their heavy Baggage. Which done, in thirteen Days he marchd threescore Leagues, and came to Brisack, with Six thousand Foot, and Four thousand Horse. By the way, the Prince understood that Friburgh was Surrender'd to the Bavarians, that Turenne was Encamped not far from 'em, and that Mercy made no show of having any design to change his Station. Upon this Advice, he Marched toward T●renne, with Marshal Grammont, and gave Orders to Martin to cross the Rhine, at Brisack, with the Army; which he did the 13 th'. of August. The Duke stayed no longer in Turenne's Camp then to observe the Post where the Bavarians lay, and to consider where to attack 'em. So that he returned to his Army the same day that it crossed the Rhine, and the next day he Marched to put in Execution the Enterprise which he and Tur●nne had consulted and contrived together. Friburgh is Seated at the Fort of the Mountains of the Black Forest. They enlarge and open themselves in this part of the Country in the Form of a Crescent, and in the middle of this space you may discover, near to Friburg, a Plain bounded on the Right Hand, by very high Mountains, and surrounded on the Left by a Boggy Wood This Plain is watered with a Rivulet, which glides along by the Wood, and afterwards falls upon the Left of Friburgh, into the Hollow of a Narrow Valleys inter●nt with Woods and Marshes. They that Travel from Brisack cannot enter into this Plain, but through narrow Lanes and close Passes, at the Foot of a Mountain almost inaccessible, which commands it on every side, and the other ways that lead into it are much more difficult. Mer●y was Posted in a place thus Advantageous; and in regard he was one of the greatest Captains of his time, he had omitted nothing to make the best of the Situation. His Army consisted of Eight thousand Foot, and Six thousand Horse. He had extended his Camp all along the Rivulet; but besides that Defence, and the Advantage of the Woods and Boggs, he had fortified it, toward the Plain, with a large Entrenchment. Nor was there any way to get at him but by the road that leads from Brisack to Friburgh; and by consequence, there was a necessity of passing by the Foot of that Mountain which defended the best part of his men. And for that reason, this great General had employed all his Industry to secure that part of his Camp from being forced. Upon the sloping of the Mountain toward the Plain, he had raised a Fort with Pallisadoes, wherein he had put Six hundred Men, together with his Artillery; by which means he assured himself of that part of the Mountain which was most easy of Access. From thence he carried on a Line, a long a Wood of Firr-Trees, still ascending to the top, where it was impossible to be past. This Line was defended by Redoubts, at the distance of two hundred Paces one from the other; and to give those that designed to molest him still more trouble, he had laid all the whole length of the Line, a great Number of Fir-Trees, the Branches of which were half cut, and intertwisted one within another, and were as Effectual for the same use as Friesland Horses. Great Beams of Timber with Stakes driven into 'em, bearing their points outwards, resembling a Hedgehog. Between this Mountain which the French Army met with upon the Right Hand, and another that lay nearer Friburgh, there was a Hollowness, which gave entrance into the Bavarian Camp, but to come at it, there was a necessity of going a great way about, and to pass through Places which had never been viewed. This part was naturally fortified, by a large and deep Innundation of Water; and Mercy thought it sufficient to cut down a great number of Trees, and lay athwart that Inundation. In short, never was an Army Encamped in a stronger Situation, and better Entrenchd. Nevertheless, the Duke of Enguien was resolved to drive Mercy out of it, and he prepared for his Attack in this manner. He marched with all his Army against the Line, at the top of the Mountain that ran along the Wood of Firr-Trees, leaving the Fort upon the Left hand, and making it his sole business to carry the Redoubts that defended it; to the end, that having gained the top, which commanded all the rest, he might make himself Master of the Fort, and so descend in Battle Array into the Bavarian Camp. Turenne was to make his Onset where the Trees lay that defended the Valley, and provided that both Onsets were made at the same time, there was great Hopes, that the Enemy being busied in two Places at once, would be hard put to it to defend themselves; and that if they should happen to be forced on that side next the Water, the Duke coming down from the High Grounds, and Turenne, at the same time, entering the Plain, Mercy would not be able to withstand 'em. So soon as the Forces were all arrived, the Duke gave Order that they should prepare over Night to fight the next Morning: and Turenne having a great Compass to fetch, set forward before break of day; but the Difficulties which he met with in his March retarded the Onsets which both Armies should have made at the same time. The Duke disposed of his Men, in this manner. His Infantry was composed of Six battalions, each consisting of Six hundred Men. Espenan, Camp-Marshal, was commanded to make the first Assault, with two battalions of the Regiments of Persan and Enguien. The Count of Tournon, put himself at the Head of the Regiments of Conti, and Mazarine, to Second Espenan. The Duke reserved two Regiments to himself, to be employed as occasion shall require, and Marshal Grammont, Martin, L' Eschelle, and Mauvily, remained about his Person. Palluau Seconded the whole Attack, with the Regiment of Horse of Enguien, and the Gentlemen were posted at the Entrance into the Plain, in a very close Place, to hinder the Bavarians from flanking the Infantry. To come at the Enemy there was a necessity of clambering up a very steep side of a Place, cross a Vineyard, wherein were Walls, at such a distance, about four foot high, that served the Bavarians, instead of Entrenchments. However, the commanded Men got up into this Vineyard, and drove the Bavarians into their Entrenchments of Firr-Trees, behind which they fired with more than ordinary fury. Nor could the French Infantry force those Trees, so entangled one within another, as they were, without losing a great many Men, and breaking their Body. The Duke therefore, who was advanced to 〈◊〉 the Effect of the Onset, observed that the fir●● Line of his Men gave ground, and that they we●● got part within the Entrenchments of Firr-Tree●● and part without, neither flying, nor moving forward. They began also to slide along the Bavarian Camp, toward the Right hand, and fall upon ●em at the top of the Mountain. But the Prince, who had observed before that that same part was not to be forced, rightly judged that the Success of his Enterprise depended more upon carrying the Enemy's Line in the middle. For that reason, he resolved to renew the Assault with what remained of the first Regiments, though he had no more than two with himself, and those discouraged by what they had seen than Fellow● suffer. And indeed, at first it seemed a piece of Rashness, with two thousand repulsed Men, to attempt the forcing of three thousand well Entrenched, and puffed up with the Advantage the●● had got. But it was impossible otherwise to disengage and bring off those that had got beyond the Entrenchment of Fir-Trees. For in abandoning them, the Duke must have been forced to have retreated with Vexation, to have failed in his Enterprise, and Sacrificed in vain the best part of his Infantry: Besides that, all the Bavarian Army would have fallen upon Turenne, not having any other to oppose. The Prince considered all these things in an Instant; alights from his Horse, and putting himself at the Head of Conti's Regiment, marched directly against the Enemy. Tournon, and Castelnau-Ma●●villiere, did the ●ame, with the Regiment of Mazarine; Grammont, Martin, L' Eschelle, Mauvilly, La Moussaye, jerze, the Chevaliers Chabot and Gra●mont, Isigny, Me●lles, La Balm, Tourville, Barbantane, Disbrotteaux, Asp●emont, Viange, together wi●h all the Officers and Volunteers alighted, 〈◊〉 this Action gave new Life to the Soldiers, 〈◊〉 the Duke being the first that passed the Entrenchment of Firr-Trees, all the rest following 〈◊〉 Example thronged over the Entrenchment, 〈◊〉 they that defended the Line f●ed into the Wood, by the favour of approaching Night. After this first Advantage won, the Duke moun●ed into a Redoubt which he found quitted● but the Condition he was in, was no less dangerous ●hen the Action he had performed. One part of his Infantry was killed, the rest had broken their Order in pursuit of the Fugitives. The Enemy 〈◊〉 held the Fort where they had planted their Artillery, and Mercy was in a Posture able to Charge the Prince in this Confusion; but it may be the Night which drew on a pace, hindered him from making the best of his Advantage. Therefore, while there remained as yet some glimmerings of day, the Prince rallied his ●●ot● fortified the Redoubts which he had won, and notwithstanding the Difficulty of the way, caused his Cavalry to mount to the top of the Hill which he possessed: And after he had got all his Men together he ordered all ●is Trumpets to sound, and all the Kettledrums to beat, that so he might give Turenne notice that he had gained the Top of the Hill; and then prepared every thing ready to renew the Conflict the next Morning. Ti●●nne, on his side, had with great Vigour attacked the Trees that were laid in the Valley, between the Mountain● which the Duke had carried, and that which lay near Friburgh. But Mercy, not dreaming they could force his Camp on that side next the Mountain, considering how it was fortified, h●d sent away his Principal Strength to defend the Valley; and this is that which usually happens in the attacking of Lines, that those parts which are deemed to be the strongest are soon taken. The Place was wide enough behind his Entrenchment to draw up his Men in order of Battle; so that when Turenne's Men had driven back the Infantry which defended the Entrance into it, all the Bavarian Cavalry were ready, and in a Capacity to second their Foot, without breaking their Squadrons, which was the Reason that Turenne meeting with so vigorout a Resistance, could by no means force the Bavarians. Sometimes he gained some Posts, than he lost 'em again; so that Tur●nne's Attack was nothing but continual Skirmishing, without being able to break into the Enemy's Entrenchments; th● he did all that the Courage and Conduct of a Great Captain could do, to surmount the Disadvantages of Ground and Number. The Duke of Enguien had heard from the Top of the Mountain, the Noise of this Attack, and prepared for another Onset the next Morning. And his Design was to March over the High Grounds● to the Bavarian Camp, on purpose to make the Enemy turn one part of their Force's against him● to facilitate Turenne's Entrance into the Plain● and every body prepared for this Enterprise, as it they had been assured of Victory; it being impossible that Mercy should sustain Two Onsets, at the same time, one from a●ove, and in the Rear of his Army, while the other assailed him every where else. Nevertheless, Mercy would not run such a dangerous Risco, but got away as fast as he could● To that purpose he drew off his Men from the Top of the Mountain next to ●riburgh, and before day sent away his Canon that was under the Duke●s Arm●● ere the French Generals had notice of it. So that they were surprised the next Morning to see the Bavarian. Entrenching themselves upon the Mountain next to Friburgh, the Camp deserted, and the Fort quitted. The Duke seeing that Turenne's Men had spread themselves over the Plain, came down with his Army; but no sooner had he a near view of the several Places, but the thundering from the Bava●i●ns new Camp, gave him to understand that they ●ad wholly possessed themselves of the Mountain adjoining to Friburgh. Thereupon, the D. not a little ●exed to have missed in his Enterprise, ordered his Army to be drawn up in Battalia, notwithstanding it had Reigned hard all that Night. But finding his Men wearyd with their hard Duty the day before, and the bad Wether, he deferred driving the Enemy from their new Entre●chments till the next day: So● that the Army had all that day and the next night to rest themselves. Upon the Right Hand of Friburgh, coming from ●●isack, lies a Mountain, which is not so extremely rugged, for above the third part of the Height; but afterwards becomes very steep: Yet when you come to the Top, there is a wide space of level Ground, sufficient for the drawing up Three or Four Tho●sand Men, in good Order of Battle. At the end of this little Plain stood also certain Ruins of a Tower, at the Foot of which, the Highest Mountain of the Black Forest rises insensibly. But in regard that as it rises, it runs very far backward, the Highest part of it commands but very little over the Plain. Mercy had posted the greatest part of his Infantry in the Parts adjoining to the Tower; the rest was Encamped behind a Wood approaching to Friburgh. His Cavalry was planted all along from the Wood to the Walls of the City. In short, that General had as well managd the Advantages of his Ground, in that Place, as the former. He had also added for the Defence of it all the Inventions which the Art of War, and the Conveniencies of the Wood could afford him in so little time. The Lines which he had cast up during th● Siege, served him in part to enclose his new Cam● so that he had no need of ●ortifying any more 〈◊〉 that part which looked toward the Valley, where 〈◊〉 laid rows of Trees, with their Bows entangle● one within another, and his choicest Infantry la● behind this Entrenchment supported by his Cavalry the Squadrons of which possessed all the Ground be●tween the Row of Trees and the City. So soon as it was Day, the Duke advanced to th● Foot of the Mountain, where Mercy lay entrenched and in his March took in some Redoubts which were still guarded in the Valley by the Enemy's Dragoons. Turenne's Army had the Vanguard that day and was to make the greatest Onset. D' 〈◊〉, Lieutenant General, commanded the Infantry● L' Eschel●e marched at the Head of all the rest, with a Thousand Musketeers, drawn out of both Armies; and his Business it was to attack the entrance that covered the biggest Body of the Bavarian Foot● next the ruin'd Tower; which was the place most easy of Access to get at 'em. For which reason● Turenne caused all the Canon of the Weymarians to be drawn on that side. The Duke's Body of Infantry, commanded by Espenan, was commanded to force the Trees. Between these two Attacks also, there was a false Assault to be made, with a few Men only, to favour the real Onset. Marshal Grammont had likewise Orders to keep himself drawn up in Battle array in the Plain, with the Cavalry, to act as the Success should direct him, The Bavarians Camp afforded 'em great Advantages, whither it were to defend themselves, or attack the Enemy. One of their Wings was supported by the Canon and Smallshot of the City● the other was posted upon a Mountain, the Heighth● of which alone was sufficient to secure the Forces ●●at possessed it. But they had too large an ex●●nt of Entrenchment to defend, that the Infantry ●●ch weakened by the Hardships of the Siege, and 〈◊〉 preceding Combats, was not sufficient to guard 〈◊〉 Camp. ● ' Eschelle began already to play with the Arti●●●● of his Attack, never staying for the Arrival 〈◊〉 the Rearguard, or the Signal of Battle; though 〈◊〉 Duke had commanded that all the Attacks and ●nsets should be given together. Besides that, ● ' Eschelle had Orders not to March up to the Enemy, till he heard the noise of the Muskets toward ●●e Tre●s, and toward the false Attack in the middle. But an Accident, not to be fore-seen, as frequently it happens in the best consulted Contri●ances of War● overturned all the Duke's Orders, ●nd saved the Bavarians from a Total Defeat. For while the Rearguard was expected, which ●ould not come up so soon, by reason of the badness of the ways; the Duke attended by Turenne ●nd G●a●ment, was got up to the top of the highest ●ountain, to discover the Rear of the Enemy's arm, and observe their Order of Battle. In his absence's, Espenan detached some men to make a ●alse Attack, upon a small Redoubt that lay in h●s ●ay to the Enemy. And though he sent but very few ●en at first, both sides were insensibly engaged in a ●oody ●ight, while the Bavarians seconded those ●hat defended the Fort, and Espenan relieved those ●hat attacked it; insomuch, that it came to a very 〈◊〉 Conflict in that part. Upon the noise of which, ● ' Eschelle thought it high time for him to begin his assault, and his Error ranversed all the Designs of ●he Day. The Duke beholding the Enemies firing from the ●op of the Mountain, rightly judgd that Espenan, ●nd L' Eschelle, had made a mistake, and that his order had not been obeyed. So that he ran into the very thickest of the Engagement, where 〈◊〉 found L'Eschelle slain, and his men neither daring to fight nor retreat. ●or remedy of this Disorder he commanded Tournon to put himself at the 〈◊〉 of the astonished Soldiers, and to assu●e ●em tha● he himself would second 'em with a Powerful Succour. Thus the Pre●ence of the Prince giving new Lif● to the Soldiers, the Ba●●rian Infantry began 〈◊〉 totter: two battalions, and that which defende● the Entrenchment, began to Face about with thei● Colours, and gi●e all the marks of men that we●● just ready to be●●ke themselves to their Heels. Bu● they that were next the Line fired so furiously; th●● the Fr●nch Infantry were qui●e disheartened they that were farthest off begins to retreat, the 〈◊〉 were in a terrible fright, and the Officers also began to give ground. In vain the Generals told 'em of the Disorder which they beheld in the Bavarian Camp, they press 'em, threaten 'em, and drag 'em back to the Fight. But when a panic dread has once seized upon a Soldier, he neither see● nor hears any longer either the Example, or the Orders of his General● so that the Duke was forced to give over the Attack, and draw off his Men; and in this Action, the Prince, and all that attended him were in very great danger. For he was still 〈◊〉 Horseback, not above Thirty Yards distance from the Enemy's Entrenchments. So that of Twenty Men that were about his Person, there was not one that did not carry away some marks of the danger to which he was exposed. The Duke himself had the Pommel of his Saddle ta●en off with a Canon Bullet, and the Scabbard of his Sword was broken with a Musket Shot; Grammont had his Horse killed under him, and all the rest were wounded. Nevertheless, this Accident did no way dishearten the Prince; so that he only altered the design of this Attack, and instead of making his greatest Onse● upon the Lines as he had resolved in the Morning, he ordered the most furious Onset to be given upon the Entrenchment of Trees. To that purpose D' Aumont was commanded to keep the Bavarians in Play with the Soldiers which had fought already, causing a Diversion thereby in the same place where the first Onset had ill succeeded. The Duke and Turenne, with the whole Body of the Infantry, lead by Mauvilli, supported by the Gensd'armes and Roze's Cavalry, marched directly to the Entrenchment of Trees. Scarce were the foremost Ranks of this new Attack entered into the Wood, but the Bavarians fired with an extraordinary fury; nevertheless, the French advanced in very good Order, with a Resolution to try whether they could force the Ent●enchments of Trees or no. And the fight was so obstinate that after they had been driven back several times, and several times had repulsed the French, at length Gasper de Mercy, Major General of the Cavalry was forced to make his Horsemen alight, to second his Infantry that began to give Ground. Upon that, the Dispute grew hotter than before, and both Parties fired with so much Fury that the Noise and the Smo●k put all things into confusion, so that they could not distinguish one another but by the Flashes of the Artillery and Small Shot. All the surrounding Woods and Forests b●llow'd forth most dreadful Echoes, and augmented the Horror of the Battle. The Soldiers were so bloodily eager, the one to force, the other to defend the Entrenchment, that if Night had not parted 'em, there had been one of the most deadly Slaughters tha● had been in our days. The French Gend●r●eri● performed a very noble Exploit at that time. They were commanded by Boulay, who led on the Squadrons to the very brink of the Entrenchment and ma●g●e the Enemies furious firing, fought a long time within Pistol● Shot. Never was so desperate a Combat, where without grappling Hand to Hand, so many fell upon the spot on both sides. The French in this Conflict lost Ma●villy, and the Bavarians, Gaspa●●● Me●cy, their General's Brother. After this, the Duke having brought back his Army into the Camp, laid aside all other thoughts, but those of cutting off the Bavarians Provisions, to the end he might enforce 'em to quit so Advantageous a Post. To that purpose, he gave his Men four days time to refresh themselves, and the wounded, of which there was a great number, w●re sent away to ●risach, that there might be nothing left in the Camp which might retard the Design which the Duke had contrived in his Mind. The Mountains of the Black Forest derive their Original from the Mountains of Switzerland, and follow the Course of the Rhim, till they join with the Hills that lie upon the Banks of the Ne●●●. These Mountains are very long, and more or less broad, according to the Countries where they extend themselves; but their widest breadth is from Friburgh to Filinghen about ten or twelve Le●g●es. There is no way of Communication between these two Cities, but through a Valley, which is very narrow, and very Incommodious for the marching of an Army. Nevertheless, this was the Part through which Mercy, in all probability, would make his Retreat. Which, nevertheless he would not presume to do in view of the French Army; ●o that the Duke of Enguien was of Opinion that 〈◊〉 intercepting this way between Friburgh and Fi●inghen, he should cut him off from his Provision and Forage, and thereby constrain him to a General Battle, or to retreat in Disorder. With this Resolution, the Ninth of August, the Prince caused his Army to march toward Langsdelingh●n, a Village ●eated in the most easy place of A●●ess in all those Mountains. This Place was very proper to annoy the Bavarians, or to fight 'em in their Retreat. For, as for the Duke, he could have Provisions from Brisack, in case he advanced any f●rther among the Mountains. But the Road which gave him entrance into this Valley was extremely difficult, by reason of the Bogs, of which the Woods are full. Besides, that the Front of the Army being once engaged in these Woods, and having passed the Rivulet that runs along by 'em, the Rearguard would be exposed to the Bavarians, without any possibility of being relieved by their own Men. The D●ke therefore took all the Precaution which the Advantages of the Ground, and the Presence of a vigilant Enemy required. To this purpose, in regard the Horse could not march but one and one, and for that many times the men were forced to alight and lead their Horses, the Prince ordered a great body of Infantry, at the Tail of the Army, to support the Rear of his Cavalry; he also placed little Bodies of Musketeers, upon the Wings, to defend the Passes through which the Bavarians might come to charge 'em. By break of day, Turenne set forward with his Army, which composed the Vanguard that day. The D. took care to bring up the Rear, and kept himself in view of Mercy's Army till all his Men were passed; and after he had in this manner crossed the Woods and Boggs, rejoined his Vanguard at Langsdelinghen, the Bavarians not making the least attempt to dispute his Passage over the River, or his Entrance into the Wood Mercy observing the March of the French, readily apprehended their design, and as he was one of the most politic Generals in the World, he presently judged that his safety consisted in preventing the Duke, and not in disputing the Encumbrances of the Pass. Nor indeed had he more than just so much time to retreat before the foremost Troops of the French Vanguard could overtake him; and doubtless, this was that which hindered him from falling upon their R●●r. Therefore, so soon as he saw the French upon their March, he decampd his Army, keeping the top of th● Mountains, and ordering his Baggage to be conducted through St. Peter's Valley, which leads toward Filinghen. Upon notice of Mercy's March, the Duke hastened his own as much as it was possible. But he had Mountains almost inaccessible to cross that he might shorten his way, besides that his Men were extremely tired. For which reason he was enforced to de●ach Roze with all speed, only with eight hundred Horse to amuse the Bavarians, and disturb 'em in their Retreat, while the rest of his Army passed the Defiles. Roze performed his Orders vigorously, and began to Skirmish with the Bavarians near St. Peter's Abby● and so soon as he had overtaken the Bavarians ● he gave notice to the Duke that he was at their Heels. In the mean while, the French Army passed File after File through a very narrow Valley, at the end of which they were to ascend to the top of a very high Mountain, and withal, so steep and covered with Wood, that there was no going forward but for one single Man at a time. Nevertheless, the Duke surmounted all these difficulties, and his Vanguard was no sooner got to the top of the Mountain but he discovered the Bavarians in Battalions, and Roze close at the Heels of their Rear. Now to go from the Mountain where the Head of E●g●in's Army stopped, to the place where the Bav●●●●ns were posted, there was a necessity of passing two Defiles, in the midst of which was a space wid● enough to contain four Squadrons; but before ●ou could get at it, there was a Descent through a ●ery narrow Hollow way, and then an Ascent again more difficult than the former, which gave an Entrance into the Plain where Roze skirmished with the Enemies Rereguard. Mercy no sooner discovered the foremost battalion of the French Vanguard upon the top of the Mountain, but he rightly judged that the whole Army was behind. And in regard that Roze very much disturbed the hindmost part of his Rear, he resolved to make a push for it, that he might rid himself of so great an Encumbrance, before the Duke got any nearer to him, and had Men ●now to second him; and that he might do his Business all at once, he whelled about to the Right with his whole Army, and marchd directly against Roze's Cavalry. But Roze, instead of retiring speedily into the Defile, rallied his Squadrons together, and daringly stood the whole Bavarian Army in the Plain. He had the Enemy's Army, and the Plain before him; on the Right Hand the Great High Road to ellingsen, crowded with the Bavarian Baggage; upon the Left a vast Precipice, and behind him the Defile through which he was to rejoin the Duke. Presently, Roze detached one of his Squadrons to cut the Harness of the Horses that drew the Carriage Wagons, and with the rest he advanced to charge the foremost Squadrons of the Bavarian Army. But to preserve the Defile open and free to himself, he left four Squadrons to guard it, behind the Rear of which he retreated, after he had made-three Charges upon the Enemy. Those four Squadrons sustained the shock of the Bavarians, till the rest of their Cavalry entered Pell Mell into the Defile. At length Roze left no more than two of the four Squadrons to defend the Pass, who after an incredible Resistance, seeing their Fellows out of danger, threw themselves into the Precipice upon the Left Hand, through Places that never had been passed before by Men nor Horses. This was a vigorous Action of Roze, and managed with all the Art which it was possible to pu● in practice in so great a danger. But it was impossible for him to have escaped, if Mercy had no● discovered upon the Neighbouring Mountains the Bodies that drew into Order by degrees, and that the Duke was advancing to second Roze's Cavalry. For in regard he was afraid of nothing so much as of coming to a General Battle, he rather chose to let those Squadrons escape, then enter too far into the Defile. In a word, the Duke observing from the Top of the Hill this valiant Action of Roze, and what a Condition he was in, had rallied as many Men as he could get together about his Person, with a Resolution to bring him off. He was already got within the space of enclosed Ground between the two Defiles, at what time Roz● rejoined him. And thus the Resolution of the Duke, and the Prudence of Mercy, were in part the cause of that Honour which Roze acquired by his Retreat. Mercy at the same instant began to make his Retreat likewise, but withal that good Order which could be expected from a Great Captain, who would never be constrained to a Battle, and understood how to take his Advantages when opportunity offered 'em. Nevertheless, he quitted his Artillery and his Baggage, and leaving some Dragoons to dispute the Passage out of the Defile, h●● marched with that speed thro●●h the High Road to Filinghen, that the French Army lost sight of him in a moment. While Mercy thought of nothing else but to hasten and secure his Retreat, the Duke rallied his Men together with a Resolution to follow him; but it proved a thing so difficult to do, that before he could get his Army in a Body together, the Bavarian had gai●'d above a League of Ground before him. There is a Mountain between St. Peter's and Filinghen, much higher than any of the rest; at the top of which there is a level sufficient to contain an Army drawn up in Battalia, and which commands all the Hills round about. The Water, the Past●●●ge, and the Fertilty of the Soil, which is every wher● manured under that place, both very Commodious and very Secure to Encamp in. They who were acquainted with the Country made no question but Mercy would have pitched his Tents there● which made the Duke to hasten his March with all Diligence. Nevertheless, when the Advanced Curriers of the French Vanguard were got to the top of Holg●●ve (for so the place is called) they found that the Bavarians, after they had only broke Ground, in Order to Entrench; were advanced farther, with more haste than the French could follow 'em. Thereupon, the Duke being quite out of hopes to overtake 'em returned the same way he came, and ●ncampd at St. Peter's Abbey. His Men were so tired, that he was constrained to let 'em rest the next day, while they burned the Bavarians ● Baggage, and brought away their Canon, and two Mortars, which the Bavarians left behind 'em. The next day he took in a little Castle seated upon the Mountain's, and which might prove serviceable to his Designs, and sent the Count of Tournon to convey the Artillery to Brisack. Thus the Retreat of Coll. Roze was the last remarkable Action performed at the Battle of Friburgh, which is more properly to be called a series of several bloody Conflicts, than a pitched Battle. On the one side was to be observed a Courage which not being to be daunted either with the badness of the Wether, nor the disadvantages of Ground, hazards all for Victory, and proves Victorious at length. On the other side, behold a Prudence which nothing could shake, that made the best of every thing for defence, yet still accompanied with extraordinary Valour. It is a difficult thing to judge which of the two merited most Honour● Whither he that attacked an Army entrenched in places almost inaccessible, and forced ●em to quit their Holds; or He that preserved a resolute and undaunted Judgement in a long Retreat, in view of a Restless, Urging and Victorious Enemy, and at length, made choice of a Post, from whence he could never be forced. However, this may be truly said, that a General who quits his Artillery and Baggage may be said to be beaten, and that the Honour of the Retreat cannot be thought to be complete, unless he saves all. It may be also said that all Mercy's Prudence could never have preserv●d him from a Total Rout, had it not been for the Error which Espenan and L' Eschelle committed in the Execution of the Duke's Orders. In short, it so falls out for the most part that an Army which Vigorously Attacks an Enemy in his Trenches, has generally the Advantage of him that defends 'em. After the Duke of Enguien had sent away the Count of Tournon, he returned toward Landsdelinghen, where his Cannon and Baggage stayed for him. And then he thought of nothing more than of what Advantages he might make by Mercy's Retreat. 'Twas the opinion of the Principal Officers that he should retake Friburgh; that their March into Germany was only to relieve that Place, and consequently it ought to be the first Fruits of their Victory. That the Bavarians had not been able to levelly their Lines, that they were already far remote, that there was but a slender Garrison in the Place, ill provided of all things, and terrified with the ill Success of the Combats which they had beheld from their own Ramparts. But the Duke was of Opinion, that 'twas of greater Consequence to undertake the Siege of Philipsburgh, The Siege and Taking of Philipsburgh. the other Design not appearing Great enough at the end of a Campaign, which it behoved him to crown with some Exploit much more Illustrious● Besides, that by bounding his Conquests with the taking of Friburgh, the Arms of France would be no farther advanced into the Country, and would be also constrained to repass the Rhine, to take up their Winter Quarters in Alsatia. Not but that the Siege of Philipsburgh was extremely difficult; in regard it required a long March to lie down before it; because the Infantry was much lessened in number, and for that their Money was spent, and Provisions were to be brought a great way; but the Duke contemning these Difficulties, the Siege of Philipsburgh was resolved upon. To that purpose he sent Champlastreux, the Intendant of his Army to Brisack, to bring away ten battering Pieces, in Boats, which would be also farther serviceable to lay a Bridge over the Rhine. Champlastreux, who was both Active and understood his Business, soon dispatched away those Preparations; and the Prince set forward from Langsdelinghen, the 16 th'. of August, with his whole Army, and Marched along by the Rhine, after he had sent Tu●al before, with one part of the Weymarian Cavalry, some Musqueteers and some Dragoons. Roze followed Tubal with the remainder of the Weymarians; the Duke reserving to himself the leading of the Infantry of both Armies, and the French Cavalry. In this Order he marched toward a Castle, seated five or six Miles from Strasburgh, fortified with Towers after the ancient manner, and defended with a good Moat full of Water, which he took by the way, to secure himself of a Communication with Strasburgh. From thence he advanced to Kupenheim, which Roze had taken as he marched along● Tubal had also possessed himself of Ethinguen, Forsen, Bretten, Durlack, Baden, Pruessel and Willock, small Villages enclosed with Moats, the most of which had Castles also belonged to 'em. And Turenne went on and invested Philipsburgh it ●elf, with three Thousand. Horse and seven Hundred Foot, and the Duke arrived before the Place in ten days March from Langsdelinghen. Philipsburgh is Seated near the Rhine, upon the Confines of the Duchy of Wirtemberg, and in the lower Palatinate, three Leagu●s f●om Spire. From Brisack to Hermestein there is not any strong Hold but Philipsburgh. It was formerly called Vdenheim, and was the Seat belonging to the Bishops of Spire; and the Troubles of Germany insensibly constrained the Bishops to fortify it. But when they had put it into a condition to defend itself, it remained no longer in their Hands. For the Imperialists, and afterwards the Swedes, made themselves masters of it: the French also possessed it for some time● but afterwards it returned under the Emperor's Dominion. To this Town belongs a Fort which commands the Rhine, and which Communicates with the City, by means of a Causey six foot broad, and eight hundred foot long. Over against Philipsburgh, the River forms a large Elbow, and causes a great many Bogs round about half the Place. The Fortification is only of Earth, but the Ramparts are very thick: It is surrounded with large and deep Moats, nor is there any more than one way to a●●roach it; and the Body of the Place is composed of seven● Bastions almost regular. The Berm is so large that it serves for a false Bray, and this B●●● is secured by a Quickset Hedge very thick. The Moat is full of Water, two hundred foot wide, and four fathom deep, with a Counterscarp well Pallisadoed. On that side next the Elbow, which the Rhine makes, there is only a Bogg covered with Wood in some parts; on the other side the Ground is somewhat higher, and intermixed with Heath, Wood and Ploughd Fields. When the Duke invested it, Bamberg was Governors the Garrison was composed of two hundred Horse, and five hundred Foot; there were a hundred pieces of Canon mounted, and Ammunition sufficient for a long Siege. After the Duke had viewed the most Advantageous Places to secure his Circumvallation, he spent the rest of the day in taking his Posts, and appointed the Night for attacking the Fort upon the Rhine. The French Army took up their Quarters from K●audenheime to a River that Waters the Plain, halfway from Rheinhausen, and the Germane Army was posted from the River to Rheinhausen. Night being come, the Soldiers prepared to Storm the Fort. The Duke marched thither through the Woods, while Tu●ennne approached it over small dams that are raised athwart the Mersh. But the Duke could not get thither till break of day, because the way he had chose was long and difficult. Bamberg, not having Foot sufficient, sent for into the Town both the Men and every thing else that was provided for the defence of the Fort; so that Turenne finding it quitted took Possession of it, and fortifid it with all things necessary against the Attacks of the City. After that, the Duke minded nothing but to secure his Circumvallation. He caused Forts and Redoubts to be raised in all places where the Ground was proper, and cut down the Trees in the Bogs to stop up the Highways. Turenne met not with so many Obstacles in the Fortifying his Quarters; for he made use of a great Flood of Water that ran along from one end of his Camp to the other, which he made a good defence by adding a Parapet to it. So that the Circumvallation was finished in four days, and the Camp enclosed on all sides from Knaud●nheime to Rheinhausen. In the mean time, the Bridge of Boats arrived, laden with Canon, Ammunition and Provisions. In twenty four Hours it was laid over against Germesheim and Knaudenheime. Germesheim is a small City of the lower Palatinate, seated upon the Banks of the Rhine, fortified with Bastions of Earth and a dry Moat, on that side next Spire, but full of Water on that side next Philipsburgh. The taking of it was necessary to command the upper part of the Rhine; for in regard there could be no Circumvallation made beyond the River, they could no● be assured of the River without taking in those places which commanded it. Therefore, so soon as the Bridge was finished, the Duke ordered d' Aumont to pass the River with six hundred Foot, and three hundred Horse, and attack Germensheim, which he did in two days after the Trenches were opened; and after that he marchd toward Spire. This City, though it stands upon the Rhine is only considerable for being the Seat of the Imperial Chamber; for it is only surrounded with a Wall, garnishd with Towers, after the Ancient manner, and a nasty Moat. Thus, while D' Aumont made himself sure of the most necessary Posts upon the Rhine, the Duke began the Attack of Philipsburgh. And it has been already by us observed that there is but one way to approach the Town, where the Earth is Gravelly, all along to the very Counterscarp of the two Bastions of the Place. In this part the Duke ordered two Attacks to be raised; o● which Grammont undertook to carry on the Left, and Turenne took Care of that on the Right Hand. Both the one and the other made use of above fifteen hundred paces of the Course of a little Rivulet that waters the Plain, after they had turned the Water another way, in order to make their Approaches toward the two Bastions which they were to Attack. The Trench was opened the first of September, and the same Night they made a Place of Arms common to both Attacks; each of which carried on their Approaches to the opposite Bastion. Espenan, with the Regiment of Persan, commanded the Guard, the first Night in Grammont's Trench, and after he had carried on the Line near 200 Paces, he began to raise a great Redoubt, where he settled a Corpse du Guard of a hundred Gendarms at the Head of the Workmen; and those Horsemen had Orders to retire, in the day time, behind the Ruins of an old Building, near the opening of the Trench. The Night was quiet enough; and the Besieged who knew not as yet where the Pioniers were at work, never gave any Interruption to the Besiegers. But so soon as day appeared, and that they descried the Earth cast up, they resolved by a Salley to ruin the Work which had been carried on in the Night. To that purpose they detached two Hundred Foot, and a Hundred Horse, who advanced toward the Line; and though it were full of Pioniers Espenan prepared to receive 'em, commanding the Gendarms to oppose their Cavalry. But that Squadron marchd against the Enemy in so much Disorder, that they were utterly broken at the first Charge, and la Boulay was there slain upon the Place. However Espenan had put the Line in so good Order, that the Besieged durst not attack it; nor pursue this their ●irst Advantage any farther; in so much that the Gendarmes had time to rally and return to the Charge; and this second time they so well acquitted themselves, that notwithstanding all their firing from the Bastions, all that remained of those that sallied were driven to their Counterscarp. Thus the Besiegers continued their Work without Opposition, but that their Infantry was lessened to that Degree, that the Duke's Army did not amount to above three thousand Me●, and the tother was not above two thousand strong. With so few Men the Prince had an Incredible deal of Trouble to guard so spacious a Circumvallation, and to furnish Men sufficient to guard the Trenches, and other necessary Occasions. His Infantry consisted of Four battalions; of which that which was relieved in the Trenches was ordered for the extraordinary Guard of the Camp. The other two wrought in the Approaches, and the last provided Faggots to fill up the Trenches. Palluau, with the Regiment of Enguien relieved, the second Night, Espenan and Persan, & carried on the Line and finished the Redoubt. Tournon and Marsin, the two next Nights advanced the Works much farther, and made a Battery of six Canons. Turenne had made n● less haste on his side. The fifth Night the two Attacks made a Lodgement upon the Counterscarp; neither did Bamberg oppose these Works, but with his Canon and Smallshot. Neither did the Duke hear any thing of the Bavarian Army; only he had Intelligence that john de Wert was upon his March with a Thousand Horse and as many Musketeers, to try whether he could put any Relief into Philipsburgh; and this advice constrained the Duke to redouble his Guards, and to ride the Rounds every Night. So soon as the two Attacks had made their Lodgements upon the Counterscarp, the Workmen began to pierce it, and raise Batteries to ruin the Defences of the Place. As for the Descent into the Moat, it was not very difficult, but it would be very troublesome to secure it. For in regard the Water was almost even with the Counterscarp, the Besiegers could not come at it under Ground, and it required a great deal of time to make a Gallery covered with Oaken Planks. So that the D. only drew a straight Line which butted upon the Moat, and which was covered with Bavins upon Blinds and Chandeleers. Espenan and Palluau, during the two Nights that they kept Guard, brought their Works to so much Perfection as to be able to fill up the Moat. Tournon also had already thrown into it a great number of Bavins, bu● as he passed along the pierced Line that led to the Work, he was slain with a Musket Bullet. La Pomme the Engeneer was expert at making Mines and passing Moats: but he met with a great many Difficulties by reason of the Canon that played from the Town, which the Besiegers Canon c●uld not Master, for that having so great a number as they had, no sooner was one Piece dismounted, but presently another was mounted in the room; and beside those which they had in their Flanks with which they battered the Bridge side-ways, they had a Row upon the Face of the Bastions which pierced and ruined the whole Approach. 'Tis true the Flanks were so small that they could not plant above three pieces of Canon upon 'em. Which is a usual Fault in the best Fortifications to ha●e the Flanks either too narrow or too opens But the first of these defects is the worst, in regard that between the two opposite Batteries the greatest number of Canon always prevails. In a word, the Besiegers having raised two Batteries, each of four pieces of Canon, presently put to silence the Enemy's Canon from the Flanks. But the Besieged planted so many upon the Faces of the Bastions, the Rampart of which was very low, that they ruin'd those of the Besiegers. For which reason, the Duke was constrained to raise Shouldering to hide his Batteries, and cover the Faces of the Bastions. By which means his Canon got the Mastery, and the Besiegers laboured with more security to perfect their Bridge. Then Bamberg found that it would not be in his Power to hinder the M●at from being filled up, and therefore knowing his Garrison to be but weak, he thought it not convenient to stay till the Miners were set to work, in hopes before that, to make a more Advantageous Capitulation. Thereupon, he beat a Parley, Hostages were given on both sides, and the Garrison marched out the twelfth of September, to the number of five Hundred Men, with two Pieces of Canon. The Duke put Persan's Regiment into the Town, and made Espenan Governor. The winning of this Place, though more easy than the Prince foresaw or expected, gave great Reputation to the Arms of France; insomuch that several Cities sent their Deputies● Nor did 〈◊〉 till D'Aumont summoned 'em, but sent Commissioners with their Keys to the D. who received 'em Honourably; and after he had confirmed their Privileges, sent 'em back with Order to dismiss the Imperialists, and receive a French Garrison, which o' Aumont had Instructions to put into the Town. But the Duke could not reap himself the Fruits of the taking of Philipsburgh, nor could he remove from thence before he had repaired the Fortifications. For the Enemy was at hand; his Men were much lessened and wearied; his Canon had made great Ruins which were to be repaired; nor was the Prince in a Condition to stand Mercy, who had both refreshed and recruited his Army since his retreat from Friburgh. So that all the Duke could do was to settle his Quarters in the Places along the Rhine, in such a manner, that the Enemy could neither regain what he had won, nor force him to a General Battle. He had the River on the one side, the City on the other, the Fort of Rhine before him, and the Mersh, and the Woods behind him. His Army being thus Advantageously Posted, he detached Turenne, to go and attack Worms. This City is not Inferior either in Dignity or number of Inhabitants to any of the Cities of Germany, being Seated upon the B●nks of the Rhine, and fortifid as much as the Largeness and Situation of it would permit. Duke Charles of Lorraine kept Garrison there, and since the Loss of his Territories, he had hardly any other Place of Retreat but that. Turenne sent away the Foot, Worms, Ma●ence, and several ●ther ●lg●es taken. his Canon and all other things necessary for his Design by Water. Which done, he marched through the Palatinate, with two thousand Horse, and defeated six hundred M●n, which General Beck had sent to Frankendale. The Inhabitants of Worms also opened their Gates, and sent away the Lorrainers. Thereupon Turenne continued his March toward Mayence, and detached away Roze to take in Oppenheim, a little City seated in a Pain, ill fortified, but defended with a very good Castle. Roze found no Resistance there; and Turenne at the same time presented himself before Mayence, and Lodging himself in the Suburbs, sent a Trumpe● to those that commanded in the City, with Offers of Honourable Conditions. M●y●nce is the Seat of an Archbishop, who is one of the Electors, and one of the Principal Cities of Germany; besides that, it is Large, Populous, and well Built, considering that it lies in a Country where good Architecture was never much known or practised. The Situation renders it considerable, being seated just opposite to the mouth of the Mein, which washes one part of the Walls: On the Land side it is defended by a Citadel, with four Bastions. But as it is usual in great Cities, the Fortifications had been long neglected, so that the Principal defence of the Town consisted in the number of Inhabitants, not in the strength of the Ramparts. At the lower end of the City, upon the Bank of the Rhine, st●n●s a Magnificent Castle, which is the Residence of the Elector. In the time that this City was under the Power of the Swedes, the King had caused a Fort of six Bastions called Gustawburgh, to be built in that part where the two Rivers meet. But the Imperialists having at length retaken Mayence, the Fort was quitted by the Swedes, and the Electors let it run to ruin. When Viscount Turenne entered the Suburbs, there was in th● Town an Imperial Garrison of eight Hundred Men: Nevertheless, the Elector not believing he could remain there in safety, was retired to Hermestein; so that the Chapter, which has all the Authority of the Government in the Absence of the Archbishop, caused all the Bodies of the City to meet together, and after several Deliberations, they resolved to send their Commissioners to the Duke of Enguien, and to present the Keys of the Town to himself, to make their Capitulation the more Honourable, by the Quality of the Person that received 'em. Turenne sent this Answer to the Duke, who lay still with his Army near to Philipsburgh; who thereupon departed with a Convoy of four Hundred Horse, and came to Mayence in a day and a half. And while both sides were drawing up the Articles of the Surrender. Mercy lay posted upon the Hills between Hailbrun and Neckersulm, leaving the Necker before him. Hailbrume is not above fourteen Leagues from Philipsburgh, and M●rcy pretended from thence to put a stop to the Progress of the Duke. To which purpose he detached Wolf's, a famous Colonel among the Bavarians, with two hundred Horse, and five Hundred Dr●goons to put himself into Mayence; though Wolf's could not get thither above a quarter of an hour before the Duke of Enguien. So that the Trumpet which the Duke sent to give the City notice of his coming found Wolf's haranguing the Townsmen, and encouraging them to stand upon their own defence, offering the Reinforcement which he had lef● on the other side of the Rhine, as also the Assistance of the whole Bavarian Army, which would follow him in a little time. But the Inhabitants, who knew the Duke was in their Suburbs, stood to their Word which they had given to Turenne, and after they had dismissed Wolf's out of the City, sent their Deputies to the Duke to conclude their Treaty of Capitulation. The Chapter also obliged themselves to send out the Garrison, which they kept in Binghen, a small City, and to admit the French. The Duke gave th● Government of Mayence to the Count of Courval, and put a strong Garrison into the Town, with all things necessary to repair the old Fortifications and make new ones. Turenne likewise took Creussnack in his March, and d' Aumont invested Landau with twelve hundred Foot, and fifteen hundred Horse. This is a City seated in a Plain, four Leagues from Philipsburgh, well Peopled, and having a Rampart flanked by two Towers, after the ancient manner, with a Moat defended by some Halfmoons and a Covert way. There were in the Town four hundred Lorrainers; and it was the only place which the Palatinates had preserved in the Palatinate, on this side the Rhine, except Frankendale, where the Spaniards kept a very strong Garrison. While ● ' Aumont was taking up his Quarters, and beginning his Approaches before Landau, the Duke rejoined his Army close by Philipsburgh, that he might be near the Siege which d' Aumont had undertaken; where he understood that the Trenches were already opened, but that d' Aumont going to visit the Works was dangerously wounded. Thereupon Turenne was sent to continue the Siege● who carried on the Trenches with that speed, that in three days a Battery was raised, and a Lodgement made upon the Counterscarp. He died at Spire, within a ●●w days after. The fifth day, the Duke being come to visit the Works, the Lorrainers capitulated with Turenne, and marched out of the Place. After the taking of Landau, Newstad, Manhei● and Magdeburgh, made but little Resistance. So that in one Campaign, the Duke saw himself three times Victorious over the Bavarian Army, Master of the Palatinate, and the Course of the Rhine, from Philipsburgh to Hermenstein, and of all the Country between the Rhine and the Moselle. There are three things which have not been observed in the Campaign of Friburgh, Three things not observed in the Campaign of Friburgh. which are not to be omitted. The First is, that the Duke, as it is credibly reported, the more to encourage his Soldiers to force the Bavarian Camp, threw his Battoon, the Ensign of his Generalship, over the Entrenchments, showing by that Action, that to prevent his Battoon from falling into the Enemy's Hands, there was a necessity of gaining that part where he had thrown it, and that it was to be looked upon as the Prize which the Duke proposed to himself to win; and which it behoved all the Soldiers also to be no less eager of gaining. The Second thing necessary to be observed is this, that the Defeat of the Bavarians at the Battle of Friburgh, gave the French an easy opportunity to make such considerable Progresses, that they no sooner presented themselves before a Town, but the Garrison surrendered. So that the Marquis d' Aumont having summoned Gemersheim to open her Gates, she did it immediately. The Deputies also of that Place, accompanied with the Clergy and Magistracy, met the Marquis, to assure him of their Obedient Submission to the King of France, and besides Landau, which Marshal Turenne took, they made themselves Masters of Magdeburgh, and the City of Bacara ● The Third thing worthy to be observed, and which will show the Terror which the Duke of Eng●i●n's Name had struck into the Hearts of the Enemies of France was this, that when Turenne had sent Roze to invest Mayence, and that Mercy had sent Wolf's with six hundred Dragoons, and four hundred Horse, to Secure the Place, with promise of all other Assistance necessary, those Offers were rejected. The Besieged answered that they were only fair Promises. That never the less the City was Besieged, and that when they were to resist the still Triumphant Arms of the King of France, they must make use of other Weapons the● Words, and that the Duke of Enguien's continud Victories gave them great reason to fear that they should not be able successfully to withstand a Force that carried all before it. Which Answer to surprised Coll. Wolf's, that he immediately retired. And then the Chapter of Mayence sent their Commissioners to the Duke, to inform him of the Resolution they had taken, to Surrender the City into his Hands, upon Condition that the Prince would Sign the Capitulation as it was drawn up, and that he would come and receive their Oaths of Fidelity. These Offers and Conditions were accepted the Sixteenth of September. The Principal Articles of the Capitulation being, That the Administration as well Ecclesiastical as Secular should remain Free to the Chapter. That justice should be administered according to the usual manner; and that under that Clause, the Officers should be preserved in their Employments and Privileges. That the Chapter having put themselves under the King of France 's Protection, the Duke should not Charge 'em with any new Impositions; and that he should put a Garrison of Five Hundred Men into the Fort. The Duke also made a particular Agreement with the Governor, which immediately concerned the Emperor and the Imperial Garrison that was in the Place. So soon as the Capitulation was Signed, the Duke sent advice of it to their Majesties, and then made his Entrance into the City, where he was received with that Pomp and Magnificence which carried along with it the Air and Show of a Triumph. All the Corporations of Mayence went forth to meet the Prince, and made their Compliments to him in Latin. And the Duke, who understood other things as well as the taking of Towns, and winning of Battles, answered all their Compliments, and all their Speeches in Latin, in so Eloquent a manner, that not only they who had the Advantage to hear him speak were charmed and ravished with Admiration, but the noise of his Wit and Learning spread itself all over Germany, if I may not say all over Europe. Some compared him to Alexander, others to Caesar. The First observed in him that Impetuosity, that Ardour, that Activity, that Heroic Bravery, and Daring Boldness, which in Alexander were joined to the Love of Letters and Learning; and the others believed him to be the Living Image of C●sar, not only in respect of the Capacity, Prudence and Conduct of that Illustrious Roman, but also in regard of his Eloquence. The End of the First Book. THE HISTORY OF LEWIS de BOURBON, Prince of Conde. The Second Book. The Prince of Conde made Governor of Champagn and Brie. THE Duke of Enguien was become so considerable at Court, that after the Battle of Friburgh, and the reducing of Philipsburgh and Mayence, he was made Governor of Champagne and Brie; and it was also farther resolved that he should again Command in Germany. 1645. The French took the Field betimes in that Country, and at the beginning of the Spring they made themselves Masters of three considerable Places, by the prudent Conduct and Bravery of Major General Erlac. The 15 th'. of April he descended toward the Rhine, where Moser, who commanded the Queen of Sweden's Forces, joined him with three Hundred Foot, and his own Troop of Horse. All their Forces being embodyd into an Army, besieged Lichtenaw, a Castle which the Germans made use of as a convenient Post, to seize the Boats that fell down from Strasburgh to Philipsburgh. That Place held out some Discharges of the Canon for Honour's sake, and then surrendered upon Composition. After that the Marquis of Baden surrendered the Castle of Stolburn which belonged to him, The taking of Lichtenaw, the Castle of Stolbur● and Kirppenheim● though it were strongly seated, and well provided with Victuals. This do●e, General Erlac besieged Kirppenheim, well fortifid with Halfmoons, and defended by a broad Moat, lined both within and without. The Inhabitants who relied upon their Fortifications prepared themselves for a stout Defence; but they were constrained to give way to the Vigorous Onsets of the Besiegers, and surrendered upon Composition. While Erlac made these lesser Progresses, Turenne acted with Success against the Imperialists. 'Tis true that the Advantages which he won at the beginning of the Campaigne were attended with a sad Event, for in regard he thought he had no reason to fear his being attacked by those he had so vigorously driven before him, and that he thought 'em a great way off, he was all of a sudden assailed by Mercy, who was one of the most experienced, most vigilant, most piercing, and most politic Captains that ever were. Mercy then surprised Marshal Turenne near Mariendal, where the King's Quarters were, and the Marshal was beaten before he could joy●n his Men. But certain it is, that if Turenne committed a fault in suffering himself to be surprised, Ture●ne beaten at Merienda●. he made amends for it with as much Honour as it was possible. For by that presence of Mind which made him find out Remedies in Conjunctures more difficult, and more imminent Dangers, he made a very Honourable Retreat; still defending himself with a Heroic Bravery and Conduct, till he got to the Passage of the Rhine, and fight rather like a Victor then Vanquished. But the loss which France sustained by that Ill Success was more Advantageously repaired by the D. of Enguien, who was sent into Germany in june. The Prince's Presence gave new Confidence to the French, who were something terrified, and infus'd● into 'em that Courage, that Boldness and Resolution, as prepared 'em for the most difficult Undertake, and put 'em into the greatest Hopes. So soon as he arrived, he possessed himself of several Places, which gave a free Passage over the Rhine, and made himself Master of Wimphen, a little City seated upon the Necker. And at this time it was that he fought the Battle of Norling, The Battle of Norling. according to the following Account. The Loss which the French had sustained by the Battle of Mariendal, was soon repaired by the Duke of Enguien, who was sent into Germany, a little while after. The Presence of the Young Prince, who had won so many Victories, not only enlivend the Courage of the French, but so hotly alarmed the Imperialists, that at first they knew not what Course to take; and the Prince made the best of the Terror which he had struck into the Enemy. Immediately he seized upon the most considerable Places upon the Rhine, and cast the Enemy into a perfect Consternation, by the taking of Wimphen and Ro●tambu●gh. But in regard he designed a Nobler Expedition● to make himself Master of Heilbrun, he thought it behoved him to do all he could to weaken the Bavarian Army, which would ●e still opposing his Enterprises. So that without consulting any farther, after he had prepared every thing ready, he fell upon the Enemy, who lay Encamped up●n several Hillocks between Wending and Norling. Marshal Grammont commanded the Right Wing, where was the French Cavalry with Arnaut, Campmaster General of the Carbines; Turenne le● the Left Wing, where was all the Germane Cavalry. Belten●ve, Marsin, and the Marquis of Castel●a● commanded the Foot between the Wings. Major General Geis, and ●c●in commanded the Second Line, composed of two Regiments of Turenne's, six of Foot, and twelve of Horse, that were all Hessians, which were reunited with the Dukes: And the Body of the Reserve was commanded by Chabot. The Bavarians, who as I have already said, were Posted upon several rising Grounds, no sooner perceived the Approach of the D's. Army, but they placed themselves very advantageously under a Mountain, for on the one side they had a Village that stood in the Plain, and on the other a Castle, where they had already put their Canon and some Infantry. Now in regard that from the Village to the Mountain there was an easy Ascent for an Army embattell'd, the Duke had a Design in the first place to make himself Master of that Post, as soon as an opportunity should present itself. Nevertheless, the Enterprise was not so easy; for there was a necessity of passing between the three Flanks of the Mountain, the Castle and the Village which he designed to take. But being resolved upon it whatsoever Risco he ran, he undertook to make an Onset with the Infantry only; to the end that as he drove the Enemy from the Place he had an Eye upon, the two Wings which marched towards their Cavalry might receive no Annoyance from the Bavarians, but that on the other side, they might advance under the Favour of their own Men's Firing. There was also another Inconvenience which was to be remedied: for there was a necessity of assailing the Village in Flank; and it was to be feared lea●t the Men who made the Onset should be bea●en by those that stood at the top of the Mountain. of the Bavarians, so that they pushed forward into the Plain, and were going to fall upon the French Baggage, when a Germane Regiment not only 〈◊〉 'em, but gave● 'em chase. The French also were in a kind of Disorder, insomuch that 'twas greatly to be feared t●ey 〈◊〉 lose the Victory. The Right Wing was u●ter●y broken, in regard they had made no Res●st●●●, being vanquished almost without striking a 〈◊〉. But Turenne, with the first Line of the L●ft Win● which he commanded, broke into the ●irst ●i●e of the Enemies Right Wing, though much more numerous than his, which had been extremely 〈◊〉 by the continual firing of the Bav●ri●n Infantry; and by that means he made amends in some sort ●or the Cowardice of the French Soldiers. The s●co●● Line of the Enemies put themselves at the sa●● Instant in a Condition to second their ●ir●t, a●● charged some Squadrons in the Flank; but a●●●his nothing terrifid Turenne. In the mean time, 〈◊〉 Enemies began to make their best of some little Advantage which they might have had, if Ture●ne h●d been left to himself. But the Duke having spied him in that Condition, advanced all of a sudden with his second Line, and having rallied the ●irst with all the speed imaginable, He and Turenne charged the En●my both at the same time, and having broken so●e of their Squadrons, put all their Troops in Disorders Here the Duke having performed all the Duties of a private Soldier, as well as of a great Captains was shot in the Elbow with a Pistol B●llet, which however did not hinder him from acting. It may be said that till than there had been only some slight Skirmishes, though there had already bee● a great deal of Blood spilt, and a great many Officers of Note Slain on both Sides. But because they found it necessary to come to a General Battel● the Bavarians having brought down their Body of Reserve, and the Troops which had broken the Right Wing, that Turenne seconded, the Duke ordered the He●sians to advance, together with his own Infantry and Cavalry, and marched himself at the Head of 'em ●●ainst the Enemy. The Dispute was obstinate and bloody for two hours together, and during that time there was no Quarter given on either side. They ●●ught on both sides with so much valour and equality of Advantage, that it was a difficult thing, while the heat of the Combat lasted, to judge which way the Victory would incline; but at last it fell to the Duke. One part of the Enemy was cut to pieces, the other routed and put to flight. The Ba●arians lost four thousand Men in this Battle. ●Tis true that it cost the Duke fifteen hundred, counting in the wounded; but withal he got fifteen pieces of Canon, took forty Colours, and a great number of Prisoners, of which He was forced to release the greatest part, because he could not keep 'em without great Inconvenience to his own Army. But that which completed this Victory was the taking of Gleen, General of the Imperial Army, who was afterwards exchanged for Marshal Grammont; and the Death of General Mercy, one of the greatest Captains o● his Age. That very Mercy, of whom the Duke himself and Turenne gave that Honourable Testimony; that it was he alone who for along time sustained the tottering Imperial Troops; that he had never been surprised in any Irregular Motion● that he had never lost a favourable opportunity, nor ever failed of preventing the taking of any, as if he had been present in their Councils. In a word, this Loss of the Bavarians was so great, that it seemed at first as if the Prosperity of their Army had expired with their General. And certain it is, that that same Body which had so many times signalised themselves, never after that moved as it w●nt to do. day with his, and the D. of Enguien marched another way with his men, toward the General Rendevo●z. The D. of Lorrains Army had already passed the Scheld, with a Resolution to oppose the Designs of the D. of Orleans, and D. of Enguien, But so soon as he understood that the three Bodies of the French Army were marching directly toward him, he repassed the River at Montagne, in expectation of P●colomini, Beck and Sambry, that were to join him. But though that Army were five and twenty thousand strong; though it coasted all along, in view, the March of the French Army, and that it were already posted along the River under the Walls of Tournay; the French however forbore not to advance a little below the same place, and to seize upon a Pass over the Scheld, over against Trinity Mount. That Pass gave the French an easy opportunity to attack Tournay or Oudenara. But the difficulty was how to pass the River in view of a powerful Army, which in all probability would not sit still and look on. Nevertheless, at a Council of War all the General Officers concluded, that there was necessity for 'em to attempt the Passage. The only difficulty they met with was to secure the Convoys; but the D. of English had already found out a Remedy for that. For he had attacked the Castle of Lannoy, Lannoy ●a●en. seated between Tournay and L'●●●●, and took it in a days time. Which being done, all their Conveys were secured, and they had no more to do but to put their Resolutions in Execution. But upon a sudden the D. of Orleans altered his Design, and concluded upon the Siege of Courtray. First of all the two Brigades led by Gassion and Ranzau, got before the Place, and invested on both sides the Ri●er 〈◊〉, upon which it was seated, till the D. of E●guien came up with his Army on that side next ●o Moncouron and Rolingue. But the little Care they ●ook to Invest it betimes, gave the Enemy leisure to put a considerable Succour into the Town. Delpon●●●, a 〈◊〉 in great ●epute for holding out of Towns● got in with his own Regiment and twelve Companies of Foot● however all this did but animate the French Generals so much the more. The next day the Trenches were opened: but the Neighbourhood of the Enemy so near the Trenches, was the reason that the Besiegers were in continual fears of being surprised. The Enemy also made some motions. And the Duke of Enguien gave notio●● the same day that the Trenches were opened, that the Spanish Army was advanced very near his Camp, with a design to fight him. Thereupon one part of the French Army drew off and prepared to meet the Spaniards, who were constrained to retreat a long by the Scheldt, into their first Entrenchments. After their Retreat Enguien joined Gasson and Ranzau, to the end they might invest the Town with more ease and assurance. All the French Forces being reunited, the Circumvallation was begun and finished in less than four days, though it took up almost five Leagues in Compass, in regard that both Horse as well as Foot were set to work. Orleans with Ranza●'s Men took up his Quarter beyond the Li●, and on that side next to Flanders, from one end of the City to the other; and he had his Communication with the Quarters of Enguien and Gass●on, by means of several bridges la●'d over the River. Enguien took up his Quarter on this side the River, from Orleance's Quarter to Gassion's, on that side next Tournay; and Gassion from Enguien's to Orleanc●'s, on that side next Audenard and Gand. The Circumvallation as I have already said, was so vast, that the French Armies were not numerous enough to guard the whole extent of it, so that there were many void ●paces, through which the Spaniards might have put Re●ie● into the Town, had not the spaces been enclosed with a Line, supported and defended with a great number of Redoubts. 'Twas thought by the Besiegers that by this means they had removed the Enemy so far off, that it would be impossible for him to come on. But Charles the IV. Duke or Lorraine, in a sit of Dispair, usual with unfortunate Heros, advanced with all his Army, leaving his Baggage behind him and posted himself within Canon Shot of the French Camp, making a show as if he would attack 'em. And had they marched directly against the Duke of Lorraine, as it was Enguiens advice, they had doubtless given him a total Defeat. But Orleans did not relish that Counsel, whose opinion it was that they should only mind reducing the Town, without running any hazard. So that every Quarter entrenched themselves, and went on with the Siege, though very slowly, by reason that Lor●ain's Army gave fresh Alarms every moment. In the mean time Lorraine being forced to retreat, upon the news which was brought him, that the Hollanders had taken the Field, and his Presence was necessary in the Neighbourhood to those Quarters where they were drawn together, endeavoured before his departure to put some considerable relief into the Town. But the attempt proved fruitless, and cost him also a World of Men, which extremely abated the Courage of the Besieged, who flattered themselves with being relieved. At the same time Gassion attacked a Half-Moon and carried it. Enguien also having opened his Trenches on that side where he lay, soon after lodged himself upon the Counterscarp of the Half-Moon which he attacked. The extreme facility that he met with, was the reason that he only made a brisk Onset without any Formality. His Enterprise proved successful, and was so much the more applauded, because it made him Master of what he de●●●'d much sooner than if he had gone regularly to w●●k. However because the Trench was pierced through, and not supported with any ●●dg●ments ● Traverses or places of Arms, and for that the ●o●gment which he had made upon the Half-Moon was not well secured, it was three times regained, and the French were driven out with great loss. Nevertheless, nothing but bare necessity restrained the Courage of the D. of Enguien. His desire to repair his loss by main force, had like several times to have transported him beyond his Judgement, and made him abandon himself wholly to his Valour. But this same Prince, who as valiant as he was, was no less Judicious than Brave, gave ear to reason, and pref●●●'d the security of formal Approaches, before his boiling Indignation, and the troublesome delays which the Maxims of besieging taught him, before an irregular Daring. And now Lorraine being joined by the Marquis of Caracena, there happened some Skirmishes between the French and Spaniards ● The Besieged likewise, who still expected Succour, made continual Sallies● and moreover, they relied upon their Garrison which was very numerous, and the strength of the Fortifications. For it was surrounded with a good Wall flankd with Towers, with a Rampart and a Moat supplied with water by the River. But Delpon●● finding that he could not hope to be relieved; that all the Halfmoons were taken and that the Besiegers began to fill up the Moat, & fix their Miners upon the 28 resolved to beat a Parley, and had very honourable Articles granted him. After the taking of this Place the French Army rested a while in their Camp, and for sixteen days did nothing else but repair the Breaches of the City; Levelly some part of their Lines, and Fortify the weakest places with five or six Halfmoons. So soon as the French had rested, they began to think of New Conquests. For the Dutch Army, to which the D. of O●leince had sent a Reinforcement of six thousand Men, were passed the Sheldt; and the French and Dutch Armies being joined Orleans advanced toward Berguen St. Winox, which is a large City, seated upon the River Colme, which about a hundred Paces below, falls into the Canal of Dunkirk, with a resolution to Attack that place. To which purpose, Orleans with Ranzaus Brigade posted himself along the Colme, on that side next Sanberkhen● Enguien fixed himself from his left Hand as far as the Fort of Ventismul●r; so that they had invested the City on both sides the River. Gassion took his Post from the Fort of Ventis●●●, beyond the Colme, as far as the Grand Canal from Berghen to Dunkirk, and farther to the Banks of Colme, where he joined to Orleance's Camp. The Place was no sooner invested, but Berghen and Dunkirk, pulled up all their Sluices; but the French had posted themselves upon two Rising Grounds, and opened two Trenches, one in the Duke of Orleance's, the other in the D. of Enguien's Quarter. So that the Besieged, seeing the French advance so furiously with their Approaches, and that the Cannon from Enguiens Attack had already broken down their Walls, and that they lay naked to the Shot, demanded to Capitulate. Which being concluded, the Garrison marchd out the 31. of july, in very good order, and was conducted to Dunkirk. So soon as they were Master of Berguen a design was laid for the besieging of Mardicke. To which purpose Messengers were sent into Holland to solicit Admiral Trump to lie with his Men of War before the Place. But the Marquis of Caracena, judging rightly, by the March of the French Troops, of the design which Orleans and Enguien had formed, sent away forthwith to Fernando the Solist ● who was Governor of Mardicke, two thousand Foot and a hundred Horse, with all other things necessary for the defence of the Place. The Circumvallation was finished in three Days, and upon the 8 ●h of August at Night, Orleans opened two Trenches, and Enguen one. The besieged on the other side made several Sallies; and that which was the least advantageous, and made upon Enguien ●s Trench, proud to be the most Fatal to the French, for the Prince, upon the first noise of the Sally, flew upon the Enemy with a great number of Volunteers, and the Horse Guard of his Attack, broke through all that opposed him, and put all to the Sword, hardly one escaping back. But the Besieged ●●●d so furiously that their Shot from the Counterscarp, the Hornwork, the Halfmoons and the Bastions was fatal to a considerable number of the French. The Counts of Flaiz and Rocheguyon were both slain, with the Chevalier de Fiesque. The D. of Nemours was wounded in the Leg with a Musket Bullet, and the D. of Eng. scorched in the Face with a Fire-post. Thus the Besieged continued their Sallies till the 23 d. But all their Canon being dismounted, and the French pressing upon 'em with an unresistable Fury, they thought it their best course to Capitulate, Mardicke taken. which they did the 24 th'. and by their Articles they were all made Prisoners of War; to the number of two thousand five hundred Common Shoulders, two Colonels, and Forty Captains. Some days after the Surrender of Mardicke, the Duke of Orleans returned to Court, leaving the General Command of the Army to the Duke of Enguien, who after he was cured of his Wounds, pursued his Conquests with the same Vigour as before. The Post before Mardicke, was too inconvenient for the Army to make any long stay in those parts. The Prince therefore dislodgd two days after, and passed the Colme. But at the same time that Mardicke I am apt to think that the Dignity of this History may raise my mind to that pitch as to 〈◊〉 to hope, without wounding my Modesty, that the Recital will deserve to be suffered among the Learned, if it may not deserve their Applause. All people thought, that the Campaign in Flanders during the Year 1646. would have ended with the taking of Mardicke. The Season was far spent, our hardships had been extreme, and our Victories highly Honourable. Gaston Duke of Orleans, after he had Commanded our Armies was recalled to Court; and all things laid together, made people believe that the Army would have been laid up in their Winter-quarters; and that the War would not have been renewed again till the Spring. Never the less, Lewis Prince of Conde, never accustomed to end his Campaignes without the having performed some great Exploit above the Common rate of Courage, did not find his Honour yet satisfied. And though that after the departure of the Duke of Orleans, who left him General, he had in two days passed several Rivers, repulsed the Armies of Lamboy and Caracena, and taken the City of Furnes; he could not consent to retreat, the Winter being yet at some distance● but formed designs befitting his Reputation and his Fortune. For so long as the Spaniards, who knew that the loss of a General Battle would be the total Ruin of Flanders, refused to put it to the venture, and that there was no other way to continue the War but by Seiges, the Prince resolved to undertake one more this Year, and to that purpose called his Council together, to consult which place he should fall upon: and all opinions were reducd to two, either Menene, or Dunkirk. Menene is a Town seated upon the Lies, between Armentiers and Courtray, in a Fertile and Pleasant Country, famous for the Trade it drove formerly in Co●● and ●eer, and which boasts her Original 〈…〉, and we had fortunately won 〈…〉 Gassion afterwards thought fit to 〈…〉, and by his care it was put into a Condition able to ●●stain the Siege of a great Army, when C●●●cena surprised it rather through the weakness of the Garrison, then for any defect of the Place. They who were for regaining it, alleged, That was absolutely necessary to join those places which we held u●on the Lis● That Menene being in the Enemy's hands, 〈◊〉 Convoys to Courtray could never go sa●e; that it wo●ld require a whole Army to bridle that one City. On the other side, that if we had it in our own hands Provisions might be married up the River with little danger and expenses that we should be in a condition to make farther Proposals● without leaving any thing behind to give us annoyance; that Armentieres and Courtray would facilitate the conveniencies of the Siege; that it was not fitting to suffer an Enemy in the midst of our strong Holds; and lastly that it was for the Honour of the Nation to preserve by our Armest what our Arms had acquired us. These Reasons were plausible and solid in appearance; but they who did not approve 'em, argued after this manner. That the Siege of Menene required the crossing of several Countries, and to undertake a hasty march to prevent the Enemy's Diligence, and to be at leisure to entrench themselves before the whole Army could join; which appeared the less feasible, because their Forces encamped about Newport, near Furnes; they were always restless to know our designs, and that they were ready to follow us which way soever we bent our march. Moreover, the Siege of Courtray accomplished in view of the Enemy, with continual hardships, the Succours sent away to the Hollanders, during a violent heat, beyond the Nature of the Climate, in a Country open and without water, unless that of C●nals, and stinking Marshes, bitter and noisome; our quick march toward the Sea Coast, the taking of Berguen, the Siege of Mardike, the Expedition against Furnes, had almost rendered the Army unfit for Service. On the other side, the Enemy having undertaken no Siege, keeping themselves the best part of the Summer under the shelter of their City, abounding in all sorts of conveniencies, and Provisions were as fresh as when they first quitted their Garrisons, and were in a condition rather to get before us to Menene, then to follow us: but though we were assured of getting there before 'em, and putting our Lines in a posture of defence, yet the River of Lis running round the Place, would oblige us not only to make a large Circumvallation, but moreover to divide our Army into two parts; and this Army would be so lessened, as it happens always at the end of a Campaign where the Soldiers have suffered great Hardships, that we shall not have Soldiers enough to defend our vast Entrenchments, much less sufficient to carry on the Siege. On the other side, the Enemy will have the Advantage with all his Forces to assail the half of ours, and afterwards to defeat the remainder, if their fi●st attempts succeed. More especially since the Return of the Infantry, which had repassd the Sea, would not admit 'em the least hopes of any Diversion from the Hollanders, though the Prince had sent Tourville to 'em to persuade 'em, if he could, to sit down before some Town, were it only to divide the Spainsh Forces, consequently to dream of taking Menene, considering the Condition they were in, was visibly to hazard for a Town of small Importance, the Honour of so many Victories, the Reputation of the Prince, and the Loss of the Army. Add to this, that after the Siege of Mardike, the first Advice was to regain Menene, which though then it seemed good, nevertheless, the Surrender of Furnes, which was as it were a Blockade upon Dunkirk, and opened a way to that nobler Expedition, aught to make 'em alter their Counsel●, and therefore that of the two designs they were to make choice of that which promised most Profit & most Honour. These Considerations having made 'em lay aside that Enterprise which few People contested after the taking of Furnes, they fell to examine the Attempt upon Dunkirk, where they could not expect to meet with fewer Difficulties. For though the Situation rendered the Circumvallation more easy, and that it were but a small March for the Army, yet there were so many Obstacles to obstruct the Design, that it was morally impossible to surmount. There is a necessity, said they, that one part of the Army must Encamp upon some Hills, and the other among standing Pools, and muddy Grounds. There was no Wood in all the Neighbourhood, nor any Straw for the Soldier's Huts; no convenience for Lodging the Cavalry; no Forage for their Subsistance. One part of the Country desert and untilld● the War had ruined the rest: So that there was no likelihood that the Army could subsist there one day; much less continue a Siege. The trouble of procuring Victuals was also as great, which could be brought no way but by Calais, or by Sea. But the Dunkirkers might easily drown so much Ground as to deprive 'em of any Communication by L●nd, and the way by Sea was no less hazardous, because of the Fla●s and Shoals, and want of Ports; and altogether impossible in stormy weather: So that if it should happen to be bad weather, and that chance to continue but a little, we must either famish, or be forced to raise the Siege, with the Ignominy of having attempted it without foresight. Moreover, as it was a most difficult thing to force Dunkirks so long as her Port was open, so there was no probability that the great Dutch Ships that had lain in the Road ever since the taking of Mardike, could be able to come to an Anchor near the Shore, if the Winds began to blow so furiously as they had done, more especially in the Engl. Channel, where the Waves are short, and the Sea runs high in bad weather. And when the Dutch are forced to keep out at Sea, the Enemy with their small Vessels, will run all hazards to fetch Relief for the Besieged. They farther observed, that during the September Tides that swelled high, 'twould be a hard thing to hinder the Barks from Newport or Ostend from creeping along the Shoar, and getting with the Tide of Flood himself confirmed in his desire to attack it by this, that the Enemy's Generals would hardly hazard the event of a Battle, so long as it appeared to them uncertain; for which reason he might the more daringly undertake what he pleased, and that there was no fear of those whom their own Interests held to be half vanquished already. Thus than the desire of the public Benefit joined with the hope of more than ordinary honour, having made him resolve to fall upon Dunkirk, he determined to vanquish all manner of Obstacles, and to overcome Nature herself that opposed his great Design. Nevertheless, to testify his Moderation in an Action of so great Importance, and to avoid as much as in him lay, the effects of envy the inseparable Companion always of great Achievements, he caused the Opinions which had been debated in Council to be written out, and without imparting his mind publicly to any Body, sent away La Moussaye to Court, to inform Ann of Austria, who during the Minority of Lewis the XIV. her Son, successfully governed our Empire, in Expectation of her Orders, with a Submission so much the more acceptable to her, that he might have Permission to act without consulting the rest of the great Ministers. Now in regard he had so ordered his Message that he made no question but that the Queen would leave all things to his Management, and that she would permit his Prudence to take the Liberty of his choice, he resolved while he stayed for her Approbation, to employ his time in getting all things which he thought necessary in such a Readiness, that when the Answer came from Court, there was nothing to retard his going forward. Four things chiefly put him to a great deal of Trouble; the bad condition of his Men, that lessened every day, and which however he designed for new hardships, greater than those they had already undergone; the barrenness of the Place whither he was to lead 'em; the difficulty of hindering the Dunkirkers from communicating with Ostend and Newport, and the weakness of Furnes, which left him exposed to the Enemy, if he drew off his Army. After he had for some time debated with himself the m●ans to remedy these Inconveniencies, his Prudence at last furnished him with such as proved effectual. La Ferte Seneterre remained upon the Lies with a volant Camp of eight hundred Horse, and fifteen hundred Foot, with a design to secure the French Conquests, and if the Enemy made any Diversion, to march where necessity called him. The Prince also gave him Directions with all speed to fortify those Places which the French held in those Quarters, and to put ●em into such a Condition, that if he sent for him, he might have 'em well secured. He wrote likewise to the Vidame of Amiens, the King's Lieutenant in Picardy, to draw out of the Frontier Garrisons as many Men as possibly he could, and to bring 'em to the Camp. He sent Villequien into Boulonnois to rally the Militia of the Country that were returned home after the taking of Mardike. And foreseeing that the French Infantry which had followed Grammont into Holland, and which were to return into France in two of the States Vessels, might Land at Mardike, a little before he marchd for Dunkirk, he designed to make use of those Men, and ordered that as soon as they Landed, they should be distributed into Mardike, Bourbourgh and Berghen, to the end they might refresh themselves a little after the Inconveniencies of the Sea, and be ready so soon as there should be any occasion for 'em at the Siege. He ordered also the Polish Regiments of Priamski and Cabree to take some rest in the Neighbourhood to Calais. Those Foreigners were above seventeen hundred in all, and were newly come into France under the Leading of Sicot. After he had taken those just Measures, that he might bring together when he pleased as many Men as were sufficient to fight the Enemy, should they resolve to fall upon him rather than suffer the Town to fall into his hands, and to carry on all the Labours of the Siege, his next care was to provide for their Subsistence. To which purpose he dispatched the Intendant Champestr●ux to Callais, to make Provision of Ammunition and Victuals, and told him which way he would have 'em brought, notwithstanding the Inconveniency of the Season, and the deepness of the Roads; remitting to him the performance in general of what he ordered him in particular. Now, though that the Dutch Admiral, Trump, a Man famous for Sea Affairs, and whose valour had raised his Fortune, was come, by the State's Order, with ten Men of War to an Anchor in Dunkirk Road, and that number were sufficient to block up the Port, while the French Navy found the Spaniards Employment in the Mediterranean; nevertheless in regard the small Vessels of the Enemy might creep along the Coast and slip into the Place, the Prince thought it convenient to send for some few Frigates from the French Ports. So that Montigny sent away twelve from Dieppe; Villequier two from Bologne, which were joined by one from Calais, together with some Beelanders which they picked up upon the Coast. Beelands are small Vessels, longer and narrower than Hoys which they very much resemble, and much in use among the Flemings, for the conveniency of their Trade; and all these small Vessels were under the command of Andonville. There was nothing more now to be done but to put Furnes in a Condition to stop the Enemy while Dunkirk was taken; and to furnish it with Forage for the Subsistance of the Horse, which the Prince took care of in Person; to the end his presence might make 'em more diligent to hasten their work, and to see that they spent no more time than what was necessary in finishing the Fortifications, and supplying the Magazines. Furnes is seated between Newport and Dunkirk, at some distance from the Sea, though it may be conjectured that formerly it was very near it, when the Ocean driven by the violence of the North Winds, overflowed all the Land about it, if not stopped by the Mounds that lie in the way. For Fueren or Wueren, as the Flemings now pronounce it, signifies to Navigate; and Nae●wueren to arrive in Port; as if Furnes had formerly been a Haven for Ships, and that it had derived the name of it from thence. And as a mark of this, the Viscount of Furnes holds the first Rank among the Castell●ns of Flanders, who are called Riverians, in regard it was their Business to guard the Coasts. A great number of Churches and considerable Edifices render the City very beautiful. There is the Chamber still to be seen where Lewis the XI. kept himself close, when being Dauphin, he retired to Charles the VII. and that the D. of Burgundy protected him from the Anger of his Father, and that Chamber is still adorned with the Arms of France and Burgundy. The Country about Furnes is pleasant in Summer, chiefly that which extends to the East and South, by reason of the Meadows and Woods: but the Marshes render it very noisome at other Seasons. 'Tis true that this Inconvenience is amply recompensed by the fertility of the Pasturages, which is the reason that in several places they neglect all the care of good Husbandry; and by the great number of Canals, which are infinitely advantageous for Trade. Nevertheless, there is good store of Ploughed Land, which bears plenty of Corn; and in a word, the Riches of these Parts is such, that Charles the V. was wont to say, That if the rest of Flanders were but like that corner of the World, it would be more worth than the Indies. The Foundation of it is very ancient; for we find in the year 958. Baldwin Count of Flanders fortified it with outworks of Earth, against the Invasions of the Normans. After that, notwithstanding it ●ad been several times ruined by Fire, by Domestic● Seditions, Civil Wars, and the funy of the French Arms, ●nder Robert of Arra●, and Philip de 〈◊〉, yet still it has recovered itself after so many Disasters, and was then in a flourishing condition, when the French took it. So that besides the necessity the French had of it, in order to their design upon D●nkirk, they had reason to preserve it, for the sake of itself. So that the Prince after he had considered the Situation, and the nature of the Place, resolved to environ it with several Halfmoons, a Hornwork and a Counterscarp; having no other defence at that time than a Wall flankd with Towers, and a Moat full of Water. To this purpose he distributed the Foot into those places where he intended to break Ground; divided and appointed the Quarters of the Regiments; ordered a Campmaster to every Quarter to take care of the Work; settled the Hours of Rest; named the Bodies which were to relieve one another, and methodizd all things with so much equality, that there might always be a good number of Soldiers at work all day long. In the mean time, the Cavalry were ordered to cut Wood, and every Troop brought Piles to make Palisadoes and Stakes for the Use of the Fortifications. He had also before this commanded the Magistrates of Furnes, to order the Peasants through the whole extent of their Jurisdiction, to gather Fo●age, and bring it into the City. He sent for Boats from all parts to facilitate the Transportation of it; and appointed an Officer to receive it as they hundled it up, and store it up in the Magazines. Never was seen so much Diligence, and so much Order, both at the same time. The Fortifications were raised, the City furnished with Provisions, the Cavalry, Infantry, Burgesses, Peasants, Seamen, every Body quick, and without Confusion, in the performance of what was enjoined 'em. All this while, the Prince was every where giving Directions, and showing that he had a perfect Understanding of Military Oeconomy. Which to me, seemed so much the more worthy of Applause, because Valour is common to the meanest private Soldier, whereas Foresight, and Knowledge in the Art of War, are the distinguishing Qualities of Great Men. So that it appeared, in a short time, how much the Presence and Ability of a General puts all things in forwardness. For in the space of 14 days, the Fortifications were finished, and the Magazines well filled. Now these great Preparations not being unknown to the Spaniards (for the Flemings spurred on with that Affection, which People reserve a little while for the Masters they have lost, gave them continual Intelligence) they readily c●njecturd that the French had a design to attack Dunkirk. Caracena, who lay nearest to the French, was the first who dispatched away advice of it to Castle Rodrigo, Governor of the Low Countries, at Brussels. He sent him Information of what he learned day by day, and by redoubled Couriers, desired his Counsel and Assistance, in a Matter of so high Importance as this. The chief Commanders of the Flemish Armies, after they had shared among 'em the defence of these Countries, were at that time seaprated in Posts remote from one another. Their Generalissim●, Charles of Lorraine, was drinking Waters at the Spa; and his Men lay quartered upon the Frontiers of Holland; as was also Beck with his Body of Flemings and Walloons, Picolomini, with the principal strength of the Country, was encamped upon the Scheldt, near Dendermonde. Curacena, lay at Newport, commanding the Royal Army of Spaniards and Italians, as also the Germans, and the Liedigeois, which the Emperor had sent at the beginning of the Campaigne; while Lamboy, General of those Forces, constrained by Sickness to quit the Service for some time, was gone for the Recovery of his Health to one of his Houses in the County of Liege. This Disposal of the Spanish Forces, seemed absolutely necessary to Casti●rodridgo, for the security of the Provinces which he governed; and upon the sole conjecture of Appearances, usually false, frequently fraudulent, he durst not disfurnish those Places, which they possessed, for fear of exposing 'em to the Armies of the French or Hollanders. But though there were not so much reason to be afraid of the Hollanders, for that they carried on the War more remissly, since their Plenipotentiaries had begun a Negotiation of a Truce, with the K. of Spain, in the Assembly at Munster, where the Ministers of the Christian Princes met to settle Peace over Europe; yet it was plain, that though both the Armies of Flanders should have joined, there was no likelihood they would come to encamp near Dunkirk, so long as the French lay at Furnes; for that being deprived both by Sea and Land of all Communication with Newport, it would have been their visible ruin, and to have been exposed an easy Prey to the French, all Flanders being deprived of their Veterane Bands, which till then had hindered 'em from hastening their Destruction. Thus Castelrodridge, being ●●opt by these Considerations, and the slow manner of acting, customary to that Nation, who wait upon time, which they often loose, in hopes that either the Season, or the Places, would either hinder or ruin the French, deemed it sufficient to keep in a Readiness what he thought necessary for the Relief of Dunkirk, when the Town should be Besieged. To the end therefore that nothing might be omitted which he thought might be serviceable to him in this important necessity, he resolved to try whither he could excite the Parliament of England against the French, in regard they seemed to look upon it as their Interest not to let Dunkirk fall into their Hands. To this purpose, after he had imparted his Resolutions to the Generals he dispatched an Express to the Spanish Ambassador at London, to the end he might be informed of his Designs, and make use of his Credit, which was very great with the Republicans at that time, to obtain a considerable Succour. This was the posture of Affairs on both sides, when the Answer from the Court was brought to the Prince. It was written in such a manner, that though the Ministers started some difficulties in the Enterprise of Dunkirk, 'twas easy to perceive that they inclined to the Design of Attempting it; rightly judging, that if it succeeded, the taking of that place would prove a great Honour to the Queen's Regency. Thereupon they referred it again to the Prince, to consider whither he would undertake the Enterprise or no. The design therefore being resolved upon, there was nothing more in the Prince's Thoughts but going to work, and to make the best of the Season, Winter drawing on a pace, and already beginning to pinch the Army. For the security therefore of Furnes,, the Prince left Bosquet Governor, with a Gar●ison of 1200 Foot, and 100 Horse, with Instructions to send continually to the Camp, Corn, Hay and Straw. All the Soldier's h●d orders then to be ready to March, and the 19th. of September, the whole French Army set forward from Furnes to Dunkirk, consisting of between nine and ten thousand Foot, and five thousand Horse, without any Baggage, or that Rabble of useless People, that usually follow great Armies. Gassion and Ranzan Marshals of France, commanded under the Prince. The first having passed through all the Degrees of Warfare, had attained by his own Merit to be chief in the Prince's Favour. The other a Native of Germany, but long devoted to France, found his Services recompensed with the greatest Honour to which the French Nobility could aspire. These two had under 'em, for Lieutenants, Villequier & la Fer●e Imbrand, Chastillon, la Moussaye, Arnauld, Pallua●, Lavat, Chabot, Castelnau and Marsin, Camp●Marshals to the Prince. Quince, Roane●te, and Miossans, were the same under Gassion. Normantier, Sicot, and Clanleu, under Ranzau. They had under them very good Officers, few Volunteers● but amongst those that were was the Duke of Rets ● whose Diligence, near the Person of the Prince, during the whole Campaigne, made him to be greatly taken notice of; and Montauzier who road Post to wait upon the Prince, upon the first Rumour of the Siege. The Country between Furnes and Dunkirk, is intercut with several Canals, between the New River, and the Colme, beyond which, toward the North, the Downs extend themselves, and the Sea-Sands. The Prince therefore resolved to divide the Army into three Parts, as well to possess himself of this Country, as to invest Dunkirk, so soon as he was got out of Furnes. This Disposal rendered his March more easy and swift, and by this means, all the three Bodies which he had separated might arrive before the Town, all at the same time. He chose that side next the Town, as the most dangerous, by reason of Newport, where the Enemy lay encamped. He had with him the Regiments of Pers●n; Enguien, Conti, Albert, and Mazar●n, Vattevil●e's Regiment of Swissers, and the battalions of English under Tilliot, Hacquins and Hansfers. His Cavalry consisted of the Queen's Gendarmes, those of Conde, Enguien, Long●eville, de l' Hospital, and Grammont, the Light Horse of Conde, and Enguien; the Royal Regiment; those of Enguien, Mazarin, Grammont, Sceaux, Meille, Marsin, Binse, and four Troops of Arnauds Carabines. The most part of these Bodies had always served under him, and the Trials he had put 'em upon, gave him such reason to confide in 'em, that it was much to their Honour. Gassion took the Left Hand of the Prince's along the River that runs from Furnes to Dunkirk, with the Companies of French Guards, six Companies of Swiss Guards, the Regiments of Picardy and Navarr, one of Walloons under Borrnonville, one of Swissers under Guy, and a battalion of English under Rocpy. For his Cavalry he had his own Regiment, with those of Coas●in, de la Fueil●ade, Villequier, Rocheguyon, Coevures, Bergere, Stref● Tillar, and Bussyalmoru. Ranzau marched through the Country that lies on the other side of the New River, with six Companies of the French Guards, the Regiments of Piedmont and Orleans, and the Swissers of Molondin. His Cavalry consisted of the Regiments of Orleans, dela Ferte Imbaud, Roquelaure, Beaujeau, Eclinvilliers, Noirlieu ● with his own, together with the Fusel●ers and Cravates. The Artillery, commanded by Cosse, St. Marsin, Chouppes, and le Borde●, consisted of fifteen heavy Canon, some Middling and small Pieces, some Bombs, and a great number of Granades. After a March of six Hours, the whole Army arrived before Dunkirk, not having met with any considerable Obstacle. Only Ranzau was constrained to drive the Enemy from four Redoubts, which they held upon the Canal, that leads from Dunkirk to Bergues, through which he passed. Nor would it have been an easy thing to have forced 'em in some hours, would they have held out till their Canon could have been brought up; which could not have been done so soon, by reason of the deep and miry ways, which the Rain had broken. But whither they wanted Resolution, or whether they thought to spare their Soldiers, they quitted the three first Redoubts, so soon as they saw the Bridges laid to get at 'em, and retreated to the fourth, which was defended by the Canon of the Town; and immediately a hundred and fifty Horse fall●'d out of Dunkirk, and put themselves behind the Fort; as it was thought, with a design to dispute it. But afterwards it appeared, that their Intention was only to favour the Retreat of their Foot, which was there engaged. For Noirmonstier, who was commanded to take in the Forts, and who had already possessed himself of the rest, was marching to fall upon the latter. At the same time he also caused the first Squadron of the Regiment of Orleans to advance, and ordered Genlis to take a hundred Musketeers of the French Guards, and seize upon certain old Ruins that lay between the Fort and the Town. But that struck a fear into the Enemy, lest we should hinder their return, and made 'em judge it was dangerous for 'em to stay any longer; so that they made away after a slight Skirmish, and the French Van Curriers drove 'em to their very Counterscarp. Dunkirk is seated among the Downs, that rise up with their white Heads, on the North side, from Eschelle to Calais. On the East it is bounded by Furnes and Newport. Southward, it looks toward Berguen and Flanders: Mardike lies to the West of it; and the Sea washes it to the North. The Territory that belongs to it is very small, and almost every way enclosed by that of Berguen. The largeness and strength of it proceeds from the convenience of the Sea● St. Eloy, preaching the Gospel, built a Chapel there in former Ages, of which there are some Remains still to be seen near the Towers of the City; from whence it derives both Name and Original. Dunkirk, signifying no more than the Church upon the Downs; and it seems that for that Reason they have built the Steeple of St. Eloy ●s Church so high, that the rising of the Hills does not hinder it from being seen out at Sea; and from the Platform at the top, you may discover in a serene day, the Mountain's of Dover, and the Coast of Englan● ● At first, Dunkirk was only a poor Hamlet, composed of fisher-men's Huts, erected for the conveniency of the Haven. Afterwards, Antiquity and Carelessness having spoiled the Harbour of Mardike, famous at that time, it became considerable by the Ruin of that Port. Baldwin Count of Flanders, Sirnamd the Young, made a City of it in the Year nine hundred four score and sixteen. Afterwards it was peopled by the Favour of Philip of Vermandois, who endowing it with several Immunities, drew great numbers of Inhabitants to it. It would require a particular History to relate, how often it has changed Masters; how often it fell in Partition to Robert de Cassel; how it passed to Robert de Barr ● who by the Marriage of his Daughter, he fixed it into the Family of St. Pol; how it fell afterwards to the Families of Vendosm and Bourbon; afterwards under the Dominion of the Spaniards. It would be also no less Delightful to understand the various Misfortunes it has undergone; how the English burned it in the Year 1388. how it was surprised by the French, a long time after, under the Marshal Termes; what are the Privileges of the Lords of it? what are the Laws it is governed by? what is the Trade which it drives? what is the Supreme Marine Council which is there settled? what is their Herring-fishing, and the great vaunt they have for that Commodity? and what the Privileges wherewith the Emperor Charles the V. endowd ●em. But in regard our Design is only to write the Siege of this place, without intending any other Divertisement for the Reader, we shall only give an account of the State of the City, at the time when the Prince's Army sat down before it. 〈…〉 divided into two Cities, the old and 〈…〉 The old is seated upon the Seashore, en 〈…〉 hick Wall, after the ancient man 〈…〉 a great many large Towers, sup 〈…〉 a sp●cious Rampart, accompanied with 〈…〉 with Brick, above 26 foot wide, and 〈…〉 Colme Water, which swells in that 〈…〉 Tides are higher or lower. On Mardike 〈…〉 Sea runs up into the Land, and extending 〈…〉 the Wall of the old City, forms a Ha 〈…〉 to contain 200 great Ships: however, 〈…〉 it is very narrow and dangerous, by 〈◊〉 of the Shelves and Sands that lie full in the 〈…〉 it. Within the Canal, which is no less 〈◊〉 than the Haven, above a hundred Vessels may ●ide 〈◊〉 safety. Out of this Haven sailed the 〈…〉 blockd up the mouths of our Rivers, and were ●●c●me so formidable upon all the Western 〈…〉 France. Antiquity never knew Men 〈…〉 'pon the Sea than the Dunkirkers. And indeed i● i●● thing hardly to be believed, that this C●●y alo●e should have almost spoiled the Trade of 〈…〉 potent Kingdoms of Europe, and 〈…〉 D●tch Fleets that Sail to the New World ● 〈…〉 from the Spaniards whole Provinces 〈…〉 were not our Merchant's Losses as Fa 〈…〉 Scandalous Testimony of their Fury and ●alour. O● that side next to France, from the 〈…〉 against the Walls of the old City, the H●ve● is defended by the Fort de Leon, built upon the 〈◊〉, and by consequence ill flanked, by reaso● 〈◊〉 the Inconvenience of the Place, otherwise small, but strongly Pallisad●'d, and furnished with a 〈◊〉 of great Canon. On the other side of the Haven, rises ● Causey which running 5 or 600 Paces 〈◊〉 the Sea, covers it on Flanders side and juts upon a small wooden Fort, planted with some Canon. The new City joins to Fort Leon, and enclosing the rest of the Harbour; afterwards enlarges and extends itself about the Old one, beyond the way that leads to Newport. It is environed with an enclosure of 12 Bastions of Earth, with a Moat full of Water, and a Counterscarp; and two Hornworks fill up the whole space that remains between the hind most Bastion, and the Causey that shoots into the Sea. Toward the South, three large Canals run out of Dunkirk, and afford the advantage and convenience of transporting in their Beelands, these Commodities which they vend up and down the Country. These Canals fall into the Haven, and serve either to cleanse it, or to drown the Parts adjoining to the City, as they pull up, or let down their Sluices. The first leads to Berg●●n, the second to Hons●otte, the third to Furn●s, Newport, and then to Bruge●. The Magistrates having begun this latter in the year 1640. and having finished it the next year, gave it the name of the New River; the other two are very Ancient. Dunkirk was guarded within with two thousand six hundred Foot, in a 11 Regiments; and without by the Armies of Caracena and Lamboy. In those Regiments, the number of Officers equalled almost that of the Soldiers. There were also in the Town 300 Horse, and 2000 Seamen, accustomed to Sea Fights; the fury of which makes 'em contemn all other dangers; the Fortifications were well provided with Artillery; and as we have said already, there was nothing wanting in the City that might serve for the defence of it. So soon as the Army came before the City, the Prince assigned the Quarters, and resolved to dispose of his Men in such a manner, that if the Enemy should attempt to raise the Siege, they could not be able either to succour the Town, nor force his Camp, On the East side of him, there was a space of Ground which separates the New River from the Sea. This space of Ground is covered in part with unequal Hills or Downs, both in regard of their Situation and Height, and perfectly extends itself into a Plain, which is watered by the New River, and then runs on as far as the Canal of Honscotte. From this Canal going to Mardike, there are two Marshes, which are cut out of the Canal of Berguin, and some other Rivers. To the West, you meet with a Plain opposite to the former, other Downs, and then the Sea Shoar. These la●ter Places seemed sufficiently defended by the Canals, and the Marshes, which made the Access very difficult to those that were not Masters of 'em; as also by the Neighbourhood of Mardike and Berguen, which secured ●em. The greatest danger was toward the East; for that the Enemy setting forward from Newport, which is but ●5 Miles from Dunkirk, might come to the Camp in a few Hours, without any Molestation, which obliged the Prince to make sure of that place. To which purpose he caused Gassion to encamp with his Brigade, from the Sea Shore to the middle of the Downs● the rest he took up himself, and all the Plain as far as the New River. There he lodged the Men which he himself lead; and that he might wholly fill up the Place that remained void along th● Ca●al of Furnes, he joined to his own Men, ten Companies of French Gendarmes, and Beaujeu ●s Regiment of Horse, which were of Ranzau's Brigade. From the New River, drawing toward the Canal of Berg●en, Ranzau had Order to Line the rest of the Plain, with the Bodies of Horse and Foot which the Prince had left him. The Places which the French possessed, and the inconvenient Situation of the Country served for the rest of the Circumvallation. Only upon the Downs, which lie to the West; the Prince placed Villequier, with the Militia of Boulogne, his own Regiment of Horse, and that of Rocheguyon, to the end that the Spaniards, if they should pass the C●lme, after they had drawn together at St. Omers to put in Succour into the Town, between Berguen and Mardike, meeting with that Obstacle might be quite out of hopes. By Sea, the Dutch Ships, and the French Frigates, blocked up the Port, and thus was Dunkirk enclosed on every side. Moreover, a Bridge was laid over the Canal of Furnes, for the Communication of Quarters; and two more over the Canals of Honscotte and Berguen, for the Carriages to come over that brought Victuals from Calais to the Camp. The next day the Circumvallation was begun; at which the whole Army wrought. The Prince undertook to cut, and sink a Moat, six Foot deep, and twelve Foot wide, from the Downs, next the Sea, to the Canal of Furnes; and to consolidate the Work, and hinder the Sand from falling into it; he ordered the Lines, which were to be Canon Proof, to be lined with Turf. Then he marked out the most easy Places for the Attacks, and to secure 'em with Palliladoes and Turnpikes; and about 30 or 40 Paces beyond the Moat, he drew out another of an ●qual bigness. Now, in regard the risings of the Downs were unequal, and for that there were some along the Lines, that might annoy the Army, he was constrained to possess himself of all those upper Grounds, to fortify 'em, and extend his Works a great way, chiefly toward Newport Road, and Gassion's Quarter. There was one of these Hills, which being much higher than the rest, commanded the Camp, from the top of which, the French were to be seen drawn up in order of Battle, and it was dangerous to let the Enemy be Masters of it, so as to plant their Cannon upon it. The Prince therefore, to obviate all Annoyances, resolved to possess it; and whatever pains it cost him to environ it with two Lines, which should join to those of the Circumvallation, to raise a Fort at the top of it, and to plant a Battery upon it. The Sea Shore still remained to be fortifid. But by reason of the Flux and Reflux of the Sea, there was no probability of working in the Sand, without being able to fix it; and besides, the shortness of time would not permit the casting up of Mounds. Nevertheless, the rest of the works were insignificant, if such a space of Sandy Ground should be left unguarded, during low Water. The Prince therefore resolved to plant a kind of Rail, well fortified with Stakes enough to put a stop to the Enemy for some time, and easy to repair if the Tide should carry any part of it away. He ordered therefore Piles of Wood to be driven in by main force, the better to sustain the fury of the Waves, and to range 'em so close one to another, that there might be no room to go between 'em; yet still at such a distance as to give way to the violence of the Sea, and break the strength of the Innundation. Nor did he employ less Industry to defend himself from the Water, which the Dunkirkers, had let into the Highways, from the New River to Mardike, which were overflowed in such a manner, that the Wagons that came with Victuals from Calais could not pass. But tho, when the Prince thought of the Siege, he had provided against this Inconvenience, by ordering Champlastreux to cause a great quantity of Ammunition Bread to be baked at Berguen, from whence it was brought down the Canal to the Camp, and to send for all the Provision he could in Boats, that crept along the Coasts from Calai●: Nevertheless, because this way was uncertain and troublesome, and for that the Army was still in fear of want, ●he thought it necessary to clear the Highways by turning away the Water. And first they thought to stop the Sluices with Planks, rampared with Earth, which would be easily done, and take up but little time. But the Fury of the Waves, which with a wonderful Rapidness, drives back the stream of Rivers, when the Tide flows in, having twice carried away all their Toil and Labour, therefore they determined with great pains to drive in great Piles near the Hollowness of the Sluices, through which the Sea rowl●d in, and to fortify the Piles with great Stones, and throw in a vast quantity of Earth, till at length the Sluices were stopped. At the same time also that he entrenched himself against the Enemy's Forces, and the Obstacles of Nature, the Prince with no less Prudence provided for the Necessities of the Army. He sent away out of the Camp all the Baggage Horses, and a thousand of those that belonged to the Troopers, which were most harassed to recruit themselves in the Pasturages about Calais. The Forage which the Barrenness of the Place, & the difficulty of Carriage rendered scant, was very sparingly distributed; taking the pains himself to go twice a day to the place where the Forage was Landed, to see it equally shared. At the same time he commanded Roanette to fetch the Infantry that returned from Holland, and sent Rambur●'s Regiment to Villequier's Post, the better to secure it; and for that purpose, the Companies of the Garrison of Lorraine and Haure, and Grammon●'s Regiment took Furnes Road. Those of Noirmonstier and F●bert, stayed at Berghen, with Directions to come in their Turns, and serve in the Camp, by mounting the Guards of the Trenches. He also ordered Sicot to bring the Polonians within the Lines. In the place where he encamped, he retained the battalions of Cabree, and sent the Third which Priamiski commanded to reinforce Gassion's Quarter. That Nation contemns danger, which their Natural Fierceness is ignorant of. The Nobility however are Civil and Ingenious, but Haughty, as are all the rest of the Northern People. Now in regard the Polanders know little what belongs to Sieges, the most part of their Wars being carried on in the Field, they came into the Camp without any conveniences for the making of Huts. Nor did the Place, which was Barren enough of itself, afford 'em any; so that they were constrained like Beasts, to dig themselves holes in the Sand, to shelter themselves from the weather. During all this variety of Labour and Toil, the Prince was up and down every where, leaving nothing exempted from his Care; yet still appearing with that Sedateness of Mind, which was easy to be discerned in his Countenance. So that the Soldiers imitating the Example of his Cheerfulness, and redoubling their Labour with the same Alacrity, in four days, notwithstanding the continual Rains and Winds, all the Fortifications of the Camp were finished, and the Sluices prevented from doing any more harm. The Downs also that were fortifid for defence, looked like so many great Bastions, and surprised the Eyes of those that beheld 'em. Nay, even they that fortified 'em could not but wonder how such prodigious Works could be brought to perfection in so short a time. Surely, if we consider seriously all the Circumstances of those Works, which I have so faithfully described, and afterwards examine those which are to be found in the Greek and Roman Histories, which we never read without astonishment, will find by a just Comparison, that the Prince has hardly been out done. While they were working at the Entrenchments, the Prince received news that the Orders which he had sent for securing the Places which the French held upon the Lies, had been punctually obeyed. That La Ferte Seneterre, together with Rovigny and de Piennes were departed from Bethune, with all their Men, to put in a Convoy of 500 measures of Corn, and some bundles of Match into Courtray, which that Place stood in need of. And it was said, that because they would make the more haste, and for that they understood, that the Enemy had thrown Trees cross the Highways, they left the Wagons, and loaded the draught Horses which they unspanged from the Wains, beside that every Horseman was ordered to carry a Sack behind him, and so crossing the Enemy's Country, in the Night, got safe to Courtray, where they left 500 Men of the Regiments of Antragnes, Tavanes, Lamberte, and the Swiss Guards, and Provision enough for two months for 3000 Soldiers. Lastly that they were returned to Armentiers, from whence, they could send all their Men to the Prince. At the heels of this came other News no less acceptable. Tourville returned from Holland, and gave a better account of the Success of his Negotiation, than the Inclination of that Republic seemed to promise. Frederick Henry Prince of Orange, whose Authority till then had constrained the United Provinces to continue the War, then lay labouring under a lingering Distemper, which had much enfeebled the Vigour of his mind, and rendered him less capable of Business. In the mean time, the Deputies of the States taking the Government into their hands, several among ●em swayed by their old Inclinations to Peace, others corrupted with the Gold of Spain, and deeply concerned for their want of Trade, had set forward their Treaty with the Spaniards, and the Catholic King granting almost all their demands, 'twas much to be feared th●t the Treaty would be concluded; which happened to be an ●●seasonable Conjuncture for the French, in regard they could expect no succour from Holla●d ● However, Tourville had so dextrously followed his Instructions, which the Prince had given him, that in spite of all these troublesome Obstacles, the Dutch not only promised to break the Trace, but engaged to make a great Diversion in Brabant, and to undertake the Siege of Liere or Malines. Now, though the Prince built no great hopes upon these Promises of the Hollandaise ● 〈◊〉 pompous than real● nevertheless, because he made no question but their Army would be 〈◊〉 Motion, were it only to make some show of fulfi●●ng their Promises, he thought he should get advantage e●●ugh by their March, since it would oblige 〈◊〉 Spaniards to divide their Forces; and in regard they that lay at Newport, were too feeble to fight him alone, he should the more easily accomplish the Siege. While things thus passed in the Camp, the Enemy's Generals, no longer doubting but that Dunkirk was besieged, assembled at Newport, which was the next place to the Siege, and therefore most Commodious for Conference and Execution. Picolominy & ●●amboy were there, being come to join Caracena, who had never stirred since the taking of Furnes. Beck was also expected, who was hastening thither with long Marches. These Captains being of several Nations, and having various Interests, pretending to be Independent one from the other (though Picolominy had some Authority above the Rest) frequently retarded the welfare of their Party, through their private and particular Passions; and many times, while they opposed those Counsels which were not given by themselves, their own misunderstandings frustrated good designs. At this time, the Importance of the thing, being joined with the loss of their Reputation, which the continual Victories of the French had very much lessened, obliged 'em to give their opinions generously, and to bethink themselves of an entire Union, and which way to force the French to raise their Siege. Nor were they at the beginning without hopes. They found themselves more numerous than the French, promising themselves, as they desired, and not without great probability, that the Hollanders, by a quick conclusion of the Peace, would leave 'em at liberty to draw out their Frontier Garrisons, and oppose the D. with very great Forces. Besides, the Inconveniencies of the D's. being encamped in such a place, and the badness of the Season gave 'em hopes that they might defeat the French Army full of Diseases and tired, and enclosed between their Forces and ●he Town; besides, that they lay open toward the Sea, & were but badly entrenched along the Downs. For they could not imagine that in so f●w days it had been possible to fortify the Seashore, nor to raise in the Sand such good Defences as the French had done. Nevertheless, not being willing to hazard any thing rashly, and because Beck was not yet come to Newport, to take the most certain measures, they concluded to draw out of all their Bodies a good number of Horse to take Prisoners, and to inform themselves the best they could of the state of the French Camp. They also thought it necessary to prepare at Newport as many Frigates as they could get ready, to the end, that if their Negotiation with England succeeded, they might assist the English Men of War to force the Confederates Fleet; or if they missed of Foreign Aid, that they might attempt the putting in Relief into Dunkirk, by the Favour of Wind and Tide. In the mean time, the Prince resolved to carry the Place by main Force; for being a Person of a deep Foresight, he rightly conjectured, that only the length of the Siege could ruin his Design. Victuals came with great difficulty to the Camp; the Sea grew tempestuous, and ran high; and the Seamen being forced out of Calais, and not daring to venture for fear of losing their Vessels, kept themselves within the Canal of Mardike, with so much obstinacy, that the Officers of that Fort, were constrained to let fly with their Great Guns upon 'em, and to sink one of the Beelands to terrify the rest, and cause ●em to bear away to the Camp. Nor was the Shore more favourable to 'em then the Sea; many of their Vessels being thrown against the Sands, and staved to pieces. Moreover, the Rain continually falling, soaked into the Soldier's Huts, so that they lay half in the Dirt; the Wind caused 'em to catch great colds● nor had they ●ires sufficient 〈◊〉 dry themselves; the terrible blasts blew the small Sand among their Victuals, and in their Eyes; & amidst all these hardships, together with their Military Duties in the Guard of the Trenches and Camp; there was a necessity of continually repairing the Breaches, which the Sea made in their Fences, or in the Sluces● and emptying the Moats of the Lines which the Wind filled with Sand, which redoubled their Toil Ill Stabling, and bad food for the Horses, reduced 'em into a very bad Condition; and sickness began to seize both Men and Beasts. These vast Inconveniencies nothing dismayed the Prince, who had seen 'em all present in his thoughts, from the very moment that he formed the Design; and who as we have already said, had from that time so well taken his Measures that by his extraordinary Diligence and Industry, his Army might support itself longer, than he judged it necessary to take the Town by force. For in regard it was to be feared, that if they went about to Storm the Town with those Securities and Defences usually prepared for other Soldiers, le●● after they had spent a long time in raising Works, the approaching Winter might render all their Labour Fruitless, and an ensuing mortality consume the Army, the Prince took up his first Resolution, which was to make Trial of the quickness of Execution, and Judiciously persuaded himself, that it was the Preservation of the Soldiers, to hazard a small number in Glorious Attempts, for the Safety of the rest. By that means he proved a good Husband of time, the loss of which is never to be recovered. He satisfied the desire of the whole Army, impatient of their Sufferings, and brought to pass this renowned Enterprise, maugre all the Opposition of Men and Nature: having this to comfort him, That whatever happened, his Honour would retain entire, not only because it did not depend upon hazard, against which he had fortified himself as much as it was possible● but the rather because his Virtue had raised him above the reach of ill Fortune. With these thoughts, the very same day that the Entrenchments were finished, he went to view the Place, together with Gassion and Ranzau; and after he had well considered it, he resolved upon two Attacks; t●e one upon the last Bastion, the other upon the Hornwork against it. He ordered the first onset to be made by his own Army, which he reinforced with two battalions, which he took by turns from both the Marshals; leaving the more easy Attack to the two Brigades that were to relieve 'em● They attacked the Bastion in the Face next the Sea, and the Hornwork on that side which was most exposed to the Bastion. In the Evening the Trenches were opened, and a great Redoubt was raised at the beginning of each, and between the two Redoubts they raised a Battery of 15 Great Guns. This was done without any Disorder, the Besieged never molesting the Workmen; whether it were that they thought that what was yet done, would do 'em but little harm; or whither they believed it more necessary to employ themselves in finishing certain Outworks which they had already begun, and to surround 'em with Pallisado's. The Marshals Attack was the first place where any fight happened to be. For between the Pallisadoes and the Besiegers Trenches, there was an indifferent high Hill, which the Enemy possessed, and from whence they were to be driven, before the French could carry on their Works. Therefore Noirmanstier, being upon the Guard that day with ten Companies of the French Guards of Ranzau's Brigade received orders to make himself master of that Down. Thereupon having drawn out a Company of choice Men, under the command of Saujon, Chail●y and Rousille, seconded by the rest of the Body which Courcelles lead, he fell on with great Resolution. The Soldiers were daring, the Officers prudent, and as it happens in the first Action of Sieges, every one strove with Emulation to signalise himself. So that the Attack was undertaken with so much Vigour, and in so good Order, that the Enemy astonished at the fury of the first Onset, gave ground without much resistance, not being able in their Confusion to consider the number of the Assailants, nor to make the best of those Advantages, which the Light of the Moon, and the white Sands, over which the French advanced without any shelter, might have given 'em. However, they did not suffer the Attackers to rest long. For all of a sudden, as soon as they had recollected themselves, they returned to the Charge. Three times they came on again, and were three times repulsed. In the mean time, Niorm●nstier, though he ran up and down where ever the Exigency of Command and Danger summoned him, had broke ground with so much speed, that maugre those Attacks, he had finished a Lodgement upon the Down which he had gained; and they had joined it by a Line of Retreat, a hundred and fifty paces in length, with the Works of the French. Nevertheless, the Work was not brought to full Perfection, for want of Bavins, when about six a Clock in the Morning, the Dunkirkers resolved to drive the Besiegers out of their Lodgement. Noirmonstier immediately ran with Courcelles,, and the other Captains, to the Head of the Work, by their presence and Conduct, to encourage the Combatants. At the same time the Enemy threw a great number of Granados, the breaking of which did the Besiegers the more mischief, in regard there was not one that fell in vain among the Soldiers that were thick crowded together. The Besieged were in hopes that their Granado's would have put the French in Disorder; and that afterwards they might be repelld with more ease. But when they saw the Officers resolute and accustomed to Discipline, succeeded one another when any one was wounded, and that fresh Soldiers took the place of those that fell, then hopeless to see the small effect of their Granado's, they came to Handiblows with the Besiegers. This encounter which lasted 3 hours, was very bloody, the manner of Combat augmenting their Fury. The Fortune of the Day also wavered for a long time, the French not willing to abandon their Victory, and the Spaniards striving with all their might to regain it. But at length the Spaniards recoiled, and though they made 3 other Attacks with the same obstinacy, they were still repulsed, and the Lodgement made capable befor● Night to contain above 300 Men. The Besiegers lost a great number of Men; they had 10 Sergeants killed; Porcheux, a Captain of the Guards; Mondebise, a Lieutenant, and two other Officers wounded. Nor was the Enemy's Loss less considerable. On their side there died a Volunteer of the House of Crony; and of the French, Barrouliere, an Ensign of the Guards. Saujon, Chailly, Rousille, Loignac, Genlis, Campagnole, and du Voulch, Officers of the same Regiment did signal Service, chiefly Courcelles, who next to Noirmonstier might well assume to himself the greatest part of the Honour of that Action. On the other side, at the Principal Attack, where Aubeterre was wounded with a Musket Shot, the Approaches were briskly carried on. Chatillon, in a little time had advanced the Works so far, that there was not much ground to be gained to come at the Counterscarp; all things went on prosperously, and the speed of the work answered the Prince's expectation. In the mean time Intelligence came, that the Enemy's Armies were set forward out of Newport to ●ight the Besiegers; and that the foremost Squadrons of their Vanguard appea●'d between Furnes and Dunkirk. This Intelligence was grounded upon the Advantageous Rumours which the Spaniards caused to be spread about, of great Succours which they were preparing, and of their assurance to force the French Lines; and all this to cheer up the dejected Minds of the People. Which Reports, the Vulgar believing, had increased 'em with great Additions, according to Custom, and the Cavalry that appeared, seemed in some Measure to confirm 'em. However, the Prince being informed that the Forces of Flanders were drawing together about Newport, and desirous to know the truth of the Rumour of their March, that he might prepare for all Accidents, sent out for News, and dispatched away Orders to La Ferte Seneterre to approach with his Flying Camp. The next day the French Scouts brought word, that the Cavalry which had alarmed the Peasants and the Spies, was nothing else but a great Par●y sallied out of Newpor●, which fell upon the French Foragers, and that having taken some of 'em, they were retired again in haste. Now though this Report of Relief had spread itself among the Besiegers, yet it wrought no disturbance. There was no Alteration made in the Guard of the ●amp, which was still disposed in the same manner as if the Enemy's Army had been in view; the works a● the Trenches, and the attack of ●he Bastion went o●, and Arnaud and Marsin were advanced almost to the Foot of the Counterscarp; but with some trouble and danger; the Difficulties increasing ●s they drew nearer and nearer to the Enemy's defences. At length, La Moussay● coming in his turn, undertook to make a Lodgement. He mounted the Guard with the battalion of Swissers under Molondin, 〈…〉 ring their great 〈◊〉 which 〈…〉 fore, with extraordinary Fury; 〈…〉 who were altogether exposed by 〈…〉 workmen, ●ighting with disadva● 〈…〉 had already received two mor●●l 〈…〉 most daring of his men not will 〈…〉 but preferring de●th before igno 〈…〉 by him. The Tumult, the Night, the 〈…〉 Arms, the Gro●ns of the Wounded, 〈…〉 Combatants caused a hideous 〈…〉 the news of this disorder wa● carried 〈…〉 who immediately flew into the 〈…〉 the da●ger, and by his Pre●ence settled all 〈…〉 order again; he caused the Men to 〈◊〉 ●o t●e Works, which La Moussaye repaired 〈…〉 on with the same Courage, as he had 〈…〉 survived some days the Honour 〈…〉 ervice; but Death deprived him of all 〈…〉 ut the praises of Posterity. At 〈…〉 on the Marshal's side, the Tumult was 〈…〉 nor the Combat no less furious. For 〈…〉 carried on the Trenches, and Chan●●● 〈◊〉 possessed the place of a Fortification, 〈…〉 sieged had begun near thei● Counter 〈…〉 mounting the Guard after them, had 〈…〉 P●llisadoes, one of which looked toward t●e ●ea, the other covered the Hornwork whither the ●esi●ged were carrying on their Works. The 〈…〉 of Navarr had attacked the first, and the 〈…〉 Pic●r●y the other. Now the Spaniards 〈…〉 while they defend any strong Hold, th●● when once the Garrison is distributed to the 〈…〉 most likely to be attacked, they never change 〈◊〉 d●ring the Siege. When the Besiegers have 〈…〉 Outwork, the Men that defended it, retreat to 〈◊〉 Guard of the next Entrenchment. Now 〈…〉 had been all along opposed to the 〈…〉, from the beginning of the Sie●e. And ever since the opening of the Trenches, though always at Hand●blows with the Assailants, had defended their Outworks with Resolution and Valour. But now, tired with watching and hardship, they quitted their Pallisadoes to the Besiegers almost without any Contest. The Besiegers were Masters of 'em for some hours, and had finished their Lodgments, when Leda, bringing along with him two Companies of natural Spaniards, which he took out of Fort Leon, and animating ●he Walloons with this Succour, and his Personal Presence, made a S●lly at the head of ●em, though fruitless as to the Decision of the main Business, yet prosperous at the beginning. He regain`d the Pallis●do, with an extraordinary fury, which led to the Counterscarp of the Hornwork, and overthrew all that oppos`d him. Grave, Blancafort and Poix, Officers of the Regiment of Picardy, were wounded in sustaining the Assault, and Breaute was kill`d. The Death of the latter added to the Mournful Examples of the Misfort● ne of his Ancestors, of which the French Histories are full, and confirm`d the common opinion, that the Destiny of the Wars of Flanders, is always fatal to those of that Family. La Vieuville, Campmaster of the Regiment of Picardy, assisted Mi●ssans, under whom he mounted the Guard. He perceiving that the Soldiers gave ground, and that the Commands of the Officers were not at all regarded, and not brooking, while he liu`d that his Regiment should receive an affront, ran with some of his Men where the Conflict was hottest, and throwing himself into the thickest of the Enemy, put a stop to their Victory by his daring Boldness. His Soldiers also, spurr`d on by his danger, and his Example, returned to the Onset with so much fury, that they laid the Spaniards sprawling, and regain`d the Lodgement which Mi●ssans brought to Perfection, without any Opposition. This was the Posture of things in the Attacks of the Place. In the mean time Beck arrived at Ne●port, and joyn●d the rest of the Armies with three thousand Foot, and five and twenty Cor●●●s of Horse. He found the affairs of his Party in very great Disorder, and that there was no possibility of succouring Dunkirk. For their Spies, and the French Prisoners which they had taken had informed 'em of the strength of the Besiegers Lines, and they judged the work so complete, that they ●o●ld not without extreme rashness, undertake to force 〈◊〉. They knew the Prince who defended 'em, to be a Person accustomed to Victory, prudent in Danger, and that success attended his Wisdom. So that although their Armies consisted of above twelve thousand Men, that number was not sufficient to accomplish the Enterprise, where multitude only could overly the Valour of the Besiegers; and which is of great moment in ma●ters of War, the Reputation of the Prince had imprinted such a violent Terror in the minds of the Soldiers, that they despaired of Victory, had they been to fight him in the open Field much less to force him out of Entrenchments that were fortified and better guarded. As for their Negotiations in England, they had m●t with little success in 'em. They could obtain but a very inconsiderable supply from the Parliament, and all the Credit of their Faction, the Policy and Solicitations of their Ambassadors proud ineffectual. Not but that the English for good Reasons of State would have been glad to have crossed the French in the Conquest of Dunkirk: but more pressing considerations, and the urgency of Affairs at home restrained 'em from looking abroad, and obliged 'em to preserve their Men and Money for more pressing occasions. But that which utterly broke the design of the Spaniards was this, that the Hollanders, in expectation of a Peace, of which there were very plausible Probabilities, were preparing for some Expedition, not willing so soon to quit the Public ●ause, nor their Allies. 'Twas certainly reported also that they, were marching in haste towards Liere or Malines, and the report ran already of the taking of one of those places. Now though the danger was not so great, and for that the Hollanders marchd but very slowly, yet certain it is, they would have besieged some place or other, could they have met with any that had been unprovided for ●esistance. So that the Spaniards were as much constrained to oppose their Proceedings, as they were at the beginning of the War; and were not only deprived of the Succour of their Frontier Garrisons, but obliged to reinforce ●em with part of their Army. For which reasons those Gen●rals were no sooner met at Newport, but they were forced to separate again; which rendered all their Consultations ineffectual. For being alone they were not strong enough to repair the loss of Dunkirk, by any other considerable Conquest● and they durst not keep any longer together for fear of the Hollanders. In the midst of these Extremities, they resolved before they parted to march toward Dunkirk, as if they intended to relieve it, and to fall on a sudden upon Furnes, not despairing to take it with the same speed as the Prince had won it; and hoping by such a Conquest not only in some measure to satisfy the expectation of the People, but to incommode the French by depriving them of their Forage. With this resolution, the next day after Becks Arrival, they took a review of all their Forces, and setting forward from Newport, they Encamped at a Village called Adinkirk, and round about the Abbey of Dunes, between Furnes and the Sea, and in the Road which the Enemy were to take in their march toward the French Camp. Presently the Besiegers ●ad some thoughts that they might attack their Lines, they giving out the report themselves, on purpose to dissemble their designs and to show as if they really intended to fight the French Army. Now while the Soldiers were preparing themselves, and that in the midst of their fears of so furious an Assault, the greatest part co●ceald their sadness under an affectation of falsejoy, they sent out a party to view Furnes. But by accident, they who were sent thither, whether it were that they could not ride round the Pl●ce, or whither they satisfied themselves with seeing where it might be most easily attacked, only took a view of those parts, that had been fortifid with gratest care. So that after they had considered the Defences, being surprised to see 'em so strong they carried back word that not only Furnes co●ld not be taken by Assault, but that although they should Besiege it regularly, they found it in such a condition, that they would not warrant the Success of the Siege. Upon this news they lost all their hopes of doing any good; and Beck, never staying an● longer, marched away with seven Regiments of Foot and three of Horse, toward Demer and Neth●, to oppose the Hollanders. The rest returned to encamp near N●wport, and Dixmude, contenting themselves to save those Towns after the loss of Dunkirk. And thus all their great Preparations, and vain Ostentations vanish d into Sm●ake● On the other side, the Prince, who upon the General belief of their coming to attack him● was sallied out of his Trenches with some Cavalry to observe their Motion, finding only the footsteps of their abandoned Lodgments, returned to the Camp, and sent back La Ferte Seneterre to the Banks of the Lies, who was come as far as Berg●●●● to be at the Battle. While things were in this Posture, the Besieged spurred on by their Valour, under the leading of a most excellent Captain, and in hopes of being Succoured, every where intermixed Stratagems of War with courageous Actions, omitting nothing that might be serviceable for their Defence: they were always either in Fight, or hard at Work. They disputed their Trenches with an incredible Obstinacy. When the Besieged had carried 'em, they presently threw up others, and still opposed new Obstacles to the Besiegers Arms, and stoppd their Victory at every step they made. They surmounted the Toils of perpetual Labour and Watching, and contemned the Pain and Torments of Wounds. On the Besigers' side, a Defence so Resolute, infusing despite and shame into, the Soldiers, and Emulation & Ambition into the Officers, the French in stead of being repulsd were more incensed and encouraged by difficulty and danger. The Prince also looked upon it as an Honour, that the Siege should be signalizd with numerous and famous Achievements; and knowing how much it would redound to his Renown, with a small Army and in a few days to subdue a Town sufficiently able to stop the Career of great Armies for a long time, employed his utmost vigour to attack it, and used all his end vo●rs to hasten the taking of it. And thus Danger a●d Fury every where equally increased. After Moussaye and Miossans were relieved, Chabet who succeeded at the Attack of the Bastion, with the Regiment of Persan, and 300 ●olanders, gained the Top of the Counterscarp. The conflict was very hot; Molan●re, a Captain in Persans Regiment fell upon the spot. Malortie and du Fay●, his Companions and five Lieutenant's were wounded and the work as quitted a good while, the Pioners having betaken themselves to their Heels: but at length the Prin●● secured the Victory by his Presence, and 〈◊〉 lodgement to be finished. The Besieged on the other side diggd a Traverse on the right-hand, which would have very much annoyed the Besiegers, if Caste●●●●, who reliev●d Chab●t, had not carried it of a sudden. On the t'other side at the Attack of the Hornworks, 〈◊〉 with the Regiment of Orleans, Noirmonstier's, and three hundred Polanders gained those Traverses, from whence he drove the Enemy. Among the Dead, wa● found Bi●e, Major of the Regiments of Orleance ● and three Lieutenants wounded. Now in regard the 〈◊〉 was weaker on that side, and for that the Besieged broke ground with more diligence, they speedily 〈◊〉 themselves behind three Redoubts which they environed with Palisado's: But Roan●●te, 〈◊〉 the Guard, carried on three Sappings, and we●● on so brikly with that difficult labour, that the Besieged could not have time to fortify themselves in their new Enterprise. U●●n the 1st. of Octob. at night, Noirmonstier & Lava● mounted the two Trenches, and resolved together whatever it cost 'em, to make themselves Master of the Counterscarp. To which purpose Laval Commanded the Regiments of Eng. and Conty with some Polanders. He divided to the Right and Left the Officers & Soldiers which he resolved should begin the attack, & taking the m●ddle, with those which he had had ma●e choice of for himself, and fell on pell mell upon three Places at once. Presently there was nothing to be seen but Fire and Smoke, and the Counterscarp of the Bastion was gain'd● but when they began to cover themselves, Laval himself working hard among the Soldiers, as he was placing a Barrel, he was laid upon the Ground with a Musket Bullet that took him in the Head, and died some few days after of his Wound. His loss was generally lamented by the whole Army; and the Prince in particular was deeply sorrowful for his Death. He was a Young Gentleman of an Illustrious Family, ambitious of Honour, and capable to have advanced and vexed to the Soul to see Dunkirk lost before their Eyes, that they might omi● nothing which was to be done, resolved notwithstanding the Wind was still against ●em, to try what they could do by Sea, and by the means of several small Boats which they had got ready, knowing that the Seamen were perfectly acquainted with the Coast, to put in a considerable Succour by Water; whi●h design, if it succeeded, they were in hopes, that the bad weather, and the Inconveniencies of the Encampment would constrain the French to raise the Siege; or at least, that by ruining their Men, the taking of the City would cost 'em their Army. To this purpose, they hired 30 Beelands at Newport, which they filled with their bravest Command●rs and stoutest Soldiers, and which they set to Sea under the Conduct of their most experienced Pilots. This Fleet put to Sea in stormy weather, every Body being resolved to surmount all difficulties, partly ambitions of Honour, partly covetous of Reward, and spurred on by all those other Incitements, that usually inspire Men with Contempt of Danger. However, the Success no way answered their fruitless promises, and the joy of the Dunkirker●, tha● from the top of their Walls beheld the Beelanders coming, soon turned to sorrow. For so soon as the Spaniard● saw that they were discovered by the Hollanders, and that the Seamen perceived that Trump was preparing t● make up to 'em, whither it were that fear deprived 'em of their Judgement; or that they could not withstand the Wind and the Sea, as afterwards they said, they betook themselves to flight, and without making the least Effort to weather the Storm, they made all the speed they could to Newport, whither A●donville chasd 'em with the French Frigates. All Men, well skilled in Sea Affairs, unanimously agreed, that though many of the Beelands might have been taken or sunk, yet had they ventured, some might have escaped and got into the Place; but it had been to little purpose. For the Town was then so sorely pressed, tha● it m●st have been a very considerable Succour that could have preserved it. The Mine that had been a delving under the Horn-work a●l Night, and all the next Morning was found to be 15 F●ot deep, and there was no dou●t but the effect of it would be very great, in a place so proper as that was. By consequence the Horn-work could hold out no longer, and after the loss of t●a● Fortification, the Dunkirkers, secured only by the Walls of their old City, and being incapable of defending themselves, would be constrained to Surrender. And Fort●n● in this seconded the common Opinion, and soon reduced the Besieged to the utmost Extremity. For about two of the Clock in the Afternoon the Mine was spr●ng; and such was the violence of the Powder, that of a sudden it carried away the Earth, and the Wall ●hat were next the Mine, and le●t a great breach in one of the sides of the Hornwork. Some lazy Soldiers, surprised by the Fury of it, w●re blown up into the Air, and fell down half dismembered, overwhelmed with Stones, and wrapped up in Dust and Smoke. Presently Clanleu ordered Molondine's Swisses to the Breach, who finding it without any defen●e began a Lodgement. And they had already placed 40 Barrels, when the Besieged pouring out from behind two Traverses, where they had retired till the Mine was sprung, ●inding there was nothing more to be afraid of then the ordinary Riscoes of War, fell on desperately, and mangres all the Resistance of the Besiegers, drove 'em from the top of the Hornwork where they had entrenched themselves. The Swissers full of Indignation returned to the Charge, and continud fight a long time with dubious Fortune● At length they fell to Handy-strokes, which proved a cruel and desperate Conflict, the Besieged having been accustomed to Victory, and 〈…〉 knowing themselves lost, if they lost 〈…〉. All the while, the Smoke of the 〈…〉 from the Trenches and the Town, 〈…〉 and noise, occasioned by the Conflict, having darkend the day, and deprived the Combatants of the knowledge of one another; all of a sudden both Parties, that believ●d, being each in the same Confusion, that their Enemy had the Advantage, retreated on both sides, and left the Lodgement in the middle between 'em quite abandon'd● and this great Disorder lasted for two hours. But at length, the Sky being clear, and all things in a Calm, the Besiegers first began to recover themselves. Clanleu, then led 'em on again to the Breach, where that he might act with more security, and have his Orders executed without Confusion, he was willing they should regain the top of the Lodgement Barrel after Barrel● and step by step. And thus he spent the rest of the day, the Enemy not daring to disturb him, till Miossans relieved him, and found the Lodgement almost brought to Perfection● In this Encounter the Besiegers lost a Captain; two Lieutenants were wounded, and fifty● Soldiers either slain or disabled; the loss of the besieged being equals Nor must we omit the Death of Semur, the more to be pity●d for the oddness of the accident, and for that his Generosity proved fatal to him, while he lost his own to preserve the Life of his Friend. Belloy and he did the Duty of Sergeants of Battle, and with their Pikes in their hands sustained the fury of the Enemies Sally. They had both an Esteem for each other, and there was no less Emulation between 'em. Neither of ●em would be first that fled from danger, nor be the first that forsaken his Companion; Honour and Courage stopped ●em in the midst of Peril. In this Noble Contest, Belloy was struck down with a Stone. Semur ● never minding his own Preservation, but running to help him up again received a Musket shot in his Thig●● of which ●e died sometime after. But Belloy returned to the Fight, and the next day was in a Condition to do Service. At the same time that they so warmly engaged at this Attack, Arnauld having mounted the Guard in the New length, by a Line of Communication, joined the two Attacks to the side of the Moat. To that purpose he began after one Sapping, to pierce it; he ordered Bavins to be brought to fill up ●he Moat, he planted one piece of Canon convenient for Battery, with a Design to preserve the Trenches, which running on with less room, as they approached the Place, were the more easily shot thorough by the Canon of the Enemy's Defences, and therefore it was the more necessary to play from the Trenches to ruin 'em. Marsin relieved him, with the Regiment of Persan, and a battalion of English, and all that Night continued throwing Faggots to fill up the Moat. But in regard he found it to be very broad and deep, and that the Enemy annoyed his approaches, the Mines could not yet be set to the Bastion; which forced him to facilitate the building of the Bridge which led thither, to raise a new Battery. The same Night Miossans, with the French Guards of Gassions Brigade, made an end of Lodging himself upon the Hornwork, and carried on the Sapping to the Entrenchment, which the Enemy had already opposed against him. Some Hours before day Picolominy advanced along the Shoar to the Besiegers Fortification of Piles and Stakes, and alarmed Gassion's Quarter. For he had been told that he might that way put men into Dunkirk, a●d retreat without any danger, provided he kept his design Secret, and that he took the Advantage of the Night, and the fall of the Tide. Now though he knew that this Enterprise would not save the Place, yet he was obliged to attempt it, by reason of the Honour which, would redound to himself, either to have reinforced Dunkirk with Relief, or to have been the only Person of all the Generals in Flanders, that durst approach the Enemy's Entrenchments. To this purpose therefore, setting forward from Newport with 500 of the best Troopers in his Army, he marched all Night in ●o good Order, and with such a profound silence, and his Guides had led him so directly, that he had eluded the watchfulness of the French Scouts, and was got to the S●o●●a●e without being discovered. There was then some hopes that he might get forward with his Men● But the Besiegers Foot Guard, that kept a diligent watch, with their Arms in their hands, fired with that fury upon him, that h● was forced to retreat. S● soon as the Prince had notice of the Enemy's approach, he presently mounted, and Sallying out of the Lines, with two Regiments of Horse, marched with all the speed he could above two Leagues, but could not overtake 'em. Picolominy galloping away full speed, as judging that he should be followed, and that he could not avoid being defeated, if he gave the Prince never so little time to join him. The Prince, from this time forward, assured of the taking of Dunkirk, which only was a work of a little time, and finding he should have enough left him either to reduce Dixmuyde, or to fortify Courtray, for his Winter Quarters, if he could but oblige Leda to surrender, without prolonging his Defence to the last extremity; and being desirous to spare some few days for the refreshment of his Men, resolv●d to join Negotiation with force, and to try if he could hasten the end of the Siege by a Conference. For which purpose, he wrote to the Governor of Dunkirk, That having something to impant to him, in reference to an Affair that concerned himself, and which was of great Importance, he dis●●d leave to send a Person of Quality to him, who should farther unfold his Mind. A Drummer was sent with this Letter, and Leda at the same time returned for Answer, That he should look upon such a Conference as a very great Honour; but that being oblig`d to give an Account of his Actions to the Council of Spain, and the Gener●ls of the Low Countries, he did not judge it proper, according to the Rules of Decency, to admit a Person of Quali●y in●● hi● Garrison, without Permission first obtain`d. That it would be much better for him 〈◊〉 send ●o the Camp, and that if his Highness thought it c●●ve●ient● th●re should a Person attend him the next day to receive his Command's. The Prince having consented to this Proposal, 〈◊〉 de Veer Maj. Gen. of 〈◊〉 ●s Army, came the next da● to the Camp, about ten a Clock in the Morning. After the usual Compliments, the Prince coming close to the Matter, told him, That ●●ving always had a high Esteem for Courage whereev●● he met it, he had never omitted any opportunity to indulge it. That ●●was hi● opinion that V●r●● was to be cherish`d in an Enemy; and that i● wa● but ●ust for a Victor to be favourable to the vanquish`d, when their Actor's deseru`d it. Therefore th●t the Governou●●nd Officers who had defended Dunkirk, both deseru`d and m●●ht ex●●ct from him all manner of civil and fair Usage, provided they did not deba● themselves of the means to receive it. Tha● it was sufficient for them to have stopped him so long before a Place, which he might much ●●oner have subdu`d, had any others th●n themselves defended it. That they had already acquir`d all the Honour they could expect by the Siege● that they had given absolute Satisfaction to their Reputation; and therefore, that it was now high time for ●em to think of their security, and speedily to think of Capitulating, unless they had a mind to ruin themselves. That it behou`d 'em to consider that the Armies of Flanders not willing to hazrrd a rattle we es●parated; that the Frigates of Newport, were fled after a vain attempt; and that the most vigorous defence they could make hence forward would only delay their Destruction for some few days. However that though in this Condition they were quite out of Hopes of any Succour, yet he would be so favourable to their Prowess, as to suffer 'em to ●●rch out of Dunkirk with Honour. But if they stay`d to the last extremity they would constrain him, in despite of his own good Nature, to make use of all the severity of War. Veer seem`d to be surpriz●d at the Prince`s' Speech, & excusing himself for not returning a Reply, in regard he had no power to treat, return`d to the Town, with a promise to inform Leda, and to bring back his Answer before Night. 〈…〉 there were two Conjunctures 164●. 〈…〉 to 〈◊〉 the Surrender of the 〈…〉 it was that Expe●ience showed them, 〈…〉 to be in●●us●ed with the Nego 〈…〉 from fea● and 〈…〉 ha● 〈◊〉 formerly a 〈◊〉 〈…〉 taken at the Battle where 〈…〉 y Ma●●●al Gu●breant, and had 〈…〉 of his Parole. For 〈…〉 afraid of falling again into their 〈…〉 would have done any thing, rather 〈…〉 second time Prisoner to Fr●nce. 〈…〉 he was in Dunkirk with five Re 〈…〉 Artillery of L●mboy's Army, and 〈…〉 that i● he lost those Men, and his 〈…〉 and Fortune of his General, upon 〈…〉 depended, would very much decays 〈…〉 means agree to such a loss. Nor was 〈…〉 to sacrifice his particular Interest to the 〈…〉. So that he returned with a resolu 〈…〉 utmost endeavours in persuading th● 〈…〉 a Surrender. 〈…〉 were not concealed from the Prince; 〈…〉 he had discovered the Trouble and 〈…〉 that Ve●re was in, and penetrated the 〈…〉 to augment his Fears, to the end 〈…〉 the more confirm him in his thoughts of a 〈…〉 To this purpose he made choice of 〈…〉 under colour of waiting upon Veer 〈…〉 ordered him to accompany him to the 〈…〉 entrance into the City. Pall●au had natural 〈…〉; and being a Person of a jocund 〈…〉 Conversation, he gets ground upon all 〈…〉 hom he converses, his Tongue being no les● persuasive, then voluble. Therefore having discour 〈…〉 b● the way, of the extremity to which the 〈…〉 was reduced, the weakness of their Party, the Clemency o● the Prince, and ●he steadfastness of his Resolution, as also of the Misfortune into which the Governor of Dunkirk might precipitate himself; so soon as he began to find him wavering, he fell insensibly to talk of Lamboy's men, and the hardships of Imprisonment; and feigning to be concerned out of a Principle of Honour and Generosity, in the Misfortunes that threatened him, he managed his discourse so dexterously, that he never left him, till he judged him absolutely resolved to solicit a Surrender. With such a rapidness is the mind of man transported with the impressions of fear; and so true it is, that Reason serves only to augment the belief of Danger, when a man is once dismayed with the terror of it. Being entered the Place, he found Leda perusing Letters which the Spanish Generals had sent him by a Frigate from Newport, which had stole into the Harbour in the night time, the Wind and Tide favouring him. Those Letters were stuffed with high Encomiums of his Prowess, and with great Promises encouraged him to hold out some few days longer. And he seemed willing to prepare himself for it; flattering himself with an Opinion, that he should do the King of Spain a great piece of service; and with hopes, that the Generals would not fail of their Promises. But after Veer had made it out to him, That they did but delude him, That there was nothing to be expected from the inability of Spain; That all the Defence he could make, would be to little purpose; That it would but exasperate the Prince; and that it behoved him to prepare for a long Imprisonment in an Enemy's Country, if he refused to capitulate. These Considerations, together with one more, which was the chiefest; and that was, that he might preserve an Army for the defence of his Partyy, by preserving his Garrison composed of a great number of Officers, the loss of which would not be easily repaired, in the miserable condition to which Poverty and long Wars had reduced Military Discipline; all these Reasons, I say, bowed his haughty mind, and made him resolve upon a Capitulation. And being thus determined, he sent back Veer to capitulate, with express Orders to gain as much time as he could, in expectation of being succoured by the Spaniards: Being desirous to do that honour to the Arms of the King his Master, though he expected nothing from them; and the better to justify his surrendering the place, by the more sufficient Testimony of their Disability. He also wrote at the same time to the Generals, of his intended Capitulation, and informed them of the Reasons which obliged him to it. Among other things, That he was unwilling, when it could not be any advantage or honour to them, for five or six days holding out longer, to venture his being made a Prisoner of War in his old Age, and when he was almost worn out in the King's Service; nevertheless, That if they could be certain to relieve him within ten or twelve days, he would do his utmost till that time: otherwise that it would be but a fruitless waste of time and good Soldiers. But this last point of relieving the Place was more difficult to execute, than promise. For on the Marshal's side, Sicot, with the Regiments of Orleans and Noirmonster, had driven the Enemy from their last Entrenchment upon the Hornwork; so that there remained no more than to carry on their Approaches to the side of the Moat of the Old Town. In the attack of the Bastion also, where Vignaut, Sergeant of Battle, was killed, the greatest Difficulties were surmounted. Moussaye, who led the Regiments of Anguien and Tabert, and a Battalion of English, had finished the Bridge of Faggots, and was raedy to set the Miners to work. So that the Promises made to the Governor, had more of noise then solidity; more of show than truth. Towards night therefore Veer returned with a power to capitulate; and immediately the Duke gave order to Balluaw, and Arnaud, men of understanding, and long experience in War, to treat with him. After some Contests and Disputes, at length the Articles of Composition were agreed, whereby among other usual things it was concluded, That all the Marks of Honour should be allowed the Governor and the Soldiers; That Lamboy's Regiments should march out with their Artillery; That the Spanish Armies should have three days time to succour Dunkirk; which if they did not do by that time, the Town should be surrendered to the Prince. This Capitulation was forthwith signed by the Prince, and the Governor. At the same time also Hostages were delivered by the Garrison, by Lamboy's Regiments, and the Townsmen: and so without any more ado, Veer departed for Nieuport, where he was in hopes to meet the Governor. That night the French Officers that were upon the Guard, went on with their Approachest In the Marshal's Attack, Roanette, with the Swiss Guards, and Bournonvil●es Walloons carried on the Approaches even with the superficies of the Water of the Moat of the Old Town. In the other Attack, Chabot, with the Regiments of Cont● and Albret, with a Battalion of Polanders, retook some Traverses, whither the Enemy were returned. But Fortune usually crossing Felicity, at the very instant that the assurance of the Capitulation seemed to warrant that all the danger was over, and that the Besiegers were ready to reap the Fruit of their Victory; and that Chabot, having given his last Directions, was repassing the Bridge in order to retire, he was struck in the Head with some pieces of a Granado, and died of his Wound in a few days after. This Accident was the occasion of no small grief to the Prince, who had always ranked him in the number of his most familiar Friends. As for his part, he showed a great Resolution at his death; no way daunted at the expectation of it, and contemning i● when it came. In the mean time Truces were made, and all the Approaches were strongly guarded, till Veer returned, that nothing might be attempted afresh. Two days after he returned no ways deceived in the success of his Journey, from which there was nothing to be hoped for, and which he had undertaken only to keep up the Reputation of his Party, and to admonish his Generals to provide for all those Places, upon which the Prince is most likely to turn his Victorious Arms after the Surrender of Dunkirk. And now the time for relieving the Town being just ready to expire, in the evening of the third day Veer delivered up into the Prince's hands all the New Town; and Miossans, who then commanded in his turn, entered the Place with two Squadrons of Horse, and six hundred Foot taken out of the Battalions of French Guards, and the Swissers of Gassions Brigade. Which done, he marched to take possession of Ni●uport Gate of the Old Town. 'Tis true, that Governor made some scruple of yielding up the Gate: but at last, being obliged to it by his Capitulation, the Soldiers became Masters of it, and there stood all the night under their Arms, within a Pikes length of the Enemy. The next day, being the 11th of October, the Garrison began to march forth about Eight of the Clock in the Morning. The Prince also, not so much out of ostentation, as to prevent Disorders, and to see Leda, for whom he had a high esteem, placed himself upon the way through which they were to pass. A hundred and fifty Horse appeared first of all, be-being followed by Lamboy's five Regiments; after which came the Baggage, and then the Artillery belonging to the Germans, and two Pieces of the City Cannon, according to the Articles; the Spanish Infantry marched after the Great Guns, and a hundred and fifty Horse brought up the Rear. Leda came last, mounted upon a good Horse, and accompanied with the Principal Officers. So soon as he perceived the Prince, he alighted, and accosted Him with a profound Respect. On the other side, The Prince, who was also alighted from his Horse, so soon as the Governor came pretty near him, received him very civilly. After the first Compliments, and a great number of Reciprocal Encomiums, as the Governor was ready to retire, the Prince stopped him, and invited him to stay and see the Garrison which he intended to put into Dunkirk. Presently Norssmonstier, who had the leading of 'em, advanced at the head of the Battalions of French Guards of Ranza●'s Brigade, the Regiments of Piedmont and Orleans, Molonden's Swissers, and Cabree's Polonians. These Bodies marched one after another, and with the Foot that entered the day before, made two thousand four hundred men, of the stoutest in the Army. While they marched along, and that the Prince was discoursing with the Governor, the latter comparing to himself the Fortune of the Siege of Maestricht with his present Condition, and the great Qualities of two famous Captains that had vanquished him, could not choose but admire the Prince. Puissant Armies, abundance of all things, length of time, had rendered Frederick Henry of Nassau Victorious. But here the Prince, with a slender Army, pinched for want of Necessaries, in a short time had by his Prudence and Courage within thirty days accomplished what the Hollanders were three Months bringing to pass. The Garrison being marched by, Leda took his leave of the Prince, who ordered him the Queen's Gens d' Arms, commanded by Franquerot, to conduct him to Nieuport, and then made his Entry into Dunkirk. He found in the Magazines a good quantity of Powder, Match, Bullets, Arms, Corn, Forage, and other sorts of Provision and Ammunition. Upon the Fortifications several Pieces of Brass Cannon, and a great number of Iron Pieces; and in the Port, two great Vessels, three Flutes, and thirteen Frigates, or rather Privateers, which kept the Western Seas of France in a shameful subjection: it being easy by all this to see, that the Besieged had store of all things necessary for their Defence, and that Valour only had tamed them. Thus ended the Siege of Dunkirk, at a time when all E●rope had their Eyes fixed upon the Prince. But among so many Nations that beheld with astonishment the Wonders of his Life, there was none but acknowledged that his Fortune was beneath his Virtue, and his Prowess. The End of the Second Book. Memoirs, etc. The THIRD BOOK. THE Siege of Dunkirk was no sooner at an end, What the Prince did after the Siege of Dunkirk. but the Duke took a Resolution to besiege Menene. Nevertheless, considering that the Season was too far spent to undertake that Conquest, he only sent Gassion with his Army toward the Abbey of Lenzi, to see whether some Attempt might not be made upon Dixmude, of which he had a Design to make himself Master, to the end he might in those Quarters refresh some part of his men: But that Enterprise not appearing feasible, he set forward and encamped at Hondescott, by reason of the abundance of Forage, after he had set his men at work, to repair as well as they could the Breaches of Dunkirk, and strengthened that Place with Men and Ammunition sufficient, and put in two Convoys into Courtray; one of which he conducted himself through a Thousand Dangers. After which, having received Orders to lay up his Men in their Winter Quarters, he distributed his Forces according to his Orders; leading himself into Champaign that part of the Army which he commanded in Person, before he joined the Duke of Orleans. The Government of Dunkirk was joined to that of Berguen, as well for that Dunkirk belongs to the Castellame of Berguen, as because that time out of mind, they who commanded in the las● place, were always Masters of the Sluice that lies at the Gates of Dunkirk, and is that through which they let in the Sea, to drown all the Country when they please. And these two Governments were conferred upon Marshal Ranzau, which equally surprised all people; in regard that no body questioned but that the Court would have cast their eyes upon Marshal de Gassion, who had so highly signalised himself in the Siege of that place, and who had moreover those Personal Qualities which Ranzau wanted. But this was not the only vexation that mortified Gassion after the Siege of Dunkirk; for out of a Capricio of his unlucky star, he would needs embroil himself with the Duke of Enguien, who had a great value for him, and had procured him a Marshal's Battoon, in despite of Cardinal Mazarine, who had no kindness for him. This happened a little before the Armies separated, and upon this occasion. Gassion had taken with his own hand, during the Siege, Gassion quarrels with the Prince. an Officer, one of Lamboy's Battel-Marshals, whom the Duke had promised to restore to his Colonel; and the thing had been done as the Duke desired; but it was Gassion's Fate to embroil himself at that very instant, with a Prince who till then had been his Protector, and upon whose Affection depended his Good or Bad Fortune. For in regard the Prisoner had his Liberty upon his Parole, the Captain of the Guards could not meet with him time enough to present him to his Colonel so soon as he desired. Upon which, the Colonel meeting Gassion presently a●ter, gave him some hard words, and Gassion, without question, gave him as good as he brought. But however it were, the Officer complained to the Duke, That Gassion took no notice of his Orders, and ●e●used to release his Prisoner. It may be easily imagined, how this wrought with the Duke of Engnien, who was naturally proud and haughty; nor could he therefore ●estrain his Choler; so that the Marshal coming presently after to wait upon him at his Lodging, he fiercely told him, That he would make him obey his Orders as well as the meanest Soldier in the Army. The Marshal, who expected nothing less, was strangely surprised: However, he did not appear to be much concerned, in hopes he might have been permitted immediately to have justified himself, as it had been easy for him to do. But the Duke would no● suffer him to clear his Innocency: He turned his back upon him with an ●●gry scorn, and would not hearken to any of his Excuses: So that the Marshal was fain to depart the Chamber, after a profound Reverence, not being able to obtain leave to speak so much ●s one word for himself. No question but the Duke was afterwards better informed of what had passed between the Marshal and the Colonel. But however it were, the Prince found that he had treated too imperiously a Marshal of France, and a Person signally accomplished; and ou● of a Generosity, the more worthy of praise, because it was voluntary, he would needs give the Marshal a Visit some days after, to make amends for the Heats of his Passion. He talked to him at first concerning ● Convoy, and some other Affairs, yet all the while affected an obliging Discourse, wherein he inte●nix'd some hints which were in a manner some sort of Excuses. But the Marshal vexed to the Soul, and therefore making no Answer to the Duke's familiar Civilities but with some certain cold Compliments, the Duke resuming his former Haughtiness, told him, That he in vain pretended to set up for a great Captain, and one that the Kingdom stood in need of● and that he would have him to know, that he looked upon him to be no better than a hairbrained Corporal, and one whose Service he could easily be without. After which, he flung out of door, not without letting fall some Threatening Expressions as he went. From which time forward, the Duke ceased to be his Friend, and sat heavy upon his skirts. The D. of Breze slain. In the Month of May, the Duke of Breze, Admiral of France, and Governor of Brovage, and other places, had laid Siege to Orbitello, which he attacked by Sea and Land: But a Month after the Siege was laid, the Spanish Fleet, commanded by Pementel, much stronger than the French, appeared with a design to succour the Besieged; at what time both Fleets met, and there happened an Engagement which lasted three days; wherein, to say truth, the French had the Advantage, but the Admiral was slain with a Cannon Shot. Great Solicitations for the D. of Breze's Employments for the D. of Enguien. The Prince of Conde used all his endeavous to obtain the Duke of Breze's Employments for his Son the Duke of Enguien; and his Demand was but reasonable; for the Duke of Enguien being Brother-in-Law to the Duke of Breze, pretended to them of course: But his Merit did an injury to his Claim; so many famous Achievements, and the Reputation he had acquired, to be one of the greatest Captains of his Time, rendered him suspected to the Court, or rather to Cardinal Mazarine. The Prince of Conde, his Father, the most Politic Courtier in the Kingdom, le●t nothing omitted either with the Queen or his Eminency, to bring about his Design. However, Cardinal Mazarine having some reason to dread the Consequences that might attend this Refusal, he thought it requisite to assure himself of some Persons in the Army that had both Wit and Courage, who in case of necessity might be able to sustain the King's Authority among the Soldiers, against the Credit of the Incensed Prince. To which purpose he cast his eye upon Marshal de Gassion, whom he caused to be buzzed in the ear with a thousand false stories to engage him to his Party. Nor was this all; he caused the Abbot de la Riviere, one of the Duke of Orleans' Favourites, a man fit for any mischief, to act his part; who to augment the Duke's Hatred of Gassion, protested to him with an Oath, that Gassion had taken upon him, without any scruple, the Execution of an Order against his Person; and that he had boasted how sedulously he would see it performed. Now though the Duke of Enguien very much contemned the Abbot de la Raviera, The Prince leagues himself with the D. of Or●leance. yet he gave credit to his words; and finding himself in such a conjuncture wherein he was absolutely necessary for his purpose, because he had an ascendant over his Master, and knew all the Secrets of the Court, he made a show of having so great a veneration for his Counsels, that the Abbot promised him to be entirely devoted to his Interests. Now the Duke of Enguien at that time had fastened a most strict Tie of Friendship with the Duke of Orleans. But such a Union could never last long, without the Cement and Communication of a Favourite; so that 'twas necessary for the Duke, notwithstanding his scorn of the Abbot, to enter into a Correspondency with him, and to show him some outward Marks of his Good Will and Esteem, of which he thought him otherwise altogether unworthy. However, the Abbot betrayed him, for that Cardina● Mazarine soothed him up with the hopes of a Cardinal's Cap. Thus the Prince was ●ain to be treacherous to his own sentiments, and to set all Engines imaginable at work, but all in vain; for it was impossible for him to obtain the Duke of Breze's Employments. About the same time also his Father the Prince of Conde died; The Pr. of Conde, the Father, dies. that is to say, upon the 26 th'. of December. But the Cardinal, The Pr. of Conde has the Command of the Army. who mistrusted the Union of the Duke o● Orleans and the Duke of Enguien, found the way quickly to part them asunder again: He caused the Duke of Orleans to be called home, and left the Prince of Conde with the Army (for now we must no longer call him the Duke of Enguien); and because the Prince should have no reason to complain of him, he caused the sole Command of the Army to be conferred upon him. The Prince saw well enough, that the Cardinal played him soul play; but in regard there was no remedy, and for that he preferred Honour before Riches, he forgot the refusal of the Employments he desired, and gladly accepted the Command of the Army. Nevertheless, after the Death of the Prince his Father, The Pr● succeeds in his Father's Employments. he took possession of the High Stewardship of the King's Household, as also of the Governments of Burgundy, Bresse, Berry, and some other places; which he gave the Court to understand that he desired. How much disgusted soever the Prince of Conde was against the Cardinal and the Court, yet certain it was, that his Generosity, and the Respect which he bore to the Queen, had obliged him to dissemble it; but his presence still alarmed both the Queen and the Cardinal: 'Twas concluded therefore, that he should be removed from the Court; who taking advantage of the conjuncture of Affairs in Catalonia, which were in some disorder, by reason that the Valour of the Count of Harcour● had met with a Rub, he was sent into that Country under the Character of a Viceroy, and departed in April, 1647. 1647. The Pr. of Conde goes to command the Army in Catalonia. The City of Bar●elona was so overjoyed that the Prince of Conde was come to Command the King's Army in that Province, that the Magistrates made a Present of a Chain of Gold to the person that brought them the News. As for the Prince himself, he was no sooner arrived in Catalonia, but he laid Siege to Lerida ● He besieges Lerida, and raises the Siege. but he could not carry the place, which the year before had stopped the Count of Harcourt: He gave Assault upon Assault; but foreseeing that Enterprise would cost him too much● Time, and too many Men, he quitted it. In short, the Garrison of L●rida was extremely strong; and the Spaniards had an Army of Twelve thousand men not far from the place; and the Forces which he commanded were nothing near so numerous. Moreover Lerida had for some time put a stop to that Rapidness with which he was wont to carry all that stood before him. But this was only a disadvantage in appearance, and the raising of the Siege was not only honourable but beneficial to France. He made it manifest at that time, that his Head and his Heart acted by Concert; for by that means he preserved an Army, with which he made considerable Expeditions the same year; for the 6th. of October he laid Siege to the City and Castle of Ager, He besieges and takes the City and Castle of Ager. upon the Frontiers of Arragon; immediately he caused the Trench to be carried on, and advanced his Approaches so far in three nights, that a part of his men lodged themselves upon the side of the Moat of the Castle, where he raised two Batteries, in the mean time he fortified all the Fords of the Rivers, and Passages of the Mountains, to hinder the Spanish Army from relieving the place. The 9 th'. the Cannon having made a convenient Breach, he gave so vigorous, an Assault, that the City and Castle were both taken. This Conquest was very considerable; for besides that the Situation of the City and Castle were very advantageous, it secured Ballaguier, and facilitated an Entrance into Arragon. But this was not all● while the French were busied in this Siege, the Spaniards attacked Constantia; but they could not make themselves Masters of it, notwithstanding the vigorous Onsets which they made: The Prince enforced them twice to raise the Siege of that place, and constrained their Army to shelter themselves under the Walls of Lerida, after he had defeated above Fifteen hundred of their Men, and taken a good part of their Baggage and Cannon. At this time France made a Peace with the Empire; but it was absolutely impossible to agree with Spain, notwithstanding all the endeavours of the Duke of Longuevill●, and the rest of the Plenipotentiaries which the Court sent to Munster; and the Continuation of the War● exposed the Kingdom to excessive Expenses; so that for supplying the Charges, the Court was constrained to set forth several Edicts for the raising of Money. The Original of the Troubles in France. And those were the Edicts which were carried to the Parliament, who opposed their Verification, and which were the first occasion of the people's Discontents, the cause of the Alienation of their Affections; and were the grounds of the first Motions of that Civil War which all the world has heard of● and which had like to have ruined France, during the Minority of Lewis XIV. 1648. We shall not here give a particular Account of it; we shall only tell you, That those Edicts which were suggested by Mazarine, being laid to heart by the Sovereign Courts, the Third Estate, and the people, the Chamber of Accounts of the Court of Aids, united together, to try whether they could by their Unanimity prevent Cardinal Mazarine from overwhelming the Kingdom. This Union, by which the Sovereign Courts went about to enable themselves to balance the Royal Authority, or rather the Power of the Cardinal, could not but be ungrateful to the Court, which was governed by that Minister; and therefore by a Declaration of the King's, those Societies were ●orbid to assemble, but apart by themselves; and the King himself delivered the Declaration; and the Awe which the King's Presence imprinted in the Parliament, procured the Verification of the Declaration. But this did no way hinder the Parliament from reserving to themselves the Power of Examining it. In short, the next day there happened a great Dispute among the Members of the Parliaments Some there were who maintained, That in regard the Declaration prohibited their Meetings, they were blindly to obey it, because it was the King 〈…〉 Others upheld the contrary, That the 〈…〉 not hinder their meeting in such a 〈…〉 ey had done, in regard they only met 〈…〉 good of the State. To which they added, 〈…〉 ook his advantage of the King's Mi●o●i●●, and made it his business, while the Sun 〈◊〉 to enrich himself at the Expense of the Kingd●●●● This division of Opinions exasperated their 〈◊〉 and every one supported his Party with so 〈◊〉 heat, that from that dispute it was, that the Ni●● n●●es of Mazarinians and Frondeurs or Slingers, 〈◊〉 their Original. They that would have the D●cla●ation l●terally obeyed, were called Mazarinians; and they that were of a contrary judgement, were called Fro●deu●s. In the midst of these Transactions, the Spaniards, who were not ignorant of what passed in France, were willing to make the best advantage of these Disorders. 〈◊〉 duke Leopold, Governor of the Low-Countries, and Generalissimo of the Spanish Armies in those Quarter's, waited only for the Spring to take the Field; and knowing that the French had taken up their Winter-Quarters far from Cou●tray, he laid a design to besiege that place. Beck, and the Governor of Oudenard, undertook that Expedition● But Pal●●● having forced their Lines, obliged 'em to 〈◊〉, though they had already gained one of the Halfmoons. But the Court desirous to oppose a good General against the Archduke, cast their eyes upon the Prince of Conde. Upon which he set forward for Flanders ● and so soon as the season would permit him to take the Field, he resolved to ●ay Siege to Ypres. The Pr. of Conde besieges Ypres. It was a hold Attempt, in regard that Town being in the midst of Flanders, might easily be relieved; besides, that the Spanish Army was very numerous. But ●ll these Considerations could not stop him: His 〈◊〉 and his good● Fortune made him look upon all Erterprises to be easy. The Forces also that lay toward the Sea, had Orders to join him, under the Command of Marshal Ranzau. Moreover, he detached Four Regiments of Infantry, who laid a Bridge over the River of Ypres; and the 17 th'. of May the Place was invested. Now in regard the City of Ypre is of a large Extent, he resolved that it should be attacked in four parts. Grammont posted himself next to Armentiers and Varnetin; the Roads and Avenues from Air and St. Omers, were stopped up by Ranzau; those from Dixmude and Bruges by Palluau; and the Prince of Conde took his Post upon the Avenues from Menene. The Circumvallation was three large Leagues in compass. Now while the French were busied in making their Entrenchments, the Archduke attempted to force their Lines: But in regard the Circumvallation was finished, and for that the Besiegers had almost made three Lodgments, he was forced to retire. The Spaniards take Courtray, while Ypre is besieging. The Spanish General therefore, vexed that he had failed of his Enterprise with an Army so considerable, and being desirous besides to repair the Loss which they were like to make, immediately laid siege to Courtray, and took it by Assault. After that, he besieged the Castle, where there was a Dam or Water-stop made of Piles, which joined to the Ramparts of the City; and having drained the Moat, they presently fell on; and the Soldiers that kept the Citadel being only raw Recruits, refusing to make any great Resistance, were all made Prisoners of War, together with all the Officers. Ypre surrendered presently a●ter, Ypre taken. not having held out above thirteen days. The Queen had promised to give the Government of Ypre to Chatillon; and a King's Lieutenant was already made choice of, to Command in the absence of the Governor. But when the Prince lest expected any such thing, a Courier brought him a Letter from the Queen, wherein she signified her trouble that she could not g●ant the Government of the place to the person for whom he had solicited, and to whom she had promised it; because she was obliged to give it to Pal●uau, in regard that Courtray had not been lost by his fault. This News surprised the Prince; so that there being no body in the room when he received the Letter, but Grammont and another Officer, he fell into a most terrible Fury, and inveighed with an extraordinary Passion against Mazarine; but Prudence made him conceal some part of his Resentment. The Archduke not satisfied with the taking of Courtray, The Spaniards take Furnes. resolved to attack Le Catelet, and to invest Peronne; but these two Erterprises failed; however having laid siege to Furnes, he carried the Town, and also the Castle of Eterre. Three weeks after the Spaniards had taken Furnes, The Pr. retakes it. and that the Forces which lay round that place were drawn off, the Prince of Conde resolved to retake it; and to that purpose he ordered Marshal Ranza● to besiege it. The season was so far spent, that he made some scruple to undertake it; but receiving a second Order, he obeyed it; upon which, the Place was immediately Invested. Thither also the Prince advanced from Le Catelet; and going to the Trenches so soon as he arrived, he received a Musket-Shot in his Thigh, and had it not been for the folding of his Buffcoat, which was made at the end of the slit behind, his Thigh had been broken, and he had been in great danger. The same day the Town surrendered, and all the Officers and Soldiers were made Hostages of War, to be exchanged for the Prisoners which the Spaniards had taken during the last Campaign. The Prince, whose Wound was not very considerable, returned, and carried back the men which he brought along with him; and some time after was fought the Battle of Lens, famous for every thing for which a Victory could be valued. Lens is a City in Antois, which Gassion had taken in the last Campaign, and was the last Expedition which that great Captain made; for that having been wounded at that Siege with a Musket-Bullet in the Head● he died of his Wound the next day. The Battle of Lens. The Spaniards lay before that Place, and pushed on the Siege with extraordinary Vigour. On the other side, the Prince of Conde, to whom nothing appeared difficult, resolved to force their Lines, and venture a Battle to relieve the Place; however, he would not rashly engage himself. He stayed therefore till General Herlack joined him with the Forces under his Command; but so soon as that Reinforcement arrived, he was forthwith for fight the Enemy. Now in regard the Place was able to have held out for some time, he flattered himself that he should come time enough to succour it; but the day before he set forward, the Town surrendered. This unexpected News caused him to alter his Measures; so that he took some time to consider what Enterprise to undertake. But at length perceiving that the Spaniards were posted much more advantageously than he himself by his own observation had thought 'em to be; and besides, that there was no Water where he lay with his Men, nor any Forage but in the parts that lay next the Enemy, he resolved to quit his Station. Therefore, that he might retreat in good order, and in a condition to defend himself, if the Enemy should attack him, he had a Body of a Reserve which he made his Vanguard, and immediately commanded to march. He drew up all his Cavalry in two Lines, and ordered the second to follow the Reserve. The Infantry was placed behind this second Line, having all the Artillery of the Army before it. The Spaniards perceived this Retreat; but at first they never stirred to attack either the Reserve, or the second Line, or the Artillery; which made the Prince believe they would not stir at all. However, after these Forces were advanced at a good distance off, some Regiments of Croa●es and Lorrainers, that comp●●'d the Left-Wing of the Archduke's A●my, bega● to fall upon the first Line of the French with an extraordinary Fury; and the Troops of that Line sustained the first shocks of the Enem● with much Bravery; but at length the Spaniards briskly broke into their Body; so that finding themselves unable to fight with any Order, they had been entirely defeated, i● Cha●ellon with the gendarmery which he commanded, had not hastened to their Succour. He presently and all of a sudden thundered in among those great Squadrons of Croates and Lorrainers; and without giving them time to recollect themselves, drove 'em so vigorously before him, that if those Troops, as victorious as they thought themselves, had not been seconded by all the Archduke's Cavalry, they had been cut in pieces; so that it may be said, That the French G●ndarmerie wrested the Victory out of the Spaniards hands. But it being impossible that they should withstand all the Enemy's Cavalry, they were at length forced to give way. And they were no soon●● broken, but eight Squadrons, which were advantageously posted to second 'em, forsook their Ground, and betook themselves to a shameful Flight. The Prince, who was not accustomed to see the me● that fought under him recoil before the Enemy, was extremely surprised at the Cowardice of his Ho●se. But in regard there was no remedy, and that there were now but two things to be done, either to rou● the Spanish Army, or make an Honourable retreat, he advanced, without losing time, to the Body which Grammont commanded; and calling the principal Officers of the Army together, to consult what course to take, it was resolved that they would fight the Enemy, and whatever hazard they ran, not to quit their Resolution. This being concluded, the Prince told 'em, with a sedate Countenance. That there was no way but either to Vanquish, or Dye, and then began to encourage his men. Never General showed so great a Resolution as did the Prince at that time; yet through the midst of this Heroic Resolution, and Undaunted Bravery, you might discern a Sedateness of Mind, and a Contempt of Danger, which is the Character of a Hero. He never appeared less concerned, though perhaps he had never been more provoked. He gave out all his Orders, and had so well ranged his men for the Combat, that he openly declared, He would get the day, were he but never so little seconded. This Great Prince, who never appeared so great, as when the Greatest Dangers threatened him, took upon himself the Command of the Right Wing● The First Line of which Wing, consisting of Nine Squadrons, was commanded by Villequier, Lieutenant-General. The Second, composed of Eight, by Normoutier; and Beaujeu had Orders to lead on the Cavalry. The Left Wing was led by Grammont ● and the First Line of that Wing, consisting of Nine Squadrons, was commanded by Seneterre, Lieutenant-General; the Second, composed only of Seven, was led on by du Plessis Belliere; and St. Maigrin performed the Duty of Camp Marshal to the First of these Lines. As for the Main Battle, which consisted of Ten Battalions, it was commanded by Chatillon; and Five Squadrons, which made the Body of the Reserve, were under Herlack's Orders; and Coss● had the Charge of the Artillery. All things being thus disposed, the Prince road through all the Lines, encouraging the Soldiers to Fight; he put 'em in mind of their Victories at Rocr●y and Norlinguen. He told 'em, He would be the first that would engage in the greatest Dangers; and that they needed no more than follow his Example: And after he had laid before 'em the Honour which the French Nation would acquire if they won the day, he prepared to give the Signal of Battle; but a certain Movement of the Spaniards stopped him. For he perceived that the Spanish Cavalry opened, instead of Advancing; and believing there was some Mystery in it, he kept his Ground, that he might discover the meaning of that Movement; of which he was soon informed by his sight; for he saw the void spaces between the Horse filled up with Foot● which made him easily conjecture, that it was the Main Battle, which he understood the Duke had designed to Command, believing the Victory sure. The Design of the Spanish Army was no sooner known, but the Prince took his Measures accordingly: He ordered Cosse to march with the Cannon, and play upon the Enemy; and at the same time that the Artillery played, the Squadrons and Battalions advanced with such an undaunted Courage as astonished the Enemy. The Count de la Sala, who was at the Head of the First Line of the Spanish Left Wing, advanced with a singular Bravery, and gave the Enemy a dreadful Volley of Pistol Shot. The French never fired at all, but so soon as de la Sala had made his last discharge, they fell on with their Swords upon the Squadron which was before 'em, with so much Resolution, being seconded by some other Troops of the same Wing● that they quite disordered the first Line of the Enemy's Army. Which the Archduke beholding, ordered the second Line to advance, and then both Lines being joined, the Combat began to be very bloody. But the Spanish Troops being superior to the Prince's, Villequier and Moussay were beaten and taken Prisoners. But then Noirmoutier advancing in the nick of time, drove the two Spanish Lines be●ore him with such an undaunted Force, that he soon deprived 'em of the Honour which they had like to have got, and which seemed to portend 'em the Victory. On the other side, the Prince, who was every where, having rallied the Troops that gave way, sent 'em again to fight afresh. And those Troops, though half terrified, flew upon the Enemy's Lines with so much Fury and Courage, that the Spanish Cavalry began to totter. But being vigorously seconded by their Reserve, the two Lines that were almost broken, took Courage, and returned once more to the Charge. At what time Herlack appeared at the Head of the Dutch Squadrons, and fell upon the Lorainers with such an impetuous Violence, that not being able to withstand the shock, they betook themselves to their Heels, and carried all the rest along with them. Grammont, who commanded the Left Wing of the French, and Bucquoy who led the Right Wing of ●he Spaniards, had not yet struck a Blow. But then they began to engage, and fought with equal advantage for some time; but at length Fortune declared in favour of Grammont. At the same time Beck and Chatillon led the two Main Bodies of the Foot; and though the Victory was a great while very dubious, yet the Prince relying upon the Measures he had taken, and the Stoutness of his Men, made no question of winning the Battle. However, in regard Beck's Regiments were supported by a strong Body of Horse, they made the French give ground. But the gendarmery, no less active at the end then at the beginning, seconded the Foot so well, that they rallied again, resumed fresh Courage, and then both sides fought with more obstinacy than before, for three hours together, at what time the Prince obtained the Victory. The Spanish Army was so numerous, and had so advantageously posted themselves, that the French were somewhat out of heart at the beginning of the Battle; but being encouraged by the Presence of their General, there was no Obstacle, no Hardship which they did not surmount, no Danger which they did not willingly meet to purchase the Honour of the D●y● The Prince himself outbraved the Enemy's fi●in● like the meanest Soldier, and exposed himself so frequently, The Pr. wounded. th●t he was at length hit with a Musket ●●●let upon the Reins; but the Bullet meeting with the resistance of his Buffcoat, he was discharged 〈…〉 small Contusion only. Of the French Army not ●bo●e si● hundred were slain, and twelve hundred t●ken Prisoners, and wounded: whereas the Spa●i●rd●, besides the loss of their Cannon and Baggage, had above eight thousand killed, and above fifteen hund●ed taken Prisoners, among whom was General Beck, the Prince of Ligny, and the Count of St. Amour, General of the Artillery. The Duke of Chatillon, who had signalised himself in the Battle, was made choice of by the Prince to carry the Tidings of so great a Victory to Court; where so considerable a Success was looked upon as a Testimony of Celestial Favour, for which all the People showed a more than ordinary Joy: And for which Te D●●m was sung in the Church of Nostre Dame in Paris ● where their Majesties were present, as well as 〈◊〉 Sovereign Societies, and the Corporations of the City. And to the end, that from this Success they might not only reap considerable Advantages over the Enemy without, but over those whom the King's Council looked upon as Enemies within the Kingdom; the C●uncil● were of Opinion, That it behoved 'em to mak● use of this favourable Opportunity, which 〈◊〉 C●r●mony of Te Deum presented them, to seize upon some of the Principal Members of the Parliament, who had started those Paradoxes which no way pleased the Court, and were followed by the whole Cabal of ●he Slingers. So that upon the very day that Te Deum was sung, several Companies of the Regiment of Guards being posted in several Quarters of the City. M. de Broussel was seized, Monsieur de Broussel seized. against whom the Court had a particular Peek, as being the Head of the Slingers. He was a Councillor of the Great Chamber; a Person of ancient Integrity, but of no great Capacity. He had been all along a great hater of Favourites, and was much reverenced by the People, who called him their Father. Now although he run a great hazard that seized him, by reason of the singular affection which the People bore him● yet M. de Cominges undertook to do it, and performed what he undertook. He seized him while the Companies of Guards were drawn up in a row in the Streets; so that M. de Broussel, together with M. de Blancmesvi●, Nephew to the Bishop of Beauvaise, was carried with a good Guard to Bois de Vincennes. Orders were also left with Mr. Laisne, Councillor also of the Great Chamber, to retire into Province, and M. Loizel was banished into Montes. The noise of the seizing of the Broussel was no sooner noised about Paris, but the People betook themselves to their Arms, the Chains were drawn cross the Streets, the Barricado's were set up in all the Corners of the public Places, and the Shops were shut up. The Queen thereupon gave orders to reduce the People, and suppress the Sedition; but 'twas impossible to be done, so that the Court was constrained to give the Prisoners their liberty. So soon as the Broussel appeared among the People, he was saluted with Volleys of small Shot, and accompanied with loud Acclamations to the Palace, where he, and M. Blancmesvil, received the Compliments of the Parliaments and from thence he was conducted, as it were in triumph, by the same people to his Lodging. Now in regard the Antipathy which the Slingers, and the People had against the Cardinal, were the cause of this Uproar, and for that they believed, that the good of the Kingdom required, that Mazarin should no longer continue in the weighty Employment of Chief Minister, but rather that he should be banished; the Parliament who found themselves encouraged by what had happened, persisted with redoubled vigour in their first Sentiments, and renewed their strength against the Court. And several Persons of Quality, some out of Interests some desirous of Change, most violently engaged to ruin the Cardinal. The principal Reasons which that Party alleged were, Reasons for the Cardinal's Ruin. That it was a thing unheard of, and ignominious to a flourishing Kingdom, That a Foreigner, and a born Subject to the King of Spain, should be the prime Minister of France; and that this Minister should also have so absolute a Power, as to be the Umoire of War and Peace's That the conferring of Honours, Employments, and all Favours, should be at the sole disposal of his will and pleasure; not to be bestowed as the Rewards of Merit, good Service, high Quality, but but to gratify particular devotion to his Interest: That his Ambition had carried the Arms of France into Tuscany, at a vast Expense, and without any Advantage to the Nation● only to make himself formidable in Italy, and to purchase Principalities for his Kindred: That for his own Interests he had refused to admit of the Trea●y of Peace concluded at Munster, which he had eluded by the Sedulity of Servien ● his Creature: That out of Jealousy he designed the Ruin of Marshal Gassion a little before his death: That he only understood Foreign Affairs; and that by his Italian Politics he had effaced that Confidence and good Opinion which the Confederates of France had of the Confidence and Sincerity of the French Nation, which Cardinal Richlieu had established, during his Ministry. That as for the Domestic Affairs of the Kingdom, he was uncapable of managing 'em, in regards the State was become full of Division and Uproars during his Government: That he ruled the Kingdom by Foreign Maxims, no way agreeable to the French Nation: That he had introduced such palpable Juggling, and Tricking Quirks of State, that he had exposed an Illustrious Court to the Contempt and Railleries' of all other Nations. In a word, That he was unable to bear so great a Burden, and that ●e had lost his Credit among the People. The Answer of Cardinal Mazarin's Party. To this Mazarin's Party made answer, That 'twas no such strange thing for Foreigners to have the Government of the State; witness the Cardinal of Lorraine, and the Cardinal of Brague, the Duke of Neve●s ● Marshal de ●ets, and Marshal the Ancre: that Mazarin had been nominated to the Cardinalship by France, after he had done her considerable Services. That Cardinal Richlieu, who understood Men, had appointed him his successor in the Ministry: That the deceased King, who had a perfect knowledge of the good Qualities of all that were about him, made him Precedent of his Council after the death of Richlieu; That the Queen Regent had suffered him to continue in the same Dignity, merely through the necessity of Affairs, and in obedience to the King's last Will and Testament: That all these things were approved by all the Wise men of the Realm, and by all the Princes in league with France: That having by his Services answered her Majesty's Expectations, she could not lay him aside without doing the Kingdom an Injustice; and without being ingrateful to a Servant so beneficial, and so faithful. That he was so far from favouring only those who were devoted to the Interests of the Court; That the common Complaint was● That in conferring of Honours and Employments, he had too particular a regard to the Servants of the Duke o● Orleans, and Monsieur the Prince. That all Affairs were proposed to the Council, who took such Resolutions as they thought most convenient. That the Accusation against him for opposing the Conclusion of the Peace, was without any ground; neither was it a thing probable, in regard, that besides the general Interests his Eminency's particular Interest obliged him to Crown his Ministry, which so many Successes had rendered glorious, with a Treaty that would have eternised him in the Affection of the People: That it was certain, the Spaniards had always crossed that Treaty, as the Duke of Longueville, and the Princes themselves could testify. That the Expedition against Orbitello, and Porto Longone, were the most advantageous that France could have undertake, and most proper to bring the Enemy to a speedy Peace; in regard those Places would have kept in subjection those Territories which the Spaniards possessed in Italy ● That the Independency which the Duke of Guise affected at Naples, was not the Reason that the Cardinal afforded him powerful Assistance. That Gassion would have set himself up in Flanders, with little dependence upon the Court. That the Prince never complained of his not assisting him either at Catologna, or any other of his Campaigns, as much as lay in his power. That he was constrained to have recourse to those Edicts to raise Mo●ey for the Expenses of the War; nevertheless that the Taxes were abated. That Time had sufficiently evinced, That his transporting Money into ●taly was a mere Fabulous Story, invented on purpose to disgrace him. To this they added, That for twenty years together he had managed with honour the Interests of the Princes of Europe. That if the good Intelligence between France and the United Provinces began to flag● 'twas because some particular Persons had been suborned and corrupted by the Gold of Spain. That in the Administration of State, he had followed all the Maxims of Cardinal Richlieu, only that he had ●onish'd the Cruelty of Punishments. That if he had been obliged to promise more than he had performed, 'twas because the number of those that served in France was very great, and the number of Pretenders much greater. That the State had never known more Prosperity, then during his Ministry; and that i● in great Executions the honour of the Performance were due to the Generals, the Contrivance and Forecast belonged to him. That France had been still in quiet, if every body had been unanimous in their Duty; if the People had not been drawn from their Obedience by the Suggestions of Persons disaffected; or rather, if the Parliament, who ought to be the true Model of Allegiance, had not paved 'em a way to revolt. That the Station wherein the Cardinal was, had always been exposed to the Assaults of the Hatred and Envy of all the States; and by consequence 'twas no wonder, if sometimes an Inordinate Ambition were laid to his charge, or if sometimes he were accused of Insufficiency. However, that he was happy in this, That Calumny in her most Venomous Assaults had spared his Fidelity, and never attacked him with the least suspicion of Treachery. But this Answer and Apology of Cardinal Mazarine could not hinder his Enemies from persevering in their Design to remove him from the Administration of the Government, and then to Ruin him. And this Design was afterwards so well confirmed, that it was decreed in the Assembly of the Chambers of the Parliament, That a Solemn Deputation should be sent to the Duke of Orleans, and the Prince of Conde, and Conty, to beseech them to join with the Parliament for the effectual Remedy of the Grievances that threatened the Kingdom. The Court was at Ruel, when the Cardinal was informed of what had passed; and he was deeply afflicted to see that he must be constrained to throw himself into the Prince's Arms, and to secure his Tottering Fortune by his Support. The taking of Lens. The Disorders at Paris not permitting the Prince to reap all those Advantages from the Victory of Lens, which he might have done, he was constrained to bond his Conquests with the taking of Lens. And so soon as that Place was taken, he returned to Court; The Pr. returns to Court. at what time all People beheld him with admiration. For besides that, he was endowed with so many noble, so many excellent and rare Qualities, besides the many Signal Victories he had won, he had had no share in the Troubles; insomuch that both Parties looked upon him as their Defender, and believed they might shelter themselves under his Laurels from all manner of troublesome Accidents. And indeed, had he harboured at that time those Thoughts in his Breast, which his Enemies afterwards imputed to him, questionless he would have made the best of Opportunities so favourable. For in truth the low condition of the Court, and Public Admiration equally concurred to his Exaltation, and to the Execution of the most Ambitious Designs, which he could have had in his Head. So that in regard he studied then so little to court the People, and to manage the Exasperations of those whose Sentiments and Conduct were most opposite to the Regency and the Cardinal, 'tis manifest he had no such design as he was accused to have at that time. The Prince had admitted two great Men to be his Confidents, Chatillon and Grammont the Prince's Confidents: both Persons of Signal Merit, but opposite in their Judgements as to the Affairs that made so great a noise: These were the Duke of Chatillon, and Marshal Grammont. The first, whose Person and Family were bound in the strictest Ties of Alliance with the Prince, laboured to persuade him to declare for the Parliament, or at least to make himself Umpire of the Differences with all the Neutrality imaginable: The other Engaged by all manner of Interests with the Court, spent a large stock of pleasing Eloquence to oblige him to side with the Court. But the Prince upon this occasion laid a Comtraint upon his own Temper, remote from moderate ways, and wrote, together with the Duke of Orleans, to the Parliament, exhorting 'em to fend Commissioners to St. Germains ● and to put an end to their Differences in a Conference. Declaration of the 28 th'. of October. Which Conference terminated in an Authentic Declaration of the King●s, which g●ve some Respite to the Public Differences and for that the Stratagems of the Enemies of the Court prevailed so far, that they openly demanded the Ruin of th● Cardinal, the Cou●● thought it their best way to have recourse ●o ●he Duke of Orleans and the Prince. The Court has recourse to the Duke of Orleans and the Prince. And in regard the Mischief had penetrated so far that it was not t● b● Eradicated but by strong Medicaments, they wer● of Opinion at the same time, that the Natural Moderation of the Duke of Orle●n●, and his peaceable Te●per, would not be so proper, as the Prince's more Vigorous Heat; besides, that the Reputation of so great a Captain, the Splendour of his Victories, and ●he Assistance of his Army, would strike a Terror into the Malcontented, so that the Court laboured might and main to gain him. The Queen made use of all the most powerful and persuasive Motives, descending even to Tears, and the most melting Expressions● telling him, She looked upon him as her third Son: The Cardinal also protested that he should be all his Life time devoted to his Will and Pleasure with an Absolute Submission: The King likewise tenderly embracing him, recommends to him the welfare of the Kingdom, and the safety of his Person. But notwithstanding all these Caresses, Marshal Grammont and Le Fellier were the Persons who fully determined him to take the Court Party. Grammont and Le Tellior persuade the Prince to take the Court Party. They laid before him that by degrees, the Parliament would invade all Authority: That without confining their Ambition within the Bounds of the Declaration of the Conference at St. Ger●ans, they would not only take cognizance of the Affairs of War, but also dispose of the Fortune of Ministers of State, change 'em, remove 'em, and settle others in their rooms a● their pleasure● that there was reason enough to fea● that a● length they would Attack the most privileged Persons in the Kingdom; that the Condi●ion o● 〈…〉 liament would be a Dignity to be 〈◊〉, if they come once to impose Laws upon 〈…〉, and the Condition of the Princes 〈…〉 be more miserable should they 〈…〉 to creep to 'em. That this new sort 〈…〉 wounded the Constitution of the Monar 〈…〉, which was Absolute and Indepen●●●●● 〈◊〉 it was particularly contrary to the Con〈…〉, and the Institution of French Par 〈…〉, T●at if any Abuses were crept into the 〈◊〉, ●hey ought to be reformed by the Assem 〈…〉 General, and not by the Decrees 〈…〉 whose Suffrages carry things rather b● 〈◊〉 than consideration: That every time the 〈◊〉 h●d exceeded the Bounds of their Duty, they had been always severely checked, sometimes by 〈…〉 King, sometimes by Henry IV. sometimes by Charl●s IX and other Kings their Predecessors, upon less dangerous Occasions then what 〈◊〉 no● in Dispute: That Great Empires were ne●er supported by Cowardly Counsels: That he 〈…〉 Trial of his Courage and his Forces in 〈◊〉 ● Weighty Conjuncture; and that the Just●●● of Sovereigns consisted in their Power: That he● 〈…〉 of Conde, was concerned to support the Card●●●l● because the Resolutions which had been taken 〈◊〉 ●he Person of his Eminency, tended to the Destruction of the Royal Family; and that if the 〈◊〉 of Orleans and himself did not stand firm, and 〈◊〉 oppose an Enterprise of this Nature, the 〈◊〉 with her Children would be constrained to implore t●e Aid of the Princes in League with the 〈◊〉. Now besides that the Prince believed that the lit 〈…〉 the Parliament had taken to conform to the 〈◊〉, wounded the Honour of those that were 〈…〉 the Conference, and undermined the Foun 〈…〉 the Pe●ce that had been Established; these Discourses made so deep an Impression in his Mind, that he would no longer hear of a Neutrality; so that abandoning all his Care of losing the Affection of the Public, he had recourse to those Thoughts which inclined him to the most violent Extremities. In short, The P's. heat in the Parliament. going along with the Duke of Orleans to the Palace, he carried himself with so much Heat and Passion, as did him a great deal of Injury in the Hearts of the People. He had no sooner taken his Place, but the Precedent Viol, who had great Credit in the Company, rose up, and took upon him to say, That the occasion of their meeting was of that great Importance, that they could not make one step which did not lead 'em either to Honour or Infamy; nor was there any probability that they could enter into a good Beginning till they had first implored the Assistance of the Holy Ghost, and he was preparing for the Solemnity of the Duty. However in regard that while the Precedent was talking, he let fall some disobliging Expressions against the Cardinal, the Prince of Conde, threatening him at the same time with his Looks and Hand, could not forbear to bid him hold his Tongue; and then addressing himself to the First Precedent, in a great Passion told him, That he wondered, that he who was the Head of so Famous an Assembly, did not endeavour to suppress the Liberty which some People gave themselves, who under the pretence of the Public Good, went about to excite the People to Sedition. Adding withal, That if the King's Youth, and his want of Experience, were the cause of the Disorders which had happened in the Kingdom, he would have him to know, That the Duke of Orleans, who was there present, and himself, were able to supply both the one and the other; and that the King would not want good Subjects, to reduce the Malcontented to their Duty. These words offended the whole Assembly: But in regard they ●ell from the Lips of a Prince of whom they stood in awe, every body was profoundly silent, contenting themselves to utter their disgusts in pri●ate. As for the first Precedent, he was extremely zealous for the Honour of the Assembly, which the Prince had affronted, in threatening one of the Members of it. However, he was not much troubled at what had happened, because he thought, that when so great a Prince had declared himself, those of the Parliament, whose heat and violence he did not approve, would bethink themselves, and become more moderate. Nevertheless he told the Prince, That he could not forbear complaining of his reprimanding so severely a Member of an Assembly that were only met to remedy the Distractions of the State, and not to kindle new Flames. That he was confident, that what he had done, was out of a good Intention; but in regard that Suffrages were to be permitted, he took the liberty to tell him, That if he had taken another course, he would have done better. Lastly, That he read in the Countenances of those who composed the Assembly, a great Emotion, and great Discontent: That if he saw some that made no outward show of any thing, yet they were never a w●●t the less sad in their hearts, and never the less afflicted. That they were in hopes a Prince, whose 〈◊〉 Achievements had equalled him to the Greatest Captains in the World, would have joined with 'em to re-establish the Tranquillity of a Kingdom, whose Frontiers he had so well secured by his Illustrious Victories. This same Speech did not equally satisfy all people. The more ancient and prudent sort found that he had spoken much in a few words; and that considering the Conjuncture of Affairs, the first Precedent could not have done much better than he did. But the younger sort were not so reserved; for they began to murmur one among another. So that the Prince, who was not well pleased with the plaints that were made of his proceeding, as not being accustomed to hear Truths told him, nor to receive any opposition to his Will, was so little master of his own Inclinations, that instead of making amends for what he had done amiss, he turned toward the younger sort, and threatened them, as he had the Precedent Viol, that is to say, with his looks and hand. They resolve to besiege Paris. The Court was overjoyed that the Prince had so openly declared in their favour: And in regard that after what had passed, he found him self-interested by his own Quarrel, in the Differences of the Court, he greedily listened to all Proposals that were made him for reducing the Parliament. Thereupon, it was no hard matter to persuade him, that the best way would be to besiege Paris ● and that a Siege would not fail to make the People cry out, and mutiny against the Assembly: Or whatever happened, that the Parisians wanting Leaders and Men, and being accustomed to Plenty and Ease, would make little or no Resistance. His Passion caused him to approve these Reasons for strong and undeniable; so that he undertook to be Captain of the Enterprise under the Orders of the Duke of Orleans. But the Duke at first opposed the Design, till the Importunities, and the Persuasions of the Abbot de la R●v●●re, overruled his Judgement, and got the upper hand of his Calmer Sentiments. 1649. Immediately the Prince, and Marshal de la Milleray, proposed the seizing of St. Louis' Island, The King leaves Paris privately. St. Antony's Gate, the Arsenal, and the Bastille, and to lodge their Majesties in the Bastille. But whether this Proposal were not sufficiently supported, or whether they were afraid of exposing the person of the King the Court resolved to quit Paris, and really to besiege the City. So that in the Evening before Twelf-day, the King retired from Marshal Grammont's House to the Cardinal's Palace; and the next Morning, about Three of the Clock, ●e departed without any noise or bustle for St. Germane 〈◊〉 ●●ye. The same day the King sent a Letter sealed with his Privy Signet to the Provost of Merchants, and the Sheriffs of Paris, wherein his Majesty declared, that he was forced to leave the City, to the ●nd ●e might not be exposed to the pernicious Designs of some Officers of Parliament, who held secret Intelligence with the Enemies of the State: Adding withal, That he hoped the Citizens would continue faithful ●o his Service, and prove steadfast in their Du●●●● and that in a few days they should farther understand his pleasure. How●ver● The Citizens no sooner understood that the King was gone, but the Tumult began to wax very great in Paris. They exclaimed, after a most dreadful manner, against the Cardinal, against the Prince, against the Queen, and against all that carried away the King. For the Paristans' took his going away for a Force that had been put upon him. But they were so enraged, when they heard that the same day the King was carried to St. Germains, that it had been resolved in Council to block up Paris; that far from being consternated, they showed an extraordinary Resolution, and declared themselves prepared for all manner of Events. But the Parliament, who more readily foresaw the dismal Consequences of a Civil War, were not so resolute as the People. And therefore the first time they met, which was upon the 7th of january, they sent the King's immediate Servants with their Submissions● and very Advantageous Offers. But those Commissioners were sent back without being heard; which extremely exasperated their Minds. So that the Parliament meeting again upon the 18 th', declared Maz●●i● an Enemy to the State, and ordered him to depart the Kingdom in Eight days, with full liberty after that for all the King's Subjects to fall upon him wherever they met him. And at the same time they delivered out Commissions for the raising of Soldiers' and took all the Precautions needful upon such Occasions. In the mean time, the Prince, with about six or seven thousand men, which were the Remains of the Army last Summer, blocked up Paris, seizing upon Lagni, Corbect, St. Cloud, St. Denis, and Charenton. On the other side, the Duke d' Elbocut, his Three Sons, the Duke of Brissack ● and the Marquis de la Boulays went and offered their Services to the Parliament; and after thate the Prince of Con●i, the Duke of Longueville, the Prince of Marsellac, and Monsieur de Noimouster did the same. The Parliament nominated the Prince of Con●i for Generalissimo, and the Duke d' Elbocut for General; and afterwards joined the Duke of Bovillon, and Marshal de la Mothe, in equal Commission with 'em. As for the Duke of Longueville, he would not accept of any Employment, because he could have none that was conformable to his Rank, or none but such as equalled him with his Inferiors● so that he was only present at the Prince of Con●i's Councils to give his Advice. When the Prince understood that Conti and Longueville had privately left St. Germane in the night, and were got into Paris, he went from Charenton to the Court, where he thundered most terribly against 'em. But that was no impediment, but that the Parisian Party b●ga● to grow numerous, having now got among 'em a Prince of the Blood, and another Prince almost absolute in his Government of Normandy. De la Mothe also was become considerable in the Armies; but the Duke of Bovillon much more. For besides that he was deeply known in the Affairs of the World, that he was stout, and understood the Art of War to perfection, he was endowed with an easy, fluent, natural, and insinuating Eloquence; he had a neat Wit, fertile in Expedients, and proper to maintain the most difficult Affairs, a cl●●r S●nse, and a discerning Judgement. And besides●●e was engaged in a strict Tie with Marshal Tavern, his Brother, who at that time commanded the Army in Germany. Thereupon the Prince, who looked upon these two Brothers to be his Friends, and Persons of great weight, wrote to the Duke of 〈◊〉 ● that he was afraid, he took it for granted, th●t the Prince believed he had a hand in Conti and Long●evill's with drawing from the Court; for which reason he was desirous to disabuse him; and then conjured him to return to St. Germains, where he would procure him all manner of satisfaction touching his particular Interests. But the Duke of Bovillon caused the Letter to be read in Parliament. So that the Court finding they could not depend upon him, and being moreover informed of Turenne's disaffection to thei● Cause, the King and the Prince, who was in great Reputation among the Germane Troops, wrote to the several Colonels, not to acknowledge him any longer for General, but to quit him; which they did. The Duke of Beaufort also, who had been wand'ring about in the Provinces upon the Loire ever since his Escape from Vincennes, got to Paris in the time of the Troubles, and offered his Service to the Parliament, wh●●lear'd him of the Accusation of having conspired against Mazarin's Life, received him as a Peer of France, and made him one of their Generals. In the mean time, the King's Forces possessed all ●he Posts round about Paris; and though the Parliament's ●●my was more numerous, their Generals ●●ver stirred to open any Passage, so that Provisions could no● get into the City, but with great difficulty, from 〈◊〉, in regard that the Prince could not put a Garrison in B●●ys Conte-Robert, for fear of dividing his Forces● and for that he had quitted Charenton, which C●n●● had made himself master of. ●ut the Prince, considering the Importance of th●● Post, which secured the Parisian 〈…〉 and ●or that he longed to begin wi●● some Action ●hat might render his Forces formidable● He resolved to attack it● though the Parisi●n had put t●ree thousand Men into it. The Pr. attacks Charenton. Advancing therefore with the Duke of O●le●n●, and all the Princes and Lords of th● Court● upon the 18th of February he committed the Attacking of the Post to the Duke of Chatillon ● and advanced with the Cavalry upon a rising ground 〈◊〉 hinder the Parisians from succouring the Place. Ch●tillon performed the Prince●s Orders with all the Conduct and Valour imaginab●e● but when he had driven the Enemy to the last barricado, he received a Musqu●● shot quite through his Body, of which he died the next day in ●he flower of his Age, lamented by both Parties for his Noble Qualities, and for being slai● just at the time when he was ready to have obtained those Dignities which his great Services had performed. The taking of Charenton was much to the dishonour of the Parliament's Generals● and Forces, and no less to the honour of the Prince of Conde. For in short, The Prince carried that P●●● in view of the Enemy's Army, and at the Gates of Paris, out of which he had marched in the sight o● Ten thousand men, who seemed to have taken the Field merely ●o be Witnesses and Spectators of so great an Action. This Conflict, and these of Bois de Vin●nnes, Lag●y, and B●●y-Con●e● Robert, all to the disadvantage of the Pa●isians, and in one of which the Young Duke of Roba● ● approving himself the worthy Inheritor of his Father's Virtue, lost his Life, made 'em begn to think of Peace. But the diversity of Interests was an Obstacle difficult on surmount. On the other side the Court, who were pu●t up with their Success, and who were in greater hopes by reason of the Princes successful Achievements, would needs impose too Rigorous Conditions upon the Contrary Party. So that if both Parties were so 〈…〉 was b●cause that a Civil War 〈…〉 qually displeasing to both. For this Re●son, upon the 20th of F●b●●a●y, the King sent a Herald of 〈◊〉 accompanied wi●h two 〈◊〉 who coming to the Gate of St. H●nore, 〈…〉 he had three Pacquets of Letters, one ●or th● Prin●● of Con●●, the other for the Parliament, ●nd a third for the City. Of which the Parliament 〈◊〉 ●●f●●m'd, took the matter into consideration, 〈…〉 a Decree● That they should neither admit, 〈◊〉 ●●ceive the Herald; but send the King's Serv●●●●● that is to say, ●alon, Meliand and Bignon, to 〈◊〉 Queen, to let her know, That if they had refused 〈…〉 the Herald, it was not for want of duty, 〈…〉 because Heralds were never sent but to Sovereign Princes, or States, that were in hostility with the Kingdoms but that neither the Prince of Conti, 〈…〉 Parliament, nor the City, were either Sovereign's, 〈◊〉 Enemies, and therefore they besought her Majesty, that they might understand her pleasure ●rom 〈◊〉 own Lips. Those Commissioners were well 〈◊〉 ●y the Queen, who told ●em she was satisfied with ●●●ir Excuse, and their Submissions; that when ●he Parliament should return to their duty they should● find the effects of her Favour, and Good●will● a●d that a●●or private Persons, they should all of 'em, 〈◊〉 o●e, find all manner of security, both for th●i● Persons and estates, in their submission; and the D●●e, of Orlean● also, and the Prince, gave 'em th● 〈…〉. Now th● b●●h Parties most ardently desired Peace, 〈…〉 concluded without a great deal of dif 〈…〉 several Deputations and various Con●e●●●ces● whe●e it was a hard matter to content so 〈…〉 whose Interests were so nice and so differen●● But at length it was concluded at St. Germanic ● 〈…〉 March; and afterwards the King's De 〈…〉 for this so necessary Peace, was verified in ●ool Parliament, who ordered that Thanks should be returned to their Majesties for the Peace which they had restored to their Subjects. The Causes of the Civil War that ensued upon the Imprisonment of the Princes. No sooner were the Flames of Civil War extinguished by this Peace, but they were re-kindled in a short time after, and spread itself with more Violence into the principal Provinces of the Kingdom, for the Reasons which I am going to tell ye. Considering what the Prince had done in the preceding War, in favour of the Court and the Cardinal, it was a difficult thing for them to make him those acknowledgements which his great Services deserved; or that the Prince should contain himself within the bounds of Modesty, out of a desire of Domination and Superiority, in demanding the most considerable Employments, whether for himself or for those whom he had a mind to favour. And in regard the Cardinal had chiefly reaped the benefit of the Prince's Assistance, he was the most exposed to his Demands, his Complaints, his threatenings, and his Bad Humour. And indeed, during the Parisian War, there had been some Misunderstandings between the Prince and the Cardinal. For as there was at that time a strict and diligent Correspondence between 'em, and for that for the most part Familiarity lessens Esteem, the Respect which the Prince had for the Cardinal was very much abated; and the Cardinal who perceived it, had looked upon those great Virtues which the Prince had made so gloriously appear in the time of the Civil Troubles, as no other than the Effects of Fear and Aversion. Moreover, during that time, the Cardinal plotted to bring the Odium of the People upon the Prince, by endeavouring to make him the Author of all the Mischiefs to which they were exposed. The Prince also after the Peace, thought it behoved him to thwart the Cardinal, and to show the Alienation of his Kindness for him, that he might regain the Affection of the people, and of a great 〈◊〉 o● considerable persons which he had lost, for protecting a person so generally hated. Calling to mind al●o the submissiveness of the Cardinal during the last Disorders, he was persuaded● That if he should put him in fear, and scorn him, it would be sufficient to draw upon him new Troubles, and to oblige him to sneak a second time to him, and to have ●he ●ame dependence upon him as before. He might also perhaps imagine, by reason of the Kindness ●hich the Queen showed him at St. Germains, that i● wo●ld not be impossible for him to make that Princess sensible of the Cardinal's Defects, and to have all the Authority next her, himself, after he had laid the Cardinal aside. On the other hand, the Cardinal had found, that he could build no solid Foundation upon the Prince's ●●iendship, who was swayed rather by Capricio, then by Reason or his own Interests, and that time did bu● augment his scornful humour● so that he began to meditate his Ruin. To which we may add, that Concord and Reputation being incompatible between two persons in the same place, the Cardinal could no more brook a Superior at Court, than the Prince could endure an Equal. And that which contributed considerably to dissolve the Knot was this, That the Cardinal was ●●rongly convinced, that he could not engage the ●●ince to persevere in his Interests, but by the probability of new Establishments, which either he proposed Himself to him, or by his Crea●ures, only to 〈◊〉 him, and with a ●ull rotent afterwards to evade 〈◊〉 ●is Offers and his Promises. All which the 〈◊〉 perceived, and was extremely incensed. Las●ly, one of the principal Causes of the Cardinal●s Disg●st against the Prince, and which inspired h●m wi●h a Design to ruin him, was the constant opposition of the Prince to the raising of the Cardinal's Fi●●ly; which I shall thus make out. Some time before the Troubles, Mazarine, desirous to support his Fortune in France by considerable Alliances, had cast his eyes upon the Duke of Mer●eur, as a ●it person to Marry his Niece Mancini, and to confer upon him at the same time the Employment of Lord High Admiral. This Project was interrupted by the War, and reassumed some time after the Peace, when the Court was at Compiegne, and where there was nothing talked of but Festivals and Rejoices. The Queen spoke of it to the Prince, who durst not oppose it● whether he slighted the business, or did not foresee the Consequences of it, or ra●her because he was afraid of the Noise it would make, should he gainsay it. However it were, notwithstanding his silence at that time, he afterwards most vehemently opposed it, and never minded observing any Decorum with the Cardinal. For he spared no manner of Raillery or nipping Invectives against his Person. This cut the Cardinal to the heart, and did not a little trouble the Queen. But that which absolutely rendered the Prince suspected at Court● was his obstructing another Match which the Cardinal was eager to make between one of his Nieces and the Duke of Candale, at what time Guienne was in Arms, through the Misunderstanding between the D. of Es●ernon his Father, and the Parliament of Bourdeaux, which had joined, as also had that of Prov●nce, with the Parliament of Paris, against Mazarine. Fo● the Prince foreseeing that the Ma●ch could not be made without assuring the Government of Guienne to Candale, whom the Parliament and People would be sure to expel, he made use of the Affection of the Bourdelois to hinder the Marriage, and openly declared for 'em in the Council, that he might encourage 'em the more to demand another Governor. The Prince's so openly declaring for the Parliament and Revolters of Guyenne put it positively beyond all doubt, that he held a Correspondence with 'em and consequently that he was in Confederacy with all the Factions. And that which augmented the Confusion and Jealousy of the Court, was the Demand which Guyenne made to have the Prince to be Governor of that Province instead of the Duke of Espernon. But new Troubles arose at Paris, occasioned by the ●●●ts of the Town-House, which caused the Prince to show his Zeal in a more violent manner then ever, for the Support of the King's Authority, and a second time to contemn all the Solicitations and Applications of the Slingers; which somewhat relaxed him at Court, and caused 'em to alter, or at least suspend the Resolutions they had taken against his Person. But while he thus became serviceable to the Crown, he was always careful not to suffer the Cardinal to have any Command over him. To which purpose he diligently set himself to destroy whatever might be 〈…〉 to his Elevation. So that understanding that the Cardinal had a design to marry one of his Nieces with the Duke of Richlieu, he continually 〈◊〉 that Match, as he had disappointed the rest, and engaged the young Lord to marry the Marquis 〈…〉 's Widow, and carried 'em in his own Coach to 〈◊〉, a House belonging to the Duke of Longue●●●●, where they were married. This Action rendered him more suspected at Court then if he had attempted any thing against the King's Authority. And the Cardinal and his Adherents 〈◊〉 insinuated, that he had procured that Match only to magnify his own Reputation, and to draw the D. of Richlieu to his Party, because he was 〈…〉 of Haure, and they took an occasion from thence to hast'n his Imprisonment. But before we come to the Prince's being imprisoned, 〈◊〉 will be material to give an account of certain important Passages which happened after the Peace. This Peace not having been published, the Court did not deem it convenient for the Welfare of the State, as well in reference to Affairs at Home as Abroad, that the King should return immediately to his Capital City. For the Ministers did not think it safe to envelop themselves among an enraged Populacy, whom they had so lately besieged; and in regard the Campaign drew near, 'twas a plausible pretence for taking a Progress towards the Frontiers, upon some considerable Employment. Moreover, they were in hopes that time would calm their minds, and bury the Remembrance of things past. As for the Prince, he thought it was for his Interest and his Honour to show himself to a people that had so often loaded him with Imprecations. For which reason he went to Paris, and showed himself alone in his Coach, which drew upon him the Respect and Fear of the people, but abated their Resentments. The greatest part of the Parliament, and the principal of the Frondeurs Party, made him Visits for five or six days together; after which he returned to Court; where the Cardinal's great Joy that he had opened the way to Paris, was allayed by his Jealousy of the smallest Actions of that great Prince, whose Valour had drawn upon him the Awe and Veneration of those very persons whom his Courage had offended. Upon his arrival, the Cardinal desirous to remove so dangerous a Competitor, proposed to him the Command of the Army in Flanders. But the Prince refused to accept it; whether it were that he saw the Cardinal's Aim and Intention through the Proposal, and that he took delight to mortify him; or that it was more grateful to him to rule the Cabinet. 'Tis true that he had a design to have gone to his Government of Burgundy, with an intention to pacify the Troubles of Guienne and Provence, that were in Arms through the Misunderstandings between the Governors and the Parliaments. But the Cardinal, and the Abbot de l● B●viere, had frustrated his Intermediation, to whose Authority the persons concerned had referred 〈◊〉 differences; for they were afraid lest his Umpirage should augment his Reputation and his Power. However, he would not give over the Journey; and wh●n he departed from Compeigne, the Cardinal took his Le●ve of him with a strong Guard, as if he durst not trust his Life with the person who had so often ventured his own Life for his preservation. At parting, the Prince desired the Commander de Souvie, Le Tell●●, and other the Cardinal's Confidents, and charged Marhille, his Domestic Servant, to tell him, That he could be none of his Friends if he thought of marrying his Niece to the Duke of Mercoeur. All this while the Court had a powerful Army on Foot, commanded by Count d' Hareourt, who had Orders to sit down before Cambray. For the Cardinal was in hope to refix himself in his Ancient Splendour, by such a glorious Conquest as that, with which he ●●ckl'd his Fancy so much the more, because the Duke had no share in the Design, nor was he to have any in the Execution of it. And that he might have the whole Honour of it, he went from Amiens wh●re the King was, to the Siege. But Fortune proved no way favourable to him, his Enterprise 〈◊〉 to his Confusion; for Cambray being relieved, 〈◊〉, was forced to raise his Siege. During the Prince's Absence, the Cardinal had held no other than a Correspondence of Decency and Civility with him; and the Prince, who began to be sensible of the Prosperity of the Court with some regret, and who was not a little disturbed about the Siege of Cambray, was no less glad to hear it was raised. The Troubles in Guyenne and Provence, and the Difficulties which obstructed the King's Return to P●ri● pleased him as much; because he believed that the Cardinal minded nothing else, but which way to surmount all those Obstacles and present Impediments that obstructed his recovering an Absolute and Independent Authority. And therefore he forbore to ●oment his Discontents either in private or in public, as if he were willing to lay his Resentments asleep, to the end he might afterwards let 'em lose with more Violence. Also at his return from Burgundy to P●ris, before he had seen the Court, he most earnestly solicited all his Friends to take care that the King and the Cardinal might have a Reception into the Metropolis of the Kingdom suitable to their Dignity. Perhaps he strove to complete a work so glorious as that of restoring the Cardinal, or that he flattered himself that such a piece of Service would never be forgot by the Queen. He stayed till the Court was returned to Compeigne, where he was received with more demonstrations of Friendship, then when he parted from thence. After which, his Majesty returned to Paris; and in that Entry, the King, the Queen, and all the Royal Family, rode in the same Coach, and the Cardinal in one of the Boots with the Prince, who put a confidence into him by his presence. And the incredible Throng of people who appeared at that same Entrance, and who abhorred the very sight of the Cardinal, did only then let lose their Joy for the King's Return, who at that time took up all their thoughts, and defaced the remembrance of all their Animosities and past Misfortunes. When their Majesties arrived at the Palace-Royal, they received the Submissions of the D. of Beaufort, the Coadjutor, and the rest of the Heads of the Frondeurs; and the Prince completed so Noble a day's work, by telling the Queen, That he looked upon himself to be very happy in having fulfilled the Promise that he made her, to bring back the King. To which her Majesty replied, Sir, This Service which you have done the Kingdom is so great, that the King and myself should be very ungrateful, should we ever forget it. One of the Prince's Servants who 〈…〉 this Discourse, told him, That his great 〈…〉 him tremble, and that he was afraid 〈…〉 was no more than a Reproach. I 〈…〉 replied the Prince: however I have per 〈…〉 what I promised. When good Services are 〈…〉 atred takes place of Acknowledgement. 〈…〉 the Prince found to be true: For all that 〈…〉 in favour of the Cardinal, was one of 〈…〉 which his Mortifications had in 〈…〉 that spurred him on to ruin him. 〈…〉 purpose all things were to be so ordered, 〈…〉 the Fro●deurs, nor the D. of Orleans should 〈…〉 the Prince. And to that effect 〈…〉 the Hatred and Aversion which they 〈…〉 had for him, and which was renewed 〈…〉 to time, in regard the Prince sometimes 〈◊〉 to ●e reconciled to 'em, and embrace their 〈…〉 had showed himself to be their 〈◊〉 Enemy● 〈…〉 all the Artifices which the Cardinal 〈…〉 to incline the Frondeurs to rejoice at the 〈…〉 this was the chiefest. 〈…〉 had received a Note, which gave him 〈…〉 That the Frondeurs had a Design upon 〈…〉 and that they had resolved to Assassinate 〈…〉 over Pon●neuf. This Note he showed 〈…〉 the Duke of Orleans, and the Cardin●● 〈◊〉 seemed to be as much surprised as the rest. 〈…〉 some Consultation what course to take 〈…〉 the truth, 'twas resolved, to the end they 〈…〉 themselves without exposing the People 〈…〉 Duke. That his Coachman should drive 〈…〉 over Pontneuf with the Curtains drawn, 〈…〉 were in it; which was done, while 〈…〉 the mean time stayed at a Bathing-House 〈…〉 Event. So soon as the Coach was 〈…〉 before the Brazen-Horse, the Coach was 〈…〉 certain persons unknown, who fired their Blunderbusses into it, and wounded a Lackey belonging to the Count of Duras, who road at the Tail of the Coach. Of which the Prince having immediate notice, demanded Justice of the King and the Queen against the Frondeurs. The Cardinal also seemed to outdo himself upon this occasion; for his Diligence and his Zeal exceeded the Care and Sedulity of the Prince's nearest Relations, and most Cordial Friends. In the mean time the Frondeurs seeing such a quick and dangerous Accusation taking root against 'em, believed it at first to be an Artifice of the Prince's to ruin 'em. However, they were nothing daunted; and though the report ran, that the Prince would prosecute his Revenge with all manner of Violence, the Duke of Beaufort made no scruple to visit Marshal Grammon● at a time that the Prince supped with him, and there spent the remainder of the Evening without the least show of being concerned. The Coadjutor and he made use of all the ways imaginable to justify their Innocency to the Prince; and the Marquis of Noirmoustier offered on their behalf to join with the whole house of Conde against the Cardinal. But the Prince, who was no less exasperated for the little respect they had showed him upon other occasi●ons, as out of a persuasion not to be vanquished, that they had a design to Assassinate him, stopped his ears against all their Justifications, and laid aside all other thoughts, but of doing himself Justice with the Consent of the Court, or else of demanding Justice from the Parliament. The first Resolution was too violent; neither did it agree with the Cardinal's concealed Design; and the effect of the other was too tedious and dubious. Nevertheless, because it was the intention of the Court to refer this business to the Parliament, on purpose to mortify the Prince with delays, and the vexation to see himself as it were a Suppliant at the Feet of the Judges, the Cardinal w●nted not specious pretences to persuade the Prince to take that course. Thereupon he made his complaint to the Palace in the usual forms; and during the whole course of that Affair, the Cardinal 〈◊〉 ●he pleasure to draw him into all those Snares 〈◊〉 he had laid for him. In the mean time the Duke of Beaufort and the Coadjutor demanded that they might be admitted to justify themselves; which being granted, both Parties quitted all other ways, a●d adhered only to the practice of the Palace. But ●he Prince soon understood by the manner of the F●●nde●rs justifying themselves, that their Credit wou●d balance his; nevertheless he did not penetrate the Cardinal's Dissimulation; and maugre the Opin●o●s and Advice of his Friends, he still believed that 〈◊〉 acted sincerely. In this posture things re●●●●'d for some days, while exasperation and impanelment augmented on both sides. The Prince's F●●ends and the Frondeurs Friends accompanied their Chieftains every day to the Palace; and all things were carried with more Moderation than could be expected between two Parties, whose Leaders were so unequal. Moreover, the Cardinal, in hopes to recover his full Liberty by depriving the Prince of his Freedom, thought it high time to agree with the ●rondeurs, and that he might securely offer 'em the protection of the Court, without any fear of affording 'em an opportunity to reconcile themselves to the Prince. So that things could never be better disposed of, to incline the Frondeurs to be so far from opposing ●●e Prince's Ruin, as rather to be glad and rejoice at ●●s Imprisonment. There remained now nothing more but to set the Duke of Orleans at variance with the Prince; which the Cardinal found a means to do, upon the Marriage of the Duke of Richlieu with Madam du Pons. He aggravated to the Duke, that the Prince had said nothing to him of the Marriage; and after he had sowed the seeds of Exasperation in his mind, he consulted with Madam de Cheureuse against the Prince's Liberty. And to the end the Abbot de ●a Riviere, who was so much concerned to oppose the Ruin of the Prince, as being in hopes of a Cardinal's Cap, by the means of his Reputation, and the Rennnciation of the Prince of Conty, might not break the Measures they had taken, Madam de Cheureuse cunningly complained to the Duke of Orleans how little security there would be for the future in taking particular Measures with him; that whatever he said, was told again to the Prince and Madam Longueville, by the Abbot de la Riviere, who being by them secured from meeting any opposition at Rome in his pretensions to a Cardinal's Cap, makes them acquainted with all his Master's Conduct and Privacies. She persuaded him also, That the Abbot, in whose Councils he had had a blind Confidence, was privy to the whole Negotiation of the Duke of Richlieu, and Madam du Pons; and that all things were carried on between them so exactly by Concert, that the Princess her Mother had never so zealously assisted Madamoiselle de Saugeon in her design to turn Carmelite, but to remove her from the Presence and Confidence of the Duke of Orleans, and to hinder her from observing the Abbot de la Riviere's Carriage, and his blind dependence upon the House of Conde. In short● Madam de Cheureuse understood so well how to incense the Duke both against the Prince and the Abbot● that she softened him for all the impressions that she had a desire to imprint in his mind. One Project also of Madam de Chevreuse's which contributed very much to bring their Design about, was an act of Passion which the Prince committed. For a little before, he went to visit the Duchess of Orleans with a Lady which he would needs carry into the Presence along with him, notwithstanding that the Officer of the Duke's Guards told him, He had Orders that no body should enter but himself. Which the Prince never regarded, but went forward; upon which the Officer stepping before the Lady, to prevent he● Entrance, the Prince took his Ba●●oon of Co●●●nd, and broke it abo●t the Officer's Shoulders. Moreover, the Cardinal renewed an old Proposal to 〈◊〉 Duke of Rouen, to engage the Prince to lay claim to the Dignity of Constable, which he would never li●●●● to, for fear of creating a Jealousy in the Duke of Orleans. And though the Prince rejected the Proposition a second time, out of the same consideration, ●●t the Cardinal made that dextrous use of the pri●a●e Co●ferences which the Prince had with the D●ke of Roban upon that subject, that they afforded all 〈◊〉 probabilities of a private Negotiation between th● Duke of Rouen, and the Prince, without imparting it ●o the Duke of Orleans, and contrary to his opini●● and pretensions to the Constable's Sword. So that the Duke having received all these Impressions, a●d perceiving both want of Sincerity and Respect in the Princes proceedings, without any more to do consented to his being Arrested. The Prince's Friends had several times given him wanting of a Design which they suspected to be 〈◊〉, to lay him up in Prison; and from that t●●e he had always some one or other with him of t●e Royal Palace; though he gave no credit to their Ad●ice, and sometimes laughed and flouted at those that gave it him● In the mean time the Cardinal procured the thing to be resolved on in Council, 1650. and a day to be appointed fo● the Execution of the Order, which was the 〈◊〉 of january. The Detention of the Princes. Several persons gave the Prince advice of it the same day; but he took no notice of 〈◊〉. And that which is more to be wondered at is this, th●● whereas for about Two Months together he had accustomed himself to be attended by some of his most faithful Friends when he went to the Palace Royal, he never went alone but that day he was arrested. The Duke of Longueville was at Chaillo●, apart from the Duchess his Wife. To draw him therefore into the snare, the Cardinal sent ●im word, that the Council was consulting about the apprehending of Couturier, and some others, who were accused for having attempted the Prince's Life; and that his presence was necessary to prevent Sedition and Tumult. Immediately the D. of Longueville made haste to Paris, and went to the Palace-Royal upon the 19 th' of junuary in the Evening. The Prince also, according to his custom, came that Evening to attend upon the Queen; at what time the Abbot de la Riviere told him, That the Duke of Orleans would not be at the Council. Upon which the Prince thought at first; that they would abandon his Cause; which made him leave the Queen sooner than he would h●ve don●, and go to the Council-Chamber, whither at the same time came the Prince of Conty and the Duke of Longueville. As for the Cardinal, he was retired into his Chamber, and had carried the Abbot along with him, lest he should perceive something, and spoil a Design that was just upon the point of Execution. So that there was only the Chancellor, the Count of Servien, Le Tellier, and some others with the Princes, when the Guitault, Captain of the Queen's Guards, with great respect approached the Prince of Conde, and in the Queen's Name whispered him in the ear, That he must go to Prison. De Coming, Captain of the same Guards, told the Prince of Conty as much; and de Croissy, one of the Ensigns of the same Body, put the same Compliment upon the Duke of Longueville. The Prince a● first took it for a piece of Sport, and thought the Queen had done it in a kind of Frolic. But understanding all was in good earnest, Is this then the Recompense (said he) of 〈◊〉 Fidelity and Services? And then addressing himself to the Chancellor, he desired him to go in his Name to the Queen, and beg of her to hear him but for one Minute; a●d he prayed the Count de Servien to ●●sire the same Favour of the Cardinal. As for the Chancellor, he returned, without being able to ob●●in hi●●equest; and as for the Count of Servien, ●e brought no answer back, believing it enough to have given the Cardinal notice that the business was done● And then it was that Mazarine imparted the business to the Abbot de la Riviere, who was strangely surprised at it, and could not forbear telling him, That certainly the Duke of Orleans would never suffer such an Injury to be done the Princes. To which the Cardinal answered, That there had been nothing done without his Consent. Thereupon the Abbot retired to spea● with his Highness; but he was repulsed in such a manner, that he looked upon his For●u●● to ●e at an end. 〈◊〉, who was gone to fetch his Guard, returned with Twenty Soldiers well Armed, who looking a squint upon the Princes, seemed to threaten 'em with something else more fatal than Imprisonments, and carried away the Prisoners down a back-pair of Stairs into the Garden, where Guitalt putting 'em all thre● into one Coach, conducted 'em to Richlieu ●s Gate, where the Count o● Miossans, afterwards for this piece of good service made a Marshal, by the name of Marshal d' Albret, waited with the Gendarmes to carry 'em to Vincennes. And that which is here to be observed, is this, That Mazarine ordered this business so cunningly, that the Prince believed that all the Preparations which were made to seize his Person, concerned only the Frondeurs, and out of that persuasion gave himself the Orders for his being more safely conducted to Prison. For the same day the Prince was arrested, the Cardinal sent him word in the Morning, That he had something to impart to him of great Consequence. Thereupon the Prince went to the Palace-Royal, where the Cardinal told him, That he had been informed in good part, that Decoutures had been in Paris about Four and twenty hours, concealed in ● House near Mo●matre Gate; and that the Conviction of the Murder intended being infallible, if they could but light upon him● he would do well to give an Order to apprehend him; but that in the executing of this Design two things were to be feared; that is to say, lest the People and the Coadjutor's Friends should make a Tumult; for that the Coadjutor well knowing his Ruin to be unavoidable if Decoutures were taken, would be certain to procure his escape. And therefore to avoid both the one and the other of these Inconveniences, he tho●ght it convenient that he should be sent away out of Paris, till the Parliament should order him to be remanded to the common Goal of the City: That the best way was to carry him through Richlieu Gate; and therefore that he would command the Gensdarms to stay behind l' Hostel de Vendosme, in a readiness to march when they should be commanded. The Prince approved these Proposals; and blinded by his desire of Revenge, suffered himself to be surprised by the Artifices of the Cardinal, and took care for his own being safely carried to Prison, which he had like to have discovered the day be●ore, entering into the Cardinal's Chamber, where Lyonne, Mazarine's Secretary, was writing out the Orders beforehand. Upon the Road to Vineennes the Coach broke, so that the Prisoners were forced to stay three or four hours by the way, with only a Guard of Four●een Gensdarmes, yet no body dur●t adventure to rescue them. The Parisians rejoice at the Imprisonment of the Pr. The remembrance of the War, and the present disorders of Paris, were the reason that the blow was easily born with. The People approved what had been done against the Prince, and showed themselves extremely joyful at the News: So that the 〈◊〉 of Longueville, who was retired to a private house in ●aris, in expectation of things necessary for her 〈◊〉 into Normandy, to which she had been ad●●●● by her Friends, beheld the Bonfires and other marks of public rejoicing for the Imprisonments of her Brothers, and her Husband. And what was more singular was this, That Persons of the highest Quality and Degree, who afterwards demanded, and with an unshak'n Zeal and Constancy prosecuted their Releasement, then publicly declared that their Imprisonment was Legal. But that which soon after made it appear to be 〈◊〉, wa● a letter sent to the Parliament, The Prince's Innocency. three days a●ter the Princes were seized, wherein such ●light and 〈◊〉 ●rimes were laid to their charge, that the greatest of those, who by reason of some remaining 〈◊〉 of the year preceding, thought 'em guilty● were convinced of their Innocency. The first days of their Imprisonment the Princes intrigued against the Cruelty of their Enemies. The King●s B●●ad which was granted to the most wretched was denied to Princes of the Blood. Their Employments● and their Governments, were disposed o●● their Pensions were stopped; nay, they laid their Hands upon ●he Assignations given the Prince for the reimbursement of fifty thousand Crowns lent to the Queen but six months before. Perraut also being imprisoned the same day as his Master, they seized upon all his Papers, turned his Servants out of three Houses; and commanded the Princess Dowager, and the Princess her Daughter-in-law, to retire out of Paris ● They ordered also Precedent Ferrand, who was nominated by the Prince for the Administration of his Affairs● and the Intendants employed by the two others, 〈◊〉 defray their Expenses. Upon refusal of the first Decree of Council, the Precedent Ferrand, who resolutely resisted, was threatened with imprisonment. His Movables were put to sale. No less than eight Silver Candlesticks marked with the Prince's Arms, were sold by an Outcry. And his Sword, the support of the State, the glory of the Regency, the Terror of all Europe, was within a hairs breadth of being cried in the public Marketplace by a pitiful Catchpole; that Sword which had defeated the most considerable Forces of Spain, and had sacrificed to the Security and Welfare of the King, three famous Generals, gained whole Provinces to the Crown; that had vanquished the Bavarians; the Support and Hopes on which the Empire relied, and which had defended the Cardinal himself from the Fury and Animosity of the French. These three Princes suffered their Misfortunes with variety of Humours. The Duke of Longuevil●e was sad and pensive, and spoke not a word. The Prince of Conti wept, and never stirred out of his Bed; while the Prince sung, swore, went to Mass a Mornings, read and played to pass away his time. 'Tis said, that the Prince, hearing the Prince of Conti desire somebody to bring him a Book, entitled, The Imitation of Christ, should presently use this Expression to the Prince of Conti's Friend, And I, Sir, said he, desire you to bring me the Imitation of Monsieur Beaufort; that I may make my escape out of this place, as he did about two years' ago● and see my heels well at liberty. These Rigorous Proceedings against the Princes were attended with several others. The guard of 'em was committed to the care of De Barr, a Man of great Severity, and whose hard Usage much augmented the Discontents of the Prisoners. Now in regard this man was made choice of by the Cardinal to be the Minister of his Passions, neither the Respect due to the Birth of the Princes, their Services done the Kingdom, nor the honour to be entrusted with those Illustrious Sufferers, made any impression upon his crabbed Disposition. And not contented with four Bodies of Guards, and five strong Gates, he crowded their Antichambers with Soldiers: He also placed Sold●●●s in their very Chambers to observe their Countenances; and many times they were observed in their Beds: And that which was most irksome of all, we the Clownishness of their Jaylor's Discoourses. He had not common Civility for 'em, as Princes, but 〈◊〉 be always prating in their ears that which was offensive. They were refused the Attendance of their own Servants. Only the Complaints of the Princess of Conde causing 'em to fear the effects of some pity, they were forced to grant 'em what the King was pleased to extend toward 'em. This put their Friends in hope, that they might be able to settle a Correspondence with 'em. Thereupon, they ventured a Letter, which was delivered 'em: And at length they made use of such dextrous means to hear from 'em, and to send 'em News of what concerned 'em, that D● Barr himself, perceiving, perhaps, some turn of the Tide, lent them his Assistance, when he was sure no notice could be taken of him. For five months that this lucky Stratagem lasted, neither they, nor those that adhered to their Interests, had any reason to conceive any great hopes of their Releasement. The Success of Normandy and Burgundy, that swelled the Pride of their Enemies, abated the Courage of their Friends and Servants. Besides that, their Meetings always proved fruitless, by reason of the Union and Vigilance of the Cardinal, and Coadjutor of Paris. In May the Coadjutor disappointed the Petition of the Princess Dowager of Conde, that she might have liberty to prosecute the Releasement of her Sons. She was in hopes that the Cardinal's absence would afford her favourable Opportunities; and that the good Nature of the Duke of Orleans, which had so long with flood the Imprisonment of the Princes, would at length produce a Union powerful to vanquish the Obstinacy of the Court, and the Malice of those that persecuted her House. But all her Attendance proved in vain. They were so far from doing her right upon her Petition, that they would not so much as lend an ear to her Complaints; they rejected her Supplications, and had no regard to her Tears. She might humble herself, if she pleased, even to the conjuring her Enemies by all the considerations of Mercy and Compassion; her Requests were still evaded● and upon the return of the Court, which removed a great way off on purpose, she obtained no more than the liberty to abide at Vallery, which she chose of her own accord before Chatillon upon Loin. All this bad Usage cast the Princess into a melancholy Discontent, and Languishment, of which she died the 2d of December. The Cardinal, on the other side, was fully satisfied. All things went well in Burgundy and Normandy, and the hopes that he had of the like success in Guyenne; and particularly at Bourdeaux, puffed up his Heart, and rendered him inexorable. Now for the right understanding of all these particulars, it will be requisite to give a brief Relation of what passed in those Provinces during the imprisonment of the Princes. The Count of Tavanes, who was one of those who laid most to heart the Interests of the Prince of Conde, The Count of Tavane's zeal for the Prince of Conde. understanding that he was arrested, together with the Prince of Conti, and the D. of Longuevil●e, and that they were carried to Vincennes, hastened to the Marquis of Moussaye Goyon, Governor of Stenay, and informed him of what he had heard. Now in regard the Marquis was none of the most resolute men in the world, he appeared to be strangely alarmed and surprised, and with a world of confusion, asked the Count what was to be done. It behoves ye, briskly replied the Count of Tavanes, to repair with all speed to your Government; and if you have nothing to do any where else, you will find business enough there, and you will see me there 〈◊〉 very speedily. Afterwards the Count went to Conde House, where he found the Princess Dowager all in Tears, with a great number of people, all in consternation, not knowing what Resolution to take. There was also in the Garden a good number of the Prince's Officers● who had resolved among themselves to go forthwith to Val de Grace, there to seize upon the Ca●dinal's Neices, and bring 'em away to some one of the Prince's Houses, as a gage for the Prince's Life, which they believed in danger, by reason of his great Merit, and high Birth. But at the very instant, news came that the Cardinal, apprehensive of some such Designs, had sent for ●em away from thence before the Princes were arrested. So that all the Officers were forced to return to their several Homes, not being ●ble to resolve upon any considerable Service which they could do the Prince: only the next day they reti●●d, some to Bellegard, and some to Stonay. Tavanes, What happened in Burgundy after the Imprisonment of the Princes. seeing this, departed, and road all night to get to Milly in Gastinois, which was his own Estate. From thence he retired into Burgundy, in hopes that many things might there be done for the Prince. But there was no body willing to stir in those parts, and they that were the Prince's Friends, were rather against him, then for him. However, he spared not to visit 'em all a● 〈◊〉, and to whisper 'em in the ear, but all to no purpos●●● then going to the Castle of the City which belonged to the Prince, the Commanders which th● Prince had placed there, of which two were his Domestic Servants, coldly excused themselves for ●ut being able to do any thing for want of men. Upon which Tavanes offered to bring 'em sixty Musquet●ers, which they promised to admit. But two days after, when the Musqueteers were come, and the Count sent word to the Governor to open the Back 〈◊〉 the Garrison made answer, That they could not receive 'em, in regard they had promised the City to let no body in. This piece of Infidelity, together with the Advice which the Count had given him, that there was a Design to arrest him a● Dijon, for●'d him to retire in haste to Bellogarde, which he found in such a forelorn Condition, as easily might satisfy the Judgement of any man, that the Prince, to whom it belonged, was no way guilty of the Crimes which were laid to his charge, for acting against the Service and Authority of the King. There was very little Ammunition, very few Cannon, and those dismounted; and without Carriages; insomuch, that Tavanes, seeing the bad condition of the Place, resolved to go to Stenay, where Marshal Turenne was already retired for the Service of the Prince. And in regard he had sent two single Companies, that belonged to the Prince, and two other Companies of the Regiment of Meille, to quarter near his House, du Palli●, two little Leagues from Langres, he went thither to join 'em. He was no sooner arrived at that House, but he had advice from Bellegard, that the Horse Regiments of Conde and Enguien were marching thither with the Prince's Guards; and that the Chief Commander had written to him, that he might receive his Orders. Whereupon, he sent away Guitault de Pechepeirou, to press 'em to meet him at Pallie, from whence they might march directly for S●ena●, and join Turenne. Guitant being arrived at Bellegard, wrote back word to the Count, that all the Officers told him, 'Twas requisite to let their Horse's rest for some few days, and that many of the Troops had deserted. But the Count was in haste to carry these Troops to Turenne, and therefore he sent with all speed for those Regiments to come up to him, and to let 'em understand, That the greatest Service they could do the Prince, was to quicken their March that they might the sooner be at Stonay. So soon as he had put himself at the head of these Troops, he set forward. But in his March he met, soon after his Uncle, the Mar●●es● of Tav●nes, who was the King's Lieutenant of 〈◊〉 province; who having drawn together the Gen●●y, the Archers with their Provost, some well 〈◊〉 Troops of Horse, and a Regiment of Foo●● adventured to oppose his Nephew's Passage, a●d to prevent his joining Turenne. The Count resolved forthwith to Charge this ●ody● that made a show of Disputing the Passage ●ith him; and falling upon 'em, cut all the Cavalry 〈◊〉 pi●ces, and having taken all the Regiment of ●oo●●risoners, made them take an Oath to serve the 〈◊〉 and the Prince of Conde against Mazarin. This Defeat of the King's Lieutenant of Burgundy, 〈◊〉 a terror into the whole Province, and particularly into Dijon, where they were so hotly alarmed, that they forced the very Capucius to take Arms. Whic● caused Tavanes to alter his design, and engaged h●● to turn all his Horse and Foot against that City, which he was in hopes to take, and make the Inhabitants declare themselves, if they that were in the C●stl● which belonged to the Prince, would but 〈◊〉 their Gates to Him. But the Commander of 〈◊〉 Castle refused to hearken to his Proposals, so that the Count after he had Encamped two Days before ●he C●ty, was constrained to retreat to Bellegard, in h●pes that the Countries would not fail to assist with 〈◊〉 Arms, and whatever else he stood in need of● Th●se movements of the Count of Tavanes, otherwise unsuccessful, produced good Effects: For they constrained the King, the Queen, the Cardinal, and all the Court, to take a Journey into Burgundy, and that Progress gave an opportunity to Bourdeaux, Montr●●d, and Normandy, to declare for the Prince, more especially while the King's Forces were bu●ied in the 〈◊〉 of B●llegarde. Tha● Place, Bellegarde taken. as has been said already, was in the most pitiful condition in the world to hold out, and therefore made little Resistance. The Soldiers also that were in it revolted upon sight of the King's Army; so that nothing could be expected from 'em. And Tavanes was constrained to surrender the Place much sooner than he would have done● to the end he might preserve for the Prince's service a good Number of Stout men, who were retired thither. Tavanes' Soldiers, after the surrender of Bellegarde, were discharged, and the Officers, with all the men of Courage that were there, gave their Paroles before they Marched out, to meet some at Montrond, some at Bourdeaux, and others at Stenay, for the service of the Prince; which they did with all Fidelity and Exactness. As for Tavanes, he chose to go to Paris, and join the Duke of Nemours, there to try all manner of ways to get the Prince's out of Prison. Now while the Court was busily employed in Burgundy, the Duchess of Long●eville left no stone unturned in Normandy to engage the Parliament of that Province, What passed in Normandy during the Imprisonment of the Princes. together with the Friends and Places that belonged to the Du●e her Husband, to take the Prince's side, and to assure herself also of H●●re de Grace. But all the benefit of her Intrigues, and her active stirring in those parts, was only this, that she constrained the Court to quit Burgundy sooner than they would have done, and to march with all their Forces into Normandy. In short● they● were no sooner arrived there, but the Princess was obliged to take Shipping and fly into Holland, and from thence to come to Stenay ● where she treated with the Spaniards about setting the Princes at Liberty Turenne, who was retired upon their being first Imprisoned, and who was vehemently incensed against the Cou●●, by reason of the Principality of Sedan, which they had taken from his Family some Years before, by constraining the Duke of Bovillon his Brother, than a Prisoner in the Bastille, to throw himself at the King's Mercy: This Turenne, I say, commanded all the 〈…〉 the Spaniards lent in this conjuncture. 〈…〉 we relate what Turenne did at the head of 〈…〉, le● us see what passed in Guyenne. 〈◊〉 ●●kes of Bovillon, and Rochefo●cault, the 〈…〉 St. Simon, and the Duke de la Force, were 〈…〉 Persons that Acted in G●yenne; and 〈…〉 highly signalised himself in the War 〈…〉 kindled in that Province; and he is to be 〈◊〉 as the chief of all those who there 〈◊〉 themselves, and took Arms in favour of the 〈◊〉. He it was, that so judicially advised the 〈◊〉 of Conde to retire with her young Son, the 〈…〉, into the Province of Guyenne. For 〈◊〉 that the Person of the Duke was exposed to 〈…〉 of the Court, he might happen to be 〈…〉 Instrument in obtaining his Father's Liberty. ●nd therefore, after some delay, the Princess 〈…〉, and got through the Mountains of Au●●●●, to T●renne; notwithstanding the dreadful 〈◊〉 that Persons of her Sex, and the young 〈◊〉 Age, were forced to undergo. The Prince's an●●he young Duke stayed with T●renne eight 〈◊〉 during which time Brive-la-G●●llande was ta●●●●nd the Troop of Gen●darmes of Prince Thomas, 〈◊〉 of a Hundred men. This stop at Turenne, 〈◊〉 was necessary to settle the tottering and 〈◊〉 Minds of the Bourdelois, to the end she 〈◊〉 be there in safety, gave time to General de la 〈◊〉, natural Brother to the Duke of Espernoon, and 〈◊〉 commanded the King's Forces in that Province, 〈…〉 in the Princess' way, on purpose to 〈◊〉 her passage. But She stopping at a House of 〈…〉 of Bouillon's, call●d Rochfort, the Duke of 〈…〉 and he marched against de la Vale●●e 〈…〉 the Forces they had raised, and six hundred 〈◊〉 men, their Friends. They overtook him a● 〈◊〉 in Per●gord. But he gave ground, not daring to fight, and retreated through the Woods to Bergerac, with the loss of all his Baggage. After which, the Princess set forward for Bourdeaux, without meeting any opposition in her passage. There remained nothing more behind, but to surmount the Difficulties which they met with in the City, which was divided into several Cabals. The Duke of Espernon's Creatures, and they that followed the new Sentiments, of which the D. of St. Simon had also gotten a smack, after he had receiv●d some Letters from the Court, and had heard of the taking of B●llegarde, joined themselves with those that served the Court, and among the rest with de la Vie, Advocate-General in the Parliament of Bourdeaux, a Man both subtle and Ambitious. They used all their Endeavours to cause the Gates to be shut against the Princess. Nevertheless, so soon as it was known that she was arrived at Lormond, near the City, with the Young Duke her Son, all people gave public Testimonies of their Joy. They thronged out of the City in heaps; they strewed the Highway with Flowers; and the Barge that carried 'em, was attended by all the Boats in the River; the Ships in the Port discharged all their Guns, and they entered into Bourdeaux, notwithstanding all the underhand Efforts of their Enemies to have hindered 'em. 'Tis true, that neither the Parliament, nor the Jurats went to visit 'em in a Body; but there was hardly any, who in private did not give 'em assurances of their faithful Service. In the mean while, the Court's Cabal, and Espernon's together, hindered the Duke of B●●illon, and the Duke of Rochefoucault, from being let into the City for the first three or four days; so that they were forced to lie in the Suburbs of the Cha●●reu●; where all people went to see 'em, and offered to bring 'em in by force. But they refused their Civility, contenting themselves to be admitted two days after the Princess, and that in the Evening too, to prevent any Tumult. The King at that time had no other Forces 〈…〉, but those under La Valette, which 〈…〉 The Dukes of Bovillon and Rouche 〈…〉 〈◊〉 consisted in five or six hundred Gen 〈…〉 friends, a●d some Foot, which they 〈…〉 'pon their own Lands. Now in regard 〈…〉 disciplined Soldiers, 'twas impossible to 〈…〉 together, so that they all began to think of 〈◊〉 home. For this Reason, 'twas thought 〈…〉 ● That they should try, before the Gentle●●● 〈◊〉, whether they could meet Valette, and 〈◊〉 that Resolution away the Dukes marched di●●●●●● fo● Liburne. But he having intelligence of it, 〈◊〉, a●d avoided fight a second time, in 〈◊〉 the ●●●ntry would be speedily returning home; 〈…〉 if he forbore fighting he should be certainly 〈◊〉 o●●he Field. At the same time Marshal de la Meilleray had Orders ●o ma●ch toward Bourdeaux, through the Country between the two Seas, and the King advanced to●●●d L●b●u●ne. Of which, when Bovillon and Rochefo●caul● had notice● they hastened their Levies, notwithstanding the Obstacles they met with, both for w●nt of Money, and the great number of persons 〈◊〉 in the Parliament and City, that under●and cros●d their Designs. And things were come to that 〈◊〉, which had like to have caused great Disor●●●●. F●● a Spanish Officer being come to wait upon the Princess of Conde from the King of Spain, and having brought along with him 20000 Crowns for the ●eli●f of her present Necessities, the Parliament, who ●ill then had suffered her to reside in the City with her S●n, the Duke of Eng●ien, and had never openly decl●●'d for her, as the people had done, believed that 〈◊〉 opposing the Spanish Envoy's being received into Bo●●de●●x ● would suffice, by that single Act, to justi●y all their past Conduct; seeing that by depriving the Prince's Party of that Relief which they expected ●rom Spain, his Friends would be reduced to a necessity of receiving such Laws as the Court would impose upon 'em. The Parliament therefore being assembled, ordered that the Spaniard should depart Bourdeaux forthwith; but the people understanding what would be the Consequences of that Decree, betook themselves to their Armest invested the Palace, and threatened to fire it, if they did not repeal their Order. At first they thought to have easily dispersed the Tumult, upon the appearance of the Jurats that were sent for; but the Disorder increasing upon the delay of the Repeal, the Parliament sent notice to the Dukes of Bovillon and Rochefoucau●● of the Mutiny, and desired them to appease it; nor were they sorry that the Parliament stood in need of 'em upon this Occasion. But in regard it was of great importance toward laying the foundations of their Party, that the people should get the Decree recalled, before they left the Palace; and afraid besides, lest if they should go about to regulate the Disorder, they should be taken for the Ringleaders of it, they forbore for some time to answer the Expectations of the Parliament. But perceiving at length that things began to grow to that degree of heat, that without losing any more time, they flew to the Palace with their Guards, and thrusting themselves in among the Enraged Multitude, to the great danger of their persons, they stopped their Fury, and undertook to mediate between Them and the Parliament. Thus the Spanish Envoy had all the liberty he could desire. Afterwards the Generals thought it requisite to make a general M●ster of the Inhabitants, that they might be able to know their strength● and prepare 'em by degrees to sustain a Siege. They drew 'em up themselves in order of Battle, though they had received Advices from several hands, that there was a design on foo● to Assassinate 'em. Nevertheless among the continual Volleys that were discharged, by no less than Twelve thousand men, no unlucky Accident happened. After this they began to raise some Outworks about the City; but in regard that Money came but slowly from Spain, they could not bring any of their Works to perfection. And certain it is, that during all this War, they never received of the Spaniards above Two hundred and twenty thousand livres; the rest having been taken up upon the Credit of the Princess, the Dukes, or M. Laisne. However, in a little time they made a shift to raise Three thousand Foot, and Seven or eight hundred Horse; with which they took Castellan, within four Leagues of Bourdeaux, and would have extended themselves farther, but that they heard of Meilleray's approach, and that Espernoon was joined with Vale●●●. Upon this advice, Bovillon and Rochefoucault dispatched away Sillery into Spain to hasten away the promised Relief: However, they left a Garrison in Castelnau, and retreated with the rest of their Forces to Blanquefort, within two Leagues of Bourdeaux. And there it was that the Duke of Espernon came to fall upon 'em in their Quarters, at what time Bovillon and Rochefoucault were returned to Bourdeaux, leaving Chambon to Command the Forces in their Absence, which were much inferior to Espernon's. Nevertheless, tho' they could not defend the Entrance into their Quarters, the Marshes and Canals which environed one part of 'em, gave 'em the opportunity, without being broken, to save both their Men and their Baggage. Upon the noise of this Combat, Bovillon and Rochefoucault, set forward out of Bourdeaux with a good number of the Citizens, and having joined their own men, advanced toward Espernon with a resolution to Fight him, but the same Canal, already mentioned, prevented their coming to blows: Only some skirmishes happened, wherein Espernon lost a great many Officers and Soldiers; of the Bourdelois very few were killed, and Mr. Guitault, the Prince of Conde's Chamberlain was Wounded. After which time Meilleray and Espernon being joined kept Bourdeaux blocked up, though at some distance; and they retook the Island of St. George, about four Leagues above the City in the Garon, where the two Dukes had begun some Fortifications. It had been defended for two or three Days with vigour enough, because they got in a fresh Regiment every day, and Valette being there Wounded, died of his Wounds within a few days. But at length the Boat that brought 'em Reliefs and carried back those that were relieved, being sunk by a Battery which Meilleray had raised upon the River's side; it struck such a Terror as well into the Officers as Soldiers, that they surrendered all Prisoners of War. So that the Bourdelois lost the Island and Twelve hundred of their best men at one time. This ill success, and the Arrival of the King at Liburn, who also caused the Castle of Vaire to be attacked, lying about two Leagues from Paris, caused a great consternation in the City. Upon this the Parliament and the Citizens perceiving the City ready to be Besieged by the King, and finding themselves in want of all things necessary for their Defence, and no Succours coming from Spain made a Decree to desire a Peace upon what conditions the King pleased to impose upon 'em, at what time News was brought 'em, that Vaire was taken, and that the Governor, named Richon, who surrendered at discretion was Hanged. This severity by which the Cardinal thought to have stricken a terror and discord among the Bourdelois, wrought a quite contrary effect. Bovillon and Rochefoucault understood so well to make their best advantage of it, that by this means he resettled the minds of those that wavered and were astonished before, causing the Governor of the Island of St. George, who surrendered at Dicretion, to be Hanged. And to the end that the Parliament and People might be concerned with the Generals, which was no less requisite than bold and daring; they caused the Commander to be Tried by a Council of War, where the Princess and the Duke of Enguien Presided; and which was composed not only of the Military Officers, but of two Commissioners from the Parliament, and Thirty six Captains of the City. Who all unanimously Condemned the poor Commander, who was a Gentleman, and guilty of no other Crime then of being Unfortunate. The People also, who were enraged above measure, would hardly give him time to be Executed, but would have torn him Limb from Limb, and cut him to Pieces. This Action astonished the Court, gave new vigour to the Bourdelois, and made such an alteration in the City, that they resolved to abide a Siege, and to defend themselves Courageously; the Citizens relying upon their own strength, and the Promises of the Spaniards, who put 'em in hopes of a powerful and speedy Succour. In the mean while they hastened the Raising of a Fort of Four Bastions at Bastide, which lies over-against Bourdeaux on the other side of the River. They also carried on with great heat and diligence the other Fortifications of the City. But in regard that several of the Citizens had Houses in the Suburbs of St. Surin, they would not permit 'em to be burnt or pulled down; though it were made out, That that Suburb would be the first that would be attacked, and that it was large enough to lodge all the King's Infantry. All they could obtain was only to intercept the Avenues, and to lay the Houses open; For it was impossible to defend so large a place as that with only the Inhabitants and a few men, that did not amount to above Seven or eight hundred Foot, and three hundred Horse. Nevertheless the Place required a numerous Guard, the access being open to it on every side, and the City Gate which was next it in a very bad condition having nothing to defend it, and for that the Enemy might approach it under Covert. So that they could have wished they could have ●●cur'd that Gate with a Half Moon; but in regard they wanted every thing that was necessary, they made ri●e of a small Muckhill that lay before the Gate, and which being cut sloping like a Half Moon, without Parapet or Moat, was one of the greatest defences of ●he City. The Siege of Bourdeaux. The King staying at Bourg, Mazarin cam● to the Royal Camp, which consisted of about 8000 Foot, and Three thousand Horse. And it was resolved that the Suburb of St. Surin should be attacked, which was a work so much the more easy, for that having the Avenues only Guarded, the Houses might be gained without any danger; by which means they might enter into the City, cut off those that defended the Barricado's and the Church, and prevent their retreat into the City. Moreover they thought, that because the Half-Moon was not tenable, they might lodge themselves betimes at the Gate of Dijos. Meilleray therefore caused the Houses and Barricado's to be attacked both at the same time, and Pall●au had Orders to enter through the Palais Galen, and to slip between the Suburbs and the City directly to the Half-Moon: But Meilleray falling on before Palluau arrived, he found hotter work than he expected. For the Skirmish began so soon as the King's Troops approached; and the Citizens had placed their small shot in the Hedges and Vineyards which covered the Suburbs, which put a stop to the King's men with great loss of the Assaylants● Bovillon was in St. Surin's Church yard, with what Citizens he could get out along with him to relieve the Posts, and Rochefoucault was at the Barricade, where the King's men made their Principal Attack and carried it. Both sides fired with extreme fury; so that of the Citizen's abou● sixscore were slain, and about seven or eight hundred on the King's side: Nevertheless the Suburb was taken. Af●●● which they resolved to open their Trenches, 〈…〉 the Half-Moon, and to make an Attack through the W●lks belonging to the Archbishopric; 〈◊〉 in ●egard the Half-moon had no Moat, the Citi●●●● wo●ld not undertake to guard it, but contented themselves ●ith shooting from behind their Walls. The Besiegers therefore attacked it three times with t●●ir bests men, but were repulsed by Rochefoucault, wh● had brought thither the Prince of Conde's Gu●●ds and his own, at the same time that the Citizens' d●●ert●d it. The Besieged also made three or ●o●r Sallies, in every one of which they cleared the T●●nches● and burned the Enemy's Lodgments; insomuch, that in Thirteen days after the Trenches were 〈◊〉, they were no f●rther advanced then at first. But i●●egard the Bourdelois had not Infantry enough to believe the Guards of the Gates attacked; and for that those who were neither killed nor wounded were 〈◊〉 for service, by reason of their being wearied with thir●●en days hard service together, Bovillon and Rochef●●ca●lt found a way to relieve 'em by causing the cavalry to serve a foot; and they stayed there themselves the four or five last days without stirring 〈◊〉 their Po●●s to encourage the Soldiers by their E●●mple. Before I go any farther, The Progress of Turenne's Army. 'tis requisite for the keeping i● memory the just and distinct Ideas of so many 〈◊〉 Accidents, to let you know, That the Remoteness of the Court and the King's Army now bu●●●●●●ploy'd in Guyenne, gave Turenne leisure to make great Progresses. He therefore, taking advantage o● the opportunity, took in Capelet, La Chapelle, Chat●●●, Por●ien, and Rhetel, and made a show of marching toward Paris, to release the Princes who were at vincennes. The news of his March struck a Terror into the Capital City, and made 'em think of a secu●e● P●ison wherein to confi●e the Princes. Thereupon they all agreed, That it was absolutely necessary that they should be removed from Vincennes: But the difficulty was to agree upon the place, where they might be more in safety. Madam Cheureuse, and the Keeper of the Seals, could not determine the point; for there was more in it then only to remove the Princes from Vincennes● Tellier, Secretary of State, and others of the Cardinal's Friends proposed Haure, according as Mazarine had designed. The Coadjutor thought they were safe enough where they were● or if they must be removed, no better place than the Bastile. Beaufort was of the same opinion, and stiffly maintained, That to put 'em in any other place, would be to deliver 'em up to the Cardinal, and give him an opportunity to make use of 'em when he pleased, against his Royal Highness himself. That rather than suffer it, he would expose himself to the greatest dangers. That he made no question but that he should be upheld by the people; and that with their support he would undertake any thing. The Duke of Orl●ance was a long time before he could resolve what to do, but at length his fears augmenting upon the news of Turenne's March, he began to think it high time to resolve upon something. However, the diversity of opinions, and particularly Beaufort's threatenings, put him to a stand; besides, that the Castles of Pontoise, and St. Germane en Say, were proposed to him. But being beset with difficulties on every side, he bethought himself of Marcoussy, enclosed between two Rivers, surrounded with Moats full of water, and strong enough to oppose as well the Enemies of the State, as the Prince's Friends. The principal Friends which the Prince had at Paris, were the Duke of Nemours, and the Count of Tavanes; the first was his Rival; for they both loved Madam de Chatillon; which made it a wonder at first that the Duke should be so much concerned for the Prince. In short, after the Princes were carried to 〈◊〉, the Duchess of Chatillon had linked her se●● with the Princess Dowager of Conde, and had so 〈…〉 her business, that she had brought over 〈◊〉 to the Prince's Interest, for whom in truth she had 〈◊〉 so great a kindness, as for the Duke, but loved him however, well knowing he had a great 〈◊〉 for her. 'Tis true, that it might be very probable, that 〈…〉 not believe that the Duchess of Chatillon ac●ed for the Prince out of any principle of Love. And perhaps it might be likewise true, that the Duchess did not solely act by that principle, but th●t the Ob●●gations for which she was indebted to the Prince's th● Community of interests, and the 〈◊〉 she had to be allied to the first Prince of the 〈◊〉, might be stronger Motives to induce her to engage 〈◊〉 to take the Prince's side. For the under●●●n●ing of which 'tis necessary you should know, That the Duchess of Chatillon, Daughter of 〈…〉, who lost his ●ead for fight a Duel co●tra●y to the Edicts of Lewi● XIII. was married to G●spar Duke of Chatillon by the intermediation and C●●dit of the Prince, though he were himself in Love with he● before. But because Gaspar de Coligny, afterwards Duke of Cha●ill●n, upon the D●ath of his Father and his eldest Brothe●, was in Love with Madam de B●uttevi●e, Coligny besought the Duke to quit his pretention, alleging ●hat he had a Design to 〈◊〉 her. The Prince, who was both a Friend and K●nsman of Coligny's, and one who had no other than a ●are design of Courtship upon the Lady, besides that his Passion was but newly kindled, made up scruple to resign his Amours, and promised him that he would not only banish 'em from his thoughts, but 〈◊〉 him against the Marshal, his Father, and his Kindred, that opposed the Match. In short, notwithstanding all the Decrees of Parliament, and all Obstacles that the Marshal laid in his way, the Prince assisted Coligny so well, that he caused him to carry away Madam de Boutteville by Force, and lent him Twenty thousand Franks for his Subsistence. Coligni carried his Mistress to Chesteau-Thierry, where the Marriage being consummated, the new-marryed Couple retired to Stenay, a place of Security, which the Prince to whom it belonged, had lent 'em for their Residence. Coligni's not being of Age when he married rendering the Marriage void, yet being of Age upon his return to Paris, there was a Contract of Marriage drawn up at Conde-House before the Lady's Relations, and then they were married again at Nostre-Dame by the Coadjutor. Some time after, Madam de Chatillon, not finding herself well, went to the Waters of Bourbon, where the Duke of Nemours met her and fell in Love with her. After which they loved each other with an extraordinary Passion, insomuch tha● Nemours could refuse nothing that Madam de Chatillon demanded of him. But to return to the Series of our History, Nemours whom Love had engaged on the Prince's side, and ●avanes who was returned incognito to Paris after the Surrender of Bellegarde, made it their business to make Friends● and upon the report of the Prince's being to be removed from Vincennes, had got together all the Friends that possibly they could, with Instructions to be ready to mount along with 'em upon the first call. But when the Princes were removed from Vincennes to Marcoussy, they were attended by such a numerous Guard, that Nemours and Tavanes did not think it convenient to appear, and so dismissed all those persons that were come to join 'em. The Prince during his Imprisonment at Vincennes, had written a long and elegant Discourse to justify his Innocency to all France, and to all the world, and to display the Malice of his Grand Enemy. The beginning of this Discourse was put into the hands of a considerable person by a Soldier, who being won by 〈◊〉 ● was wont to bring News how the Duke did; and ●hen the Princes were carried to Marcoussy, another Soldier that escaped in the hurry, brought the Reminder. The Piece is nervously and eloquently compiled, and justifies that the Illustrious Author knew more than how to manage his Sword. Had it not bee● so long as it is, we would have inserted it in this History, but it would almost compose a Tome of i● self. 'Tis enough to let you know, That the Prince all along keeps within the Bounds of Respect to their Majesties; and that without murmuring at the●● Orders, he discovers the Malice of those who had raised so great a Persecution against him, and gives admirable and home Answers to all their false Accusations. But tha● you may the better see both the Accusations ●●d the principal Answers, we shall here insert the King's Letter to the Parliament of P●ris, concerning the Prince's Imprisonment; and another from a private person to the Parliament, which answers the King's Letter very home, without omitting any thing essential. And this last Letter, which appeared some time before their Removal, induced the Pa●li●ment to seek all the most proper ways to release the Princes from such an Unjust Captivity. The King's Letter to the Parliament of Paris, touching the Imprisonment of the Princes. THE Resolution which we have been forced to take by the Advice of the Queen Regent, our m●s● Honoured Lady and Mother, to sec●re our Perso●s from our Cousins the Princes of Conde and Conti, and the Duke of Longueville, is of that Importance for the Welfare of our Service, that although we owe to God alon● the Account of our Actions, and o● the Administration of our Kingdom, we thought however, that we could not let both you and the Public know too soon, the Motives that induced 〈◊〉 to it; to the end that all our Subjects, being inform●● of the absolute Necessity which, through the ill Conduct of those Princes and the Duke, constrained us to proceed with so much Rigour, to prevent the irreparable Mischiefs that threatened this Monarchy, may all redouble their Affection, and concur so far as lies in their power with us, in that aim which we propose to ourselves, to establish a firm Tranquillity within our Kingdom, as having understood by experience to bring our Enemies to reason, whose opposition to Peace proceeds from no other cause, but only in hopes that the Divisions which have for some time vexed this Kingdom, will at length turn all things Topsie-turvie, which by the Assistance of God we hope to prevent. We promise ourselves, that the Remembrance which all Christendom will resume of the Moderation and Mildness of our Counsels which we have followed since our coming to the Crown (which has been such, that often what has proceeded from our natural Indulgence or Prudence for other stronger Reasons, has been imputed to the weakness of our Government) will convince every body, That we had not had recourse to this last Remedy, till after we had found all others were of no force. And in truth, when we were to deliberate upon the Arresting a Prince of our Blood, whom we have always tenderly loved, and who is otherwise highly to be valued for his many Noble Qualities; a Prince so often victorious over his Enemies, against whom he has so frequently signalised his Courage, Certain it is, that though he soon made an ill use of that Honour which we gave him the opportunity to purchase; and that his proceedings in divers Erterprises have given us just occasion from time to time to 〈◊〉 his Designs, we could not without extreme 〈◊〉 determine his Imprisonment; and we ●●uld have winked at all the Imprudences of his evil C●●●●ct, but only the imminent danger that the Kingdom was in to be torn in pieces● and unless we 〈◊〉 palpably discerned, that considering the way which the said Prince took, and wherein he made large steps every day, one of these two mischiefs was inevitable, Either the utter destruction, or the Dissolution of this Monarchy by the ruin of our Authority; upon the preservation of which principally depends the Tranquillity and Happiness of the people which God has submitted to our Obedience. It is so natural to all men to love their own works, and to desire as much as in 'em lies, the kind acceptation and merit of 'em, that there is no body, without doubt, but will presume in regard we have afforded opportunities to our Cousin, by means of those Military Employments wherewith we have entrusted him, to acquire a high Reputation, and for that we have ●eap'd upon his Family and his own Person Favours of all sorts, no body, we dare say, will believe, that unless Necessity had compelled us, we would h●●e been willing to have lost the fruits of all our Favours● and to have deprived ourselves of the Services which our Cousin might have done us, both by his Counsels and Performances in times of difficulty, such as are those of a long Minority, had he not deviated so far as he has done from the Path of his Duty or if he could have satisfied his Ambition with living the Richest Subject this day in Christendom. And certainly, upon due consideration of the vast Settlements that belong to his Family, either in Employments, or Governments of Provinces or great Towns, in Lands, or Ready-Money, or Church Revenues, it must be acknowledged, that so many Favours, nor so considerable, as we have conferred upon our said Co●sin, were never in so short a time bestowed upon any one Family; not to reckon in ou●●rants to his Relations and Friends at his Request, and out of the Respect we had for him. He cannot deny, but that he holds at this day from our Bounty solely, all that he enjoys of Places or Governments, in regard all became vacant upon the Death of our Dear Cousin his Father, and that it was in our full Power to have disposed of 'em to such other persons as we should have thought sit to have preferred before him. But to go a little higher, every body may call to mind, how that so soon as the Queen Regent, our most Honoured Lady and Mother, foresaw the Misfortune wherewith Heaven was about to afflict France, by the loss of the Deceased King our most Honoured Lord and Father; and that there was no longer any hopes of recovering a Health so precious to the Kingdom, she applied herself to obtain the good will of our said Cousins, giving order, so soon as she was designed Regent in the King's thought, to those in whom that Great Prince put greatest Confidence, to make it their business to persuade him to confer several Favours upon that House. Her Orders were happily obeyed, though the King thought he had already done enough, having but a little before made the Duke of Anguien General of his principal Army. To which at first he had so great a reluctancy, that he had once resolved to order his retiring into Burgundy. They also persuaded him to confer an Honour upon our deceased Cousin the Prince of Conde, which he had long desired, which was to make him Precedent of his Council; and some few days after, he was made Grand Master of France, though the King was resolved to have utterly suppressed it. The Queen afterwards at the very beginning of her Regency, bestowed upon him in our Name, the Houses of Chantilli and Dampma●tin, which was the Noblest Present that ever any King made to one person. He was also 〈◊〉 to purchase the Estate of our Deceased 〈◊〉 the Duke of Bellegarde, wherein the Town of 〈…〉 comprehended; which considering the 〈…〉 o● the Place itself, and the Situation of 〈…〉 of our Cousins other Governments, lay 〈◊〉 ●ost convenient for him of any of the Kingdom. 〈…〉 so many Favours, and those extraordinary, 〈◊〉 granted to the Father, were no less advantaging to the Son, who enjoyed the benefit of 'em, 〈…〉 was still so Gracious as to confer conside●●●●● Favours on the Person of the D. of Enguien. Our 〈…〉 Marshal de L'Hospital had the Government of 〈◊〉 given him in Recompense of his Services, 〈…〉 was rewarded with the Government 〈…〉 To●n and Citadel of Stenay; yet both the 〈◊〉 day ●●ven to the Duke. Upon the Death of 〈…〉, we bestowed in one day upon his Family 〈◊〉 ●●ployment of Grand Master of France, the 〈…〉 of Three Provinces, Burgundy, Bresse, 〈…〉, besides that of Champagne which he had 〈◊〉, and three strong Towns, the Castle of Dijon, 〈…〉, and Bourges, besides Bellegard and 〈◊〉 which he had in possession. And we have 〈◊〉 to believe, that there never was any Greediness after large Possessions and soaring Greatness so 〈◊〉, but would have been fully gorged by 〈◊〉 an Effusion of Benefits and Favours of all sorts. 〈◊〉 our said Cousin then gave us formal Assurances, That he would never desire any thing more for the 〈◊〉 ● confessing and acknowledging, That what●●●● Services he had done, or whatever he could do 〈◊〉 Kingdom, he could not in reason demand any 〈◊〉 ●●●n what had been done already for him. Ne●●●●hele●●, in a little time after he set a foot other 〈◊〉 Claims under precarious and unjust Pretences; 〈◊〉 the be●ter to attain his Ends, renewing his for●●●● Discontents, because we had given to our most 〈◊〉 Lady and Mother, the Disposal of the place of Lord High Admiral and Superintendent of the Maritime Affairs, vacant by the Death of our Cousin the Duke of Breze, his Brother-in-Law; as if he had had a particular Privilege to make Hereditary in his Family all the Offices which his Kindred had possessed during their Lives; forgetting that he had positively promised to demand nothing more of us, after we had gratified him with so many others upon the Death of his Father, who died presently after the D. of Breze. Nevertheless we resolved upon one trial more to give him satisfaction, in hopes that Age would moderate his Excesses, and temper the exorbitant heat of his Ambition; and to the end we might once for all deprive him of any Necessity and Excuse for demanding any more, we heaped up the Measure to the top; and upon his renewed Promises never to make any farther Demands, we granted him a new Favour which surpassed all the rest, by adding to the Towns of Burgundy which he had already, and to Stenay, that of Clermont, with a Gift of all the Demesnes belonging to it, as also to Stenay and jamets', which are worth near a Hundred thousand Livres a year. After that, we admitted the Prince of Conti into our Councils at Twenty years of Age, though his Brother and his Brother-in-Law had a Pension there already, of a Hundred thousand Livres, and Danvilliers' Employment, for which he was to give a Recompense to the Sieur Danevoux, and had settled upon him in our Name divers Bodies of Horse and Foot. We omit several other Favours which we have conferred upon our Cousin the Prince of Conde, which alone were sufficient to satisfy any reasonable mind, besides considerable Sums of Money which we have bestowed upon him every year, and all the Augmentations of Pensions for him or his Family and Relations, for whom he desired 'em. We speak not of the respect which we always had for his Requests ●or Patient's for Dukes, for the Promotions of Mares●hals of Fr●nce, and a world foe Military Employments, and others of all sorts, as Abbots, Bishops, and governments of Places bestowed at his Recommenda●●●●●pon persons at his Devotion. Lastly, we call God to witness. That there is no sort of study or in●●●try which we have not put in practice as well toward himself, as with his most familiar Confidents, ●o ●ix his mind, and give him satisfaction. And up●n this account we are obliged to testify, That our m●st de●r and most beloved Uncle the Duke of Or●●●ce, preferring the Tranquillity of the Kingdom, and the Good of our Service, before any other particular ●nterest or Consideration, has all along persuaded us to these Sentiments, and by that means highly contributed to the advantages of the said P●●●ce, and the satisfaction of all his Demands. But all in vain; no Favour, no Application, no Confidence's having hitherto been able to limit his irregular Ambition. The nature of the several pretensions which he has set on foot from time to time, and from which he has endeavoured to exempt himself with ●ildness and Prudence, may easily evince to the world, that they were the Sentiments and Transports of such a mind. Sometimes he has vehemently insisted to have the Command of an Army for the Conquest of Fr●nche Conte, upon condition that he might have the Sovereign Possession of it. In the midst of the last Campaign, while our Army was advanced into Flanders, and that it could not be enfeebled without running the Risco of some great Blow, laying aside all other thoughts which way to annoy the Enemy, even to the hazard of exposing our Frontiers and Strong Holds to the Assaults of our Enemies, he would needs have a Detatchment of a ●reat Body of Horse drawn out to go to Lieger ● to support the Design which he had to help his Brothe●●he Prince of Conti to the Coadjutorship of that Bishopric, by that means to render more considerable the places which he holds upon the Mensae, and in his Government of Champagne, besides another great Establishment w●ich he projected to erect on that side, as we shall afterwards make appear. All which clearly shows by many remarkable Circumstances, to what a degree he was possessed with a desire of Sovereignty. An Imagination the more dangerous in a Mind all Fire like his, because we are moreover well informed, That among his intimate Confidents, he has often let fall that pernicious Maxim, That any thing may be done to attain Sovereign Dominion, so that although in a Monarchy settled upon such solid Foundations as ours, chiefly upon that Affection and unshaken Fidelity which the French have for their Privileges and the Persons of their Kings, such a Criminal Thought has been generally attended with the Ruin of those that professed it, yet we should be defective in the Duty which we owe as well to ourselves, as to our faithful Subjects, should we not obviate all things which in time might facilitate the execution of so unjust a Design. For though what he proposes to himself were no mark of what he harbours in his breast, yet certain it is, that if we nearly examine his Conduct ever since our coming to the Crown, no body can disown but that he has an Intention to work other Mischiefs in the Kingdom, which no less require the Remedy we have applied, since he openly went about to set up a Dominion formidable to us. That his Design was to weaken and bring down the Royal Authority; that by possessing or securing to himself the principal Places of the Kingdom, and fixing to himself all persons that have any Credit, all men of Parts and signal Endowments, either by Obligation, or out of Fear or Interest, he might be able in time openly to withstand and slight our Will and Pleasure in all things that should no● be conformable to his; to sow War and Troubles unpunished in the Kingdom, according to his own Interests and Humours; to make use of all opportunities to aggrandise his Fortune. And lastly, to take things 〈◊〉, that he might be able during our Minority, to reduce us to a Condition, that when we came of Age, we ●●ould have no more than the Name and Shadow of a King, while in reality he had all the Power and Authority in his own hands. This, in truth, is the most favourable Interpretation we can make of his Conduct, especially since the Command of our Ar●●●s wi●h which we have entrusted him, has furnished hi● with opportunities to acquire a great Reputation, and a vast number of Adherents; and moreover ●●ce he finds himself in the possession of so many considerable Settlements, which we have bestowed upon him one upon another, to oblige him out of Gratitude, to have no other thoughts but those of doing 〈◊〉 good service. But so far was he from that acknowledgement which we promised to ourselves, that then i● was that he began to pull off his Vizor, and to display the Grandeur of his Credit, to the end that no body should apply themselves to any other but himself to obtain our Favours, or avoid the Punishment of their Crimes. Then it was, that his con●●●l'd Artifices to get all the Officers of our Army's a● his Devotion, especially the Foreigners in our Service (of which he took a particular care) were changed into open Contrivances to gain 'em, and ●●nder 'em dependers upon himself: Then it was that ●e made i● evidently appear, that the Good of our Service was never his aim in all his Military Performances, in regard that in the most pressing Exigencies that ever our Armies were plunged in, for want of a Chieftan of his Quality and Authority to rectify the Miscarriages and Disorders which our late Troubles had introduced, he still avoided the Comm●nd of our Armies, which formerly he cove●ed and sued for with so much earnestness, to the end ●e might apply himself wholly to the Court, and to his Cabals, believing the proper time was come to reap the Fruits which he had proposed to himself, when all the Campaigns were ventured upon a general Battle, upon this Maxim, often applauded by himself, That the winning a Battle augmented his Reputation, and gave him new plausible Pretences to exact farther Rewards. But that if he lost it, and that our Affairs thereby should happen to tumble into Disorder, he s●ould be the more valued for the need there would be of him. Then it was that he became liberal of his Caresses beyond his usual strain, and that he made continual Searches among all the Governors of Towns; and all those who had any Employments of Consequence, or that were assured of 'em by survivance or any other means to attain 'em; That he engaged himself to importune us for the Interests of all indifferently, without considering whether they were prejudicial to the State or no: That he cherished all Malcontents: That he flattered their Complaints, and promised to assist 'em: That he endeavoured to debauch all those who out of Gratitude or Affection adhered to us and their Duty; lessening the value of our Favours, by persuading 'em, that for the future they were to hope for no more but by his means: Then it was that he exacted from those that offered him their Service, an Oath of Fidelity to be faithful to him against all men, without exception of Person or Quality, and that he openly persecuted after various manners, all those that would not enter into his Dependency upon him: Then it was that all persons who surrendered themselves to his will, had Merit and Qualities to pref●r 'em before any other Competitors; that they who stuck to their Allegiance without any other aim then to do us good service, were always Cowards, and people of no worth; that on the other side they became in an instant, great Personages, worthy of all manner of Employments and Rewards, so soon as they devoted themselves to his Interests; which was one sure way to ascend from 〈◊〉 to Wor●●, from Inability to Accomplishment. Then it was that he used innumerable Artificer 〈◊〉 decoy all those that had Employments in our 〈◊〉, or in the Guards of our Person; that he ●●enly protected all Delinquents, provided they had recourse to Him, tho' they were of contrary Interests ●●fore; That his House was a Notorious Sanctuary for all sorts of Criminals. Then it was that he began to demand all Vacancies of what Nature soever; that upon all occasions, as well petty as considerable, he took the Market into his own hands, and threatened to quit all things, to set up for himself, and put himself at the Head of all those that would 〈◊〉 against us. Lastly, than it was, that to show his Power and his Steadfastness toward those that ●ell in with his Interests, he was not content with obtaining Favours, but would have the World believe that he wrested 'em out of our hands by Violence. Witness the Government of Pont-de l' Arthe, which he would have carried by a strong hand, and at a day prefixed, threatening if it were not done, that he would kindle a new Flame in the Kingdom; but in regard he knew full well that the demand which he made of this Place was highly offensive, and generally disapproved by all People, he presently gave on● that he had not been so eager after the Business, but because he ●ad engaged his word to the Duke of Long●●ville to procure it for him; declaring moreover, that he must never think to justify himself, if after so many Benefits of all sorts heaped upon him, and so many vast Revenues and Offices settled upon him, that never had any Prince in France since the beginning of the Monarchy, he ever pretended to beg any thing more either for himself, or for any, of his Friends after a Grant of this Favour. Upon this we were induced in that Conjuncture to satisfy his Impetuosity, notwithstanding his manner of Behaviour, to the end we might leave him no pretence of raising disturbance. But though the Accommodation of this Ma●ter has passed through the hands of our Dear Uncle the Duke of Ori●ance, who would needs be Mediator for the preservation of the public Tranquillity, he found the next day that he had made little or no progress, and that he was not the same Man, who the Evening before had testified such an entire satisfaction in the Umpirage of our said Dear Uncle, and given his Promise of submission. For the next day he reassumed his ●ormer coldness, and showed an inclination to do worse, on purpose to extort from us some new Advantages: forgetting the Declaration which he had solemnly renewed, never to claim any thing more, after the Grant of ●ont de L' Arch. At length, the Queen wearied with so many Relapses, and desirous once for all; if it were possible, to tear up the Root of all Misunderstanding; ordered him to be roundly pressed to explain himself sincerely and truly what he desired, to live quietly, and within the bounds of his duty. Upon which having declared, That he was jealous of some Alliances (to which nevertheless, when they were first mentioned to him, he had not only given his Consent, but had advised 'em himself for six months together, as believing 'em very advantageous) and having besides testified his desire, that the Queen would promise him a sincere and entire affection; as also to have a respect for such Persons as he should recommend to her upon all occasions; and lastly, to impart to him generally her Resolutions upon all Ma●ters whatsoever; The Queen was so gracious, in the first place, that she might leave him no pretence of distaste or mistrust, as to promise him, that she would conclude no Alliance but by concert with him. And as to the other Points, she engaged so much the more freely, because she did not remember that she had failed ●n either, but thought she had rather inclined 〈…〉, than omission. But by his proceedings it was soon ●fter known to what end he had exacted 〈…〉 of unnecessary Promises● and that his purp●●● in it was only to have a new pretence to demand more boldly, and execute with more haughtiness and pri●e whatever should come into his mind, that might be serviceable to his design of making himself 〈◊〉 Master of the Forces of the Kingdom. In short, about four days after that, his manner of re●●ying the sincere Affection which the Queen had promised him, with all the Solemnities and Securities 〈…〉 de●ire, was not barely to receive into his Protection all those that demanded it against her, but to offer it himself to several Persons who had incurred 〈◊〉 displeasure, either a long time before, or by new Offence lately committed. Our Cousin Marshal Scom●●rg s●on after was in danger of of his life. Presently 〈◊〉 ●h●● Accident a Council was held in the House 〈…〉 said Prince, the result of which was to demand, 〈◊〉 obtain, whatever it cost 'em, the Government of Metz, and Pais Messin, for the Prince of Co●●i, who was then in treaty also for the Bishopric of 〈◊〉. The Queen, our thrice honoured Lady and Mother● is forced, by the idle Conduct of such an Extravagant, to drive him out of her presence; the P●●nce openly undertakes to protect him, hinders him fro● retiring, comes himself to the Queen to constrain her● 〈◊〉 him again, and out of an unsufferable want of Respect, which no true Frenchman can hear without an extraordinary Indignation, he boldly threatened to ●●c●ive the Madman into his House, and bring 〈◊〉 every day into the Queen's ●●●ht; and had he 〈…〉 prudence been put in hopes, that time would 〈…〉 the Affair; or had he not been afraid 〈◊〉 injure some other greater Pretensions which he 〈◊〉 at that time, we had been in danger of seeing ou● thrice honoured Lady and Mother reduced either to suffer this Affront at his hands, or to have had recourse to ●he utmost Extremities in her own defence They who understand not his different Partialities, so prejudicial to the good of the S●●te, and our Service, may observe 'em in the last Commotions in Provence and Guienne, where in two Affairs of the same nature, 〈◊〉 would needs in the one absolutely advance the Authority of the Governor to the Oppression of the Parliaments and in the other act quite the contrary, without any other reason for acting so oppositely, b●t because one of the Governors was his Kinsman, and for that he had no kindness ●or the other. To the end that by such Examples of his Authority that made such a clatter in the World, every body coming to understand the penalty of his Aversion, and the value of his Protection, all People might observe that there was no other friendship or dependecy but his to be sought, and give themselves wholly up to him. What other Patience but tha● of the Queen's could have endured to hear the said Prince, in a Council held in Our Presence, threaten to have the Deputies of Provence bastinadoed even to the breaking of their Bones, because they had presumed to complain in behalf of their Body, of the ill usage they had received from our Cousin the Count d' Allais, contrary to the Conditions of the Pacification granted by Us to that Province. What way to suffer any longer the Violence with which he began to stifle the Liberty of Our Councils, by his impetuous manner of acting toward the Ministers who have the honour to be Members of our Council, of which there was hardly one who was more exempt than another from private Threats and public Affronts even in Our Presence, when their Consciences and their Duty would not suffer 'em to approve such Counsels as were not conformable to the said Prince's humour? Nor was his moderation more in the Governments wherewith We had entrusted him. 'Twas not enough that all the Money which so large a Province as Burgundy, furnished with 〈…〉 and affection toward o●r Treasury 〈◊〉 s●●llow'd up by him and his; unles● he had 〈…〉 a Power which made all private persons 〈◊〉 under his Oppression; of which several have 〈…〉 make private Complaints, and laid bef●●● 〈◊〉 that nothing more remained for him to do, 〈◊〉 to ●●ke ●pon him the Title of Duke to advance 〈◊〉 to be Sovereign of the Province. Nor was 〈◊〉 Province of Champagne more ●●●ourably used by 〈…〉; all the Towns and Villages, and mos● 〈◊〉 of the City's, having been so exposed to the plundering of the Soldiers that bore his Na●●; or to the 〈◊〉 of thos● that had wound themselves into hi● favo●● to obtain di●●●dgments, that several have been constrained to qu●● their Habitations, and retire into the Country's round about adjoining. With what wo●ds 〈◊〉 we se● forth the Affair of H●●re; and the 〈◊〉 ways which he made use of to make himself 〈◊〉 of that Place, one of the most Important in the Kingdom for the s●it●ation of it, and without contr●d●●ti●● the best for the strength of it? After he 〈…〉 use of several Artificer to seduce the Youth 〈…〉 Cousin the Duke of Richli●●, on purpose to 〈◊〉 him mar●y cl●ndestinly a Woman, who for m●●●●●spects is ●ntirely at his devotion, not contented 〈◊〉 sensibly offended us, by promoting, together with the Prince of Conti, and the Duchess of L●ng●ev●ll● hi● Sister, the Match of a Duke and Peer, pref●●●'d 〈◊〉 one of the Principal Offices of State, without 〈◊〉 Knowledge and Permission, and authorising 〈…〉 presence a Contract prohibited by the Laws o●●he Kingdom, as if it had not been enough by this unlawful means to have made himself master of the p●●son of a Young Man, he caused him to depart upon his Wedding-night, gave him for his Counsellor and Conductor the person of all his Creatures that ha● 〈◊〉 employed to debauch him, and made him throw ●●mself with all speed into Ha●re, to the end he might make himself Master of that Place, which being seated at the Mouth of the Seine, might afford him the means to master Roven and Paris, and keep under his subjection all the Trade of those two Cities; enable him to admit Foreign Assistance, and introduce their Forces into the Kingdom, whenever for his particular Ends he had a desire to trouble the States. And for that he judged it convenient at the same time that there should be a good number of Couriers dispatched toward the said Duke of Richlieu, to let him understand Our Interest and his own at that Conjuncture, he dispatched several at the same instant to s●op others upon the Road; thereby violating to the highest degree imaginable the Respect, Fidelity and Obedience which he owes us. After which, more desperately daring, the Queen having sent herself a Person expressly to carry her Orders to St. Maure, the Governor of Ha●re, upon an Accident of so high Consequence, and to let him understand how much he was obliged to preserve the Place without suffering any change; the Prince was no sooner advertised of it, but he dispatched away another Courier, and commanded, that if any person should come thither with Orders from the Queen, they should throw him into the Sea, with a stone about his neck; and this with so much presumption, so much scorn of Our Authority, that he is the first who could ever boast of i●. Lastly, that he might wholly by divers ways deprive us of the disposal of that Place, he sent away in all haste the Lady herself, who had so lately been beholding to him for her Match; furnished her with Money to enable her more and more to gain upon the Affection of the Young Duke, and conveys by other means still more Money for the payment of the Garrison, thereby to gain the goodwill of the Officers and Soldiers. And that he might have moreover other People more at his devotion, and well known to him, he ordered the Lady to be guarded by a good number 〈…〉, who put themselves into the Place; giving 〈◊〉 tha● there was a Design laid to seize her upon the 〈◊〉. So many Attempts upon the Royal Power, of ●hich this last alone of Haure deserves a most rig●●●●● punishment, has not left us any reason to doubt of the pernicious Designs of Our said Cousin, 〈…〉 then of his boldness to put 'em in execution, 〈◊〉 we not in time applied a Remedy proportionable to ●he violence of the Distemper. However, To the ●●d you may be likewise informed of the new ways wh●ch 〈◊〉 studied to push on his Design, and of the wor● which he had cut out for us, and which we have prevented by his detention, we shall tell you 〈◊〉 was under deep Consultation in the last place. He ●re●ted with the Ambassador of Mantua for the purchase of the Town and Principality of 〈◊〉, not only without Our Leave, but c●●●●ary also to what we had expressly always refused him to meddle with. And because we had warily 〈◊〉 some difficulties about the Price, the Sieur 〈◊〉 declared a little while since to the said Ambassador. Th●● his Master would within a few days send away a Person expressly to Mantua, to conclude the ●usine●● with the Duke himself. Upon some obstruct●●● that ●ose about the Enjoyment of Clermon● and the demesnes adjoining (though easy to have been surmounted, as appears since) he was already given 〈◊〉 understand, that if he were disturbed in his possession there, 'twas but just that Sedan should be given h●m, and all the Demesnes belonging to it, which we had given our Cousin the Duke of Bouil●on u●on the payment of many Millions; upon which, some of his Creatures presently set a foot a Negotiation with the Si●ur d' Aiguebere for the purchase of the Government of Mount Olympus, which he made account to pay with his own Money, that so the Govern●●●● might fall in the hands of some of his own Friends, to the end there might be no place in B●rgundy but what should he at his Command except C●al●ns. He pressed us to purchase of the Sieure d' Pressis Bezanson ● at our own charges the Governments of the City a●d Citadel of the City of Autumn for one of his Creatures. He had also redoubled his extraordinary diligence but a little before● to marry the Marquis de la Moussaye with the Daughter of the Sieur d' Erlack, Governor of Brissa●, to the end he might have that important Place also at his Devotion; although as well in that, as in all other things, we have reason to commend the Conduct and Fidelity of the said Sieur d' Erlack. We have been also informed from other parts, that he set a foot some other matches, by that means to bring under his devotion the Principal Officers of the Kingdom, and the greatest number of the most considerable strong Holds. He had sent for up to Court, notwithstanding all his Infirmities, our Cousin the Marshal of Breze ● to the end they might join together to demand the Employment of Chief and Superintendent of Metz; to the which, though neither the one not the other could have the least imaginary shadow of any Claim, yet the said Prince had been already twice paid, and the said Marshal had been gratified upon that consideration, after his Son's death with 30000 Livres charged upon the Rights of Ancorage, which are the clearest and most ready Money belonging to that Employment. And moreover, though the Marshal had some Months before, got by our favour and permission a hundred and ten thousand Crowns for his Resignation of the Government of Anjou, and ●ha● all the securities imaginable had been made over, that the said Sum should after his death fall to the Duke of Enguien ● the said Prince and Marshal had a design to press us farther to confer the survivorship of the Government of Saumur to the said Duke of Enguien. Which being granted we know that the said Prince to make himself more considerable in his Governments and Employments, h●d resolved to ply us with his utmost importunities, ●●at he might obtain for his Son, not above Six years of Age, all in general that we had bestowed at seve●●● 〈◊〉 upon his Father and him. Though we had not been moved with the prejudices and dangers abovemention'd, to which we might also add many 〈◊〉, which for certain Considerations and Circumstances, 'tis not convenient to make public; it so happened that all our most faithful Servants that we then had, both in our Council and without, laid before us, that a longer Patience would render the Malady uncurable, and that the only way to preserve our State and our Person, was to Ar●est our said Cousins● who holding every day Clandestin Councils in their Houses for the Establishment of that Power which they intended to set up against ours, were not ashamed to reckon among other means, besides the great Offices and Governments which they had in their hands● that they were already Masters of all the great Rivers of the Kingdoms by reason of the several strong Holds which they have in the Kingdom, or which they thought they had at their devotion in the Kingdom, upon the Rivers Seine, Meuse, Saonne, Rosne, L●●●e, Garonne and Dordogne. In a word, that if possible they might renew the Example of those Ancient Potentates, who from private Persons, have advanced themselves to Sovereign Dignity and to the end the Authority which the said Prince had already Invaded, might be still more conspicuously enlarged and supported by a Lawful Power derived from ourselves; he vigorously contended to have the Constable's Sword bestowed upon him, tho' that 〈◊〉 be suppressed; which being joined to the Batt●on of Grand Maste●, and the Office of High Admiral, which he would never have surceased to demand ha● he been Created Constable; by the one he had 〈◊〉 all ou● Household and our Domestic Servants under his Pours by the other the General Command of all our Fo●●es in the Kingdom; and by the thi●● the Absolute Dominion over the Sea and Sea-coas●●● And whe● we laid be●ore him, that as for the Constable's Sword, our most Dear Uncle the Duke of O●leans would have just reason to be offended, in ●●●gard of his being our Lieutenant General in all 〈◊〉 Armies and Provinces, he required of us to dispatch the Patents forthwith, without our Uncle's Knowledge, and to keep 'em private till the Duke could be wrought to agree to 'em, or rather till the Designs which he was medi●ating gave him opportunity to maintain his Demands by open Force, whatever disorder might happen. In the mean time the better to enable himself to force us in every thing, at the same time that he made use of these extraordinary Importunities, he most vehemently demanded under various pretences, that the Regiments which hear his Name, or which depend upon him, and are enough to make a Body of Army, might have leave to advance toward these Quarters; never considering that the greatest part are employed in our Service, and for the defence of the Realm, in parts far remote. A Circumstance which we look upon to be worthy of great Consideration, as also that of the Fortifications of S●enay and Clermont, where Men were continually at wo●k at his Charges; besides the Price agreed upon about a month since, to Fortify Bellegard for Two Hundred Thousand Franks. Since it can never be presumed, that unless he had Thoughts and Designs altogether Extraordinary, he would ever Expend his own Trea●ure to Fortify Places that are already in a good condition of themselves, and not threatened by any Enemy. We have out of a high respect dissembled our Resentments to that degree, that all people will be soon convinced that we have run too great a venture through our Patience. 'Tis true, we were in hopes that that same Prudence which our Cousin might acquire by Age, would cool 〈…〉 this vio●●nt Hear; that so many Fa 〈…〉 Example which we have heaped upon 〈…〉 have kept him, out of Gratitude, within 〈…〉 of his Duty. But quite the contrary, 〈…〉 reduced to that Extremity, either to 〈◊〉 him all his Demands (and then we should 〈…〉 soon despoiled ourselves) o● to re 〈…〉 in every thing (and then we should have 〈◊〉 him with his Arms in his Hand against us) 〈◊〉 moreover that the Profusion of our Favours 〈…〉 no other end but only to encourage him to 〈…〉 every day; that a longer forbear 〈…〉 prove the Infallible Loss of the Realm, 〈…〉 means were not found to stop the violent 〈◊〉 ● which had no more Mounds to withstand 〈…〉 prevent a Total Inundation; And having 〈◊〉 fo● some time, that the Intelligence which we 〈◊〉 from all parts agrees in this, that the true 〈◊〉 o● the Spaniard's Aversion from Peace proceeds 〈◊〉 this, that they are willing first to see whither the Prince of Conde's Designs and Actions tend; who, say they, making every day such Progresses as 〈◊〉 does toward getting into his Hands the Principal 〈◊〉 Holds of the Realm● certainly this must in a 〈◊〉 time either produce a Civil War in the Kingdom, or cause a Renversement of that Monarchy; 〈◊〉 thought it would be a defect of our Duty to God, who has entrusted us with the Government of 〈◊〉 kingdom; to ourselves, and the Welfare and 〈◊〉 of our Subjects, if we did not without delay 〈◊〉 a remedy to the Mischief become so pressing as ● neglected might give a Fatal Blow to the Real●● Therefore we resolved by Advice of the Queen Re●●●, our thrice Honoured Lady and Mother, to se●●●● the Person of our said Cousin the Prince of Con●●●, as also of our Cousin the Prince of Conti, his Bro●●e●'● Confederate in all his Designs, and who, since 〈…〉 to Paris, has been continually concurring and levelling with his Brother at all and the same Ends. As for the Duke of Longueville, we promised ourselves, that the great number of Favours which we have Accumulated upon him, either in Places, or in Honours, or in Estates, and which we have mu●h Augmented since our last Declarations of Peace, would have obliged him according to his Promises and his Duty, to procure with all his might, the Tranquillity of the Province which we had entrusted to his Care, and the Good of our Service in the rest of the Realm. But we have observed for some time, that he has omitted nothing of Extraordinary or Unjust, to acquire a formidable Reputation in his Province. That he is not satisfied with possessing divers considerable Fortresses, one of which was wrested out of our Hands with utmost Violence, as has been apparent to every Body; nor with seeing all the rest, as well as the Principal Employments of the Province, in the Hands of his Creatures; that he is not contented with the Addition of baily of Roven and Caen to the Employment of Governor in Chief, apparently, that he may have a Legal pretence to disturb the Function of our Ordinary Judges, and by that means to usurp a new Authority as well in the Civil as Military Power. Lastly, that he is not contented to cause his Emissaries to make it their Business to corrupt the Minds of our Faithful Subjects, and make all those who have any Affection for our Service dependent upon himself; not scrup'ling to threaten 'em with utter Ruin, if they refused any longer to Espouse his Ambitious Passions; unless he were also a Partaker in the Counsels and principal Designs of our Cousins, the Princes of Conde and Conti; unless he were also every day present at their Deliberations and Debates in their own Houses for the Establishment and Augmentation of their Common Grandeur, and of a Power justly to be suspected by that Authority which God has given us over this Kingdom. Besides that ●is Creatures have already been heard insolently to vaunt in his House, that though the last year he could no● bring abou● the Business alone, they had at last all ●oge●her done the Work. In consequence of which we are to call him henceforward Duke of Normandy, the●● being nothing near so much work for him to do ●o attain the Sovereignty of the Province, as he 〈◊〉 undergone to arrive at that excess of Power and Strength which he had in the Province. Seeing indeed that he began to Exercise several Acts of that pretended Sovereignty, by a formal Refusal of Obedience to our Orders, witness his denial not many days ●ince, 〈◊〉 admit into Pont de l'Arche some Troops of 〈◊〉 d'Armes, and Light Horse of our Guard, though 〈…〉 him in possession of the said Place but a few days before; and though he had an express Order 〈…〉 Hand to Quarter 'em there. Upon so many Considerations we have been constrained to secure the Person of our said Cousin the Duke of Longueville. In ●●e mean time, we are willing to let you understand that all these Dangers wherewith our Kingdom was threatened, were so great and so enforcing, that we may almost be said to have been wanting in the Duty of a Good King, for delaying till now the Remedies necessary to prevent 'em. Nevertheless our ●ove of justice, and our Fears lest people should impute to us a Desire to stop the Course of it for other ●●de, has made us keep all things in suspense, though with a great deal of danger, to give you leisure to fi●●●● the Impeachment which you have begun by ou● Order, and at the Request of our Attorney General against those who shall be found guilty of the Sedition raised the 11 th'. of December last, or of the Attempt upon the Person of the said Prince, which it is our pleasure shall be continued by you without any In●●rruption according to the Rigour of our Laws. Bu● understanding that the said Prince had sent for ●●●eral Gentlemen, his Retainers, Officers of his Troops, and that his greatest Confidents were privately informed that he was brooding some great Design, which could not but be to the prejudice of our Authority, and the Tranquillity of our Subjects, since he never acquainted us with it; having also received certain Intelligence, that he was preparing to retire into his Government, in great haste, and without taking his leave, so soon as he should perceive that things were not carried to his liking among you, to ●he E●d he might with more security hatch those Resolutions which had been so long forming in his Thoughts; and that in Confederacy with him, the Prince of Conti and Longueville were to repair also at the same time into their Governments; it was no longer in our power to be remiss; and we have been forced for the peace of our Realm, to set aside all other Considerations, and to secure their Persons without any more delay. And because that their Accomplices, who labour in search of Opportunities to Embroil the Public, may endeavour to put an ill Interpretation upon so just a Resolution, and so necessary for the Tranquillity and Welfare of our Kingdom, which our Duty obliges us to prefer before all other things, we declare that we have no intention to do any thing contrary to our Declaration of the 21 st. of October 1648. nor against those of March 1649. and others which we have since published, since the Pacification of the Late Troubles in our Good City of Paris, Normandy, Proven●e and Guyenne, which it is our Will and Pleasure shall remain in their full Force and Virtue in all the particulars which they contain. Given at Paris, Jan. 19 1650. A Letter of a Private Person to the Parliament of Paris in Answer to the King's. THE Reason why God is never deceived in his Judgements, and that he never protects Injustice, is because he is Exempt from Passions, and for that he has an Understanding which pierces to the bottom of hearts, and discerns the Innocent from the Guilty. The on● of these Qualities secures him from Error; and the other is the reason that he never acts bu● by a motive of Justice. Men are subject both to th● one, and the other of these Defects, con●●ary to those Excellent Perfections, either for want of understanding, or because their Passions are too predominant. So that the● sometimes believe the Sun to be dark, because their Eyes are not strong enough to pierce through the Cloud that hides it. That is to say, Sometimes the● condemn the most perfect Virtue, because th●y are not able to discern it through the false Appearances of Crimes that are imputed to it. We have observed, That hitherto the Judgements of this August Assembly ha● been as far remote from these Vices, as the frailty of man will permit. And w● ha●e had reason to believe, by recent Examples, that there are not any dark overcasting of Human Artifice and ●unning which you are not able to display, nor any Consideration so strong among ye, as that of Justice; you ha●e given us Testimonies, that the Interests of Great Men are but feeble Arms to vanquish it; that it is proof against all the Snares that can be laid to surprise it; and that only Innocence can be justified before y●● as only Gild can draw upon itself the Sentences of your Condemnation. Upon this Foundation it is that I have established my hopes of justifying the three Princes whose defence I have undertake. I know well it would be greatly to their advantage, that you were capable of the first impressions that the suspicion of a Crime, or the Idea of Virtue produce in the Soul of man. I know it were to be wished on the Prince's behalf, that you would not give your Judgements, till after you had considered all the Actions of their Lives. For in short● Who is the●● among ye, that can persuade himself that Monsieur the Prince ever had any design to ruin the State, if you will but take the pains to consider how oft he has exposed his Life to preserve it; and how many Victories he has won in order to that end? And who is there that can endure that the least suspicion of a Crime should intermix with so much Glory? But I am willing to despoil 'em of these Advantages, I am willing to deprive 'em of these Foreign Lights, to make appear the lustre of their Innocency. I do not desire you should recall to mind the many Famous Victories which one of these Princes has obtained; or that you should set before your eyes the dangers to which he has exposed his Person for the safety of the Realm. Forgets if it be possible, these Glorious Actions; never mind that it is a Prince who is accused, that not only has preserved the Kingdom, but extended the Limits of it. Be mindful only of Justice; establish your Judgement upon the things themselv●s, and not upon the Persons; and then, I hope● that without considering it is a Prince who is accused, you will soon understand, that ●is an Innocent Person, that is to be made guilty for the Interest of some particular men. And indeed if you would that we should consider the Crimes that are imputed to him, we shall find that all these Crimes have no existency, but in the Fancy of those who have invented 'em in order to his ruin. Are not his Victories the greatest part of this Malicious Accusation? He ventured, say they, every Summer, a General Battle upon this Maxim, which he has often declared, That by gaining the Victory, he should augment his Reputation, and have new plausible pretences for the procuring him new Rewards; and if he lost it, and that thereby our Affairs should happen to fall into confusion, he should be the more valued through the need which they would have of him. A pernicious way of reasoning; of which if mwn should make use, the noblest Actions would be subject to dangerous Interpretations. What security is there for brave Men, if such mischievous Comments should be endured. There is no Illustrious Person that shall not be rendered a Guilty Person; there is no Noble Action that ●●all not be misconstered into a Crime. How long is it that men have been the proper Judges of Intentions? That Secret, God alone has reserved to himself; and they who accuse the Prince to have acted upon such wicked Maxims, aught to know that Kings cannot punish an Action, how wicked soever the motive were that inclined the person to do it, when it becomes profitable to the State, and if it be not contrary to the Law. I will grant, that desire of Honour caused the Prince to hazard so many Battles: I grant that he sought every year new Pretences for new Rewards; Who ever heard that the desire of Honour which induces a Prince to save a Kingdom was ever a Crime of State? They who enact Human Laws, command the observance of 'em; but they never prescribe the motives of it. 'Tis only the Body, and the exterior Action which is under the Jurisdiction of Kings. The Soul, that is to say, the Motives, cannot be commanded, but only by him that penetrates the bottom of Consciences; for what Mortal can be the Judges of 'em ● But suppose it were a Crime of State to act by Motives of Interest, which are said to be the Primum M●bile's of all this Prince's Actions, upon what proofs c●n they ground this Accusation? He went about, say they● to make himself the more considerable by the lo●● of a Battle. This is an extraordinary way for a ma● that pretends to be so covetous of Glory; and who very well knew on the other side, that the same ●●sfortune had ruined the Reputation of several of our Generals at the Court, who preserved themselves in good Credit till the Disaster befell befell. But because he could never know whether the loss of a Battle could be advantageous, let us see what marks he gave, that he never sought after Victory, but only that he might have new Pretences for new Rewards● When did he ever send to Court, that he would not quit the Army, unless they sent a Patent for such Places as were become void by the death of the Incumbents, to some one of his Friends? When did he oblige the Queen to confer the Government of such Places, as the taking of which had cost him so much hardship, and sometimes the loss of his Blood, to any other Persons than those which she made choice of? Rather quite the contrary, after the taking of Dunkirk at the end of the Campaign, though a Place of the greatest importance in Flanders, he suffered it to be disposed of by Cardinal Mazarine to one of his Creatures, who by that means enjoyed the fruit of all his Watching, and Labour. They say, that they who adhered to the Person of the Prince, became in a little time Great Personages; and so soon as Persons devoted themselves to his Interests, they were sure of being preferred to Great Employments, though otherwise Persons of no desert. I might answer, That 'twas a difficult thing to follow this Prince without hazarding his Life for the King's Service, and without meriting noble Employments. But upon what foundation can they ground it, that this is the only way to attain to Preferment and Dignity, since we see several that have been long fixed to his Person, who nevertheless have made no progresses in their Fortune; whereas, there is no other assured means to pass from Feneancy to Merit, from Inability to Sufficiency, then to belong to Cardinal Mazarine. Which is clearly to be seen in the Persons of de la Fare, de L' Estrade, de Pall●●●, and several others, who enjoy the fairest Governments of France, for having done such signal Services to the Government, as having handed the Ruling Minister sometimes from his own Apartment to the Queen's, or sometimes to his Coach. But, my Lords, here is an Accusation that will admit of no Reply, and which the most strenuous Eloquence would have much ado to justify. He opposed the Marriage of the Cardinal's Niece with the D. of 〈◊〉 I must confess that this is an unheard of C●●me, to hinder the Alliance of the House of Mazarine with that of Vendesme; to obstruct a Match so necessary to Fr●●●, that no Employments could be too great for him that would accept it. In a word, Did we not see that the D. of Mercoeur had a right at that time to make those Demands, the very thoughts of which has rendered the Prince of Conde guilty? 'Tis pretended, that he desired the Office of High Steward, Lord High Admiral; which Demands were not only unjust, but criminal, to make a Prince of the Blood, who had won five or six Battles, and taken forty strong Holds of great Importance; but the same Demands being made by a Prince that would marry the Cardinal's Niece, both the thought of it ceased to be criminal, and the Demands themselves were looked upon as just: And it was judged, that the man who was able to perform such an Illustrious Action, had a right to demand the most important Places in the Kingdom. It has been often seen in corrupt Ages, that not only Virtue has been oft without reward, and Crimes have gone unpunished; but that the Disorder has been so great, that only they who were unworthy Employments were permitted to demand 'em without offence, and that Merit only served to remove men from pretending to Elevated Employments. But this is what we never saw in our days, till during the Ministry of Cardinal Mazarine; for now all men must resolve to disown true Worth, and renounce Desert, if he thinks to have any preferment; and he must be careful of pretending to Employments, for fear of being suspected for a State-offender. With what black and sooty Colours do they besmear the Protection which he gave to the Marriage of the Duke of Richlieu? And yet if you examine all the Circumstances, you will find, that there was not the least shadow of a Crime in that Action, and that they would fain make that the Effect of a pernicious Design, which proceeded only from a real Friendship, which Madam De Longueville had for the Lady that had her Advantages by it. Persons that know the whole Story of that Business, can certify that the Match was not carried on by concert in the whole Family, as is pretended, since the Prince of Conde was not acquainted with it, till it could no longer be concealed from him; and that the Duke of Longueville knew nothing of it, till the very instant that Madam de Longueville, who had undertaken the Business, was ready to depart for Try, to accomplish the Design which she had been long contriving for the advantage of Madam de Ponse, and not at all for her own Interest. All the Circumstances of the Marriage, that could occasion any mistrust at Court, proceeded only from the Distrusts of the Queen and Cardinal Mazarine, in reference to the Match. 'Tis true that the Prince advised the Duke of Richlieu to retire to Haure so soon as he was married, but he gave him that Council only because he was well acquainted with the jealous Humour of a Minister, who would not fail to draw mischievous Conjectures from a Design that was really innocent, but which might admit of different Interpretations. He rightly judged that Mazarine would make use of those Pretences, to wrest that Place from the Duke of Richlieu, and to gratify the Desire which he had a long time had, to make himself Master of that Place, there being no other way for him to do it. For, my Lords, if you will understand the real Crime that the Prince committed upon that occasion, was this; That the Prince having caused the Duke of Richlieu to marry Madam de Pone, he disappointed Cardinal Mazarine's Design for one of his Neices, who by that Alliance was in hopes to make sure of Haure to himself; a Place of great importance, and a proper place of refuge for him, if he should be forced to quit his Ministry. ●Twill be no difficult thing for me to justify his design to have been Constable; for besides that, he had been put upon it by the malice of Cardinal Mazarine, who had a desire ●o insinuate into his favour, by offering him his Service to bring about that attempt, and by that means render him suspected to the Queen and the Duke of Orleans. What could make this Demand so Criminal a piece of Business? Was he not accomplished with all things necessary to authorise it? was not his Birth sufficiently illustrious? Had the Dignity been a Novelty in the Nation? Had it not been enjoyed by james of Bourbon, Charles of Bourbon, and I●hn of Bourbon? Had it not been also within this little while, in the House of M●ntmorency, over the Head of his Father, and Great Great Grandfather? had not the Prince's Arm performed great Actions enough to bea● that Sword? They pretend that the Demand was injurious to the Duke of Orleans, and that it could not consist with the Quality of Lieutenant-General of the Armies and Provinces, which was conferred upon the Duke of Orleans; and yet have we not seen the Constable's Sword in the hands of Monsieur de Montmorency, at a time when the King of Navarre, the Father of Henry IV. was Lieutenant General of the Armies and Provinces of France, and both perform their Duties at the same Sedges of Bourges, Roven, and other places against the Rebels? But not to trouble myself to justify the whole Scroll of the Prince's Accusations which are drawn from his Pretensions, 'tis sufficient to demonstrate that he did not desire these Employments to make an ill use of 'em, and that he had no design to enlarge his Power, to the prejudice of the Royal Authority, tho' he has given the Queen cause to have unjust Mistrusts of his Power. We cannot judge of his Designs but by his Actions, nor can we tell what he meditated as to the future, but by the Deeds which he performed. When did he make use of his Power to lessen the Queen's? have we seen the Provinces where he had any Credit in Uproar and Tumult, like those of Guienne and Provence? when did he ever foment Divisions? If he had any Authority in the Army, did he not make use of it for the King's Service? So that if it were for this Prince's Honour to have acquired so much Power in the Kingdom, it was very advantageous to the Queen, since he made no use of it, but in obedience to her● and never concerning himself to make Laws, he only took care to observe 'em, when they were useful to the State. Kings cannot act themselves through the whole extent of their Dominions● There is a necessity for 'em to put the Image of their Authority into the hands of those who have most merit, and whom they see to be best affected toward the Government. What reason then had the Queen to reproach the Prince with the Favours she had done him, since she was obliged to bestow 'em upon so me persons, and no body could receive 'em with more acknowledgement, or more to her Advantage? 'Tis no Crime to be powerful, but 'tis a Crime to employ that Power to the overturning of the State. Let 'em not then accuse the Prince of such great Crimes, because he had great Pretensions● since that not having misemployed his Power, to this very moment, to the disservice of this Monarchy, but rather to the establishment of it, we have no reason to think that he intended to enlarge it on purpose to destroy it: besides that, the Queen herself had encouraged him to aspire to the highest Employments; when● desiring his protection for the Cardinal, whom a Decree of your August Assembly menaced with approaching Shipwreck, she assured him that she would put the Crown, the Kingdom, all things into his hands and that there was nothing too good, or too great for him, if he performed a Service so important to the Realm, as to save that Minister, and shelter him from the Thunder which you were ready to dart forth against him. There are credible Testimonies, who heard this Discourse between the Queen, and the Prince of Conde, and who are able to justify how submissively the Prince receiv●d her Promises of Reward, assuring the Queen that her Interests were so dear to him, that there was no need to encourage him by any other Motives, to 〈◊〉 him to undertake the Protection of those who were so happy as to have hers. Has he not kept his Word? Did he not perform what he promised? has he not preserved this Minister maugre all France, and supported him almost against all the Provinces of the Kingdom? Nevertheless, after he had performed all the signal Services which the Queen desired from his Courage, and from his Obedience, and for which she confessed herself, that she had nothing in the Kingdom fi● to gratify him, she uses him like a Criminal. While she her ●elf enforces him to make his Demands, she accu●es him of Traitorous Pretensions: As if she had only gone about to kindle his Ambition by Promises, to ●he end she might have some Pretence to ruin him; striving to persuade those that are ignorant of Affairs, that he could not aspire to so many Employments, but by Instigations not to be justified, and in order to execute some pernicious Designs. Is it not from such a motive as this, that they would fain ●nfuse into him a desire of Sovereignty, to the end they may have an opportunity to punish his apparent ambition; and that they give out, his ambition has no limits, and that the interests of the Kingdom are not Mo●●ds strong enough to stop the impetuous motion of this torrent? ●tis true, that the Prince demanded leave of the Court to endeavour the Conquest of Franche Con●e; but I beseech ye to examine with what circumstances; and what encouraged him to make that demand which seems to be so Criminal. They were treating at Court with those of N●ples, to cast off their Allegiance to the King of Spain, and the Si●ur de Fontenay Ma●euil ● the King's Ambassador at Rome, had orders to manage that Affair. An Army was promised 'em, provided they would acknowledge France, or receive one of the Princes of France for their King. They demanded either the King himself, or Monsieur his Brother, or the Duke of Orleans, or the Prince of Conde; upon which, the rest being passed by, the offer was made to the last, The Prince who never neglected any thing when it was for the King's service, and enlarging his Dominions, gladly accepted the Proposal; he openly opposed the desire they had to confer the Admiralty upon his Enemies, who by means of that Employment, out of ●●articular motive of revenge, might have obstructed the Execution of a design so important, and of so graet advantage to Aggrandise the Kingdom. Observe, I beseech ye, that in all this there was nothing done but by the approbation and impulse of the Court itself. Sometime after this, the Prince, without any other design then to extend the bounds of this Empire, in pursuance of an intention which had been made manifest to him, proposed the Conquest of Franche Contè, as a thing of no less advantage to the State, and wherein there was not much difficulty. He offered to raise an Army at his own charges, and as if he had foreseen the unjust pretensions which they might have of his Power, he promises to resign the Government of Burgundy and all the strong holds that are in that Province. His courage and his zeal for the King's Service causing him to prefer the Pains and Hardships to be undergone in the Conquest of a Country, before the Tranquillity which he enjoyed in the peaceable Possession of that Province which had been given him for his Services, after the Death of the Prince his Father. Who could blame so generous a Design, so advantageous for the Kingdom, and so honourable for the Prince? Thereupon, the Proposal which he made in Council was joyfully embraced: They declared to him that it was a Proposal becoming his Courage; and at that time they called it a Heroic, which is now termed an Ambitious Design. All those thoughts which he had conceived for the enlarging the Kingdom, were looked upon ●hen without the least appearance of being conceived ●or his particular Grandeur. So that 'tis no difficult thing to find many heads of an Accusation against him, since his mos● noble Actions are his greatest Crimes; and that all his design to aggrandise the Kingdom by his Conquests, are so many false proofs of which his Enemies made use of to destroy him. Who is there but may observe their pernicious manner of Reasoning to calumniate the Prince upon several pieces of advice which he gave upon the different Commotions of Guien●e and Provence? They tell ye, that in these two Affairs of the same nature, he went about in one place absolutely to uphold the Authority of the Governor, to the oppression of the Parliament; and that in the other he acted quite contrary, without any other reason, but only that he had a kindness for one of the Governors, and hated the other. But they who set these things on foot, are either bad, or very malicious Politicians. For they say, these two Affairs were both of the same nature, because they were both Provinces that had taken up Arms against the Authority of the Parliament. But they are to understand that the least circumstance in such Affairs as these, quite altars the nature of the thing, and obliges those that debate upon the remedy of disorders, to vary their Coun●●ls, according to time and place, and the humour of the People they have to deal with: So that he who should take the same Counsel in one Affair, as he took on the other, would do like a Painter that should go about to draw one man's Face, from another man's Picture, because he had the same Parts. But are these sorts of Politics to be attributed peculiarly to the Prince of Conde? Do not all Histories furnish us with examples of different Conducts, in causing Revolted People to lay down their Arms? Have we not seen some Princes make use of Mildness toward their Subjects to disarm ●em, and others to use violent means. We have also observed in Histories the same Princes employ different ways, according to the various humours of the Subjects which they have to govern. And it were in vain for Politicians to have found out the two ways of fear and gentleness to reduce a mutinous People, if the same Conduct were to be observed upon all occasions, and if both the one and the other were not to be made use of according to the different circumstances that offer themselves in the Disorders that are to be remedied. Why then should it be thought strange, that the Prince, after he had consented to make use of Force of Arms to abate the Power of the Parliament of Provence, and strike a terror in the People, should for Reasons, no less considerable, give quite contrary Counsel to remedy the Troubles of Bourdeaux. He thought at first, with those of the Council, that Force was the most sure way to Disarm the People, and that only Terror was the means to reduce 'em to their Duty. But having experimented the contrary in the Affair of Provence, was it not very proper to alter such a dangerous Method? Is it to be thought strange, that the Prince who was accused to be the Author of all the violences that were committed, should be tired out with so many Prosecutions? and that he should represent it to the Court, that the disorders in Guyenne would be more easily appeased by ways of mildness and moderation? besides that, he clearly saw the design which Mazarin drove on to carry things with a violent hand, and he knew that his aim was to draw the Duke of Espernon into his Alliance, and bring about the Marriage of one of his Neices, with Monsieur de Caudale. Is the Prince to be accused for having opposed such pernicious designs by the justice of his Counsels, and for having made use of all his endeavours to stop the course of a revenge so costly to the State, and so contrary to the zeal which Subjects ought to have for the repose and tranquillity of the Kingdom? But my Lords, if Cardinal Mazarin had been well advised, he would for his own Interest have suppress this Crime of which the Prince is accused. For can we speak of the Insurrections in Gui●●●●, without believing him to be the cause of all those Disorders? Do we not well know that he has endeavoured to ruin that part of the Kingdom, to gratify the revenge of the Duke of Espernon? And thence ought we not to infer, that he would make no scruple to overturn the whole Monarchy, for the satisfaction of his own particular Interest. For in short, if you would be informed in few words all the Crimes of Monsieur the Prince are to be reduced to this, That he hindered the Marriage of the Cardinal's Three Nieces. He openly opposed his design of Matching the Eldest to the Duke of Mercoeur, he engaged, as they pretend, the Duke of Richlieu to marry Madam de Pons, for whom the Cardinal had designed the other; and by the Peace of Bourdeaux, he disappointed the Alliance he would have made with the Duke of Espernon, which the Duke never promised him, but in case he could bring about his revenge. And thus we see likewise, that as soon as the Prince was arrested, the Three Nieces were fetched out of their Convent, the better to conceal his Designs; how they were brought back in Triumph to the Palace-Royal, and how one of the Matches was privately accomplished, the Cardinal not thinking it proper to publish his intentions, and to let all the world know, that he had not persuaded the Queen and the Duke of Orleans to cause the Prince to be arrested, but because he obstructed his Designs. Nevertheless, they would fain have it, that every thing which the Prince has done, tends to the Ruin of the Kingdom, and that he never had any other aims in the Counsels which he had given, but his own particular Grandeur. But my Lords, by one convincing Argument to overthrow all that they have alleged against him, to make him appear Guilty, and his Imprisonment just, is it not true that they accuse him of nothing else but an irregular Ambition; and that all his particular actions which they charge upon him without any proof, are invented to no other design, then to convince People that he had no other intention then to set himself up for a Sovereign, and to Aggrandise his own, to the prejudice of the Royal Authority. But how easy a thing is it to demonstrate the contrary to all the world by recent Examples? We cannot judge of Passions but by outward Effects: Nor is there any but God alone who knows the motions which they produce in the Heart. Now when was it, that the Prince displayed these marks of an ambition so irregular? Rather what apparent proofs has he not given of the contrary but very lately? Had he been possessed with such a vehement desire of Sovereignty, would he not have declared for the Parisian Party? At what time he was proffered advantages enough to have tempted the most regular Person in the world? They cry out, he was capable of all Undertake to Aggrandise himself, and that he would never mind the overturning of the State, so soon as he thought himself in a condition to establish his Grandeur upon the Ruin of it; and yet when every thing favoured the pernicious Designs of which he is accused, when every thing contributed to satisfy that Ambition which was laid to his charge, when he is to declare himself head of a Party; and that the more to encourage him to it, they give him to understand that his Power shall be unlimited; he stands off, he refuses the Propositions made him, and is so far from putting himself at the head of the Party that he undertakes the Ruin of it. Is this his having a desire of Grandeur deeply engraved in his heart, never to make use of the Opportunities when they present themselves? Is this the giving marks of an Ambitious Spirit capable of putting all the Provinces into an uproar, to refuse the Grandeur that is offered him, provided he will but consent to be declared head of a Party? Who was ever accused of passionately desiring a thing, who refused it when 'twas proffered him? What more favourable Opportunity could the Prince have expected to display his Ambition? Had he been so violently possessed with this Desire, the Court would not have been in a condition to have made use of this pretence to Arrest him; or had his Ambition overswayed his Zeal for the King's Service and the Queen's Interests, she would never have had an opportunity to have treated him with so much Cruelty. But this is not the first time that Ingratitude has been the Vice of the Court: And that great Services have been repaid with like Rewards when their Benefactors have gained too much Honour by their Noble Actions. Merit is a Crime in Princes under the Tyrannic Government of Ministers, who can never endure the Power of which they are Jealous: So that of necessity they must be reduced to live in a drowsy slothfulness pernicious to the State, or else resolve to fall into inevitable Dangers. These Ministers that strive to exalt themselves into Sovereigns and Gods as much as lies in their power, never dart their Thunder but against the most Lofty Heads; so that there is no way to avoid their Tyranny but by an humble Lowliness, which way has been always so odious to the Prince of Conde, that he rather chose to venture his Person by doing Important Services for the Kingdom, and by acquiring Honour, then by Tricks of Pusillanimity to protect himself from the Injustice of those that now seek to Revenge themselves upon his Power. For my Lords, he is Guilty of no other Crime, but that a Polite Historian says one thing of Agricola which may be justly said of the Prince, that Agricola was in perpetual Danger, because he had acquired too much Honour, and for that his Power gave unjust Suspicions to the Emperor Domitian, who could not endure that a Subject should bear so Potent a Sway in the Empire. Is not this the Prince's Crime? Not that he has Attempted any thing against the State; not that he has done any thing contrary to the Duty which he owes to the King's Service, but they are afraid lest such a Thought should enter the Mind of a Prince sufficiently powerful to put it in Execution when ever conceived. Therefore to obviate these pretended Disorders, to cure the Minds of people of these Imaginary Apprehensions, and which one would think he had destroyed by all the Actions of his Life, he submits himself to the Loss of all his Employments, and to abandon all his Places, and to despoil himself of all his Crimes, by disrobing himself of all his Power. After all this my Lords, what reason can they have to detain this Prince in Prison? By what Motives either just, or so appearing? What Disorder can his Liberty procure to the State? O● upon what Foundation can they ground their Apprehensions of his Power? I shall make no stop at so many other feeble Accusations, of which some are so weak that they destroy themselves; such are those concerning the Fortifying of certain Places which they pretend were threatened by no Enemy, and yet lie upon the Frontiers, nor shall I trouble myself to make the Innocence of the Other Princes appear, in regard they are only accused of sharing Coun●els with the Prince of Conde; or if any be particularly laid to their Charge, they are so vain that they deserve no Answer. But my Lords, so far am I from defending 'em, that I shall desire to inform you of two Crimes which are not laid to their Charge, but which alone have rendered 'em guilty. The one is common to both Princes, and is no more than their having declared themselves Heads of the Parisian Party. Now would your Lordships know why this Crime was pas● over in silence? they were afraid les● that should make you return to yourselves, and bethink yourselves, that being Embarked in the same Party, since those Princes had not taken Arms but i● your Defence, you would without question incur the same Misfortune. In a word, ne'er doubt but that ere it be long they will study the 〈◊〉 Revenge, and that they had exercised it before now upon the whole Party, could they have done it with the same security. The Princes having lost the A●●●ction of the People, for being reconciled to the C●own; the other having all along preserved themselves in their Favour, for their hatred of M●zari●●. The other Crime which they take notice of, con●e●n● th● Person of the Duke of Longueville. It has b●●n no secret for a long tim●, that the Cardinal has been studying his Ruin, and that he had been very diligent to bring the Peace to perfection. I believe, my Lords, you very well know what passed at Munster, the Duke of Longueville used his utmost Endeavours to bring the Peace to a Conclusion, and the most to the Advantage of France that could be expected. I suppose also you are sufficiently informed of the Slights and Artifices that Mazarine made use of by the Means of one of his Creatures, to disappoint the Prince's Glorious Design. 'Tis enough for me to tell you, that that was the Duke of Lo●●●●ville's Crime, and that the Prince had so worthily Acquitted himself in that Negotiation, that it seemed as if Heaven had re●erv'd him to accomplish that Undertaking which he had so happily begun. I know also, that he openly declared that he might begin that Negotiation again, and that he promised to himself to make it more successful than it had been. Whi●● was enough to render him guilty with Mazar●●● who is afraid of nothing more than the accomplishment of that Design; and therefore 'twas sufficient to make him resolve the Imprisonment of a Prince that ●●●dy'd his Ruin, because he laboured so hard the Welfare of the State, and the Peace of the Kingdom. But my Lords, I do not mind my justifying the Princes before persons who have not taken upon '●m as yet to be their Judges, and who ought already to have pronounced the Sentence of their Liberty. Will you suffer yourselves to be reproached, that after you had designed to preserve the public Security in the persons of some few of the Rabble, who were illegally detained in Prison's you should suffer it to be violated in the persons of three Princes at the same time? If the Laws which ye have so long since established, and which yourselves have renewed by a solemn Declaration, are unjust, why do you with so much eagerness desire the execution of 'em? If they are just, why do you not cause 'em to be exactly observed? For what reason should the Laws be less favourable to the Princes, then to the King's meaner Subjects? Are they excepted in the Declaration, that no body shall be arrested, but they shall be immediately brought to their Trial? Who can rely for the future upon your Decrees? Moreover, I beseech you consider, that this Affair concerns yourselves. Do you believe that Cardinal Mazarine, so soon as opportunity offers, will be more favourable to several of your Assembly, then to the Prince? Can you imagine that he will sooner forget the Decree which you made against him, than the particular Affronts which he pretends to have received from that Prince? Never believe his Violence will stop at the Imprisonment of the Princes, but assure yourselves that it will reach your August Assembly, and make you sensible of it by the less'ning of your Authority, and by falling foul upon the Persons of some in particular. Should it so happen, as I make no doubt of it, if you do not apply necessary Remedies, and stifle not the Mischief in the Birth, what privilege will you have to assemble? how can you without some sort of shame, do that for the freedom of some few persons of your Assembly, which you are unwilling to undertake for the Liberty of three Princes, tho' their Imprisonment be one of the boldest Actions that ever were adventured? I beseech you to con●ider, that this is but one of the Cardinal's Experiments, who was willing to begin with the most considerable persons in the Kingdom, to the end he may pretend to a kind of privilege to use in the same manner all those whose Virtues have rendered 'em the Objects of his Revenge. They who have hither escaped his Tyranny, are to thank their good Fortune, and not his favourable Intentions. So that the Duke of Beaufort, the Coadjutor, and all their Friends, may say what Caesar said to Ptolemy, who presented him with Pompey's Head, who fled for refuge into his Kingdom, after the Battle of Pharsalia; Thanks to my Victory, they make to me those Presents which they would have made to Pompey had he been victorious. If the Duke of Beaufort, and the Coadjutor had not preserved the Friendship of the People, who have hitherto sheltered 'em from the Oppressions of that Minister, there is no question to be made, but that if he thought he could have done it with the same security in Paris, he had made the same sacrifice of their Liberty to the Prince, which he pretends they would have made of his. Let your August Assembly therefore be careful to preserve that Authority which has saved it hitherto from the Cardinal's Revenge; let 'em consider, that he will never forego his eager Desire to ruin it, and by consequence that it behoves them to deprive him of the power to do it. The only way is, to preserve that Vigour which you have made manifest upon the last Emergencies, and not to release the least Tittle of that Strictness, which has been so much to your Advantage, and the abatement of which will be your utter Ruin. This is that, my Lords, which puts us in hopes that you will not fail to take into your cognizance the Prince's Case, and decide a Question so important to the State. There is nothing but what ought to encourage you to this Noble Resolution: The Interest of the Kingdom ought to induce you, not to be ●o long deprived of Persons so necessary for the support of it. The Honour of your August Assembly engages ye to it: The Laws which you have so lately renewed, and safety of your own Persons, obliges ye to the same Resolution. I shall add to these things the Testimonies of these Princes, that they have no other Confidence but in you; and that if they could act for their Liberty, their Innocence would not permit 'em to have recourse to any other Ways than those of Justice. Could they have been permitted time to have spoken to their Friends, when their persons were secured, I make no question but that they would have said the same that Germanicus said to his, being ready to die the Death which was caused by Piso, the most implacable of his Enemies; If there are any among ye, who are concerned for my Death, and who are desirous to give me other Marks of it, than some unprofitable Tears; there is room for complaining to the Senate, and invoking the Vengeance of the Laws. 'Tis then in conformity to these Prince's Intentions that I address myself to your August Assembly, to demand Justice, and to conjure ye to employ your utmost care to procure their Liberty. 'Tis the only means to strike a Terror into our Enemies, to destroy the hopes which they build upon the Disorders which this Violent Attempt is about to bring upon the Kingdom, and to restore Tranquillity, Peace and Happiness to the whole Realm. The End of the First Tome. MEMOIRS OF THE Prince of Conde. BOOK IU. THE Court was highly incensed at the News of the Princes being removed to Marcoussy: The Court is incensed at the Princes being removed to Marcoussy, and the Cardinal complains against the Coadjutor. The Cardinal acussed the Coadjutor of Paris of having advised the Duke of Orleans to remove them to that Place, and hindered their being conducted to Haure de Grace, according to his Intention. He believed moreover that this Chief of the Faction of the Frondeurs, or Slingers, designed to have the Princes wholly at his disposal, in order to draw great Advantages thereby. The Queen exclaimed publicly against it; and the Arrival of a Trumpet from the Archduke, with a Letter filled up with Propositions of Peace, having obliged Monsieur to send the Baron of Verde●onne to him, and afterwards upon his Answer Monsieur D' Avaux, the Cardinal complained highly that the Coadjutor had proposed a Peace, without his participation. These two causes of Complaint were followed by a third, which appeared no less unjust. Bourdeaux defended itself vigorously; and the News that came from the Siege, spoke the Success of it so doubtful, that nothing seemed more proper for the Reputation of the King's Arms than to save that City by a Treaty of Accommodation. Therefore Monsieur sent for the King's Ministers, and desired them to propose to the Parliament, in his Name, to send Deputies to Guienne, about the Treaty. Those Deputies were sent, but not well received: And others being sent again, the Cardinal gave it out, that the Coadjutor had hindered him by those Deputies from Chastising the Rebellion of the Bourdelois, and that he frustrated all his Designs. The Coadjutor being informed of these Complaints, was nealed to find his Conduct blamed at Court, after having acted with so much sincerity; and therefore went to Madame de Cheureuse, who, as we have already noted, had contributed considerably towards the Imprisonment of the Princes, and had ever since lived in a perfect Intelligence with the Cardinal. He made great Complaints in his turn, The Coadjutor's Complaints. and told her, that he could no longer keep any Measures, and that he would look out for new Friends. Madame de Cheureuse endeavoured to make him alter his Resolution, and to hinder him from breaking with the Court. She represented to him that he ought not to credit bare Reports, which perhaps were spread on purpose by the Prince's Friends, in order to divide the Party which was against them; and that before he proceeded any further, it would be proper for him to acquaint the Cardinal with his Intentions, and to ask some Favours of him, thereby to discover the real Intentions of his Eminency. The Coadjutor opposed all this a long while, telling her among other things, that whatever fair Promises the Cardinal might make to him, he would never resolve to procure him the Cardinal's Cap, which he desired. In fine, he consented at last that Madam de Cheureuse should request the said Cap of the Cardinal. He considered that in case the Cardinal should grant her desire, he should only be obliged to her for it; and that if he should deny her, his Refusal would enable him to draw her off from the Cardinal's Interest. Madame de Cheureuse accordingly writ to the Cardinal, Madame de Cheureuse writes to the Cardinal in favour of the Coadjutor. The Cardinal's Answer. urging all the Reasons that should oblige him to procure a Cardinal's Cap for the Coadjutor. The Cardinal made an Answer, which indeed did not import a direct refusal, but yet contained nothing beyond bare Compliments, and some Words which only afforded very distant hopes. During these Transactions, all things tended towards an Accommodation in Guienne. Dispositions towards an Accommodation in Guienne. The Court desired a Peace, by reason that they feared the Event of the Siege of Bourdeaux, the Resistance of which was the more obstinate, because they expected Succours from Spain, and from the Marshal de La Force, who was upon the point of declaring himself. On the other hand, whereas the Parliament of Bourdeaux, being tired with the length and danger of the Siege, likewise wished for a Peace; the Court Cabals, and the Duke d● Espernon used their utmost Endeavours to dispose the rest of the City to desire it also. To this end the Parliament sent Deputies to Bourg, where the Duke of Orleance's Deputies were arrived before to make Propositions of Peace. He desired the Princess of Conde, and the Dukes de Bovillon, and de la Rochefoucault likewise to send theirs. But whereas those Dukes designed nothing but the Liberty of the Princes, and could not consent to a Peace without that Condition, they barely contented themselves with not opposing a thing, which it was not in their Power to hinder; and so refused to send any body in their Name: They only desired the Deputies to be mindful of their Security, and the Liberty of the Princess, and the Duke d' Enguien, as well as of all the others who had been engaged in the Interest of the Princes, together with the re-establishment of every one. The Treaty of Bourg. The Deputies went to Bourg, and concluded a Peace, without communicating the Articles of it either to the Princess, or to the Dukes de Bovillon, and de la Rochefoucault. The Conditions of the Treaty were, 1. That the King should be received in Bourdeaux in the same manner as he used to be received in the other Cities of his Kingdom. 2 lie. That the Forces which had defended the Town should march out of it, and might safely go to join Monsieur de Turenne's Army. 3 lie. That all the Privileges belonging to the City and Parliament should be maintained. 4 lie. That * A Castle so called. Chateau Trumpet should remain demolished. The Princess of Conde and the Duke d' Enguien were allowed to go to Montrond, where the King wou●d keep a small Garrison for their Safety, which Garrison the Princess should choose herself. The Duke de Bovillon retired to Turenne, and the Duke de la Rochefoucault to his Government of Poitou. The Princess, the Duke d' Enguien, together with the Dukes de Bovillon, and de la Rochefouc●ult departed at the same time from Bourdeaux for Contras. The Marshal de la Meilleraye, who was going to Bourdeaux, met the Princess upon the Water, and proposed to her to see the King and Queen, putting her in hopes that perhaps the King would grant to the Prayers and Tears of a Woman, what he had thought himself obliged to refuse when demanded by Force of Arms. In fine, notwithstanding this Princess' repugnancy to go to Court, the Dukes of Bovillon and de la Rochefoucault prevailed with her to follow the Duke de la Meillerays Advice, to the end that no body might Reproach her with having omitted any thing for the Liberty of her Husband. The Dukes themselves in the sequel used their Endeavours to the same end: The Dukes of Bovillon and de la Rochefoucault propose powerful Reasons to the Cardinal to engage him to put the Princes at Liberty. They had great Conferences with Cardinal Mazarin, in order to persuade him to put the Princes at Liberty. They told him, that the Princes would be so much the more obliged to him for it, in that they were sensible that he could not be constrained to it by War: That it would be very Glorious for him to make all Europe sensible that it had been in his Power, to Ruin, and to Re-establish the Prince of Conde at pleasure: That the proceeding of the * A Faction so called. Frondeurs, evidently showed that they intended to make themselves Masters of the Princes, in order to ruin them, to the end that they might afterwards ruin him the more easily: or else to put them at Liberty, thereby to engage them to join with them for the Queen's and his Ruin. That the War was at an end in Guienne, but that the desire of renewing it in the whole Kingdom would never end without the Princes being put at Liberty: That he ought to credit them the more, by reason that they made no scruple to tell him so while they were in his Power, and had no Security but his Word: That the Cabals were renewing on all parts in the Parliament of Paris, and in all the other Parliaments of the Kingdom to procure the Liberty of the Princes, and to 〈◊〉 them out of his hands: That they declared to him● that they would favour whatever Designs tended to get them out of Prison; and that all they could do for him was, to wish they might be obliged to him fo it, preferably to any others. This Discourse shook the Cardinal, and raised some Jealousy in the Duke of Orleans and the Frondeurs, when they heard of it, the which inclined them to unite themselves again with the Prince's Friends, and to seek new means to ruin the Cardinal. In the mean time the King and Court departed for Paris, and the Cardinal passing through Blois, began to express a great deal of discontent in relation to Madame de Cheureuse, who seemed to be so ●ar engaged in the Coadjutor's Interest, that she had desired him to procure a Cardinal's Cap for that Prelate. Refusal of a Cardinal's Cap for the Coadjutor. After the Court was arrived at Fontainbleau, Madame de Cheureuse notwithstanding this, persisted in representing, Viva Voce, to his Eminency, what she had proposed to him in Writing concerning the Coadjutor; but she could not avoid a Refusal. However the Cardinal having afterwards reflected upon all the Reasons that had been proposed to him by this Duchess, and moreover dreading her Active Spirit, her Credit, Cunning, and Revenge, he judged it best to dissemble for some time, and to give her some kind of hopes, until he had caused the Princes to be removed in a secure and strong Place, The Cardinal's Dissimulation. being at his disposal, where neither the Coadjutor, nor even the Duke of Orleans himself might be able to procure their Liberty. He therefore caused some body to tell Madame de Cheureuse, who was gone to Paris by the Queen's Order, that indeed he foresaw great Inconveniencies in granting her Request, but yet that he was resolved to satisfy her, and that he would content her as soon as he cam● to Paris, in case she advised him once more to p●●●u●e a Cardinal's Cap for the Coadjutor, lest he ●●ould change Sides, and join with those who desired the Liberty of the Princes. In the mean time he disposed all things for their immediate removal to Haure, in order to be soon in a condition to declare himself publicly, and openly to refuse what was exacted from him. To that end the Queen told the Duke of Orleans that the Princes were not in a safe place, and proposed to him to take them into his Custody, and to put them in some Place of his own until the King's Minority. Monsieur rejected the Proposition; and resisting the Queen's Entreaties with all his might, They talk about removing the Princes into some strong place. she added, that since he refused to take them in charge himself, she desired him at least to consent, that the Princes might be removed in some place that were strong of itself, in order to avoid the extraordinary Expenses that were necessary to Guard them in so weak a place. The Lord Keeper of the Great Seal, and Monsieur le Tellier said, that the King's Coffers were so much exhausted, that all Expenses were to be avoided, and that there were places in the Kingdom, in which the Princes might be securely Guarded by the Garrison only. Several were proposed before Haure was mentioned; but some Inconveniencies or other being found in all of them, it was finally proposed. Monsieur opposed it violently, by reason that he remembered, Monsieur opposes the Princes being removed to Haure. that but three Months before, when the Princes were to be removed from Vincennes elsewhere, the Coadjutor, and the Duke of Beaufort refused to consent to their being removed to that place, and had protested to oppose it with all their might, in case it were attempted. The Cardinal seeing that Monsieur declared that he would not consent to their being carried to that place, replied, that the Queen, who was to give him notice of her Designs, was not obliged to follow his Sentiments. Monsieur had much ado not to fly out to some Extremity against his Eminency. The Queen assumed the Discourse again immediately, and pressed Monsieur anew either to take the Princes into his own Custody, or to permit them to be removed to Haure; assuring him that he should have as much Authority there as in Marcoussy, Monsieur consents to the Princes being removed to Haure. and that the Princes should be guarded by the same Person who was engaged not to deliver them, unless by hers and his Orders, and by a Command Signed by both. To this the Queen added very earnest entreaties; insomuch that Monsieur yielded to what she desired. Within a few hours after this a Man of Quality representing to Monsieur the Importance, and Consequences of that Removal, and the Prejudice he would receive by it, he immediately sent to Monsieur Le Tellier to Command him not to dispatch the said Orders: He altars his mind. But the Cardinal, who dreaded this change of Mind, had ordered Monsieur Le Tellier to remove from F●ntainbleau, and not to return till Night; during which time the Orders were dispatched to De Bar; all things were disposed for the departure of the Princes, and the Forces destined to Conduct them, being arrived at Marcoussy, put themselves on their March with them towards Haure. Monsieur Le Tellier being returned home, was obliged to wait upon Monsieur, who forbid him sending any Orders to De Bar. Monsieur Le Tellier answered, that the Princes went away in the Morning, and were upon their March, whereupon the Duke of Orleans expressed a great deal of Anger. he sent immediately for the Lord-Keeper, and after having expressed his Resentment to him, he told him, that he could not approve this Removal; and that the Queen, to whom he had not been able to refuse it, should vanquish him by Reason, and not by P●ayers. The Queen made him some Reproaches about it at Night, and Monsieur being unwilling to fall out with her, the Princes were conducted to Haure on the fifteenth of November, The Princes are removed to Haure. by Count d' Harcourt, who by that Emyloyment so much below his Birth and Courage, blasted the Laurels of his most Famous Victories. The Prince's Friends and Servants were sensibly concerned at this Removal, The measures of the Prince's Friends are broken. especially, because the Measures they had taken for their Rescue, were thereby absolutely defeated. They had for a considerable while cunningly established a Correspondence with their Guards, and had omitted nothing to gain them. Moreover they had gained some of the Inferior Officers, who had made themselves sure of a certain number of Soldiers, besides four of the seven Guards, which commonly tarried in the Antichamber. A Corpse de Guard of Fourteen Men was kept under the Prince of Conde's Window, upon a Terrace adjoining to a Pond. They had resolved to launch a Boat made of Leather into it, which the Workman was to conduct close to the said Terrace. The day being set, the four Guards of the Antichamber, who had been gained, were to seize the Arms of the others, and to dispatch them, in case of Resistance. Those of the Chamber were to be stabbed at the same time with Daggers that had been conveyed to the Prince, who afterwards being favoured by the Corpse de Guard of the Terrace, was to get out of his Window into the Boat, and should have been drawn out of the Ditch by Arnauld, and received by a Body of Horse, commanded by the Duke of Nemours. But unfortunately some of those who were most zealous for the Princes, being heated with Wine, or an inconsiderate Zeal, declared publicly in Paris, that those Illustrious unfortunate Princes ought to be rescued out of Marcoussy; which the Duke of Orleans being acquainted with, he immediately dispatched new Orders to the Bar to double his Guards, because there was some Plot on foot. This Man executed Monsieurs Orders, and made use of his Advices To the seven former Guards of the Antichamber, he added three new ones; whereby the Prince judging that the Plot was discovered, he immediately acquainted his Friends therewith, desiring them at the same time not to put it in Execution. Some days after it, the Bar, no longer fearing any thing, restored things to their former state, and removed the three new Guards. The Prince gave his Friend's notice of it; and as they were preparing to execute their Design, the Order came to Marcoussy to carry the Princes to Haure. The Cardinal publicly refuses the Cardinal's Cap for the Coadjutor. After their being carried thither, the Cardinal pulled off his Mask, and judging himself above any Cabals, he directly refused to procure the Cardinal's Cap Madam de Cheureuse had so often requested of him for the Coadjutor. This proceeding of the Cardinal's extremely exasperated both Madam de Cheureuse and the Coadjutor, and disposed them to side with those who desired the Liberty of the Princes, nay, moreover to use their utmost Endeavours with Monsieur to incline him to do the same. At that time the Garrison of Rhetel committing great Devastations in champagne, and those Devastations affording the Cardinal's Enemies an occasion to complain of his Conduct, he departed on the first of October to besiege that place, which Monsieur de Turenne had made himself Master of sometime before, with the Army he commanded, which was composed of the Spanish Forces, those of Lorraine, and of such of the Princes he had been abl● to preserve. He was received in all the Cities of champagne with such demonstrations of Honour and Respect, as extremely surprised the Prince's Friends. He stayed some days at Chalons, in order to hasten all necessary Preparations, while the Forces assembled, which were to form an Army of Twelve Thousand Men, to be Commanded by the Marshal Du Plessis Praslin. When the said Army was assembled about Reims, Monsieur de Turenne fatigued it by such frequent Skirmishes, and by such vigorous Attacks, that he forced it to Encamp within the City itself, where it remained several days without the lea●● Action, in expectation of the Cardinal. As soon as he was arrived, it was resolved to March straight to Rhetel, and to Besiege it. This succeeded sooner and better than they had believed. The Treachery and Cowardice of Delli Ponti, Governor of the said Place, broke all Monsieur de Turenne's Measures; for Delli Ponti having promised to hold out a considerable time, that Marshal had taken Measures with the Spaniards to succour him. His Design was to March straight to Rhetel, and to perform one of these two things, that is, either to oblige the Marshal Du Plessis to raise the Siege, or to Attack the separate Quarters of his Army: But while he was marching at the Head of the Spanish Army to execute that Design, Delli Ponti surrendered the Place by Composition six days sooner than he had promised; which having obliged him to advance in haste, he was constrained to Fight with disadvantage, and lost the Battle, which is called the Battle of Some Suip, which was fought on the 15 th'. of December near Rhetel. Monsieur de Bouteville, Brother to Madame de Chatillon, having fought with a great deal of Gallantry under Monsieur de Turenne's Standards, was taken Prisoner, from which the Cardinal expected to draw considerable Advantages, as it appeared by a Letter written by him to Monsieur Le Tellier, upon the Account of the Battle. In effect, his being taken, afforded the Cardinal an occasion to Negotiate with Madame de Chatillon, under pretence of Treating about her Brother's Liberty; and such a Treaty could not fail of giving his Enemies new disquiets, by reason that it could not be concluded unless Madame de Chatillon engaged to abandon the Prince's Interests, which her Love and Relation to him rendered so dear to her; and to make Monsieur de Nemours forsake them also, she disposing absolutely of him as his Mistress. In the mean while the Cardinal, after so considerable a Victory, The Effects of the Victory of Rhetel. returned in Triumph to Paris, and appeared so puffed up with it, that it renewed the disgust and dread of his Domination in all People, and roused the Public Envy and Hatred against him, in so much that what at first was a cause of Affliction to the Prince's Party, proved very fatal in the sequel to Cardinal Mazarin; nay more, the principal cause of the Liberty of the Princes; by reason that the Frondeurs dreading that the gain of the Battle of Rhetel would make the Cardinal too Powerful, prevailed with Monsieur to quit the Interests of the Court, and altogether resolved to set the Princes at Liberty, and to turn out the Cardinal. They Treat about the Liberty of the Princes. They had immediately, in order thereunto, several Meetings with the Precedent Viol, Arnaud, and some others, who had received an absolute Power to Treat from the Princes. Monsieur referred the care of adjusting the Conditions, upon which they might consent to put them at Liberty, to the Coadjutor. The Coadjutor began first by securing his own Interests, and would have Madam de Longueville to be a Security for them; whereupon Messengers were immediately dispatched to Stenay. She offered to sign even by the consent of the Spaniards; 1651. and the Sixteenth of january the Prince's having sent their Procurations to the Princess Palatin, the Treaty of the Coadjutor was concluded. Conditions of the Treaty. And whereas it behoved him as well as Madam de Cheureuse to be very cautious to secure themselves against the remembrance of a most sensible Outrage committed against a Prince equally endued with Wit and Courage, and that nothing but the strongest Ties could reunite such divided Interests, it was farther required, that the Prince of Conty should Marry Mademoiselle de Cheureuse; and that a sincere Accommodation should be made between the Princes and the Coadjutor, the Duke of Beaufort and their Friends, together with a general Oblivion of all that was past, and a Faithful Union for the future. Monsieur de Beaufort likewise demanded a considerable Sum of Money for Madame de Montbazon, which the Prince should be obliged to procure her from the Court, or else to pay it her out of his own Estate: And as to what related to his own Interests, he did not forget to make him renounce the Admiralty. By the Duke of Orleance's Treaty it was proposed, That the Duke D' Enguien should Marry Mademoiselle de Vallois, Monsieurs Third Daughter, That the Prince should require no Favours for his Servants: That he should be linked to his Royal Highness' Interests, towards all, and against all; and that he should require no Employments for himself. All these Proposals, together with others that were no less vexatious, were accepted by the Prince, who might say with Justice, that by those different Treaties he was constrained to consent to, he did not become free; but only changed his Chains, and was free of the Cardinal's, to receive many others. All things being thus regulated, Monsieur, Monsieur breaks w●th the Cardinal. Madame de Chevreu●e, the Coadjutor, the Duke of Beaufort, all the Frondeurs, and the Parliament declared openly in several Assemblies for the Liberty of the Princes; at which time Monsieur resolved to break absolutely with the Cardinal. He met with a very favourable Occasion to do it on the First of February in the Council, upon a certain Discourse of his Eminency against the Parliament, which he accused of having Designs against the King, like unto those of the Parliament of England. The dangerous Impressions such Discourses might make upon the King's Youth, and his Royal Highness' Affection to the State, together with his Knowledge of the People and Parliament's Loyalty, obliged him to Answer, That the Parliament was composed of none but such as were Faithful and Loyal to the King; and that those he called Frondeurs, were not the less Loyal, though Enemies to his Person. The Cardinal continuing to speak upon the same Tone, and to exclaim against the Duke of Beaufort and the Coadjutor, Monsieur went out of the Council, not to be dis-respectful in the Queen's Presence, and took a firm Resolution never to enter into the Council, or Palais Royal, while that Minister should be there, and afterwards acquainted the Queen with his Resolution, in which he always persisted. The Cardinal retires to St. Germane. The Cardinal perceiving, that all things concurred for the Liberty of the Princes, and that so many Secret Treaties were forming among their Partisans, between Monsieur and the Faction of the Frond, and that those very Persons who desired the Prince's Liberty, were at the same time very earnest for his removal, and his Ruin. The Cardinal, I say, in consideration of all these Reasons, resolved to retire to St. Germane. He went out of Paris the Night between the sixth and seventh of February, between Eleven and Twelve, through the Gate of Richelieu, accompanied only by three Men. It is true, that Count Harcourt tarried for him with Two Hundred Horse to conduct him to St. Germane. The Cardinal proposed by his Retreat to oblige the Duke of Orleans to go to the Palace Royal, and to give the Queen the means to persuade him to alter his Mind, and change his Party, and perhaps in case of a Refusal, to secure him. And in case Monsieur should persist in not going to the said Palace, and refuse to confer with the Queen, and if those who had espoused the Prince's Interests, and were firmly united for their Liberty, should continue to be earnest for their being taken out of Prison, his Eminency was resolved to go to Haure, in order to set the Princes at Liberty himself without any Conditions, thereby to engage the Prince of Conde to afford him his Protection, and to engage him in his Interests, by those good Offices to prevent the Perils that threatened him, and to render all the Secret Treaties that had been made, vain and useless, as well as the Endeavours of those who only pursued his Liberty upon very disadvantageous Terms on his side, particularly one, which deprived him of his Governments until the King's Majority. Monsieur still persisted in not going to the Palace Royal, The Assembly of the Palace of Orleans. notwithstanding the Cardinal's being removed from thence, and all the Promoters of the Prince's Liberty redoubled their Cares and Entreaties in order to obtain it. The last Assembly that was held upon that Subject, was at the Palace of Orleans: It was composed of Monsieur and Madame de Cheureuse, the Lord-Keeper, the Marshal of Villeroy, Monsieur Le Tellier, the Duke de la Rochefoucault, the Precedent Viol, Monsieur Arnaud, the Duke of Beaufort, and the Coadjutor. After some contestations they finally agreed upon the Conditions of the Treaty, and at the same time resolved that the Duke de la Rochefoucault, the Precedent Viol, Monsieur Arnaud, and Monsieur de la Villiere, Secretary of State, should go to Haure, with a Signet Letter, Signed by the Queen and Monsieur, to put the Princes at Liberty. The Cardinal being informed with the Resolution of that Assembly, which was held immediately after Dinner; he set straight forward towards Haure, The Cardinal goes to Haure, in order to set the Princes at Liberty. in order if possible to prevent the Deputies, and traveled all Night, he arrived there on the 13 th'. of February in the Morning. As soon as he entered the Citadel, he delivered a Letter from the Queen to De Bar, who commanded there, whereby he was ordered to do whatever his Eminency should desire for the Liberty of the Princes. After this he waited upon the Prince, whom he saluted● telling him, Sir, I come from Her Majesty to restore you your Liberty: Forget your Prison, love the King, and believe me ever your Servant. The Prince answered, That he thanked the Queen for the Justice she did him; that he would forget what was past, and that he would still continue to maintain, and promote, as he had ever done, the Interest of the King and State. After this, the Cardinal had a Conference with the Princes, which lasted above an hour. The only Account we have of it, is, That the Cardinal endeavoured at first to Justify himself, telling them the Reasons that had induced him to secure them: And that in the next place he desired their Friendship, adding haughtily, that they were free to grant it, or refuse it; and that upon any Terms they might go out of Haure that very moment, and repair where ever they pleased. Apparently the Princes promised him whatever he desired. He dined with them about Ten a Clock, and after a short Repast, he had a private Conference with the Prince, to whom he said after some other Discourse, that the Duke of Orleans had contributed much to his Imprisonment, at the Coadjutor's Solicitation; and that therefore the safest way for his Highness, was to join entirely with the King and Queen, in order to ruin the Faction of the Frondeurs: That all the good Places that were in his Friend's Possession, should be his, provided he would be for Their Majesties; and that as to what related to the Government, his Highness might Discourse with Monsieur de Lionne about it, to whom he had imparted all his Secrets. The Cardinal attended him to his Coach, and in presence of the Princes of Conty and Longueville, who were got into it before, he humbled himself to embrace his Knees, and to beg his Protection, with Tears in his Eyes, against his Enemies. After this, the Princes went away accompanied by the Marshal de Gramont, The Princes go from Haure to Paris. and lay Three Leagues off, at a House called Grosmenil, in the way from Haure to Roans, where the Deputies aforementioned arrived a moment after them, with Orders from the Court: who could not come sooner, by reason of a Difference between Monsieur de la Urilliere and Monsieur Le Tellier. Monsieur Le Tellier was desirous to have the Commission of going to Haure, in order to make his Court to the Prince, and to enter into his Favour again; and the other likewise pretended to it, because Normandy was within his District. The Difference was adjudged in favour of the last. The Princes departed next Morning from Grosmenil for Paris, where they arrived on the 16 th'. at Night. It is impossible to express the general Joy that appeared in that great City at their Arrival. An universal joy for the Liberty and Return of the Prince of Conde. The best part of the Soldiers and Inhabitants wept for Joy at sight of the Prince of Conde, and all strove to outdo each other in their different expressions of i●. He received proofs of that Public Joy even at Pontoise, where abundance of Persons of the greatest Quality met him. He was met by a great many more at St. Dennis, all the way was so thronged with Coaches and People, that one could not sufficiently admire how such a general Joy could be occasioned by the Liberty of a Man, whose Imprisonment but thirteen or fourteen Months before had been so agreeable to every body. The Duke of Orleans met the Princes between La Chapelle and St. Dennis, and by the precipitation wherewith he ran to embrace the Prince, he discovered the reality of the Compliment he made him, which was, that he had never been so transported with Joy as he was at that moment, nor had ever done any Action with so much Satisfaction. The Prince made him an Answer, as to the Author of his Liberty. Monsieur having in the next place embraced the Prince of Conty, and the Duke of Longueville, presented the Duke of Beaufort and the Coadjutor, whom he had brought along with him, to the Prince of Conde, who received them very kindly; after which the Prince got into the Duke of Orleance's Coach, together with the Prince of Conty, the Duke of Longueville, the Duke of Beaufort, the Coadjutor, the Marshal de la Motte, and the Prince of Guimene. They lighted at the Palais Royal, amidst all the Acclamations of the People. Monsieur presented the Princes to the King and Queen, whom he had not visited himself until the day before. There appeared more Compliments and Civilities at that first Interview, than Tenderness and real Reconciliation. They found the Queen upon her Bed, with whom they tarried but little, after having returned her Thanks for the Justice she had done them, in restoring them to their Liberty. Monsieur returned to his own Palace of Luxemburg, and the Prince went to make a Visit to the Duke of Nemours, and that very Evening he waited upon the Duchess of Orleans, and expressed a great deal of Obligation to her. Monsieur presented several Counsellors of the Parliament to him, who happened then to be at the Palace of Orleans, whom he received very kindly. His Natural Inclination giving way to his Joy at that time, all those in whom he observed any Joy, received that Day some marks of his Acknowledgement. He Supped with Monsieur, where every body was free in expressing all manner of Invectives and Railleries' against Mazarin, who finding no safe●y in Fr●nce against the Thundering Impeachments and Decrees of the Parliament, was o● his way to quit the Kingdom, and to repair to the Elector of Cologne. The next day Monsieur accompanied the Prince, The Prince goes to the Parliament and the Prince of Conty to the Parliament, where being entered, he spoke in these terms: Gentlemen, I have brought my Cousins to you to consummate your Work, according to what you had resolved. I have acquainted them with the Affection wherewith you have all laboured for their Liberty, and have made them sensible of the kindness they ought to have for your House. I hope their Presence will serve for a Remedy against the Disorders of the Kingdom, and that jointly with ●s they will contribute towards the good of the State, which I protest to have been the only aim of all my Actions. Monsieur having made an end, the Prince assumed the Discourse, as followeth: Gentlemen, ●fter having returned Her Majesty Thanks for the justice she has done us in putting us at Liberty, I should think myself wanting to myself, if I did not publicly acknowledge the extraordinary Obligations we have received from the Duke of Orleans 's Goodness, and the Generosity he has expressed on our behalf. But tho' this Favour we have received from him be so great, that to acknowledge it, I must neither spare my Blood, or Life, yet I should not have thought myself fully satisfied with it, unless I had come to assure this House that I shall ne●er want Gratitude for the Affection you have expressed towards me. And whereas it obliges me never to separate from your Interests, I desire you to believe that I can have no other, and that on all occasions, I will endeavour to show you, how much I am indebted to you all in general, and to every one in particular. The Prince of Conty made a Compliment little different from his Brother's; after which, the Prince assuming the Discourse again, told them, that the Duke of Longueville should have been glad also to have expressed his sense of his Obligements to them, but that they could not be ignorant of the Reasons that hindered him from so doing. The first Precedent answered: Sir, The House cannot sufficiently express their joy at your Return, and think themselves happy to have contributed towards it. The Duke of Orleans 's Affection, to which you are indebted for your Liberty, next to the Queen's Goodness, makes us hope that the Confusions which for three whole Years have been like to occasion the Ruin of this Monarchy, and have so much diminished the Royal Authority, will be dissipated by the perfect Union that is to be expected from Princes that are of the same Blood. You are so much concerned in the preservation of the Glory and Greatness thereof, that in labouring to revive the said Authority, and to dispel all Clouds of Division, you will labour for your own Advantage, and render yourselves more considerable, by employing your Persons and Cares to keep the People in the Obedience they owe their King and Sovereign. Moreover your Prudence will induce you not to hearken to any Seditious Spirits, who under pretence of specious Advantages, perhaps may only aim at sowing Divisions among you. Those evil Counsellors must for ever be removed from your Persons. And, Sir, considering your Obligations to the Duke of Orleans; (in saying this he looked upon the Prince) nothing should be capable to divide your Affections and Interests. 'Tis from that Union the State must expect its Repose, the People the relief of their Miseries, and the King the Support of his Authority: and it is the only Recompense this House desires, for the Vows they have made for your Liberty, and for the Affection wherewith they have always promoted it. After this, some asked for the Declaration of Innocence they had agreed to grant for the Princes. But whereas it was not ready yet, and that it required some time to consult the Princes about it, it was referred to another Day. Then Monsieur rose; and the Prince having answered all those who did Congratulate his Return, retired amidst the Acclamations of Joy of an infinite multitude of People which filled up the Hall, and strove with Emulation to give him signal proofs of a satisfaction not only capable to make him lose the remembrance of the Joy they had expressed at his Confinement, but also to render his Prison more Glorious than his Victories. The manner of the Prince's Reception at Paris after his being put at Liberty, Addition of Glory to the Prince of Conde. gave a new Lustre to his Glory, and made that Hero confess, that this Reception was no less Glorious to him, than the Great and Famous Victories of Rocroy, Fribourg, Nortlingue, and Lens, in which he had Triumphed over the most powerful Efforts of the Enemies of France. And indeed this new kind of Glory was greatly due to him, It was his due. since after having rendered such great Services to the State, and discovered such Eminent Virtues in so many Sieges and battles, he had been seized and detained long in Prison, with all the Injustice imaginable, and with the utmost Ingratitude from the Court. For in fine, besides the early marks of Valour he had given in the Trenches of Arras, and in the Plains of Ipres, is it not certain that in all probability France would have been overwhelmed in the beginning of the Regency, but for the Battle the Prince had won at Rocroy? That Kingdom which had carried the Glory of its Arms so far, by the great Genius of Cardinal Richelieu, seemed to fall by degrees from its Elevation, since that Minister's Death. Spain being at that time attentive in the pursuit of its vast Designs, and perhaps reckoning upon a Queen, to whom it had given Birth, and who had long been suspected of not being well affected to France: Spain, I say, which at that time looked upon the King's approaching Minority as a Source of Divisions, which after the Death of Lewis XIII. whose Distemper was judged incurable by the Physicians, was going to expose so great a State as a Prey to their Ambitious Desires. Moreover France wanted Famous Experienced Chiefs, as well as well disciplined Forces: while the Enemies had a Triumphant Army, composed of the best Forces of Europe, Commanded by a very Experienced General, who only tarried for a proper moment to improve a Conjuncture which opened a large Field to his Hopes; and while the Garrisons of the Kingdom being unprovided, and without Assistance, trembled at the approach of the uncertain Storm which threatened the whole Frontier. Lewis XIII dying in that Conjuncture, the Consternation of his Death, the Weakness of a Minority, a Tumultuous Regency, a Council exposed to Intrigues, and Cabals, Seeds of Division, Great Malcontents, the Agitation of the Court, and the Exhausting of the People, made Spain conceive approaching hopes of the total Ruin of France. The Valour of the Prince of Conde, at that time Duke of Enguien, applied a Remedy to all those Evils, by the gain of a Battle, on which the Safety, or Ruin of the State depended. By this Victory he effectually saved the Realm, he calmed it, he encouraged it, and as it were, gave it new Life; he became the Support of the Monarchy, and strengthened the dawning Authority of the Young Monarch. That memorable Day was followed with a Torrent of Prosperity for France, of Conquests, Battles gained, Cities taken, etc. All the Campains that succeeded this by the Singularity of the Erterprises that were formed and executed by the Duke d' Enguien, equalled, or surpassed the most surprising things we meet with in History. The Battles of Fribourg and Nortlingue, so celebrated through the obstinate Resistance of the Enemies, and the Invincible Difficulties that opposed the attacking of them: Those Battles, which may very well be compared to those of Arbella and Pharsalia, alarmed and terrified the very Hea●t of the Empire, and finally, forced Germany to desire a Peace on such Conditions as France was pleased to allow it. The Battle of Lens yet more Glorious and Triumphant, placing the Prince of Conde in the just and indisputable possession of being the Hero of his Age, ●ais'd at the same time the great and signal Obligations he had laid upon the Court, to the highest degree, which after that Battle committed a world of Faults without him, and was only saved by him in the War of Paris. And yet notwithstanding all this, at a time when all his Designs, all his Virtues, and all his Actions only tended to the King's Service, and the Grandeur of the Kingdom, of which he was the chief Ornament, he was Imprisoned, because his Conduct in some Occasions had not appeared sufficiently Respectful towards the Queen, and that he had not all the Complaisance for the Cardinal, which that Minister desired, whom he had the misfortune to displease by the impetuosity of his Temper, which he could not Master; the which, a● most, could only be looked upon as Court Faults, and not Crimes of State, capable of obliterating the Important Services rendered by a first Prince of the Blood. Therefore it is no wonder that after his being put at Liberty again, and returned to Paris, the People expressed their Joy, and received him in Triumph, as if he had been newly returned from gaining the Battles of Rocroy, Fribourg, Nortlingue, and Lens. But unfortunately his Glory, which had appeared with such a Lustre in so many different manners, was afterwards tarnished by a very unblamable Conduct. For finally, he excited a Civil War, and took up Arms against his Sovereign. Moreover be acted with so much Imprudence in that War, and committed so many Capital Faults, The Prince of Conde 's Glory tarnished. that thereby he fell infinitely short of those Great Men, who by a wise Conduct, and well-contrived Measures achieved the highest and most difficult Enterprises. Not but at the same time the Court also committed very considerable Faults, and that both Parties maintained themselves more through the Faults of each other, than by any good Conduct on their side● But that does not justify the Prince, especially if we consider that thereby he ruin'd his own Party, and made the Court Triumph. It is most certain that had the Prince been endued with all Caesar's Qualifications, The Prince of Conde 's Qualifications different from Caesar ' s. he should have succeeded in all his Erterprises. Caesar had a consuminated Prudence; all his steps were measured, in so much that he never did any thing without mature deliberation, managing his Zeal, and being more affected with the Solid than the Exterior part, being very cautious in all difficult Affairs, and never wanting a Remedy in the most troublesome Conjunctures. Few Persons have ever been known with so much Equality in their Life, so much Moderation in their Fortune, and so much Clemency when injured. He gained the Affection of all People by his Goodness and Mildness: Those who were Familiar with him, and did espouse his Interests, neither dreaded his Anger or Capriccios. He was Liberal and Magnificent, towards the People, towards his Friends, and even towards his very Enemies. He compassed his Ends by Mild, Insinuating, Cunning, Secret means. The Prince of Conde did not possess those Qualities. He was of an unequal Temper; he was Rough, Difficult, and Haughty, and an Enemy to Precaution. He could not moderate himself in his Prosperity or Fortune. He was Passionate, and Revengeful. He did not acknowledge considerable Services; and when he did, there was no certainty of the continuation of his Gratitude. He was not very sincere to his Friends, not even to those tha● were most Illustrious, and most necessary to him. He made Treaties without them, he often neglected their most considerable Interests, and only minded his own. Neither was he very Liberal, or Magnificent. He did not consult or manage the Temper of the People, and took no great care to gain their Love. He could not Dissemble, neither could he Act in great Affairs with Cunning and Secrecy. In short, he relied too much upon his own Valour, Merit, Reputation, and Quality, and neglected other things that 〈◊〉 ●●cessary for the execution of great Undertaking 〈◊〉 I shall not mention the Errors he committed in this place; the Reader will sufficiently observe them in the faithful orderly recital I shall make of the principal Actions and Events. But before I proceed any farther, because I am now to treat about the most considerable Point of this History, and that by reason of the partiality of those who have left us Memoirs about it, it is very difficult to distinguish the real Sentiments of the Prince whose Life we are now writing; I will set down, as a necessary Foundation, that the Prince of Conde came out of Prison with Sentiments of Vengeance, not only against Cardinal Mazarin, Madame de Cheureuse, and against the Frondeurs, who had only promoted his Liberty upon disobliging Considerations, and very hard Conditions, but also against the Queen, and against the King. I do not think any body can blame me for what I advance, since the Prince himself, after the Civil War was ended, and he received into Favour again, condemning his Conduct and former Sentiments, declared with Candour to some Persons of Honour and Credit, That he was the most Innocent man alive, when put into Prison, and the most Guilty at his coming out of it. Alas! pursued he with grief, Before that unhappy Prison, I a●m'd at nothing but the King's Service, and the Grandeur of the State. In so much that the Valour, Activity, and Imperious Humour, together with all the extraordinary Qualifications the Prince was endued with, were like unto those matters from which Exhalations are formed, which matters serve for considerable uses, but being once turned into Exhalations, and enclosed within the Clouds, being attracted thither by the heat of the Sun, they seldom get out of them again, unless it be to strike the most elevated Places, and to overthrow the 〈◊〉 Sumptuous Buildings, and to cause terrible Diso●●●●●: So likewise the Prince of Conde's Valour and Courage, before his Imprisonment, were only employed for the Good of the Kingdom, and the Glory of his Sovereign; but after his being put at Liberty, all those Heroical Qualities were employed on very different Uses; and whereas before, he had been the Hope, Support, and Joy of the State, he became the Terror of it all on a sudden; he attacked the Royal Authority, and kindled a Civil War, which caused great Disorders, as will appear by the sequel of this History. After the return of the Princes to Paris, their Imprisonment was declared unjust by the Parliament and a new Decree was given against Cardinal Mazarin. This Decree of the Parliament was terrible; it condemned that Minister to a perpetual Banishment, and commanded all Frenchmen to fall upon him, if ever he appeared in the Kingdom, and at the same time confiscated all he had● The Queen endeavours to dispose the Prince to consent to the Cardinal's return. During these Transactions, the Queen passionately desired the Cardinal's return, and tried all means to dispose the Prince to consent to it. To that end she offered him, by the Princess Palatin, all manner of Advantages for himself, and for his Friends: But ●e only answered those fine offers with Compliments which engaged him to nothing. But yet in the sequel the Queen being very pressing to oblige him to express himself, he promised to Treat, whether it were that he had no mind to break so soon with the Queen, and had a mind to carry until things were more favourably disposed in his favour, to have a more plausible pretence of breaking publicly; or whether he were really disposed to treat, in hopes of obtaining for himself, and for his Friends, the most considerable Employments and Governments, ●nd thereby put himself in a condition of doing whatever he pleased. However he desired the Treaty might be kept secret, and so did the Queen: The Queen feared to augment the Diffidence of Monsieur, and of the Fro●de●rs, and to swerve too soon, and without the least pretence, from all the Declarations she had just granted the Parliament against the Cardinal's return. The Prince on his side was afraid his Friends would be angry at his Treating without their participation; that the Duke of Bovillon, and the Marshal of Turenne would quit his Interests, that the Frondeurs, and the Duchess of Cheureuse would grow his irreconcilable Enemies, and that the Parliament and the People would on a sudden reflect on the dreadful Image of the last War of Paris. Therefore they used all the Cautions imaginable to Treat secretly. The Prince went to the Princess Palatin, whom the Queen had chosen to manage the Treaty. She was of the House of Mantua, and Sister to the Queen of Poland. The Count of Servient and Monsieur de Lionne likewise met there from the Queen. The Prince would have the Duke de la Rochefoucault present, and did nothing without the consent of the Prince of Conty his Brother, and the Duchess of Longueville his Sister. The first Project of the Treaty which was proposed by the Princess Palatin, was, That Guienne should be given to the Prince, and that the Lord Lieutenancy thereof should be given to whatever Friend of his he should be pleased to choose: That the Prince of Conty should have the Government of Provence; And that Gratifications should be made to such as had been engaged in the Prince's Interests: That nothing should be desired of him but barely to retire into his Government, with whatever Forces of his own he should think fit for his own Security: That he should remain there without contributing to Cardinal Mazarin's return, but that he should not oppose the King's Endeavours in order thereunto, an● that whatever happened, the Prince should be free to be his Friend or Enemy, according as his Conduct should give him cause to love or hate him. Those Conditions were not only confirmed, but augmented by Messieurs de Servient and de Lionne. For at the Prince's desire that the Government of Blaye might be added to the Lord Lieutenancy of Guienne for the Duke de la Rochefoucault, they gave him all the hopes of it he could desire. They only desired time to treat with the Duke d' Angouleme, about the Government of Provence, and to dispose the Queen to grant Blaye. But apparently it was only to give the Cardinal an Account of what past, and to receive his Orders. He was at that time at Brueil in the Archbishopric of Cologne; and the Queen consulted him as an Oracle. Dispositions towards an absolute breach. This Affair remained some time without being discovered; but he who had been chosen to conclude it, soon occasioned an entire breach, and drove things to the utmost Extremities. Chavigny induces the Prince to break off the Treaty. Monsieur de Chavigny, who was lately recalled, and placed into the Ministry again, was a Mortal Enemy to the Cardinal, and being at that time the Prince's chief Confident, soon disposed him to break off the Treaty with the Queen, against the Advice of Madame de Longueville, the Princess Palatin, and the Dukes de Bovillon and de la Roc●efoucault. Messieurs de Servient and de Lionne at the same time were embroiled on both sides about this Negotiation, and afterwards were both turned out. Imbroilures. The Queen denied her having ever harkened to the Proposition about Blaye, and accused Servient of having made it on purpose to raise the Prince's Demands so high, that it should be impossible for her to grant them. As for the Prince, his Complaints against the Count of Servient were, That he had treated with him from the Queen, about Conditions that were unknown to her, or that he had made so many vain Propositions to him to amuse him under pretence of a sincere Treaty, which in effect was only a premeditated Design to Ruin him. Although the Count of Servient was suspected on both sides, it did not lessen the Animosity which began to arise between the Queen and Prince; it was almost equally fomented by all those who came near them. Some represented to the Queen that the Division between the Prince and Madame de Cheureuse about the breach of the Marriage between the Brother of the one, and the Sister of the other, would certainly reconcile the Frondeurs to the Cardinal's Interests, and that all things would be soon reduced to the state they were in when the Prince was seized. He on the other hand was induced to break with the Court by many different Interests: He found no longer any Safety with the Queen, who did nothing without the Cardinal's consent; and he dreaded to be involved into his former disgraces again. Madame de Longueville was sensible that the Cardinal had made an irreconcilable Breach between her Husband and her, and that after the impressions he had given him against her Conduct, she could not go to him in Normandy, without exposing her Life, or Liberty. The Duke of Longueville on the other hand used his utmost Endeavours to get her to him; and she had no way to avoid that perilous Journey, but by inducing her Brother to quit the Court abruptly, and to prepare for a Civil War. The Prince of Conty had no particular Aim; he followed his Sister's Sentiments without knowing them, and was for War, because it freed him from his Ecclesiastical Profession, which he did not love. The Duke of Nemours was very solicitous for War; not so much out of Ambition, as Jealousy which he had conceived against the Prince. He could not endure his seeing and loving Madame de Chatillon. And whereas he could not hinder his seeing of her, but by separating them; he imagined that War was the only means he could employ to that end, and that it would in time quench the Prince's Passion. The Duke's de Bovillon and de la Rochefoucault did not desire that War, they had lately found by Experience to what invincible Difficulties they are exposed who undertake to maintain a Civil War against the Person of their King. They were sensible of the Disappointments that attend it. They knew the Weakness of the Spaniards; they were not ignorant how vain and deceitful their Promises were, and that it was not their Interest to advance the Prince's or the Cardinal's Affairs, but only to foment Disorders among them, in order to take an Advantage of the Divisions of France. The Duke of Bovillon moreover joined his particular Interest to the Publicks, and was in hopes to oblige the Queen sensibly, and to be altogether in her Favour, by contributing to keep the Princes within the Bounds of Duty. As for the Duke de la Rochefoucalt, he durst not so publicly express his repugnancy to that War, by reason that his Love and Passion for Madam Longue●ille obliged him to follow the Sentiments of that fair Princess, which tended to the kindling of a Civil War, which the Prince, exasperated by his Misfortunes, and by ill Treatments, desired perhaps with as much earnestness. However the Conduct of the Court, and that of the Prince soon furnished Subjects of a reciprocal diffidence, the sequel of which proved fatal to the State, to a great number of Illustrious Families of the Kingdom, and ruin'd the greatest and most glorious Fortune that was ever seen upon the Head of a Subject. But before we proceed any farther, it will be proper to enlarge upon a thing I have only hinted by the by, which is, that the Prince hindered the Prince of Conty his Brother from Marrying Mademoiselle de Cheureuse; Reasons which induced the Prince of Conde to break the Match between his Brother & Mademoiselle de Cheureuse. by reason that in the Conditions of the Treaty that had been made for the Liberty of the Princes, that Marriage had only been desired by the Coadjutor, and by Madame de Ch●vreuse to secure them against the remembrance of the Affront put upon his Highness upon the New Bridge; the care that was taken to solicit the execution thereof, only served to revive in his Memory the Image of that Mortal Injury: In so much that the Prince, who was sensible besides that the Coadjutor and Madame de Cheureuse had taken the Advantage of the Misfortune of his Prison to impose whatever Conditions they pleased upon him, could not resolve to dissemble his Resentment, and had rather be forsaken even by his best Friends, than to stoop to Dissemble, Caresses, and Flatteries to conceal it. He exasperated Madam de Cheureuse and the Frondeurs extremely by that proceeding, and consequently the People, Several persons abandon the Prince of Conde 's Party. and even disobliged Messieurs de Bovillon and Turenne to that degree, that they sided with the Court; whereupon the Duk● of Bovillon was placed at the Head of the Council, and the Vice-count of Turenne at the Head of the Principal Army. Several other Persons of No●e quitted the Prince's Party by their Example. Even the Count de Bussy, who had served him so well till then, abandoned him, by reason that being come on purpose from Burgundy to Paris, to Congratulate his Highness being put at Liberty; The Prince having thanked him coldly for the Services he had done him during his Imprisonment, asked him at the same time whether he would not resign his Place of Lieutenant of his Chevaux Legers of the Ordnance to Guitault his Cornet, according to the Agreement made about it three Months before his Imprisonment. The Count of Bussy was strangely surprised at that Question, which showed but little Gratitude for his past Services, and yet less Value for him, and less Consideration for his Quality; but yet he consented to it, on Condition that he should resign it into his Highnesses own hands. As soon as he had surrendered it, he quitted him, as the Count de Grand Pré had done before, who, after having espoused his Party with so much heat, going to Visit the Princes after their being put at Liberty, was received by them in a very disobliging manner. All these things gave a great check to the Prince of Conde's Affairs, and in the sequel weakened his Party considerably. Disadvantageous Reports against the Prince of Conde. Moreover it happened that those who had quitted his Interests, after having embraced them with so much earnestness, spread false Reports against him, and endeavoured to make people suspect his harbouring ill Designs, thereby the better to colour their change. In effect, soon after, it was reported that the Prince treated with the Enemies of the King and State; in Paris itself by Madam de Longueville, ●t 〈◊〉 by the Marquis of Sillery, and at Ste●ay by Monsieur de Croissy. It was likewise rumoured that he would not have desired to exchange his Government of Burgundy for that of Guienne, but that he designed to execute some Criminal Enterprise. The Reasons alleged for it were, that the Government of Burgundy was worth Forty Five Thousand Livres more than that of Guienne, and that consequently he certainly designed to make use of the singular Affection the People of Guienne had for his Person, in order to execute some extraordinary Enterprise. That the People of Guienne as well as the Limosins their Neighbours, were Warlike, Light, and Inconstant. That Poitou, of which the Duke de la Rochefoucault was Governor, was adjoining to that Province: That the Prince had other Friends, who were very Powerful in other adjacent Provinces: That he had only desired Provence for the Prince of C●●ty, and Auvergne for the Duke of Nemours, in order thereby the better to execute his great Designs. It is most certain, that at that very time the Prince had sent the Marquis de Sillery into Flanders, under pretence of dis-engaging Madame de Longueville and the Marshal of Turenne of the Treaties they had made with the Spaniards to procure his Liberty, but in reality with Orders to take Measure● with the Count of Fuensaldaigne, to sound what Assistance the Prince might receive from the King of Spain, in case he were obliged to make War. Fuensaldaigne answered according to the usual Custom of the Spaniards, in promising in general a great deal more than could reasonably be desired of him, and omitted nothing to engage the Prince to take up Arms. On the other hand the Queen had made a new Engagement with the Coadjutor, who was strangely animated against the Prince, Engagements between the Queen and the Coadjutor. by reason that he had persuaded the Prince of Conty not to Marry Mademoiselle de Cheureuse, and that he had seconded with all his might a Declaration which excluded all Cardinals, and all Prelates in general from the Ministry. This Engagement between the Queen and the Coadjutor was kept secret, by reason that the Queen could expect no Service from the Fr●ndeurs but by their Credit with the People, the which they could preserve no longer than while they were looked upon as Enemies to the Cardinal. Plots against the Prince of Conde. Both Parties equally found their Security in ruining the Prince: Nay, some proffered the Queen to kill or seize him. She abhorred the first Proposition, and willingly consented to the second. The Coadjutor and Monsieur de Lionne met at the Count of Montresor, to agree about the means to execute that Enterprise. They concluded that it was fit to attempt it, but resolved nothing as to the time, or manner of executing it. Monsieur de Lionne discovered this Design to the Marshal of Gramont, who communicated it to Monsieur de Chavigny, and he immediately to the Prince. The Prince for some time imagined that this Report was only spread on purpose to make him quit Paris; and that it would be a weakness below him to be alarmed at it, especially since the People took his part to that degree, that he was continually accompanied by an infinite number of Officers of the Army, by those of his own Forces, by his Attendants, and by his particular Friends. For these Reasons he changed nothing as to his Conduct, excepting his ceasing to go to the Lovure. Moreover he accidentally delivered himself up one day into the King's Power; he happening to be in his Coach in the Ring at a time when the King came through 〈◊〉 returning from Hunting, followed by his Guards 〈◊〉 Chev●ux Legers. However this Encounter did 〈◊〉 produce the Effect the Prince had reason to 〈◊〉; for the King continued his way, The King's and the Prince's Coach meet in the Ring. and none of ●●ose that were with him bethought themselves to advice him about it, without doubt because they ●ere surprised, as the French always are. The King observing the Prince's Coach to pass by hastily, without stopping, as all Coaches are obliged to do ●hen they meet His Majesty's, only uttered these ●ew words, with a Tone, and Air, that may be ●magin'd, I will teach that Gentleman his Duty. The Prince continued his way with speed out of the Ring, not to give the King time to form any Design against him. The Queen and the Frondeurs easily comforted themselves at the missing of so fair an Opportunity, in hopes of seeing their Project soon succeed. In the mean time the continual Advices the Prince received from all Parts, began to persuade him, that the Court intended to secure him. However he continued some time longer to neglect the taking proper measures to avoid it, although all his Friends were very solicitous for his so doing. In fine, after having so long resisted the wholesome Advice of his Friends, he was at last alarmed without a cause. Talking in his Bed with one Monsieur de Vinevil, he received a Note from a Gentleman, who acquainted him, that two Companies of the Guards were under Arms, and going to march towards the Fauxbourg of St. Germane. This News made him believe they designed to Invest the Hostel of Conde, which stands in that Suburb: Insomuch that without calling to mind that those Companies were often employed to Guard the Gates, to cause the Duties of Entrance to be paid, which was the end for which they were commanded at that time, he imagined they had a Design against his Person. It is certain that in a Manifesto which appeared soon after to justify his removal from Paris, he d●●clar'd, that besides the movement of the Regiment of Guards, The Prince quits Paris to retire to St. Maur. two or three hundred Persons had been observed moving to and fro that Night in the said Suburb. All this then being preceded by the Advices of his particular Friends, he took Horse in a hurry, and left Paris only attended by seven 〈◊〉 eight Men. Being accompanied by that inconside●rable number, at his going out he was encountered by Two Hundred of Mazarin's Friends armed, who notwithstanding durst not undertake any thing against him, and let him pass by. He tarried some time in the Road for News from the Prince of Conty, to whom he had sent Notice of what past. But a second pleasant Alarm obliged him to quit his Post. A pleasant Alarm. Hearing the noise of a great number of Horses, which moved towards him on a Tro●, he fancied it was a Squadron in pursuit of him; and therefore retired towards Fleuri near Meudon: However it proved that they were only Haggler's who travelled all Night towards Paris. As soon as the Prince of Conty was informed that his Brother was retired from Paris, he acquainted the Duke de la Rochefoucault with it, who went to join the Prince; but the Prince sent him back immediately to Paris, to acquaint the Duke of Orleans from him with the subject of his removal to St. Maur. The Princess, the Prince of Conti, and Madame de Longueville arrived there almost as soon as the Prince: The Prince's Court at St. Maur. And in the first days that Court was as considerable, and as full of Persons of Quality as the King's; moreover he provided all manner of Divertisements to serve his Policy, as Balls, Plays, Gaming, Hunting, and good Cheer, which drew a world of wavering Persons thither, which always offer themselves at the forming of Parties, and commonly betray or forsake them, according to ●heir Fears or Hopes. However it was judged that this great number of People might break the Measures the Court might have taken for the Besieging of St. Maur, and that this Crowd, which on any o●her occasion would have been useless and troublesome, would be of use in this, and serve to give some Reputation to their Affairs. During these Transactions the Marshals of Gramont and of Villeroy continually moved to and fro from the Queen, to endeavour to accommodate those Affairs. The Prince was long before he would admit them in private, and told them, that there was no Safety for him in Paris, The Prince of Conde 's Complaints. and that he would never find any there while Mazarin governed the Court, as he did by Le Tellier, Servient, and Lionne. That the Cardinal did not live at Brevil like an Exile, but as an Oracle that was continually consulted against him: That having suffered so hard, and so unjust a Prison, he knew by Experience that his Innocence could not protect him, or establish his Safety, which he hoped to find in a Retreat, in which he would still preserve the same Sentiments he had so often evidenced for the benefit of the State, and for the King's Glory. The Prince had several Conferences with the Duke of Orleans upon the same Subject, who was as much displeased as himself, to find the Spirit and Maxims of Cardinal Mazarin Reigning at Court. The Parliament likewise made several Complaints about it, and joined with their Highnesses to exclude Le Tellier, Servient, and Lionne both from the Council and Ministry of Affairs, they following the Cardinal's Maxims in all things, and doing nothing without his Orders: Monsieur Le Tellier upon this retired of his own accord, and the Queen having soon after consented to the Exclusion of the two others, the Prince came back to Paris, The Prince returns to Paris. and waited upon the King and Queen, and no longer thought of any thing but taking Possession of his New Government of Guienne. But before his departure from Paris, he was desirous to show the Sumptuous Equipage he had prepared for his Entry into Bourdeaux. Therefore ●e appeared in the Streets of Paris in a Magnificent Coach, accompanied with the most Numerous, and most Glorious Attendance that had been seen in France for a long while; after which he went to the Ring with the same Equipage, where he met the King and Queen accidentally, and in Circumstances very different from those of the preceding Meeting I have mentioned. The King and Queen were extremely surprised and disordered to find themselves, as it were, alone amidst a crowd of armed Men, composed of the Prince's Friends and Attendance, which filled up the Ring. The Queen was already very much displeased with the Prince, for his having ceased to see the King of late, and his being continually with Monsieur, and such of the Parliament as were most animated against the Cardinal; in so much that she was under great Apprehensions at that time. Moreover some Persons of the Court talked of it, as if he had really designed to insult Their Majesties, which made an end of exasperating them against the Prince. The Duke of Orleans having notice of it the next day, endeavoured to pacify all, and engaged the Prince with great difficulty to go to the Lovure. Where Their Majesties received him so coldly, and with so much indifference, that he retired in a Passion, and protested publicly that he would go there no more. This was done in so high a manner, that from that moment People began to believe the Report that had been spread, of the Prince of Conde's having an Intelligence with the Enemies of the State to wage a War against the King. The first Precedent Molé himself, who was the Prince's Friend, complained of it in a full House, in so much that he seemed already to have renounced his Friendship; Complaints of the first Precedent against the Prince of Conde 's Conduct. so much he was a lover of Justice, and had an aversion to Disloyalty and Rebellion against his King. And the Prince of Conty, being at that time in the Parliament, rising to inform that Precedent how Injurious that Suspicion was to the Prince his Brother, who, as he said, aimed at nothing but the King's Glory, and the Tranquillity of the State; he answered him, That he was too Young to speak in such a manner before so August an Assembly, and told him with some sharpness, that he ought to know that in Parliament the Princes of the Blood were no more than the bare Counsellors. The Precedent Molé did not Complain without powerful Reasons against the Conduct and ill Designs of the Prince. Foundation of those Complaints. For besides divers other things that were come to his knowledge, the Prince, who had only quitted St. Maur to return to Paris, because he believed that this haughty, bold manner of proceeding would give a Reputation to his Affairs, had at the same time sent away the Princess, the Duke D' Enguien, and Madame de Longueville to Montrond, being resolved to follow soon after, and to pass from thence into Guienne, where they were well disposed to receive him, and to embrace his Party. He had likewise sent the Count de Tavanes to his Forces which served in the Army in Champagne, and had ordered that Count, who at the same time had not much cause to be contented with him, to March those Troops in a Body to Stenay as soon as he should receive Orders from him. He had provided for his Garrisons, and had Two Hundred Thousand Crowns ready Money; in a word, he was preparing for War. He endeavoured to engage Persons of Quality in his Party, and among the rest the Duke of Bovillon, and Marshal Turenne. They were both intimate Friends to the Duke de la Rochefoucault, who omitted nothing to engage them in the same Party he was obliged to follow. The Duke of Bovillon at that time appeared unresolved; he was unwilling to undertake any thing without consulting his own Safety and Advantage, and he was equally diffident of the Court and Prince. He was also willing to see how things would go, before he would declare himself. As for the Marshal of Turenne, Marshal Turenne refuses to take the Prince's Party. he remained still firm to the Court Party, and never altered since his return from Stenay. He told the Duke de la Rochefouca●lt, that he never praised the Prince, or made Complaints against him, to avoid Eclaircissements he was unwilling to enter into. That he had omitted nothing to contribute to the Prince's Liberty; but that at the same time it was his Opinion that his Engagement to him was to end with his Prison; and that therefore he thought himself free to make whatever new Engagements he thought fit, according to his own Inclinations, or Interest. He added, that the Prince had had no consideration for him since his being put at Liberty, and that far from consulting, or imparting his Designs to him, he had not only done the contrary, but besides had suffered those very Troops that had combated for him, which did belong to Monsieur de Turenne to perish, rather than speak a word to get Winter Quarters for them. It appeared by all this that Precedent Mole's Zeal had not been blind, and that he had a good Foundation for his Complaints. The Queen perceiving the first Precedent to be in the state, and in the Sentiments she desired, and that he had spoken vigorously against the Prince, endeavoured to improve that favourable Occasion to animate the Parliament against that Prince. To that end, she caused the Houses t● meet on the 17 th'. of August, and sent the Co●●● of Brienne, Secretary of State, thither, to present them a Paper in His Majesty's Name, which contained nothing but Complaints against the Prince. Moreover the Count read it himself in presence of the Duke of Orleans, and the Prince of Conty, who were in that Assembly. These Complaints were, That whereas so many Decrees, which deprived that Cardinal of all manner of Commerce in France, the which had been confirmed in such a manner by Her Majesty, that there was no hope left for him ever to pretend to return into the Kingdom, she thought it very hard and strange that notwithstanding, that Minister's Name should serve for a pretence to disaffected Persons to continue their Revolt. That she could no longer dissemble the Prince's Ill Designs, who himself inclined the disaffected to a Revolt, by his public want of Respect to the King's Person, not having seen him above once, and as it were only out of Ceremony, in above a Month's time since his being in Paris. That he continually spread Libels against the Government, in order to make the People Rise, and to lead them from their Allegiance. That he had already laid in Stores, and fortified the Garrisons that were in his Power, raised Forces in the Provinces he had gained, and disposed all things so well towards a Revolt, that the Factious only expected his Orders to take Arms. That to that end he had a continual Commerce at Br●ssels with the Spaniards, and that far from performing the chief Condition on which he was set at Liberty, which was to remove the Garrison, the Enemies of the State had placed in Stenay, he kept it still there by their Advice, in order still to have that Post at his Command during the War he designed to kindle in the heart of France. That the Forces he had assembled at Marle, acknowledged no Superior but his Highness, and had no Discipline besides a cruel Licence of Pillaging Picardy and Champagne, as an Enemy's Country, to the dishonour and prejudice of the King's Army, which was daily observed to diminish considerably by the great number of Deserters, that Licence brought over into the Prince's. The Queen concluded, saying, that those dismal pressing Extremities deserved to be taken into Consideration by the House, in order to apply proper Remedies thereunto, by declaring themselves absolutely against the Authors thereof; and that if they had still the least Affection and Kindness for the King, they could never approve it better than at that time, now His Majesty was going to enter into his Majority, at which time, according to Law, they were to give him an Account of the Government. After the Reading of this Paper, a general Silence reigned in the House, none offering to express their thoughts about it, excepting the Prince of Conty, The Prince of Conty 's Answer. who declared pretty coldly, That all this was only a vain Artifice of his Brother's Enemies, and that he would find means to destroy and confound them● However at that time there was a great deal of reason to fear the contrary, by reason of the then disposition of the Parliament. But an Incident intervened which soon altered the Dispositions of that August Assembly, which enabled the Prince happily to execute what the Prince of Conty had so boldly advanced in his favour against the Complaints of the Court. And thus it happened. As the Parliament was going to deliberate upon these Complaints, News was brought that the Duke of Mercoeur was privately retired to Cologne to the Cardinal, Effects of the journey and Marriage of the Duke of Mercoeur. and moreover that he had married his Niece of Manciny, to which the Queen had secretly given her Consent. Upon which the Parliament, who together with the Prince had already sufficiently declared their dislike of the said Match, expressed a great deal of Resentment against it, and judged that his Highness was not altogether so much to blame as was imagined, in complaining still against Mazarin after his retreat out of France; and looked upon that Match as an undeniable Proof of the excessive Power wherewith that Cardinal still ruled the Court. Therefore, The Prince looking upon this as a very favourable Conjuncture to clear himself from the Aspersions that had been cast upon him, Monsieur 's Declaration. presented a Declaration to the Parliament, written by the hand of Monsieur the King's Uncle, wherein he declared, That the Forces the Prince had at Marle, were kept there by his Royal Highness' Approbation; That it was by his Order they tarried there in a Body, and moreover that he had sent le Sieur Valons, to Command them jointly with his own, in the room of la Ferté Sennetterre, who was a perfect Mazarin. That as to the Foreign Garrison that was in Stenay, he was satisfied that the Prince had used his utmost Endeavours to remove them from thence, either by Force, or Composition. That, in a word, he thought himself obliged to Testify for his Highness, that he had ever known him to be a Person of an Upright, Generous Soul, entirely devoted to the King and State. And that therefore he declared he had not the least hand in the precipitated Resolution of the Court to have him Impeached of High Treason, for pretended Correspondencies with the Enemies of the Crown. The Prince had no need of any further Apology, after this Declaration of the Duke of Orleans, Lieutenant-General of the Kingdom, especially since the Parliament was sufficiently inclined to believe him Innocent. Nevertheless, the more to confound his Enemies, and to hinder them from doing of him any prejudice by their Accusations, he added a kind of Mani●esto to his Royal Highness' Declaration, in Answer to all the Heads of their Accusations against him. The Prince of Conde 's Manifesto. He declared in the said Manifesto, that he possessed no other Estate in France than what his Father the late Prince of Conde had left him. That the Cities of Stenay and Clermont had been given him in compensation for the Place of Lord Admiral, which was to be his by Right of Succession, after the Decease of Marshal de Breze his Father-in-law. That after having undergone an Imprisonment of Thirteen Months without a Cause, his being put at Liberty should not have been called an Act of Grace, but a piece of Justice. That a Prince of the Blood, whose Father had been declared Head of the Council by the late King's Testament, could not be excluded from it. That it was very well known that he had no Strong Holds in the Kingdom to Second his pretended Designs of a Revolt; whereas Mazarin was still in possession of them all by his Creatures. That the Court was to blame to envy those few Men he had at Marle, since France was particularly indebted to them for the best part of its last Victories; and that besides they were only assembled there by his Royal Highness' Order, who was the Absolute Master thereof. That the only Reason for which he had desired the Court to exchange his Government of Burgundy for Guienne, was to Relieve that poor Province from the Misery it was reduced to under the proud and violent Domination of the Duke d' Espernon, whose Excesses were but too well known in the World. That if he had reserved any Places in Burgundy, it was because they were his, the late Prince his Father having bought them, by His Majesty's Leave and Approbation; and that for that Reason he had a Right to keep them, especially since no others had been given him in exchange in Guienne. That it was true, that he had abstained for some time from seeing the King, and from assisting at the Council; but that no Man of Sense could blame him for it, since his most inveterate Foes, being most in Her Majesty's favour, he had reason to suspect them, and to avoid falling, for the second time, in the same Snare. That since his coming out of Prison, he had been most solicitous to drive the Spanish Garrison out of Stenay ● and that that was the only end of all that pretended Commerce with the Enemies of the State, which made so much noise; and that therefore it was a shame to see a Prince of the Blood, under such a Pretence, pursued as being guilty of High Treason, and that at the Queen's solicitations. That the Authors of that outrageous Undertaking aught to be informed against, and constrained either to justify their Calumny, or to be prosecuted according to Law. That, notwithstanding, he submitted his Estate and Person to the disposal of the Parliament, and to whatever they should be pleased to determine. The Prince finding that this Paper had made strong Impressions in his favour, The Prince of Conde demands justice of the Parliament against his Accusers. and that all things tended to his Justification in the Parliament, went thither himself, to renew his Complaints Viva Voce, and to demand reparation for the enormous Calumnies levelled against his Honour, pointing at the same time at the Author's thereof. He said among several other things whereby he designed the Coadjutor of Paris, that nothing could be more odious than to see Persons whose main business should tend towards the maintaining of Peace, apply themselves unfortunately to the disturbing of it, by outrageous Falsities, which an implacable Hatred had made them invent. The Coadjutor justly applying that Discourse to himself, finding himself seconded by the Queen's Authority and Protection, rising at the same time, answered, That all he had done was designed for the Public Good, and what could be expected from a Man of Honour, whose Loyalty was untainted; That his Enemies could not accuse him of having broken his Promises, and that few Persons, at that time, were free from that defect. I wonder, replied the Prince, who possessed himself more in that Occasion than he was wont to do, that any body should be so bold in this place, as to dare to cope with a Prince of the Blood, and to contest with him. I know, Sir, replied the Coadjutor, what is owing to a Prince of the Blood like you: But every body is free in this place; in which, none but the King can expect a perfect Obedience. The First Precedent then assuming the Discourse, told them, that the Place in which they were, was not a place of Quarrel, or Contestation, but a place of Majesty: And seeing besides that the whole Palace was filled, on the behalves of the Prince and Coadjutor, with armed Men, ready to Charge each other, and that even Swords glittered on all sides, he desired the Prince and the Coadjutor to cause their Men to retire, in order to allow the Gentlemen of the House the Liberty of their Opinions. After this, he turned towards the Prince, and told him, Your Highness is to show by your Example the Honour and Respect that is due to this Assembly. The Prince yielding to that Advice, immediately sent the Duke de la Rochefoucault to Command his People to retire out of the Palace. Disorder in the great Hall. The Coadjutor at the same time went out of the great Room to desire his to retire also. The Duke de la Rochefoucault walked seven or eight steps behind him, and was still within the Usher's Bar when the Coadjutor appeared in the great Hall. At sight of this Prelate all those of his Party drew their Swords, and the Prince's Friends did the same. Every one sided with the Party he served, and in a moment both Troops joined within reach of their Swords, and yet among so many brave Men, animated by such different hatreds, none offered to make a Pass, or shoot off a Pistol. The Coadjutor seeing so great a Disorder, offered to retire into the great Room again: but coming to the Door which goes from the Hall to the Usher's Bar, he found that the Duke de la Rochefoucault had seized it. However he endeavoured to open it with force: but whereas it only opened half, and that the Duke de la Rochefoucault held it, that Duke at the instant the Coadjutor was entering, pushed it in such a manner, that he stopped it just as that Prelate's Head was passed on the side of the Bar, and his Body still in the Hall. That occasion might have tempted the Duke de la Rochefoucault to kill the greatest Enemy of the Prince's Party, and to Revenge the Shame and Affront a Prince of the Blood had just received in full Parliament. He contented himself however with securing him, that his Life might answer for the Event of the Disorder. Thus the Duke de la Rochefoucault, unwilling to commit an Act of Cruelty, and the Prince's Attendants, who at that time were near that Duke, being unresolved in a case of that Consequence, gave time to Monsieur de Champlatreux, Son to the first Precedent, to arrive, with Order to disengage the Coadjutor, and to draw him out of the greatest peril, he was ever exposed to. This proceeding of the Duke de la Rochefoucault towards the Coadjutor, The Duke of Orleans 's Expedient. proved a new Subject of Hatred and Envy amongst them and their Friends, which without doubt would have occasioned great Disorders, had not the Duke of Orleans composed all by an Expedient he invented, which was, That for the future the Coadjutor should no longer assist at the Assemblies of the Parliament; and that the Prince should only be attended there by a small number of his ordinary Attendance. During these Transactions the Queen perceiving that the Parliament daily declared more and more in favour of the Prince, The Prince of Conde justified. and that she should expose her Authority in vain in pursuing his Condemnation any further, on a sudden relinquished her pursuit, and declared that she desired nothing so much as his Justification: And some days after it the Prince of Conde, at her Majesty's Entreaty, obtained a Decree from the Court, by which the Accusations, and Complaints exhibited against him, were declared false, and without ground, as having been contrived on purpose to animate the People, and to increase Divisions. After so many Obstacles were happily removed, there was reason to expect that all things would soon be reduced to a Calm. But the Storm soon rose again about the * The Barbons, or people wearing long Beards. Barbons': Thus they called Monsieur de Châteauneuf, Precedent Mole, and Monsieur de la Vieville, by reason of their long Beards. Those three Old Men, whom the Prince looked upon as the Cardinal's Slaves, had insinuated themselves so far into the Queen's favour, and had engaged so far into the Intrigues of the Court, since the removal of Messieurs de Servient, Le Tellier, and Lionne, that Monsieur de Chateauneuf was publicly designed First Minister, Precedent Mole Lord-Keeper of the Great Seal, in Monsieur Seguier's room, from whom it was to be taken, and Monsieur de la Vicville Superintendent of the Exchequer. The Prince was so much the more offended therea●, because the first had, as it were, declared himself an Enemy to his House and Blood, by the Sentence of Death he had pronounced at Toulouse against the Duke of Montmorancy; and that it was sufficiently known that the second was not well inclined towards him of late● This perhaps was the justest subject of Anger and Indignation the Prince had yet met with: But whatever Complaints he could make to the Court about it, A just cause of Complaint of the Prince. they being persuaded that he had been engaged with the Spaniards to wage a War against the King, they were only looked upon as affected Complaints, and Desires, by which he only proposed a fair pretence to retire. In the mean time the King's Majority was at hand: The King's Majority. this was the fourth of September, and the Ceremony thereof was to be performed on the seventh. This troubled and disquieted the Prince of Conde. He was sensible that this Majority was going to render the King's Authority Absolute, and that the King being at Age, there would be no longer any Safety for him in Paris. He also remembered that it was no Novelty to see those kind of Public Festivals and Solemnities sullied by the most bloody, and most daring Actions. But at the same ●ime he considered that he could not absent himself from so Great, and so August a Ceremony, without despising too publicly the Rank he was to have in it, and without confirming, and augmenting those very Suspicions that had been conceived against him: Therefore there was a necessity at least to find out an apparent Pretence to colour his Absence. To that end he made use of one Prioly, a Venetian Gentleman, The Prince of Conde will not assist at the Ceremony of the King's Majority. to let the Queen understand that he had Business of great Moment to regulate with the Duke of Longueville, and that it concerned the Public to have it terminated as soon as could be. This Gentleman was secretly a Friend to the Cardinal, and a Pensionary to the Court: He had insinuated himself into the Queen's Favour by his Wit, and by several Services he had rendered her on sundry Occasions, as well as to the Cardinal. And therefore it was not difficult for him to persuade Her Majesty to give her Consent to the Interview the Prince desired with the Duke of Longueville, who only consented to it upon the secret assurance he received in Writing from Prioly, that thereby he would render an acceptable Service to His Majesty. Whereupon the Rendezvous was immediately appointed at Try. The Prince of Conde endeavours to engage the Duke of Longueville in his Party. The Prince of Conde's Design was not only to have an Occasion to absent himself from the Ceremony of the Majority, but also to endeavour to draw the Duke of Longueville in his Party, and by his means to make all Normandy rise in his favour, thereby to give his Party the more Weight and Reputation, especially among strangers. That Duke, who had only endeavoured to avoid that Interview out of fear of so dangerous an Engagement, was resolved not to hearken to the Prince's Propositions, and moreover to disuade him from it as much as possible he could. And whereas Prioly, in whom both did confide, only designed to fortify the Duke in his Resolution, in order to discover the better by his resistance, the real Designs, and all the Intrigues of the Prince; the Queen thereby had the Satisfaction to see that the Prince's Cunning and Industry were employed to deceive himself. The Prince of Conde repaired to the Duke of Longueville at Try on the appointed day. But before his departure, he left a Letter with the Prince of Conty for the King, wherein he acquainted His Majesty with the Reasons that hindered him from attending him on the Day of his Majority, and promised him an inviolable Loyalty. The Day the Ceremony was performed, a little before the King and Court set ●o●ward towards the * The place where the Parliament Assembles. Palais, the Prince of Conty presented his Brother's Letter to the King. The King received that Letter with a cold negligent Air, without saying any thing, and hardly opened it half, without looking upon the Contents. While the Prince endeavoured at Try to engage the Duke of Longueville in his Party, the Duke de la Rochefoucault laboured at Paris to draw the Duke of Bovillon, The Duke de la Rochefoucault endeavours to engage considerable Persons in the Prince's Party. the Marshal of Turenne, the Prince of Tarente, and the Marquis de la Force into the same Party. In order to conclude with the Duke of Bovillon, who offered to declare for the Prince, and to prevail with his Brother the Marshal, and the others above named, to embrace the same Interests. The Duke de la Rochefoucault in the Prince's Name promised him the following Conditions. The Duke de la Rochefoucault Treats with the Duke of Bovillon on the Prince's behalf. 1. To give him Stenay, with the demeans thereof, which he should enjoy with the same Rights and Privileges the Prince did, until he had caused Sedan to be restored to him, or else had put him in possession of the Recompense the Court had promised him in exchange for that place. 2. To yield his Pretensions to him upon the Duchy of Albret. 3. To cause him to be received into Bellegarde with the Command of that place, and to make no Treaty without causing the Article about the Rank of his House to be comprised in it. 4. To furnish him a Sum of Money they should agree upon, to raise Forces, in order to make War. The Duke de la Rochefoucault proposed besides to send the Marshal of Turenne to Stenay, to Clermont, and Danvilliers, there to Command the Prince's Old Troops, which were to retire there, the which being joined to those the Spaniards were to send thither from Flanders, Mo●ieur de Turenne should possess the same Post, which Madame de Longueville and he held while the Princes were in Prison. he was moreover ordered by the Prince to tell him next, that he designed to leave the Prince of Conty, Madame de Longueville, and Monsieur de Nemours at Bourges and Montrond, there to raise Men, and make themselves Masters of Berri, of the Bourbonnois, and part of Auvergne, while the Prince should go to Bourdeaux, where he was called by the Parliament, and by the People, and where the Spaniards wo●ld furnish him with Forces, Money, and Ships, according to the Treaty the Marquis of Sillery had made with the Count of Fuensaldaigne, to facilitate the Rising of the Forces he designed to raise in Guienne. That the Count of Doignon entered into his Party, to which he joined the Cities of Brovage, R●, Oleron, and Rochel: That the Duke of Richelieu would raise Men in Saintonge, and in the Country of Aunis; The Marquis de la Force in Guienne; The Duke de la Rochefoucault in Poitou and Angoumois; The Marquis of Montespan in Gascony; Monsieur d' Arpagon in Rovergue; and that Monsieur de Marsin, who commanded the Army in Catalonia, would be grateful. So many fair Prospects fortified the Duke of Bovillon in his Design of Engaging with the Prince; for which he engaged his Word to the Duke de la Rochfoucault, on the aforesaid Conditions. Monsieur de Longueville refuses to declare himself. As for Monsieur de Longueville, the Prince could not engage him so far, nor obtain any positive Promise from him, whether it were that he was unresolved, or unwilling to enter into a Party, he thought his Wife had formed, or finally, whether he thought that being engaged with the Prince, he should be carried farther, than he was used to go. The Prince of Conde goes from Try to Chantilly. From Try, the Prince went to Chantilly, without going through Pontoise, though it was his way, for fear of being watched at the passage; and indeed his fear was well grounded, since the Count d' Harcourt and the Duchess of Eguillon, who had an Absolute Power in those Parts, had made Proposals to the Queen to seize him there, and had disposed every thing in order thereunto. When he was arrived at Chantilly, he considered that the Dangers which threatened him daily increased, and that he could not ●arry long there in safety. Thus, in order to secure his Retreat, The Prince's Retreat. and to amuse the Court while he retired to Montrond, he caused cunningly some Propositions or an Accommodation to be made to the Queen. In the mean time he removed from Chantilly with some Troops of Horse; and having ●arry'd one day at Angerville at the Precedent Perrault's House, he repaired to Bo●rg●s, where the Applauses of ●●e People and Nobility raised his Hopes to that degree, that he imagined the whole Kingdom was going to imitate their Example, and declare for him. The Duke of Orleans, who till then had omitted nothing to put a stop to the secret Motions of the Prince of Conde, Monsieur dispatches Crois●y to the Prince of Conde, about an Accommodation. and to sti●le all his Designs of a Civil War, by an Accommodation he endeavoured to manage for him at the Court, was strangely surprised at his sudden departure. He dispatched Monsieur de Croissy to him within a few days, to offer him Just and Reasonable Conditions for an Accommodation, from the Queen, for the performance of which he promised to be Security. Those Conditions were, That his Highness should remain in full Liberty in his Government of Guienne, and that his Forces, for which he expressed so great a Concern, should have good Winter Quarters, where they should be in safety, and free from all manner of Injuries, or Violence. Monsieur de Croissy met the Prince at Bourges, who seeing himself so near Montrond, answered Monsieur de Croiss●, that he could not handsomely accept Monsieurs offers on the Queen's, and his own behalf, without first conferring with the Prince of Conty his Brother, and the Duchess of Longueville his Sister about it, who at that time were at Montrond, together with the Dukes of Nemours and de la Rochefoucault. This Conference only produced a Refusal of the offers that had been made, and a firm Resolution of beginning a Civil War in earnest. MEMOIRS OF THE Prince of Conde. BOOK V. CRoissy's Journey thus proving ineffectual, the Prince continued his, and arrived at Montrond, where he was expected by the Princess, and by Madame de Longueville. The Civil War, extracted out of the Memoirs of the Duke de la Rochefoucault. He remained there a day to examine the place, which he found the finest, and in the best Condition imaginable: That very day he drew full Instructions to Treat with the King of Spain, in which his most considerable Friends were comprised. Monsieur L' Aisne was chosen for that Negotiation. Afterwards the Prince gave his Brother and Monsieur de Nemour● Money to raise Men in the adjacent Provinces, leaving Vinevil, Intendant of Justice, with them to begin to raise * La Taille, a Duty exacted by the King. Contributions upon Berri and Bourbonnois. He desired them to have a particular regard for the City of Bourges, and to maintain it in the same disposition he had ●e●t it. The following day he departed from Montrond with the Duke de la Rochefoucault, at whose House they called, where they found abundance of Gentry, who followed him. He repaired with speed to Bourdeaux, where the Princess, and the Duke d' Enguien soon arrived after him. He was received by all the Companies of the City with a great deal of Joy, and it were difficult to decide whether t●ose fiery people, accustomed to Revolts, were more affected with the Grandeur of his Birth and Reputation, than with their looking upon him as the most Potent Enemy the Duke d' Espernon had. He found the Parliament in the same disposition, and they issued out whatever Decrees he desired in his Favour. Things being thu● happily begun, he thought nothing more proper, than to seize all the King's Revenues in Bourdeaux, and to employ that Money in raising of Men speedily, supposing that the Court would immediately March towards him, with whatever Forces they had, in order not to allow him time to draw his in a Body. For that reason, he distributed his Money to all those who were engaged with him, and pressed them so much to make their Levies, that his Precipitation served them for a pretence to make ill ones. Within a few days after his Arrival, the Count du Doignon came to him, and openly declared for his Party; The Duke of Richelieu, and the Marquis de la Force did the same, and the Prince of Tarente, who was come to Taillebourg, sent him word that he likewise entered into his Party. Monsieur d' Arpajou was more difficult to be wrought, and he made use of the same Conduct on this Occasion, for which he had already been rewarded during the Prince's Imprisonment; He demanded Conditions which could not be granted, and treated with the Court, when he found that the Affairs of the Prince were decaying. During these Transactions, the Duke de la Rochef●●cault gave the Duke of Bovillon an Account of ●ha● had passed at the Parliament of Bourdeaux, and told him at the same time, that the Conditions he ●●d de●●r'd being performed, the execution of his Promises was expected. This Duke, for a considerable time, avoided the giving a positive Answer, being desirous, at once, to keep in with the Court, which made him great Advances, and not to break with the Prince, of whom he might stand in need. He likewise saw, that Monsieur de Turenne, whose Interests he once thought inseparable from his, refused to join with the Prince; That the Prince of Tarente had embraced that Party without him, and that the Marquis de la Force remained united to Monsie●r de Turenne. He considered, moreover, that neither being followed by his Brother, nor by the others I have mentioned, according to his Engagement with the Duke de la Rochefoucault, there would not be so much safety for him in the Party he was going to embrace; and that the Prince would express no more Gratitude for what Monsieur de Turenne and he would do for the future, than for what they had already done. He likewise found that there would be a necessity of making a new Treaty with the Prince, less advantageous for him than that they had already agreed upon. In fine, all these Reasons joined to the Promises he received from the Court, and seconded by all the Industry of his Duchess, who had a great Influence over him, hindered him from following his first Design, and from declaring for the Prince: But then, in order to get off handsomely, he turned Mediator for an Accommodation between him and the Court. After having had some particular Confer●nces with the Queen upon that Subject, he sent back Gourville, who h●d been dispatched to him from the Duke de la Rochefoucault, to offer the Prince whatever he had demanded for himself, and for his Friends, together with the disposal of the Government of Bla●e, without requiring any other Conditions on his side, than those Servient and de Lionne had demanded in the first Project of the Treaty, which was made at Paris, at his coming out of Prison. Moreover, Monsieur de Chateauneuf offered other Propositions of Accommodation by the said Gourville, but whereas they tended to hinder the Cardinal's Return, his Offers could not equal those the Queen had made him by the Duke of Bovillon. He only offered to remain inseparably united to the Prince after the Cardinal's overthrow, and to allow him whatever share he should desire in the Government of Affairs. The Court offered besides to consent to an Interview between him and the Duke of Orleans at Richelieu, there to Examine together the Conditions of a sincere Peace, whereunto the Court seemed to be sincerely inclined. But it was the Misfortune of France, and his own, that he refused to hearken to so many Advantageous Proffers, being vexed that the Queen's offers should be made by the Duke of Bouillon's means, by reason that he had expected that the said Duke and his Brother would be very considerable to his Party, being sensible that none could maintain the Posts of Bellegarde and Stenay like them; and that besides the old Troops he had left there to be Commanded by the Marshal of Turenne, thereby remained useless, and were in danger of being dissipated or defeated. He considered besides that the Measures he had taken with the Spaniards towards Champain would be of no effect, and that neither his own Troops, nor the Spaniards should be able to find out a Chief to fill up that Post, with that Esteem the World had for Monsieur de Turenne. All these Reasons touched the Prince sensibly, and tho' he endeavoured to conceal his Resentments, he could not forbear answering the Duke of Bovillon pretty smartly; That it was not Honourable to hearken to Propositions one had no mind to effectuate: That he should declare himself according to his Promise; That Monsieur de Turenne should repair at the Head of the Forces that were gone to Stenay, and that then he would be in a condition to hearken to the offers of the Court, and to make an Honourable Treaty. Gourville was sent back with the said Answer, and ordered to acquaint the Duke of Orleans with the Reasons for which he refused an Interview at Richelieu. The chief were, That the aim of the said Conference was not to make a Peace, but only to hinder him from making War: That while the whole Kingdom was at the point of Declaring against the Court, and the Spaniards were preparing considerable Succours of Men, Money, and Ships, endeavours were used to engage him upon a Public Negotiation, the very tumour of which would hinder his Levies, and debauch all those from him, which were going to embrace his Party. Besides these general Reasons, there were more particular ones, which did not permit him to trust his Interests in the Duke of Orleance's hands, being jealous of his strict Engagements with the Coadjutor of Paris, his declared Enemy, as well as that Prelate's with the Court, which had newly promised him a Cardinal's Cap. This Incident put him upon a very strange Resolution; for finding that the Coadjutor, either out of Interest, or Pride, affected to cross him continually, he formed the Design of seizing him in Paris. Whatever difficulty this Enterprise seemed to be attended with, Gourville undertook it, after having received the Prince's Order for it in Writing; and the Coadjutor had certainly been taken one Evening he went to the Hostel of Cheureuse had he come back in his own Coach; but having discharged it, together with his Attendance, the Coach that carried him home again could not be distinguished with certainty; in so much that the Business was put off for some days, and afterwards discovered; those that are employed on such Occasions, having seldom Discretion enough to rest satisfied with the knowledge one thinks fit to give them, or Fidelity and Secrecy enough to put it safely in Execution. Thus all things were disposed for War on all sides. Monsieur de Chateauneuf, who at that time was Head, or Precedent of the Council, had caused the Cou●t to repair to Bourges, where the King's Presence instantly restored that City to its former Obedience: At the Report of those happy beginnings, the Prince of Conty, Madame de Longueville, and Monsieur de Nemours were obliged to quit Montrond, with their Forces, to retire into Guienne. They left the Chevalier de Riviere expiring; he died the same day, regretted by all those who knew him, for besides his being possessed of all the Qualifications required in a complete Gentleman, few Persons of his Age have given so many proofs of Conduct, Fidelity, and Generosity, being free from all Self-Interest, as he had done in so many hazardous Erterprises in which he had been employed. The Marquis de Pergan remained Governor of that place, which was blocked up by a small Body lodged at St. Amand, of which Palluau was Lieutenant-General. The Court was come as far as Poitiers, and Monsieur de Chateauneuf insisted to remove it to Angoulesme, considering that since the War was only grounded upon the pretence of the Cardinal's Return, it was necessary to improve his Absence, and that it was sufficient for the Interest of the State, and yet more for his own in particular, to continue his said Absence. He likewise insisted that the King's Presence was a powerful Motive to keep the people in awe at the Birth of these Disorders; That in drawing near the Prince, who was neither certain of Guienne, nor of the Parliament of Bourdeaux, his Designs might easily be dissipated, whereas on the contrary they would be strengthened by the absence of the Court. But th●se Counsels of Chateauneuf raised too much Jealousy in the Cardinal's Friends, to be followed at Poitiers, without having first been examined at Cologne: And whereas they were forced to tarry for his Orders, their delays and diversity caused continual Irresolutions, and kept the Court incertain at Poitiers until his Return, which followed soon after. On the other hand the Baron of Batteville was arrived in the River of Bourdeaux with the Spanish Fleet, composed of Eight Men of War, and some Fireships. He fortified Talmond, where there was a Body of foot of 1500 Men. The City of Saintes had surrendered itself without Resistance, Taillebourg, which has a Port upon the Charante, was pretty well fortified, and the Prince was Master of the River as far as Angoulesme, excepting Coignac. The Count of jonsac, the King's Lieutenant in Saintonge, and Governor of Coignac, was there in Person, to the end that place might serve him to make his Conditions the better in the Party he should embrace, being as yet unresolved. In this irresolution he began a Commerce of Letters with the Prince, and writ enough to him, to make him believe, that he only designed to save Appearances, and that he wou●d deliver it into his hands at the approach of a Siege. This hope, rather than the state of the Prince's Forces, which at that time were very inconsiderable, made him resolve upon Marching towards Coignac. He was sensible that the success of his Erterprises depended upon the Reputation of his Arms; but at the same time he likewise knew that wanting Forces, and all things necessary to form a Siege, this was the only one he could pretend to succeed in. So that grounding all his hopes upon that Governor, he caused the Duke de la Rochefoucault to go from Bourdeaux, to Assemble whatever Forces he had on Foot, which only amounted in all to three Regiments of Foot, and Three Hundred Horse, and to Invest Coignac, where the Prince of Tarente was to repair with what Forces he had. The Report of their March being spread in the Country, whatever could be removed out of the Fields, was carried into Coignac, and abundance of the Nobility retired there also, to express their Zeal for the King's Service, and chiefly to Guard themselves what they had caused to be transported there. This considerable number of Gentlemen easily kept the Inhabitants in awe, and made them resolve to shut up their Gates, in hopes of being soon relieved by Count d' Harcourt, General of the King's Forces, who was advancing towards them. And whereas they had but little Confidence in the Count of jonsac, whom they equally suspected of Weakness, and of being gained by the Prince, they watched him so narrowly, that one may say, that he resolved to defend the place, because the Power of Surrendering it was taken from him. This was the only thing in which the Gentry showed any Vigour, for during Eight days that the Prince's Men tarried before Coignac, without Arms, without Ammunition, without Officers, and without Discipline, being at the same time fatigued by continual Rains, which broke the Bridge of Boats they had made over the Charante, for the Communication of Quarters; those within never made the least use of those Disorders, and kept close within the Town with the Inhabitants, only firing from behind the Walls. However the Prince being informed that the Town was upon the point of Surrendering, departed from Bourdeaux, and came to the Camp, with the Duke of Nemours. The day after his Arrival, the Count d' Harcourt receiving Intelligence that the Bridge of Boats was broken, and that Major-General Nort was retrenched in a Suburb on the other side of the River with 500 Men, without any possibility of being succoured, marched against him with 2000 Foot, composed of the French and Suitz Guards, and with the King's Gendarmes, Chevanx-Legers, and Guards, and some Gentry. He forced Nort's Quarter without hardly meeting any resistance, and thus relieved Coignac to the Prince's Face, who was lodged on the other side of the River. Count d' Harcourt was satisfied with having Relieved the place, and suffered the Prince to retire without following of him. Notwithstanding this Success was not very considerable in itself, yet it increased Count d' Harcourt's Hopes, and gave a Reputation to his Arms. Nay, moreover he judged himself in a condition to make some Progresses, and knowing that the Marquis d' Estissac had reduced Rochel to its former Obedience, excepting the Towers, which shut the Port, he resolved to march thither, relying upon the goodwill of the Inhabitants, and their hatred to Count du Doignon their Governor. He had caused those Towers to be fortified, and kept a Gar●ison of Swissers in them, being diffident almost of every body, and expecting to find more Fidelity among that Nation, than in his own. But the sequel soon made him sensible that he had taken ●alse Measures; for Fear and Interest, which are as powerful over those People as over others, gave the Switz a pretence for doing yet more than he had feared from the French. It is most certain that this Diffidence of the Count du Doignon proved the Ruin of the Prince's Party, who otherwise would at first have marched with all his Forces to Rochel, to rebuild its Ancient Fortifications, there to fi● the Seat of the War, with all the Convenience that such a Situation could afford him: Whereas in order to soothe the Jealous uncertain Temper of that Man, he was forced to remain useless at Tonay-Charante, and to suffer Rochel to be lost, without so much as daring to propose the Relief thereof. I must confess that the small Resistance the Garrison of the Towers made, hardly afforded him time enough to form the Design of it: For Count d' Harcourt being arrived with his Forces at Rochel, and assisted by the Marquis d' Estissac, lately invested with the Count du Doignon's Governments, he found ●he Inhabitants disposed to afford him all the Assistance he could expect from them. However the Towers might have held out some time, had the Swissers proved as brave and faithful, as that Count had expected. But instead of answering his Expectation, they resolved to Redeem themselves by a piece of Treachery, and after a Resistance of three days, Count d' Harcourt having sent them word, that he would allow them no Quarter unless they stabbed Basse their Commandant, they made no scruple of executing this horrid Order: But Basse expecting to meet more Compassion from Count d' Harcourt, than from his own Men, flung himself wounded as he was from the top of the Towers into the Port, where that General caused him to be dispatched in his presence, without being moved either by the Officers Entreaties, who begged his Life, nor by so pitiful a Spectacle. The loss of that place proved very prejudicial to the Reputation of the Prince's Arms, for it was imputed to his being diffident of his Forces, whereas it only proceeded from his regard to the Jealousy of the Count du Doignon. He was sensibly concerned at the News of it, and imagining that all the other Garrisons would follow that Example, h● re●i●'d to Bro●age, where he remained altogether 〈…〉 had made his Treaty with the Court, whi●● apparently he has had cause to repent. Co●●t d' Harcourt being encouraged by these good Successes, and strengthened by ●ome Forces, th●t h●d joined his Army, resolved to march up to the Prince, who was at Tonay-Charante. But the Prince judging by the Number, and the want of Discipline of his Forces, that he was much inferior to the King's Army, did not think it fit to expect it in that place, and therefore crossing the River in the Night upon a Bridge of Boats, he reti●'d to la Bergerie, which is not above half a League distant from Tonay-Charante. The Enemies contenting themselves with having defeated two Squadrons the day before, allowed him all the time that was necessary to blow up the Tower of Tonay-C●arante, and to retire to 〈◊〉 Bergerie without attacking of him. Count d' harcourt at that time lost a fair occasion of falling upon his Rear, when he was half over. The very same day he met with a faire● yet, which he had not the wit to improve; for the Prince confiding absolutely on a Major-General, who was commanded by him to burn, or break the Bridge of Boats, on that assurance, posted his Men in divers Quarters, some being a League and a half distant from his own, without fear of a surprise, the River lying between him and the Enemy. But this Officer only loosened the Boats, and let them float down the stream of the River; in so much that Count d' Harcourt's Men having stopped them, the Bridge was rebuilt in an hours time, and he caused Three Hundred Horse, and some Foot to cross over it to guard the head of the said Bridge. This News being brought to the Prince at La Bergerie, he concluded that Count d' Harcourt would march into the middle of his Quarters, in order to destroy them one after another, as in Prudence he ought to have done. This obliged him to dispatch Orders to his Fo●ces to quit their Quarters, and to repair instantly to La Bergerie, and immediately he marched himself towards Tonay-Charante with the Dukes of Nemours and de la Rochefoucault, his Guards, and whatever Officers and Volunteers happened to be about him at that time, to discover the Designs of the Enemies, in order to amuse them, until those of his Men which were most distant from him, were come up to him. He found the Advice that had been given him to be true, and the Three Hundred Horse were in Battalia in the Meadow next to the River: But at the same time he found the Enemies had not bethought themselves of what he feared, or had lost the Opportunity of putting it in execution, since that not being passed while they could do it without hindrance, there was no likelihood they would attempt it in his Presence. Some Skirmishes passed for some time without any considerable loss on either side; and his Infantry being arrived, he caused a long Retrenchment to be made over against the Bridge, leaving the Meadow and the River between Count d' Harcourt and him. The two Armies remained above three Weeks in the same place, without undertaking any thing, contenting themselves with living in a Fertile Country, where all things were plenty. In the mean time, the Duke of Bouillon's delays, and all his Conduct convinced the Prince, that he was no longer to expect any thing from him, or from Monsieur de Turenne, and for that Reason he exclaimed and acted against them with all the Passion imaginable, altho' their Engagements had been different. For it is most certain that the Duke of Bovillon had made an Agreement with the Duke de la Rochefoucault, and afterwards with Monsieur Laisné, upon the Conditions heretofore related. Mon●ie●r de Turenne on the contrary, had entirely ●●●ndon'd the Prince's Interests from the very moment he came out of Prison, and as he has declared s●nce, was absolutely ignorant of the Duke of 〈◊〉 's Engagements. The Prince being under the necessity of sending 〈◊〉 body without delay to ●ill up the Post he 〈◊〉 designed for Monsieur de Turenne, cast his Eyes upon the Duke of Nemours, whose Birth and great ●●●our might in some m●nner stand instead of Monsi●ur de Turenne's Capacity. He dispatched him immediately for Flanders, but he not being able to support the Inconveniencies of the Sea, was constrained to go by Land, with a great deal of danger, and loss of time, by reason of the Forces which brought back the Cardinal into France. He likewise sent the Dake de la Rochefoucault back to Bo●rdeaux, to dispose the Prince of Conty to go to Ag●n to confirm the People's Minds, which began to waver upon the new Progress of the King's Arms. He likewise engaged him to make a Proposition to the Parliament of Bourdeaux, to consent to the putting of the Baron of Batteville and the Spaniards in possession of the City and Castle of Bourg, which they offered to Fortify. During these Transactions, Fontrailles was sent from the Duke of Orleans to the Prince, to see the state of his Affairs, and to inform him, that the Parliament of Paris was ready to join with his Royal Highness to oppose Cardinal Mazarin's return; and that his said Highness was desirous to Act jointly with him in that Affair. Fontrailles likewise proposed to him a Reconciliation with the coadjutor, saying, that the Duke of Orleans desired it earnestly. The Prince made no positive Answer to that Article, whether it were that he could take no certain Measure with the Coadjutor, or whether he thought that those he should take would not be approved by Madame de Longuevill● and by the Duke de la Rochefoucault, to whom 〈◊〉 had made a Promise never to be reconciled to th● Coadjutor without their Approbation. However he told Fontrailles, that he would do what the Duk● of Orleans desired when those Affairs should b● somewhat riper, and when that Reconciliation might be of use for the Common Good of th● Party. At this very time Count Marsin joined the Prince at La Bergerie, and brought along with him a Thou●sand Foot, and Three Hundred Horse of the bes● Forces he had in the Army of Catalonia, which h● commanded. Many have blamed this Action, and looked upon it as a piece of Treason: For my part, without taking upon me to condemn, or defend it, I shall barely relate, that Marsin having long been devoted to the Prince's Service, had received the Government of Bellegarde (which place belonged to him) from him, and that afterwards he had not only protected him in the Service, but by his Credit he had obtained the Viceroyship of Catal●nia, and the Government of Tortose for him, in which he served the King with great Loyalty, and good Fortune. And when the Prince was made a Prisoner, Marsin, who was taken up at the same time, was taxed with no other Crime than being his Creature. Nay more, his Government of Tortose being given to Launay Gringelinere, he suffered it to be taken soon after. Marsin's Confinement lasted as long as the Prince's, and after his being put at Liberty, he remained some time without any Employment: But the Affairs of Catalonia being in an ill Posture, and the Court being at a loss to find a Person capable to redress them, Marsin was proposed for the second time by the Prince, and the Duke de la Rochefoucault made the overture of it to Monsieur Le Tellier, without Marsin's soliciting in the least for 〈◊〉 It was impossible for him to defer his Journey ●nto Catalonia, to expect the issue of the doubtful things that passed at the Court, which were more likely to be decided by an Accommodation, than by a Civil War. Therefore he set forward towards his new Employment, for which he was solely obliged to the Prince, who had likewise lately given him the Government of Stenay, which was vacant by the Death of lafoy Moussaie. So that this Action of Marsin may bear two very different Constructions: Those who will consider him abandoning ● Province the King had entrusted him with, will find him very disloyal; and those who will look upon him running after most pressing, and almost indispensible Obligations, will believe him a very worthy Gentleman. Few Persons of sense will dare to say that he is Guilty, or declare him Innocent. In fine, both those that are against him, and those that favour him, will agree in pitying of him; the one, for a Fault he was necessitated to commit; the others, for having acquitted himself of what he owed, by a fault. The Court was at that time at Poitiers, as I have said, and Monsieur de Chateauneuf possessed in appearance the first Place in Affairs, altho' the Cardinal still possessed it in Effect. Nevertheless this Old Man's firm, decisive, familiar way of proceeding directly opposite to the Cardinal's, began to give a relish to his Ministry, and even began to please the Queen. The Cardinal was too well informed thereof to suffer him to gain any more ground; and it is very probable that he judged his return absolutely necessary to remedy the Evil he dreaded in his own particular, since otherwise he little consulted the Interest of the State; in so much that thereby he afforded the Duke of Orleans, and the Parliament of Paris a Pretence to declare against the Court. The Marshal d' Hoquincourt was ordered to receive Cardinal Mazarin upon the Frontiers Luxemburg with 2000 Horse, and to attend 〈◊〉 where the King should be. He crossed the Kin●●dom without the least molestation, and arrived Poitiers as much Master of the Court as he had 〈◊〉 been. They affected to give Monsieur de Cha●ea●neuf little share in this Return, but still without altering any thing in the rest as to the exterior o● giving him the least mark of disfavour. Th● Cardinal himself made some advances to him, bu● he being unwilling to expose himself, and considering that it was neither safe, nor honourable fo● a Man of his Age and Experience, to continue 〈◊〉 the management of Affairs under his Enemy, an● that he should undoubtedly continually be exposed to whatever Mortifications he should be pleased t● impose upon him; he took this Pretence to retire that whereas, by his Advice, it had been resolv'● that the King should remove to Angouléme, tha● Design was altered without having communicated it to him; and at the same time the Siege of An●gers resolved upon, contrary to his Sentiments: I● so much that having taken his Leave of the King he retired to Tours. The Court departed soon after to go to Angers, where the Duke de la Rochefoucault had made the People rise, and that Province had declared itself for the Prince, at the very time that the Duke of Orleans and the Pa●liament of Paris joined with him against the Court. All France seemed in suspense, in expectation of the Event of that Siege, which might have produced great Consequences, had the Defence of it proved long enough, or vigorous enough to stop the King. For besides that, the Prince thereby might have secured the best Places, and best Neighbouring Provinces, it is most certain that the Example of the Duke of Orleans, and of the Parliament of Paris, would have been followed by the most considerable part of the Kingdom. In effect, had the Court been forced to raise that Siege, it would have been reduced to great Extremes, and the King's Person had been exposed to great dangers● had it happened at the time the Duke of Nemours entered France with the Army from Flanders and the Prince's Old Troops, without meeting any Resistance. This Army passed the River Seine at M●nte, where the Duke of Beaufort, who commanded the Duke of Orleance's Forces, joined the said Duke of Nemours, and together marched with an Army of 7000 Foot, and 3000 Horse, towards the River Loire, where they were certain of Blois and Orleans. But whether Angers were not in a Condition to hold out a Siege, by the Division of the Inhabitants, or whether the Duke de Rohan was unwilling to venture his Life and Fortune in confiding in People that seemed wavering and astonished, he delivered up the place to the King without much Resistance, and was allowed to retire to the Duke of Orleans at Paris. Things were in this condition when the Prince removed from La Bergerie, where he had remained three Weeks, without Count d' Harcourt's, who was on the other side of the River at Tonay Charante, and Master of the Bridge of Boats, having undertaken any thing against him. Nevertheless as the Number and Goodness of his Forces was very much inferior to the King's Army, he avoided the occasions of being constrained to so unequal a Combat. To that end he marched to la Bernette, three Leagues distant from the King's Army, in order to have more time to consider in case they should march up to him. He remained there some time without any considerable Action on either side: But finding that far from making any Progress in that Country, he was not able to remain there in sight of Count d' Harcourt, he turned all his thoughts to the preservation of Guienne, and to Fortify the Cities that were in his Party. To that end he resolved to march thither with his Army, and believed himself capable to maintain Saintonge for some time, in leaving on the one side the Count du Doignon in the Garrisons, the Spaniards at Talmont, and the Prince of Tarente in Saintes and Taillebourg, to hasten their Fortifications. Having thus given his Orders, he caused his Infantry, and his Baggage to march to Talmont, in order to be Transported by Sea to Bourdeaux, and after a long march with his Cavalry the first day, he stopped the second at St. Andras, within four Leagues of Bourdeaux, believing himself without the Enemy's reach. But Count d' Harcourt, who had followed him close, arrived within sight of his Quarter, when he least suspected it, and would certainly have forced it, had his foremost Troops entered it without hesitation; whereas they placed themselves in Battalia over against St. Andras, whilst the others attacked the Quarter of Baltazar, who repulsed them with Vigour, and came to join the Prince, who got on Horse back at the very first noise. They remained some time in sight, but the Night proving very dark, there was no Combat, and the Prince retired without any loss, being more obliged to the Enemies overgreat precaution for his Safety, than to his own. Count d' Harcourt followed him no farther, and the Prince persisting in the Design of going to Bergerac, in order to Fortify it, passed at Libourne, of which the Count of Maure was Governor, and left Orders with him for the continuation of some Outworks. The Marshal de la Force arrived at Bergerac just as he did, with his Son the Marquis of Castelnau, who commanded there; and the Duke de la Rochefoucault, who was come back from the Upper Guienne, with the Prince of Conty, repaired thither also. At that time those Factions and Partialities began to appear at Bourdeaux, which ruin'd the Prince's Party in Guienne, divided his House, and separated hi● nearest Relations from his Interests, the which finally reduced him to seek a Retreat among the Spaniards, for whom he has often saved Flanders. I will relate the causes of so great a Change as briefly as I can, in its proper place, when I come to rehearse the Effects thereof. At present I pass to the recital of what the Prince did during that Interval. His chief care was speedily to repair the Towns of Guienne, and particularly to put Bergerac in a condition of Defence: He employed some days about it with great Application, at which time he received intelligence that his Affairs decayed in Saintonge; That the Count du Doignon was shut up within his Garrisons, and durst not peep out of them, through his usual Jealousies; That the Prince of Tarente, on his side, had received some disadvantage in a Combat near Pons; That Saints, which he judged capable of sustaining a long Siege, by the Works that had been made there, and by reason of the Garrison, which was composed of his best Forces, had notwitstanding surrendered itself, without any considerable Defence; and that Taillebourg was besieged, and ready to follow the Example of Saintes. He was moreover informed, that the Marquis of St. Luc assembled a Body in order to oppose the Prince of Conty, who had taken Caudecôte, and some other places of small Consequence. This last Evil was the only one he could any ways remedy; but whereas the Marquis was ●●ill at a distance from the Prince of Conty, he did not think it proper to pass into the Upper Guienne, without being more particularly informed of what passed at Bourdeaux: To which end, he writ to the Princess, and to Madame de Longueville to repair to Libourne, where he arrived at the same time with them. He only tarried there a day, and gave what Orders he could to prevent the Progress of the Evil, which Division began to create in his Party, and in his Family. After which, he went away with the Duke de la Rochefoucault to join the Prince of Conty, who was at Staffort, four Leagues beyond Again; And being informed by a Courier near Libourne, that St. Luc was marching towards Staffort, he judged his presence would be very necessary there, and therefore advanced with all the speed imaginable, and found the Prince of Conty, who assembled his Quarters, being persuaded that St. Luc would attack him. This Marquis being at Miradoux with the Regiments of champagne and Lorraine, his Cavalry being lodged apart in Villages and Farms, on a sudden the Prince resolved to march all Night, to surprise the Quarters of his Cavalry, and set instantly forward with the Duke de la Rochefoucault: and tho' the Way were long, and the Road bad, he arrived before day at a Bridge, where the Enemy had a Guard of Twelve or Fifteen Horse. He caused them immediately to be charged, and those who made their escape, having alarmed all the rest, they got on Horseback. Some Squadrons faced him near Miradoux, the which he charged, and easily broke them. Six Regiments were defeated, and he took abundance of Equipage, and many Prisoners; after which he retired towards Miradoux, a small City situate on the top of a Hill, of which it contains one half, and has no other Fortification than an ill Dith, and a single Wall, to which the Houses are adjoining. At break of Day St. Luc placed all his Forces in Battalia upon a Level before the Gate of the Town. The Prince tarried at the bottom of the Hill for those the Prince of Conty was to bring him, which arrived soon after: But whereas the ascent is pretty steep, and very long, and that the Soil is fat in Winter time, and 〈◊〉 with Ditches and Furrows, the Prince judged it was impossible to march up to the Enemies in Battalia, without disording himself, nay, without breaking himself before he could come up to them. Therefore he only caused his Infantry to advance instantly, and forced the Enemy's to retire from some Posts they had possessed themselves of, by Firing at them. Two or three Squadrons also engaged, and the whole day passed in Skirmishes, St. Lu● not quitting the high Ground he was posted upon, and the Prince not thinking it fit to attack him in so Advantageous a Post without Canon, which he could not have until the next day. He ordered two Pieces to be sent for, and in the mean time judging that the Report of his Arrival would surprise his Enemies more than the Advantage he had gained over them, he set some Prisoners at Liberty, in order to carry the News of it to St. Luc, which soon produced the Effect he expected; for the Soldiers were terrified at it, and it caused such a Consternation even among the Officers, that they had hardly patience to tar●y till Night, to conceal their Retreat, and fly to Ley●oure. The Prince, who had foreseen this Retreat, placed Corpse de Guard so near the Enemy's, that Notice was given him of their Retreat as soon as they moved; but it may be said, that his extreme Diligence hindered him from defeating them absolutely; for without tarrying until the Foot was got into the Road, where he might have cut them in pieces with ease, he charged them upon the edge of the Ditch of Miradoux, and falling with Sword in Hand upon the Battalion of champagne and Lorraine, he overthrew them into the Ditch, where they demanded Quarter, flinging down their Arms. But whereas it was impossible to get at them on Horseback, they found means to get into Miradoux again, not with a design to defend the place, but to save their Lives. The Prince of Conty fought all along next the Prince his Brother, who followed the Marquis of St. Luc and the Runaways, as far as Leytoure, and then came back to Invest Miradoux, into which Major-General Marins, Cominges, together with several other Officers were got. The Prince caused them to be summoned, not imagining that a beaten Party, without Ammunition, o● Provisions, would undertake to defend so weak a Place. And indeed they offered immediately to surrender it; but the Prince, who was unwilling to let such good Infantry escape, and did not value the place, insisted to have them Prisoners of War, or to oblige them not to serve in six months' time; which Conditions appeared so hard to them, that they resolved to Defend the place themselves, and to make amends for the shame they had suffered the day before, instead of augmenting it by such a Capitulation. They found moreover that the Inhabitants had Provisions, and considered that the Prince was not in a condition to make Lines: They believed that it would be easy to send them Powder, Match, and Led, as indeed the Marquis of St. Luc did the following day, and still continued to refresh them with all Necssaries, as long as the Siege lasted. During these Transactions the Prince sent back the Prince of Conty to Bourdeaux, and soon found that it had been better for him to receive Miradoux on the Conditions that were offered him, than to engage on a Siege, wanting every thing, as he did, not so much as being certain to get any Canon. However as we are often necessitated to continue calmly what we have begun in a Heat, he resolved to persist in his Enterprise to the end, hoping thereby to astonish his Enemies. To that end he got two Pieces of Ordnance from Again, the one a Ten, and the other a Twelve Pounder, with a small quantity of Balls; he imagining that number sufficient to make a Breach, and take the Town by Storm, before Count d' Harcourt who was on his March thither, could come up to him. He made himself Master of some Houses pr●tty near the Gates, where those two Pieces of Ordnance were placed in a Battery, and did a great deal of Execution in the Walls; but the Balls not holding out, he was forced to give Soldier's Money to gather up the Balls that had been shot, out of the Ditches. The Enemies made a pretty good Defence, considering their scarcity of Ammunition, and they made two Sallies with a great deal of Vigour. In fine, the Breach began to appear reasonable, and the Wall being fallen with Houses that were adjoining to it, had made a considerable Overture; but this Rubbish served the Besieged instead of a new Retrenchment, by reason that the top of the House where the Breach was made being fallen into the Cellar, they set it on fire, and retrenched themselves on the other side; in so much that this burning Cellar became a Ditch, impossible to be crossed. This Obstacle stopped the Prince, who was unwilling to hazard an Attack, which certainly would have discouraged his Men, and encouraged his Enemies. Therefore he resolved to make another Breach in a place where the Houses had no Cellars, and had not fired above a day against it, when he was informed that Count d' Harcourt was Marching towards him, and would be the next day at Miradoux. Their Forces being too unequal to hazard a Combat, he was forced to raise the Siege, and to retire to Staffort, where he arrived without having been pursued. This City is neither larger, nor stronger than Miradoux, but whereas Count d' Harcourt was on the other side of the Garonne, and that he could only cross it at Auvilars, the Prince being Master of the other side of the Country, separated his Quarters, supposing it was sufficient to place some near Auvilars, and to Order Parties to be continually detached on that side, to be informed of whatever the Enemies should undertake. But he did not consider, that new Forces, and new Officers generally execute what is commanded them in a very different manner from those who have more Experience: And this Order, which would have been sufficient to secure a Camp, was like to ruin the Prince, and to expose him to the shame of being surprised and defeated; by reason that none of the Parties that were Commanded followed his Orders, but instead of getting Intelligence of Count d' Harcourt's Motions, they fell a pillaging the Neighbouring Villages, in so much that he crossed the River, and marched in Battalia in the middle of the Prince's Quarters, and came within a quarter of a League of the place where he was, before any Alarm was given, or he received the least Notice of it. Finally, some Men that had been pursued having brought him this News with the usual Consternation on such Occasions, he mounted on Horseback, followed b● Marsin, the Duke de la Rochefoucault, and the Marquis of Montespan, to observe the Enemy's Designs, but before he had gone five hundred Yards, he saw that their Squadrons detached themselves in order to attack his Quarters. In this Extremity he immediately sent Orders to his farthest Quarters ●o get on Horseback, and to join his Infantry which was encamped under Staffort, the which he caused to March to Boüe, there to cross the Garonne in Boats, and to retire to Agen. He sent all his Baggage to St. Mary's, having left a Captain and Threescore Musqueteers at Staffort, with a Piece of Canon, which he could not carry along with him. Count d' Harcourt made no better use of this Advantage than he had done before at Ton●y-Charante, and at St. Andras; for instead of pursuing the Prince, and of falling upon him in the disorder of a Retreat he made without Horse, being moreover constrained ●o cross the Garonne to secure himself, he stopped to Invest that Quarter which was nearest to Staffort, called Le Pergan, where three or four Hundred Horse of the Princes and the General's Guards were lodged, and thus allowed him twelve or thirteen hours, of which he employed the best part at B●●●, in causing his Men to cross the River in the greatest Disorder imaginable, in so much that had they been attacked, they had certainly been cut to pieces● Sometime after the Prince's Arrival at Again with all his Infant●y, some Squadrons appeared on the other side of the River, which were advanced in order to take some Baggage, which was ready to cross the River; but they were repulsed with vigour by 60 Horse of the Regiment of Mon●●span, which afforded time enough to some Boats filled with Musqueteers to cross over to them, and to force the Enemies to retire. That very day the Prince received Intelligence that his Horse was arrived at St. Mary, without having fought, or lost any part of his Equipage, and that his Guards defended themselves still in Le Pergan, where it was impossible to succour them. The next day they yielded themselves Prisoners of War; and that was the only Advantage Count d' Harcourt drew from an Occasion, in which his Fortune, and the Negligence of the Prince's Men had offered him an entire Victory. These ill Successes were soon followed by the Sedition of Again, the which obliged the Prince to turn his greatest hopes towards Paris, and to make it the Seat of War, as I shall relate in the sequel. The War was maintained in Guienne much more through the Vigilance and Reputation of the Prince of Conde, than by the Valour and Number of his Forces; and Count d' Harcourt by his Conduct and Fortune had already repaired all the disadvantage which the Marquis of St. Lucs Defeat at Miradoux had occasioned. The Siege of Miradoux was raised; The Prince of Conde's Guards, and three or four Hundred Horse had been taken at le Pergan, and the Prince of Conde himself with the rest of his Forces had been constrained to quit S●affort, and to cross the River Garonne at Boüe, and to retire at Again: But the Divisions of that City soon made that Prince sensible that it would no longer remain in his Party, than while constrained to it by his Presence, or a strong Garrison. And therefore he resolved to throw the Regiment of Foot, of Conty into it, and to take possession of one of the Gates of the City, in order to oblige the People to receive a Garrison: But whereas this Design was not kept secret, it was soon rumoured throughout the City. Upon which the Inhabitants immediately betook themselves to their Arms, and made Barricadoes; The Prince of Conde being informed therewith, got on Horseback, to stop the Tumult by his Presence, and to remain Master of the Gate of Grave until the aforesaid Regiment had taken possession of it: But the arrival of the Soldiers increased the Disorder, instead of appeasing it: They entered and made a halt in the first Street, and tho' the Prince of Conde, the Prince of Conty, and all the Officers endeaved to appease the Disorder, they could not hinder the Streets from being barricadoed in a moment. However the People still preserved their Respect towards the Prince of Conde, and towards all the General Officers, but at the same time the Animosity increased in all places where his Presence was wanting. It was impossible that things should remain long in that condition; the Soldiers, as I have already related, had taken Possession of the Gate of Grave, and half the adjoining Street; The People were in Arms, all the Streets were barricadoed, and Corpse ●e Guards placed every where; Night drew on, which would have increased the Disorder, and the Prince of Conde found himself necessitated either to quit the Town shamefully, or cause it to be p●ilag'd and burnt, either of which apparently would have ruined his Affairs: For if he quitted the Town, the King's Forces would be received into it, and if he burned it, it would occasion the Revolt of the whole Province against him. Those Reasons induced him to endeavour an Accommodation, which in appearance might save his Authority, and serve for a pretence to Pardon the Inhabitants of Agen. The Duke de la Rochefoucault spoke to some of the most considerable Citizens, and prevailed with them to go to the Town-Hall, there to Depute some among them to the Prince to beg his Pardon, and to entreat him to come to their Assembly, there to prescribe the means to preserve Again in the Submission and Loyalty they had sworn to him. The Prince accordingly went thither, and told them, that it had always been his Intention to preserve their Freedom entire; and that the only end for which he had sent Soldiers thither, was to ease them, and help them to Guard the City; but that since they did not desire it, he was willing to remove them, provided the City would raise a Regiment of Foot at their own Charge, and give him the Names of the Officers. These Conditions were easily agreed to; the Barricado's were removed, the Soldiers marched out again, and the City remained in appearance as quiet and full of Submission, as it was before the Sedition. The Prince of Conde, who could not confide in those Appearances, remained some time in Again, to put the City in its former state again; at which time he received the News, that the Army from Flanders, Commanded by the Duke of Nemours, and the Duke of Orleance's Forces, Commanded by the Duke of Beaufort, were joined, and on their March towards the River Loire. This Joy was notwithstanding mixed with some Disquiet: On the one hand, he saw an Army from Spain, he had so long expected, in the middle of the Kingdom, which might come to the Relief of Montro●d, or to join with him in Guienne: But at the same time he was also informed that the Dukes of Nemours and of Beaufort could no ways agree, and that their Division was grown to a very dangerous pitch. Their Armies being separate, it was impossible for them to keep the Field before the King's Army, Commanded by the Marshals of Turenne and Hoquincourt, reinforced by the Troops ●he Cardinal had brought along with him, besides the Neighbourhood of the Court. The Duke of Nemours' Orders were to cross the River of Loire, in order to relieve Montrond, and to March immediately towards Guienne; whereas the Orders the Duke of Beaufort daily received from the Duke of Orleans were directly opposite. Monsieur could not consent that the Army should march away so far from Paris, fearing lest the People, or the Parliament should alter their minds, seeing the Duke of Nemours' Army march into Guienne, while the King's remained in their Neighbourhood. The Coadjutor of Paris, in whom Monsieur confided most at that time, seconded this Advice, and augmented the fear and Natural I●resolutions of that Prince. By keeping the Army on this side the River Loire, he made it of no use to the Prince of Conde, whose Enemy he was, and made himself more considerable at Court, by showing that being Master of Monsieurs Conduct, it was in his power to advance or keep back the Progress of the Army; and thus omitted no means to obtain a Cardinal's Cap. Chavigny on his side harboured as great Designs; he expected to govern Monsieur, by making him sen●●●le that ●e governed the Prince; and flattered him●●●● to become Master of the Prince's Conduct, by showing him he was Master of Monsieurs. His Projects did not stop there; from the very beginning of the War he had taken his Measures to become ● Negotiator of Peace, and had united himself to the Duke of Ro●an, believing that he might be equally useful to him with Monsieur, and with the Prince: He likewise thought he had taken all necessary precautions towards the Cardinal by means of Fabret, Governor of Sedan; and whereas he ●ut no Bounds to his Ambition and his Hopes, he did not question but in making a particular Peace, he should be chosen with the Cardinal, to conclude the General Peace. He fancied moreover that making use of the Credit the Prince of Conde could give him among the Spaniards, he should have all the Credit of the Good Successes, and the Cardinal on the contrary all the Shame, and blame of ●he ill Events: And that thus he should enter into the Ministry of Affairs again, either with the Glory of having concluded the Peace, or with the Advantage of laying the blame of it on Mazarin, in case it should not be effected. In order thereunto he writ several times to the Prince to press him to quit Guienne; he represented to him, how necessary his Presence was in the Army; that in suffering it to be destroyed, he would lose his last Stake; but that in making Progresses in the heart of the Kingdom, and in the King's sight, he would not only immediately retrieve his Affairs in Guienne, but all the rest of his Party. The Prince of Conde suffered himself easily to be persuaded by Chavigny's Reasons; but the principal Motive which induced him to it, was his desire of quitting Guienne at a time when the weakness of his Army obliged him continually to fly before Count d' Harcourt. He communicated his Design to the Duke de la Rochefoucault, and to Marsin; both of them represented to him equally, what was to be feared, and hoped for, in so doing, without giving him any Advice about it; but at the same time both desired earnestly to follow him. He chose the Duke de la Rochefoucault to accompany him, and left Marsin with the Prince of Conty, relying absolutely upon his Care for the maintaining his Party in Guienne, and the preserving of Bourdeaux, not only among the Divisions that had been fomented among the People, and in the Parliament, but also to hinder the separate Interests of the Prince of Conty, and of Madame de Longueville from augmenting their Misunderstandings, and thereby cause the loss of that City, in which Affairs were in the state I am going to relate. The Inhabitants were divided in two Cabals: The Rich Citizens composed the one, who were resolved to maintain the Authority of their Magistrates, and to render themselves so considerable, and so necessary in the City, that the Prince and Parliament might look upon them as those who could most contribute towards their Preservation. The other Cabal consisted of the meanest, and most seditious part of the City, who having often assembled themselves without any Design at a place near the Castle of the Ha, called L' Hormee, at last took the Name of it themselves. The Parliament was as much divided as the People; the Members of that Body who were against the Court were divided in two Factions; The one was called the Great Frond, and the other the Small one. Although both of them agreed in being for the Prince, they were very much opposite in all the rest: In the beginning L' Hormee had been united to both, and had often separated from it according to the divers Motives of Interest, which commonly sway those sor● of People: But in the end the Prince of Conty and the Duchess of Longueville being unhappily ●allen out, augmented the Credit and Insolence of that Faction to that degree, in order to draw them on their side, that thereby they advanced the loss of the Party, in exasperating the Parliament, and the rest of the People, and in giving way to several Plots, and other Contrivances of the Court, which finally brought Bourdeaux back to its former Allegiance to the King. I shall only speak en pas●ent of the Subjects which occasioned all these Disorders, without entering upon the particulars of many things, that cannot be written. The Prince of Conty having suffered himself to be persuaded by some of his People, who were gained by Cardinal Mazarin, to fall out publicly with the Duchess of Longueville, upon pretences, which good Manners, and Consanguinity should have obliged him to conceal; out of hatred to one another, they kindled the Fury of the Hormee, and sacrificed, in so many occasions, the greatest Advantage of the Party to their Passions and private Animosities; that instead of establishing their Authority, thereby to make themselves useful to the Prince, as they both designed to do, they contributed to the Disorders and Seditions of the people, to that degree, that they were reduced themselves to abandon the Prince, and to submit to whatever Conditions the Court was pleased to impose upon them. The Duke de la Rochefoucault, being sensible, by a long Experience, that their mutual Grandeur depended on their Union, had made it his business to maintain it among them, none being so capable of doing it as himself, ever since the War of Paris. But at that time Madame de Longueville imagined that it would be more for her Advantage, to take new Measures, and it happened that the means she made use of to that end, caused a Division between her and her Brothers. The Prince of Conty was inclined to a Peace, being weary, and tired with a War in which he had only engaged himself to oblige the Duchess of Longueville, which he repented of, as soon as ever he fell out with her. He has alleged since, in order to his Justification, that the Prince, after having signed a Writing, by which he obliged himself not to make a Treaty without obtaining the Government of Provence for him, had notwithstanding, absolutely neglected his Interests. But the real cause of his falling off, was that Animosity, I have mentioned, against his Sister, the which transported him to a degree of Passion and Jealousy against her, that had been much more excusable in a Lover than a Brother. On the other hand, altho' the Prince of Conde spoke less than he about the Duchess of Longueville's Conduct, he was as much dissatisfied about it in his Heart; he was sensible of her Engagements with the Duke of Nemours, and what it had been like to produce against his real Interests; and he feared moreover she might enter into new ones, which might yet prove of worse Consequence for him. That which augmented the Duchess of Longueville's Trouble at that time was, that she thought it impossible ever to be reconciled to her Husband, by reason of the ill impressions he had received about her; and by his being persuaded that she had too great a share in that War. She had likewise vainly attempted to be reconciled to the Court by the Princess Palatin Intermission. In so much that finding herself equally ruined on all sides, she imagined the only means to re-establish herself was to fo●m a Party in Bourdeaux, that might prove so powerful, as to recocer her Credit with the Prince of Conde, or with the Court. To that end she judged nothing so proper, as to join with L' Hormee, and to engage the most Considerable persons into the same Party. On the contrary, the Prince of Conty, to 〈◊〉 his Vengeance, used all his Endeavours to ●●in his Sister's Credit among the most considerable of that Faction, in order to engage them on his ●●●e, choosing rather to permit them all manner of ●xcesses, than to suffer them to be engaged with a Person he was so much exasperated against. Therefore the Prince of Conde foreseeing what this great Opposition of Sentiments was going to produce in his Party, judging also that this Animosity and Division would increase by his Absence, left Marsin, as I have said before, in order to remedy as much as in him lay those great Disorders, and on all Occasions to hinder the Prince of Conty and the Duchess of Longueville from undertaking any thing which might prove prejudicial to him during his absence. So that having regulated with Marsin, and with Laisne what related to the Army in Guienne, the Cabals of Bourdeaux, and those of his Family, he sent for the Prince of Conty to Again; and leaving him the management of all things, he desired him to follow the Counsels of Marsin and Laisne. He also seemed to repose a great deal of Confidence in the Precedent Viol, tho' in reality he was persuaded that he left no body in Bourdeaux, in whom he could truly confide, besides the two first I have named. Having thus disposed all things, he prepared for his departure from Again, in order to join the Duke of Nemours' Army. This Journey was long, and accompanied with Difficulties one could hardly expect to overcome. Count d' Harcourt was near Again, and there were too many Royalists in the City, not to give him Notice of the Prince's departure. Even those of his own Party had suspected this Journey, and it had been rumoured about before it was resolved upon. He was to Travel about Sixscore Leagues upon the same Horses: Count d' Harcourt might not only cause the Prince to be followed by Parties, but besides might have given the Court a speedy Account of his March, and ordered all the Cities and Garrisons thereabouts to oppose his Passage: Moreover the Prince could not trust many with his Design, and a small Attendance was not capable to secure him: He was besides obliged to persuade every body, that he was going to Bourdeaux, and to hinder the Officers of the Army from accompanying him, under pretence that might not discover his real Intention. To that end he left the Prince of Conty at Again, and pretending to go to Bourdeaux for two or three days only, he commanded all the Officers and Volunteers to remain at Again with his Brother. He departed from thence on Palm-Sunday at Noon, with the Duke de la Rochefoucault, the Prince of Marsillac, Guitault, Chavaignac, Gourville, and a Valet de Chambre. The Marquis of Levy ●arry'd for him with Horses at Languais, one of the Duke of Bouillon's Houses, where Bercenes, Captain of the Duke de la R●chefoucault's Guards, likewise met them: And whereas the Marquis of Levy had a Passport from Count d' Harcourt, to retire to his House in Auvergne with his Attendance, the Prince of Conde, and those that accompanied him, passed with him, as if they had been those very Servants whose Names were inserted in the said Passport, tho' at last he resolved not to make use of it. The greatest Fatigue of that Journey was the extraordinary speed he was obliged to make, marching Day and Night, and almost always upon the same Horses, and without ever staying two hours in one and the same place, either to sleep, or refresh himself. They baited at two or three Gentleman's Houses, Friends to the Marquis of Levy, there to rest some few hours, and to buy Horses; but those Gentlemen were so far from suspecting the Prince of Conde to be what ●e was, that at one of their Meals, at which time people speak their Thoughts with most freedom, he was informed of some things that concerned his nearest Relations, which perhaps till then he had been ignorant of. In fine, after having marched through the Vice-County of Turenne, and through Charlies in Auvergne, he arrived on the Saturday at Night at Bec-d ' Alier, within two Leagues of La Charité, where he crossed the River Loire without any hindrance, altho' two Troops of Horse were quartered in La Charité, commanded by Bussy Rabu●in. From thence he dispatched Gourville to P●ru to acquaint his Royal Highness and Chavigny with his coming; he past Easter-day in Cosnes, where there was a Guard kept; and whereas the Court was at Gien, he told every body, that he and his Companions were going to the King. However concluding that it would be impossible for him to follow the Road of the Court long without being discovered, he resolved to quit it, to take the Road that goes to Chastillon: He was in danger of Repenting his not having done it sooner; for having met two Couriers, one of them kn●w Guitault, and tho' he made no stop to speak to him, his Countenance altered sufficiently, to persuade him that he suspected the Prince to be there. He was soon after fully informed about it, for having met the Prince's Valet de Chambre ● who laged behind, he stopped him, and threatening to kill him, he learned that his Suspicion was well grounded. This Accident not only obliged the Prince to quit the Road immediately, but also to leave Bercenes, Captain of the Duke de la Rochefoucault's Guards, in some ruin'd Buildings that stood near a Bridge, in order to kill the Courier, in case he came that way, which seemed to be his nearest, to inform the Court of the Prince of Conde's March: But his good Fortune made him take another way, whereby he soon carried the News of what he had seen to Gien. Whereupon St. Maure was commanded with Twenty Horse to waylay the Prince between Chastillon and the Duke of Nemours' Army, and to take him dead or alive. The Prince of Conde being sensible that the meeting of the aforesaid Courier would infallibly discover his passage, marched with all speed towards Chastillon: But whereas we were necessitated to Travel 35 Leagues that day, without changing our Horses, the necessity of Baiting made us lose a great deal of time, and afforded St. Maure time enough to come up to us. Moreover the Prince was like to be taken by another Accident; for being arrived at the Canal of Briare, he met the Quarter-Masters of two or three Regiments of Horse, who were coming to take up Quarters there; and whereas the whole Body was coming thither from different places, it was very difficult to take a safe way. Chavaignac, who was acquainted with a Gentleman thereabouts, called lafoy Bruslerie, resolved to go to him, and took Guitault along with ●im, in order to get some Provisions for the Prince of Conde: But that day being destined for Adventures, just as Chavaignac was going out of that House in search of the Master thereof, an Officer of the aforementioned Regiments arrived there, and all that the Mistress of the House could do, dreading a Disorder in her House, by the Encounter of Persons of different Parties, was to send her Daughter to Guitault to give him Notice that an Officer belonging to the King's Forces was arrived there. In the mean while, the Prince, who expected News from Chavaignac, and from Guitault, had been obliged to remove from the place where they had left him, by the arrival of these Forces. He had sent his Val●t de Chambre to Chastillon, to order the Keeper of the Park to keep the Door open; and thus he was only attended by the Duke de la Rochefoucault and the Prince of Marsillac. However they continued their March still towards Chastillon. The Prince of Marsillac went a hundred Paces before the Prince, and the Duke de la Rochefoucault followed him at the same distance, to the end that being warned by either of them, he might have some Advantage to make his Escape. They had not travelled long in this manner, when they heard the firing of some Pistols on that side where the Valet de Chambre was gone, and at the same time discovered four Troopers on their left hand; upon which concluding they were pursued, they resolved to Charge those four Men, and marched up to them with a Resolution to suffer themselves to be killed rather than taken. But being come nearer to them, they found it was Chavaignac, who was in search of them with three Gentlemen; and they arrived together at Chastillon without any danger. The Prince of Conde received Tidings there of the Army he was going to join, and was informed that it lay towards Lory, near the Forest of Orleans, within Eight Leagues of Chastillon; he heard moreover that Ten or Twelve Chevaux-Legers of the King's Guard, together with some Officers were at that time at Chastillon; whereupon he resolved to remove from thence about Midnight with speed, with a Guide for Lory. This Guide had like to have occasioned his Ruin; for after a long March, he found that he was but within a short League of Gien, in so much that going about to quit that Road, to tu●n towards Lory, the Prince passed within Thirty Yards of the place where St. Maure lay in wait for him: But whether he did not know him, or durst not Charge him, nothing opposed his Passage, and he arrived at Lory, where he heard certain News of his Army, which was but two Leagues distant from them. Altho' he concealed himself with the same precautions he had used elsewhere, both he and the Duke de la Rochefoucaul● were discovered by several Inhabitants of the place, of which many were the King's and the Duke of Orleance's Servants. But this proved an Advantage instead of a Prejudice to him, for some of them got on Horseback, with him, and accompanied him to the Army. He met the Vanguard at the entrance of the Forest of Orleans; some Troopers coming up to him, and he having discovered himself to them, the whole Army was surprised with an excess of Joy that cannot be expressed. His Presence had never been so necessary as it was at that time, and had never been less expected. The Animosity between the Dukes of Nemours and Beaufort daily increased, and thereby the sole Prop of the Party daily perished through the Division of the Chiefs, at a time when the Presence of the King, and his Army, should have obliged them most to prefer the Public Good to their particular Quarrels. The Prince was too much concerned to put an end to those Differences, not to endeavour it with all the earnestness imaginable, which he effected the more easily, by reason that his Arrival taking the Command from them, at the same time it removed the main cause of their Jealousy and Hatred. Affairs standing in this Condition, the Army marched to Lory, where they rested a day, three or four days more were employed in going to Montargis, which surrendered without any Resistance. The Army soon quitted that place, by reason that it was stored with Corn and Wine, which might be of use, upon occasion; as also to sh●w an Example of Mildness, which might prove advantageous to his Party in the other Cities. The Army marched from Montargis, and went to Chateau-renard: Gourville arrived there at the same time from Paris, to give the Prince an account of his Friends Sentiments about his Conduct towards Monsieur, and towards the Parliament. Their Advices proved very different, for some counselled him to remain with the Army, by reason that the Reso●●●ions of the Duke of Orleans, and of the Parliament would always depend on the Event of that War; and that while he should be at the Head of a Victorious Army, the King's Power would reside in his hands: Whereas in going to Paris, he took away from his Forces the Reputation which his Presence had given them, since he was necessitated to leave the Command thereof to the same Persons, whose Division and Incapacity had been like to produce such great Disorders. Chavigny on the contrary assured the Prince that his Presence was absolutely necessary in Paris; That the Cabals of ●he Court, and of the Cardinal of Rets, daily increased in the Parliament; and that finally they would infallibly engage the Duke of Orleans on their side, unless the Prince came in Person to free him from his dependency on them, and to put the Duke of Rohan and Chavigny in possession of a place they could no longer dispute with the Cardinal of R●ts without him. They all in general agreed, preferably to all other things, to undertake some considerable Action against the King's Army, all depending on a Successful Event. At that very time the Prince of Conde received Intelligence that the Marshal of Hoquincourt's Brigade lay still in separate Quarters, pretty near Chateau●Renard, and that the next day it was to join again with Marshal de Turenne's. Whereupon he resolved immediately to March up with all his Army to Marshal d' Hoquincourt's, before he could have time to assemble his Forces, to retire towards Marshal de Turenne; and the Success answered his Expectation. He entered first into two Quarters, which alarmed the rest; b●t that did not hinder him from taking five of them one after another: The four first hardly made any resistance, but the Marshal d' Hoquincourt having placed himself in Battalia with 800 Horse upon the border of a Brook, which could only be crossed one Man of a Breast upon a very narrow decayed Bank, seemed resolved to dispute that Passage; yet notwithstanding the Duke of Nemours had no sooner passed this Defile with three or four Men, but the Marshal, who judged that all the Army was there, retired behind that Quarter, and suffered it to be pillaged, placing himself in Battle again, in hop●s of an Opportunity to Charge them during the Plunder. This Quarter made no more Resistance than the others, but whereas those Houses were covered with Thatch, they being set on fire, the Marshal d' Hoquincourt soon discovered by that Light the Number of the Forces that were passed; and finding that there was not above One Hundred Horse, he advanced to Charge them with above 800. The Prince of Conde observing this Cavalry that was falling upon him, straight formed a Squadron of what Men he had about him, and marched up to his Enemy with so unequal a Number, that i● seemed, as if Chance had assembled all the General Officers of his Army in that place, to make him sensible, what a Loss he might have sustained by an ill Event. The fi●st Rank, in which he fought himself, was composed of the Dukes of Nemours, of Beaufort, and de la Rochefoucault, the Prince of Marsillac, the Marquis of Clinchant, who commanded the Spanish Forces, Count Tavannes, Lieutenant-General, of Guitault, Gaucourt, and some other Officers: Both the Squadrons fired at a small distance, and yet neither of them gave ground; but two others having soon after charged the Prince's, the Duke of Nemours was shot through the Body with a Pistol, and his Horse killed under him. The Prince of Conde's Squadron, not being able to sustain two Charges so close to one another, retired an Hundred steps in disorder towards the Quarter that was on fire; but the Prince, and the General Oflicers who were with him, riding up to the said Squadron, stopped it. The Enemies contented themselves with having 〈◊〉 it give ground, without breaking it: Some Officers and a few Troopers only advanced, and the Prince of Marsillac, who chanced to be Twelve or Fifteen Yards behind the Squadron that gave ground, turned back upon an Officer, whom he ●●●●'d between the two Squadrons. The Prince of Conde, as I have declared already, stopped his, and forced it to turn back upon his Enemies, who had not dared to pursue it, for fear of its being sustained by some Infantry. During this Disorder Thirty Horse had crossed the Defile: The Prince of Conde placed himself immediately at the Head of them with the Duke de la Rochefoucault, and attacking Marshal d' Hoquincourt in the Flank, he caused him to be charged in the Front by the Squadron where he had lost the Duke of Beaufort. This made an end of overthrowing the Enemies, of which part threw themselves into Bleneau, and the rest were pursued three or four Leagues towards Auxere, without their endeavouring to Rally. They lost all their Baggage, and Three Hundred Horse were taken. This Overthrow might have been greater, had not the Prince been informed that Marshal Turenne's Army was in sight. This News obliged him to retire to his Foot, who had quitted their Post to Plunder, and having rallied his Forces, he marched towards Marshal Turenne, who placed his Army in Battle in a very large Plain, within less than Musquet-shot of a very large Wood, through the midst of which the Prince of Conde was obliged to March to come up to him. This Passage was large enough of itself to March two Squadrons abreast: But whereas it was very Marshy, and that several Ditches had been made to drain it, there was no coming to the Plain without making Defiles. The Prince of Conde finding it possessed by his Enemies, threw his Infantry to the Right and Left into the Wood which bordered it, in order to keep the Enemy at a distance from it, and it succeeded according to his desires: For Marshal Turenne dreading the Inconveniency of the Musquetry, quitted his Post, to take another at a little more distance, and upon a higher Ground than the Prince's. This Movement persuaded the Prince that he was retiring towards Gien, and that it would be easy to beat him in the disorder of his Retreat, before he could reach it. To this end he caused his Cavalry to advance, and made haste to make six Squadrons pass the Defiles, in order to enter the Plain; but the Marshal of Turenne being sensible how disadvantageous it would be for him to Combat the Prince in the Plain, he having a Victorious Army, that was much stronger than his, resolved to turn back with Sword in hand, upon those six Squadrons, in order to defeat those that were passed, and to stop the remainder of the Forces, that were still on the other side of the Defile. The Prince guessing at his Intention, caused his Horse to retire again; and thus the Defiles hindering them from coming at one another, without great disadvantage; they only caused their Artillery to advance on both sides, and fired a very considerable while at one another, but with a very different success; for besides that the Marshal of Turenne's having more Artillery, and better Guns than his Enemy's, it had the Advantage of a higher Ground over the Prince's Forces, which being very close in the passage which separated the Wood, most of the shot did light upon them; and they lost above sixscore Men, and several Officers, among which was Mare, Brother to the Marshal of Grancey. The remainder of the day passed in this manner. At the 〈◊〉 of the Sun the Marshal of Turenne retired 〈◊〉 Gien; the Marshal of Hoquincourt, who 〈◊〉 joined him since his Defeat, remained in the 〈◊〉 of the Army, and going with some Officers 〈◊〉 draw out the Squadron that was nearest to the ●●●ily, he was discovered by the Prince, who sent him word that he would be glad to see him, and ●hat he might advance upon his Parole. He did ●ha●, the Prince desired, and advancing with some Officers, he met the Prince, accompanied by the Dukes de la Rochefoucault, and of Beaufort, and two or three more. The Conversation passed in Civili●ies● and Railleries' on the Prince's side, and in Justifications on the Marshal's for what had happened to him, complaining of Monsieur de Turenne, 〈◊〉 in reality and Justice it might be said, that he 〈◊〉 performed two brave and very bold Actions th●t day, the success of which saved both him and th● Court: For as soon as he received Intelligence th●t the Marshal of Hoquincourt's Brigade, which wa● to join him the next day, was attacked, he marched with a very small number of Men to the place, where he was met in Battalia, where he ●arry'd all the day for the remainder of his Forces, exposing himself thereby to an inevitable Defeat, had the Prince marched up directly towards him, instead of pursuing the Forces he had defeated in the Night, for two or three Leagues: He also saved that very day the remainders of the King's Army with great Valour and Conduct, when he turned back upon the six Squadrons of the Prince, that had past the Defily, and by that Action stopped an Army, which without doubt would have destroyed h●● utterly, could it once have been placed in Order of Battle in the same Plain where he was. The King's Army being retired, the Prince marched his towards Chatillon, and that Night lodged in the Quarters upon the Canal of Briare, near La Bruslerie. The next day he repaired to Chatillon with all his Forces, the which he left two days after under the Command of Clinchant and Count Tavannes, in order to go to Paris with the Dukes of Beaufort and de la Rochefoucault. That Journey was of greater Consequence than it appeared to him at that time; and I am persuaded, that the only desire of going to Paris, there to receive the general Applause which the Success of so perilous a Journey, and so great a Victory deserved, made him approve Chavigny's Reasons, who earnestly desired to be countenanced by the Prince's presence and Authority, in order to fill up the place which the Cardinal of Rets held in the Duke of Orleance's favour. He was in hopes, as I have already declared, to render himself equally considerable to those two Princes, by persuading each of them, that he was the real promoter of their Union; besides he fancied that it was the easiest way to succeed in his Project with Fabert. He therefore pressed the Prince to come to Paris, in order to oppose the Progress the Cardinal of Rets made upon the Duke of Orleance's Mind, and to improve the favourable disposition the Parliament was in at that time, having made a Decree, by which they had proscribed, and put a Price upon Cardinal Mazarin's Head. Whatever Impressions Chavigny's Counsels made upon the Prince, it is certain that he followed them; he was received at Paris with so many Acclamations, and such Testimonies of public Joy, that he did not think he had any cause to Repent his Journey. All things remained for a while in this Condition, but whereas the Army wanted Forage about Chatillon and Montargis, and that they durst neither remove it farther from Paris, nor bring it nearer to it; it was removed to Estampes, where they imagined it might remain a considerable while with safety, and abundance of all things. The Duk● of Nemours was not yet cured of his Wound, when the Prince received Intelligence that some of the King's Forces, Commanded by the Count of Musse●s, and the Marquis of St. Mesgrin, Lieutenant Generals, were on their March from St. Ger●●●s and St. Cloud, with two Pieces of Canon, in 〈◊〉 to Charge an Hundred Men of the Regiment of Conde, who had retrenched themselves upon a Bridge, and had broken one of the Arches of i●. Upon this News the Prince got immediately ●n Horseback with such as chanced to be about ●im; but the Report thereof being spread through the City, all the Persons of Quality that were there went to meet him at Boulogne, and were followed by 8 or 10000 Citizens in Arms. The King's Forces only fired some Canon, and retired without endeavouring to make themselves Masters of the Bridge; but the Prince of Conde being willing to improve the good Disposition of those Citizens, assigned them Officers, and made them March towards St. Denis, where he was informed that there was a Garrison of 200 Swissers; those Forces ar●●●'d there about Night, and those within being alarmed thereat, soon alarmed those without, for the Prince being surrounded by Three Hundred Horse, selected and composed of the bravest, and mo●● undaunted Men of his Party, found himself dese●●ed by them at the very first Firing of the Enemy, none but six persons remaining about him. The remainder fled in a disorder, and fell in among the Infantry of the Citizens, which was daunted thereat, and had certainly followed the Example of the Gentry, had not the Prince, and those tha● remained about him stopped them, and made them ●nter St. Denis through old Breaches, that were unguarded. Whereupon all those persons of Quality who had abandoned him, came back to him, every one alleging some particular Reason to excuse his Flight, although the shame of it was common ●o them all. The Swissers endeavoured to defend some Barricado's in the Town, but being pressed close, they retired into the Abbey, where they surrendered themselves within two hours' Prisoners of War. No Acts of Hostility were committed against the Inhabitants or Convents, and the Prince of Conde reti●'d back to Paris, leaving Deslande, a Captain in the Regiment of Conde, with 200 Men in St. Denis, which was retaken that very Night by the King's Forces; but Deslande retired into the Church, where he held out three days. Tho' no particular Circumstance rendered that Action considerable in itself, yet it disposed the Citizens to favour the Prince; and they all praised him so much the rather, because every one of them quoted him as a Witness of his Courage, and the Dangers he fancied he had been exposed to in that Action. In the mean while the Duke of Rohan and Chavigny resolved to prosecute their first Design, and to take the Advantage of so favourable a Conjuncture, in order to make some Propositions about an Accommodation: They imagined the Court would sincerely accomplish whatever Fabert had proposed to them, only with a Design to engage them with the Cardinal, who was willing to make use of them to draw in the Duke of Orleans, and the Prince of Conde into that Abyss of Negotiations, into the bottom of which no body could ever dive, the which all along proved very favourable to him, and fatal to his Enemies. The first days of the Prince's Arrival were no sooner passed, but all the Intrigues and Cabals were renewed again on all sides, and whether he were really weary of maintaining so Penible a War, or that his abode in Paris inspired him with a desire and hopes of Peace, for a while he quitted all other thoughts, to apply himself to find out means to make as advantageous a one as ●e had projected. The Duke of Rohan and Cha●●●●● gave him great hopes about it, in order to 〈◊〉 him to entrust them with the Care of that Negotiation, and to let them go by themselves ●ith ●●ulas to St. Germane, there to Treat about ●is and the Duke of Orleance's Concerns. It was likewise proposed to send the Duke de la Rochefou●●●●● ●hither, and the Prince desired it for several Reasons, but he declined it, imagining, either that the Peace was already concluded between Monsieur and the Court underhand by Chavigny, without the Prince's participation, or that it would not be concluded at that time, not only because the Prince's Pretensions were too great, but likewise because the Duke of Rohan and Chavigny would secure their own preferably to all the rest. Thus the Duke of Rohan, Chavigny, and Goulas went to St. Germane, with positive Orders not to see Cardinal Mazarin, or to Treat about any thing with him. The Duke of Orleance's Demands consisted chiefly in the Removing of the Cardinal; but the Prince of Conde's had more Latitude, by reason that hav●ng engaged the City and Parliament of Bourdeaux in his Party, together with a great number of Persons of Quality, he had made particular Treaties with them, by which he was engaged not to make any with the Cour●, without comprising their Interests in it, in the manner I shall relate hereafter. No body did in the least question the Success of those Gentleman's Journey; there being no likelihood that a Man of Chavigny's Parts and Understanding, who knew the Court, and Cardinal Mazarin, by so long an Experience, would have engaged in so great a Negotiation, having managed it for three Months together, without being certain of the Success. But every body was soon undeceived by the Return of those Deputies, who had, not only treated with Cardinal Mazarin, contrary to the express Orders they had received about it; but moreover, instead of demanding for the Prince, what was set down in their Instructions, had only insisted chiefly, upon the establishing of a necessary Council, almost in the form of that which the late King had ordered upon his Deathbed; Upon which Condition they were to prevail with the Prince to consent, that Cardinal Mazarin, accompanied by Chavigny, should go to treat about a General Peace, instead of the Prince; and that it should be Lawful for him to come back into France after the Conclusion thereof. As those Propositions were contrary to the Prince's Interests and Sentiments, he received them with great Indignation against Chavigny, and resolved for the future never to give him the least knowledge of whatever he should Treat of in Secret with the Court. To that end he gave Gourville Instructions, which were drawn in presence of the Duchess of Chastillon, the Dukes of Nemours and de la Rochefoucault, which contained what followeth. 1. That they would hearken to no Negotiation after that Day; and that they expected a positive Answer to all the Articles, of Yes, or No, since they could not desist from any of them. That they desired to Act sincerely, and consequently that they would Promise nothing but what they were willing to perform; and that for that Reason, they would be certain of what the Court should Promise. 2. That they desied Cardinal Mazarin should immediately quit the Kingdom, and repair to Bovillon. 3. That the Duke of Orleans, and the Prince of Conde should be empowered forthwith to Treat about a General Peace. 4. That to that end Just and Reasonable Conditions should be agreed upon; and that the Prince should be allowed to send into Spain, in order to agree upon a place for the Conference. 5. That a Council should be made, composed of unsuspected Persons, which should be agreed upon. 6. That there should be no Superintendent, and that the Revenue, Taxes, Impositions, etc. should be regulated by a good Council● 7. That all such who had served Mons●●●●, or the Prince, should be restored to their Estates, and Places, Governments, Pensions, and Assignations, which should be assigned upon good Funds, and the like for Monsieur, and for the Princes. 8. That Satisfaction should be given to the Duke of Orleans, upon those things he might desire for himself, and for his Friends. 9 That the Forces and Officers that had followed the Princes should be treated as they were before, and should possess the same Ranks they had before. 10. That the Court should grant the Inhabitants of Bourdeaux those things they desired before the War, and for which they had Deputies at Court. 11. That the Taxes should be diminished in Guienne, according as it should be agreed upon sincerely. 12. That the Prince of Conty should have leave to Treat with Monsieur d' Angoulesine about the Government of Provence, and to give him the Government of champagne in exchange, or else to sell it to whoever he should think fit, to give him the Money of it, and that for the overplus he should be assisted with such a Sum of Money as should be agreed upon. 13. That the Government of Auvergne should be given to the Duke of Nemours. 14. That leave should be given to Precedent Viol to Treat about a place of Precedent a Mortier, or of Secretary of State, upon Promise, that it should be the first vacant; and a Sum of Money in present to facilitate the obtaining of it. 15. That the Court should grant the Duke de la Rochefoucault the * O ●atent during Life Breviate he desired, equal to that of Messieurs de Bovillon, and Guienne, and the Government of Angoumois and St. Tonge, or the Sum of Sixscore Thousand Crowns, and leave to Purchase the said Government, or any other he should have a mind to. 16. That the Prince of Tarente should have a Breviate about his Rank, equal to the Duke of Bouillon's, and that he should be put in Possession of it, and that he should be reimbursed for the Losses he had sustained by the taking and demolishing of Taillebourg, according to the Account he should deliver about it. 17. That Messieurs de Marsin and du Doignon should be made Marshals of France. 18. That Monsieur de Montespan should be made a Duke. 19 That the Duke of Rohan should be restored to his Governments of Anjou and Anger's, and that the Pont de Ce, together with the Jurisdiction of Saumur should be granted him 20. That the Government of Bergerac and saint Foy should be given to Monsieur de la Force, and the survivance to his Son the Marquis of Castelnau. That the Marquis of Sillery should be certain of being made Knight of the Order of the Holy Ghost at the first Promotion, or Instalment; and that a Breviate should be given him for it, together with the Sum of 50000● Crowns, to Purchase a Government. Upon which Conditions they would engage to lay down their Arms, and to consent freely to any Advantages for Cardinal Mazarin, and to his Return into France within the space of three Months, or at the time when the Prince having adjusted the Articles of a general Peace with the Spaniards, should be at the place of Conference with the Ministers of Spain, and have given an Account of the Peace's being ready to be signed; the which he would not Sign until the said Cardinal were actually returned: But that the Money mentioned by the Treaty should be paid before his Return. The Cardinal harkened to Gourville's Propositions, and seemed not to dislike them, whether it ●ere that he really was inclined to grant them, or that he was willing the Difficulties should arise ●●se where: But the Duke of Bovillon, who dreaded ● Peace should be concluded on, without his having the Duchy of Albret, which the Prince was 〈◊〉 Possession of, in order to make him a Recompense in part for Sedan; told the Cardinal, That ●●nce he thought it fit to favour all the Prince's Friends, who were his sworn Enemies, he thought it was yet more reasonable to do Justice to his Friends, who had assisted him, and maintained him against the Prince. That he found no fault with what was designed for the Dukes of Nemours and the l● Rochefoucault, Marsin, and the others; but that at the same time he could not but think, that having so considerable an Interest as the Duchy of Albret was, nothing should be concluded on with●●● obliging the Prince to satisfy him in that Point. Whatever induced the Duke of Bovillon to use these Arguments, it is most certain that they hindered the Cardinal from proceeding any farther, and he sent back Gourville to the Prince, in order to remove that Difficulty. But whereas in all great Affairs delays are commonly very dangerous, they were much more so in this, which was not only composed of so many different Interests, and viewed by so many opposite Cabals, which endeavoured to break it; but was moreover managed by the Prince of Conde on one side, and by Cardinal Mazarin on the other; who tho' very opposite in some things, yet were alike in many others, particularly in Treating about all manner of Affairs without any limited Pretensions; which is the Reason that when their desires are granted, they still flatter themselves with obtaining more, persuading themselves to that degree, that all things are due to their good Fortune, that the Balance can never be kept sufficiently even between them, nor can ever remain long enough in that condition, to afford them time to resolve upon a Treaty, and to conclude it. Other Obstacles were joined to these: It was the Cardinal of Rets' Interest to prevent the Peace, by reason that if it were made without his participation, the Duke of Orleans and the Prince being united with the Court, he would remain exposed, without any Protection. On the other hand, Chavigny being disgusted with the Court, and with the Prince after the ill Success of his Negotiation, concluded that it was better to break the Treaty, than suffer it to be made by any but himself. I cannot tell whether the Conformity of Interests, that happened to meet at that time between the Cardinal of Rets and Chavigny, made them join to hinder the Prince's Treaty; or whether either of them prevailed with the Duke of Orleans to do it; but I have been informed since by a Person I must Credit, that while Gourville was at St. Germane, Monsieur sent the Duke d' Anvil to Cardinal Mazarin, to desire him not to conclude any thing with the Prince, because he designed the Court should be solely obliged to him for a Peace: That he was ready to go to the King, and thereby to give an Example which should be followed by the Inhabitants, and by the Parliament of Paris. It was very probable that such a Proposition should be harkened unto, preferably to all others: And in effect, whether by this Reason, or by the other I have alleged before, about the Prince and Cardinal Mazarin's Minds; or whether, as I always believed it, the Cardinal was never inclinable to a Peace, and only made use of Negotiations for a Snare, in which he could surprise his Enemies: In fine, all things were entangled to that degree, that the Duke de la Rochefoucaul● no longer would suffer his People to meddle with Negotiations, which ●●in'd his Party, and charged Gourville to get a positive Answer from the Cardinal, the second time he was sent to St. Germane, with Orders never to return thither again. In the mean while, besides that the Prince's Inclinations were not constantly fixed on a Peace, he was continually combated by the divers Interests of those who endeavoured to dissuade him from it. Cardinal Mazarin's Enemies did not think themselves revenged, while he remained in France: And the Cardinal of Rets was sensible that in case the Prince should come to an Accommodations it would ruin his Credit, and expose him to his Enemies: Whereas the War continuing, it would certainly ruin the Prince, or banish Cardinal Mazarin ● by which means he remaining alone near the Duke of Orleans, might render himself considerable at Court, whereby he proposed very considerable Advantages. On the other hand, the Spaniards offered whatever might tempt the Prince, and used all their Endeavours, in order to prolong the Civil War; his nearest Relations, his Friends, nay, even his very Attendants, seconded the same out of Self-Interest: In fine, all People were divided in Cabals, to make a Peace, or continue the War. No Arguments or Politics were omitted to persuade the Prince to embrace either of these Parties, when the Duchess of Chatillon raised a desire of Peace in him by more agreeable means: She imagined that so great a good was only to be promoted by her Beauty, and mixing some Ambition with the desire of making a new Conquest, she resolved at once to Triumph over the Prince of Conde's Heart, and to draw from the Court all the Advantages of that Negotiation. Those were not the only Reason that inspired those thought in her; Vanity and Revenge contributed more towards it than any thing else: The Emulation which Beauty and Gallantry often produces among Ladies, had occasioned great Jealousies between the Duchess of Longueville, and Madame de Chatillon: They had long concealed their Sentiments, but at last they appeared publicly on both sides. Madame de Chatillon, putting no Bounds to her Victory, not only obliged the Duke of Nemours to break off all his Engagements with Madam de Longueville in a very disobliging manner, but at the same time resolved to take from her all the knowledge of Affairs, and to be the sole disposer of the Conduct and Interests of the Prince. The Duke of Nemours, who had great Engagements with her, approved her Design, and believed that since it was in his power to Regulate the Duchess of Chatillon's Conduct towards the Prince, she would inspire him with whatever Sentiments he pleased, and that thus he should dispose of the Prince's Mind, by the power he had over the Duchess of Chatillon's. The Duke de la Rochefoucault at that time had the greatest share of any body in the Prince's favour, and at the same time had very strict Engagements both with the Duke of Nemours, and with Madame de Chatillon: He was very sensible of the Prince's Irresolutions towards a Peace; and fearing, as it happened since, that the Spanish, and the Duchess of Longueville's Cabals would join, in order to remove the Prince from Paris, where he might daily Treat without their Participation; he imagined that the Duchess of Chatillon's Design would be able to remove all the Obstacles that opposed a Peace, and for that Reason induced the Prince to engage with her, and to give her Merlou for herself. He likewise prevailed with her to behave herself so prudently towards the Prince, and the Duke of Nemours, as to preserve them both; and persuaded the Duke of Nemours to approve of this Engagement, which he ought not to be Jealous of, since he was acquainted therewith, and that it was only designed to place him at the Helm of Affairs. This Intrigue being managed and regulated by the Duke de la Rochefo●cault, gave him almost an absolute Power over all those that composed it. And thus those four Persons being equally advantaged thereby, it would certainly have had at last the Success they had proposed, had not Fortune opposed it by a World of unavoidable Accidents. In the mean time, the Duchess of Chatillon being desirous to appear at Court with all the Advantages she derived from her new Credit: She went thither with so absolute a Power from the Prince, that it was looked upon rather as an Effect of his Complaisance towards her, and a desire of flattering her Vanity, than a real Intention of coming to an Accommodation. She came back to Paris with great hopes, but the Cardinal only reaped solid Advantages by that Negotiation; he gained Time, he augmented the Suspicions of the opposite Cabal, and amused the Prince at Paris by the hopes of a Treaty, while they took Guienne, and his Towns from him, and while the King's Army, commanded by the Marshals of Turenne and Hoquincourt, held the Field, and his was retired in Estampes. Moreover it did not remain long there, without receiving a considerable Loss, which was this; The Marshal of Turenne being informed that * The first Princess of the Blood, see called. Mademoiselle passing through Estampes, had been desirous to see the Army in Battalia, he caused his Forces to March, and arrived in the Suburb of Estampes, before those which composed the Army that was lodged there could be in a condition to defend their Quarter: It was forced and pillaged, and the Marshals of Turenne and d' Hoquincourt retired to theirs, after having killed 1000 or 1200 Men of the Prince●s best Forces, and carried away abundance of Prisoners. This Success raised the hopes of the Court to that degree, that they designed to Besiege Estampes, and all the Army that was in it. Whatever Difficulty seemed to attend that Enterprise, it was resolved upon, in hopes to meet with Astonishment in the Men, and Division in the Commanders; a Town open in several parts, unprovided, and without probability of Succours from any but the Duke of Lorraine, with whom the Court thought a Treaty had been made. Moreover it is my Opinion, that the Event of the Siege was not so much considered, as the Reputation so great an Undertaking would afford the King's Arms: For tho' at the same time the Negotiation was continud with great earnestness, and that the Prince was then very desirous of a Peace, yet it could not reasonably be expected until the Success of Estampes had regulated the Propositions thereof. 1652. During these Transactions the Court-Party made use of that Conjuncture to gain the People, and to form Cabals in the Parliament; and tho' at that time the Duke of Orleans seemed closely united with the Prince, he notwithstanding daily had particular Conferences with the Cardinal of Rets, who made it his chief business to destroy whatever Resolutions the Prince put him upon. The Siege of Estampes continued still, and tho' the Progresses of the King's Army were inconsiderable, yet nevertheless the Reports that were spread up and down the Realm, were advantageous to the King. And Paris looked for the Succours that was expected from the Duke of Lorraine, as the only thing that could sa●e the Party. It arrived at last after many delays, and no small Suspicions of an Accommodation between the King and him, however his Presence dissipated that Opinion for a while, and he was received with extreme Joy; his Forces were Encamped near Paris, and the Disorders they committed were suffered without complaining. At first there happened some Disputes between the Prince and him about their Rank; but he finding that the Prince would not desist, relinquished his Pretensions so much the rather, because he had only insisted upon it, in order to gain time to make a secret Treaty with the Court, to raise the Siege of Estampes without hazarding a Combat. Nevertheless, as People are never so easily surprised, as when they are projecting to deceive others, it happened, that the Duke of Lorraine, who expected to derive great advantages from, and to secure himself by his continual Negotiations with the Court, (tho' very unjust) was on a sudden surprised by the Marshal of Turenne, who marched up to him with all his Army, and required him forthwith to re●ire and march back for Flanders. The Duke of Lorrain's Forces were not inferior to the King's, and a Man who had only valued his Reputation might easily have hazarded a Combat. But whatever Reasons the Duke of Lorraine had for it, he retired with Shame, and submitted to what the Marshal of Turenne was pleased to impose upon him● he neither acquainted the Duke of Orleans nor the Prince with what passed, and the first thing they heard was, that their Forces w●re marched out of Estampes, that the King's Army was removed from thence, and that the Duke of Lorraine was marching back for Flanders, pretending to have fully performed the Orders he had received from the Spaniards, and his Promise to Monsieur. This news surprised every body, and made the Prince resolve to go to his Army, fearing the King's might fall upon it in the way. He went out of Paris, accompanied only by 12 or 15 Horse, whereby he exposed himself to be taken by the Enemy's Parties; however he joined his Army, and led it towards Ville juive: Afterwards he marched to St. Cloud, where he made some stay, during which the Harvest was not only quite spoiled, but almost all the Country Houses were burnt. This began to disgust the Parisians, and the Prince had like to have received fatal Marks at the Battle of St. Anthony. During these Transactions, Gaucourt had secret Conferences with the Cardinal, who s●ill expressed to him an earnest desire for a Peace; he had already agreed upon the main Conditions, but the more he insisted on the least, the more it was apparent that he had no design to conclude. Those Uncertainties gave new Vigour to all the Cabals, and consequently to the divers Reports that were dispersed abroad. Paris never was in greater Agitation, and never was the Prince's mind more divided to resolve upon Peace or War. The Spaniards endeavoured to remove him from Paris to hinder a a Peace, and the Duchess of Longueville's Friends contributed to that Disign, in order to remove him from the Duchess of Chastillon. Moreover, Mademoiselle at once designed the same things with the Spaniards, and with the Duchess of Longueville; for on the one hand she desired the Continuation of the War, to be revenged on the Queen and Cardinal, who had hindered her Marriage with the King, and on the other, she was desirous to get the Prince from the Duchess of Chastillon, and to have a greater share in his Confidence and Esteem than that Duchess: And therefore in order to gain him, by that which was most sensible to him, she raised Forces in his Name, and promised him Money to raise more. 〈◊〉 Promises being joined to those the Spani●●●● ma●e, and to the A●tifices that were used by ●he Duchess of Longueville's Friends, removed from 〈◊〉 Prince all the thoughts he had of a Peace. Tha● which in my Opinion likewise contributed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rably to it, was not only the small Confi●●nc● he thought he could repose in the Court, but ●●●●ng which will hardly be credited from a Person of his Quality and Merit, it was a violent desire of imitating the Duke of Lorraine in many things, and particularly in his behaviour towards his Soldiers and Officers; and he persuaded himself, that since the Duke of Lorraine being dispossessed of his Dominions, his Circumstances not being near so advantageous as his, had notwithstanding rendered himself so considerable by his Army ●nd by his Money, his own Qualifications being infinitely superior to his, his Progresses would pro●e suitable thereunto, and that in the mean time he s●ould lead a Life altogether conformable to his own Humour. This has been looked upon as the true Motive that engaged the Prince among the Spaniards, and for which he renounced whatever his Birth and Services had acquired him in the Kingdom. However he concealed his Sentiments as much as possible he could, and still expressed the same desire for a Peace, the which was still in vain, in Agitation. The Court at that time was at St. Denis, and the Marshal de la Ferté had joined the King's Army with the Forces he had brought from Lorraine. The Prince's Army which was weaker than the least of the two that were opposed to him, had till then kept its Post at St. Cloud, in order to make use of the Bridge to avoid an unequal Combat; but the arrival of Marshal de la Ferté enabled the King's Army to divide into two Bodies, and to attack St. Cloud on both sides, by making Bridges towards St. Denis; the Prince resolved to remove from St. Cloud, in order to march to Charenton, and to Post himself in that nook of Land, which makes the Conjunction between the River Marne and the Seine. Without doubt he would not have done it had he followed his own Inclination, and it had been much safer and much easier to leave the River Seine on the left hand, and to march by Meudon and Vaugirard, to Encamp under the Fauxbourg St. Germane, where perhaps he should not have been attacked for fear of Engaging the Parisians in his Defence. But the Duke of Orleans would by no means consent to it, not only, as was represented to him, out of fear of a Combat, he might see from the Windows of his Palace of Luxemburg, but also because some persuaded him that the King's Artillery would make a continual Fire against it to force him to quit it. Thus the Opinion of an imaginary Peril, made the Duke of Orleans expose the Prince of Conde ●s Life to the greatest danger he had ever been in. He caused his Army to march at the beginning of the Night on the first of july, and expecting to reach Charenton before his Enemies could come up to him, he marched through the * A place like the Ring in Hyde-park. Cours of the Queen-Mother, and round about the City, from the Gate of St. Honoré to the Gate of St. Anthony, in order to ●arch from thence to Charenton. He did not desire leave to March through Paris, for fear of a denial, which at that time would have discovered the ill Condition of his Affairs: Besides he was afraid, that having obtained it, his Forces would disperse themselves in the City, and that it would be difficult to force them out of it, in case of Necessity. The Court soon received Intelligence of his March, and the Marshal of Turenne followed him immediately with what Forces he had, in order to stop him, until Marshal de la Ferté, who ●ollow'd with is Army, could come up to him. In the mean time the King was sent to Charonne, to behold from that place, as from a Theatre, that Action, which, according to appearances, was like to prove the absolute Overthrow of the Prince, and the end of the Civil War; but in Effect that which proved one of the boldest, and most perilous Occasions, that ever was seen in War, and that in which the Prince of Conde's great Endowments appeared to the best Advantage. Fortune itself seemed to be reconciled to him in that Occasion, and would have a share in a Success, of which both Parties have imputed the Glory to his Valour, and Conduct: For he was attaced precisely at a time, in which he could make use of the Retrenchments the Inhabitants of the Suburb of St. Anthony had made, to secure themselves from being pillaged by the Duke o● Lorrain's Forces, and it was the only place in all the March he designed that had any Retrenchments, and in which he could avoid being absolutely defeated; nay, even some Squadrons of his Rear were charged in the Suburb of St. Martin, by some Men the Marshal of Turenne had detached to amuse him; The Battle of the Suburb of St. Anthony. they retired in disorder in the Retrenchment of the Suburb of St. Anthony, in which he had placed himself in Battalia. He had but just so much time as was necessary to that end, and to garnish those Posts through which he could be attacked, with Foot and Horse: He was forced to place the Baggage of the Army upon the side of the Ditch of St. Anthony, because the Parisians had refused to receive it. Moreover some Carriages had been plundered, and those of the Court-Party had contrived Affairs so, that the Event of that Business should be seen from thence, as from a Neuter place. The Prince of Conde preserved about him such of his Attendants as happened to be there, and such Persons of Quality as had no Command, the number of which amounted to about Thirty or Forty. The Marshal of Turenne disposed his Attacks with all the Diligence and Confidence of a Man who thinks himself certain of Victory. His detached Men being come within 30 Yards of the Retrenchment, the Prince came out upon them, with the Squadron I have mentioned, and charging them with Sword in hand, defeated their Battalion absolutely, took some Officers Prisoners, carried away their Colours, and retired to his Retrenchment. On the other hand, the Marquis of St. Mesgrin attacked the Post that was defended by Count de Tavannes, Lieutenant-General, and Languais, Marshal de Camp; who made so brave a Resistance, that the Marquis of St. Mesgrin finding that his Infantry flinched, being hurried on by Heat and Anger, advanced with the King's Troop of Chevaux Legers in a Street shut up with Barricado's, where he was killed, with the Marquis of Nantovillet, Le Fovilloux, and some others, Mancini, Cardinal Mazarin's Nephew was wounded, and died of his Wounds some time after. The Attacks were continued on all sides with great Vigour, and the Prince of Conde charged the Enemies a second time, with an equal Success to the first; he appeared every where, in the middle of the Fire and Combat, and gave his Orders with that calmness of Mind, which is so necessary, and yet so seldom met with on those Occasions. Finally, the King's Forces having forced the last Barricado of the Street called du Cours, which leads to Vincennes, they entered in Order of Battle as far as the Marketplace of the Suburb of St. Anthony; whereupon the Prince ran thither, charged them, and destroying whatever opposed him, regained that Po●●, and forced the Enemies out of it. Nevertheless they were Masters of a second Barricado, which was in the Street that goes to C●arenton, the which was Forty Yards beyond a very large Square adjoining to the said Street: The Marquis of ●o●illes had made himself Master of it, and in order to keep it the better, he had caused the Houses to be pierced through, and had placed Musquetiers in all those before which they were obliged to pass to come up to the said Barricado. The Prince of Conde did design to go with some Infantry, to cause other Houses to be pierced, to force them to retire by a greater Fire, which indeed was the best way; but the Duke of Beaufort, who chanced not to be near the Prince at the beginning of the Attack, being somewhat Jealous at the Duke of Nemours having been there all along, pressed the Prince to cause the said Barricado to be attacked by Infantry that was already tired and discouraged, the which instead of going up to the Enemy, kept close to the Houses, and would not Advance. At the same time a Squadron of the Forces from Flanders, that had been posted in a Street, which butted in one of the corners of the Square on that side where the Houses were, being no longer able to ●arry there, for fear of being surrounded as soon as the Houses thereabouts should be taken, came back into the Square, and the Duke of Beaufort believing that they were Enemies, proposed to the D●kes de la Rochefoucault and Nemours, who arrived there at that time, to Charge them, and they being followed by all the Persons of Quality and Volunteers, they marched up to them, and exposed themselves to no purpose to all the Shot of the Barricado, and of the Houses of the Square, for in joining they knew themselves to be all of the same Party: But at the same time perceiving some astonishment in those who guarded the Barricado, the Dukes of Nemours, Beaufort, de la Rochefoucault, and the Prince of Marsillac charged them, and forced them to quit it: After which they alighted, and guarded it themselves, the Infantry that was Commanded refusing to second them. The Prince of Conde stood firm in the Street with those that had rallied about him. In the mean time, the Enemies, who were possessed of all the Houses of the Street, seeing the Barricado guarded only by four Men, would certainly have retaken it, had not the Prince's Squadron hindered them; but there being no Infantry to hinder their Firing from the Windows, they began to Fire again from all sides, and saw the four who kept the Barricade side-ways from head to foot. The Duke of Nemou●s received Thirteen Shot upon his Armour; the Duke de la Rochefoucault likewise received a Musquet-shot in the Face above the Eyes, by which he losing his sight, the Duke of Beaufort and the Prince of Marsillac were obliged to retire with these two wounded Lords. The Enemies pursued them, but the Prince of Conde advanced to disengage them, and gave them time to get on Horse back, in so much that they were again obliged to abandon to the King's Forces the Post they had just taken from them. Almost all those who had been with them in the Square were killed or wounded; among others they lost the Marquesses of Flamarin and de la Rocheguiffard, the Count of Castres', the Count de Boss●●, Desfour●eaux, La Martiniere, La Motte, Gayonne, Bercenes, Captain of the Guards to the Duke de la Rochefoucault, de L' Huilliere, who likewise belonged to him, and many others, whose Names cannot be set down here. In fine, the Number of the Dead and Wounded was so considerable on both sides, that both Parties seemed rather intent to repair their Losses, than to attack their Enemies. This kind of Truce however was most advantageous to the King's Forces, who were disgusted by so many Attacks, in which they had still been ●eaten and repulsed; for during those Transactions, the Marshal de la Ferte marched with all speed, and was preparing to make a new Effort with his fresh and entire Army, when the Parisians, who till ●hen had been Spectators of so great an Action, declared in favour of the Prince of Conde. They had been so much prejudiced by the Arts of the Court, and of the Cardinal of Rets, and had been persuaded, to that degree, that the Prince had made a Peace by himself, without minding their Interests, that they did look upon the beginning of that Action, as a Play, that was acted between him and Cardinal Mazarin, to blind them. The Duke of Orleans confirmed them in that thought, by his giving no Orders in the City to Succour the Prince. The Cardinal of Rets was with him, who still augmented the Trouble and Irresolution of his Mind, in proposing Difficulties to whatever he would undertake. On the other hand, St. Anthony's Gate was guarded by a Regiment of the Train-bands, whose Officers being gained by the Court, almost equally hindered People from going out, or coming into the City. Finally, all things were ill disposed to receive the Prince and his Forces there, when * The Duke o● Orleans 's Daughter. Mademoiselle making an Effort upon her Father's Mind, drew him out of the Lethargy in which he had been kept by the Cardinal of Re●s: She went to the Town-House to order the Citizens to take Arms; and at the same time commanded the Governor of the Bastille to fire his Ordnance upon the King's Forces, and coming back to St. Anthony's Gate, she not only disposed all the Citizens' to receive the Prince and his Army, but moreover to March out, and to make some Skirmishes, while his Forces were entering. That which made an end of moving the People in the Prince of Conde's behalf, was to see so many Persons of Quality carried back, both dead and wounded. The Duke de la Rochefoucault being willing to improve that favourable Conjuncture for the Advantage of his Party, although his Wound made both his Eyes almost come out of his Head, went on Horseback from the place where he was wounded to the Fauxbourg St. German, exhorting the People to assist the Prince of Conde, and for the future to distinguish better the Intention of those who had accused him of having treated with the Court. This for a while had the Effect he desired, and Paris was never better affected to the Prince, than it was at that time. In the mean time the noise of the Canon of the Bastille, produced at one and the same time two very different Sentiments in Cardinal Mazarin's Mind; for at first he believed that Paris was Declaring against the Prince, and that he was going to Triumph over that City, and over his Enemy: But finding that instead thereof, they fired upon the King's Forces, he sent Orders to the Marshals of France to retire with the Army, and to March back to St. Denis. That Day proved one of the most Glorious of the Prince of Conde's Life, his Valour and his Conduct never had a greater share in any of his Victories; and it may be said with Truth, that so many Persons of Quality never made a smaller number of Men fight. The Colours were carried to Notre Dame, and all the Officers were put at Liberty upon their Parole. Notwithstanding this, the Negotiations were continued, every Cabal was desirous to make the Peace, or to hinder the others from doing it; and the Prince and Cardinal were absolutely resolved not to make it. Chavig●y had made his Pe●ce 〈◊〉 the Prince in Appearance, but it would be difficult to tell what his Sentiments had been ●ill then, by reason that his natural Levity daily inspired him with such as were directly opposite; he was for pushing things to Extremity when ever he had any Prospect of destroying ●he Cardinal, and of en●ring into the Ministry of Affairs again; and he was for begging a Peace whenever he imagined his Lands should be Pillaged and his Houses p●ll'd down. Nevertheless, at that time he chanced to be of Opinion with the rest, that it would be proper to profit of the good Disposition the People was in, and to propose an Assembly ●t the Town-house, in order to resolve, to have the Duke of Orleans acknowledgeed Lieutenant General of the Crown of France: That they should enter into an inseparable Union to procure the removal of the Cardinal, and that the Duke of Beaufort should be invested with the Government of Paris, in the room of the Marshal de L' Hospital; that Broussel should be made Prevost des merchand's, or Lord Mayor, in the room of Le Febure. But that Assembly in which they expected to find the safety of the Party, proved one of the main Causes of its Ruin, by an Act of Violence, which was like to have destroyed all those that chanced to be in ●he Town-House, or Hostel de Ville, and made the Prince lose all the advantages he had gained by the Battle of St. Anthony. I cannot tell who was the Author of so pernicious a Design, all having equally disowned it; but in fine, while the Assembly was held, a Crowd of all manner of Men in Arms appea●'d at the Town-House Gates, crying, That they should not only do all things according to the Prince's Mind, but moreover, that they should instantly deliver all those that were Cardinal Mazarin's Friends. At first this Noise was only looked upon as an ordinary effect of the Common People's Impatience, but seeing that the Crowd and Tumult increased, and that not only the Soldiers, but even the Officers were concerned in the Riot, the Gates being set on fire, and the Windows shot at, all the Members of the Assembly thought themselves equally undone. Many of them to avoid the Fire, exposed themselves to the Fury of the People, and abundance of Persons of all Qualities, and of all Parties were killed: It was generally believed that the Prince had sacrificed his Friends, in order not to be suspected of having destroyed his Enemies. The Duke of Orleans was not in the least suspected of having any share in that Business, the Odium and Hatred thereof being wholly cast upon the Prince of Conde. As for my part, I am of Opinion, that both of them had employed the Duke of Beaufort in it, to frighten such Members of that Assembly as were not on their side; tho' at the same time I am persuaded that neither of them had the least Intention of hurting any body. However they soon appeased the Disorder, but they could not raze out the Impression it had made in the People's Mind. Afterwards it was proposed to create a Council, composed of the Duke of Orleans, of the Prince of Conde, the Chancellor of France, the Princes, Dukes, and Peers, Marshals of France, and General Officers of the Party. Two Precedents a Mortier were to assist at it from the Parliament, the Lord Mayor, or Provost des merchand's, from the City, to Judge definitively, and without Appeal of all Military Causes, and whatever related to the Government of the City. This Council augmented the Disorder instead of diminishing it, about the Pretensions of the Rank that was to be held in it, the sequel of which, as well as of the Assembly, proved very Fatal; for the Dukes of Nemours and of Beaufort being already at o●ds about past differences, or about some Ladies, quarrelled about Precedency in the Council, and 〈◊〉 with Pistols; The Duke of Nemours 's Death. the Duke of Nemours was killed by the Duke of Beaufort his Brother-in-law. All those who knew that Prince, were moved with Grief and Compassion at his Death; even the Public had cause to lament him; for besides his great and lovely Qualifications, he contributed as much as in him lay to promote a Peace, and both he and the Duke de la Rochefoucault h●d relinquished the Advantages the Prince was obliged to procure them by the Treaty, in order to facilitate the Conclusion thereof. But the Death of the one, and the Wound of the other, afforded the Spa●iards, and Madame de Longueville's Friends all the Liberty they could desire to draw the Prince away. They now supposed it would be easy ●o persuade the Prince to go into Flanders; they dazzled him with hopes, and Madame de Chatillon seemed to appear less Charming to him, because he no longer found an Illustrious Rival to Combat in her Heart. However he did not at first reject the Propositions of a Peace, but taking his measures to continue the War, he offered the Duke of Nemours' Employment to the Duke de la Rochefoucault, who co●ld not accept it by reason of his Wound; for which Reason he gave it afterwards to the Prince of Tarente. Paris was more divided at that time than ever it had been; The Court daily gained Ground in the Parliament, and among the People, the Murder committed at the Town-House having struck every body with Horror: The Army durst not keep the Field, and their abode in Paris exasperated the People the more against the Prince. In ●ine, his Affairs were reduced to the greatest Extremity, when the Spaniards, who were equally desirous of preventing his Ruin and his Elevation, in order to perpetuate the War, caused the Duke of Lorraine to March to Paris for the second time, with a sufficient Body, to stop the King's Army. Nay, moreover he kept it invested at Villeneuve St. George, and sent word to Paris, that the Enemies would be constrained to come to a Battle, or to starve in their Camp. This hope flattered the Prince, and he imagined he should draw great Advantages from the Event of that Action, although in reality the Marshal of Turenne never wanted Provisions, nor the Liberty of retiring to Melun, without hazarding a Combat. He did it accordingly, without meeting any Opposition, whilst the Duke of Lorraine was gone to Paris, where the Prince lay sick of a Fever. Palluau's Forces at that time joined the King's Army, after having taken Montrond: The Marquis of Persan had been blocked up in it from the beginning of the War, by Count Palluau with an inconsiderable Army: But when the Garrison was weakened by Hunger and Diseases, he attacked it by Force, and took it with less Resistance, than could be expected from such brave Men in one of the strongest Places in the World, had nothing been wanting in it. The loss thereof proved so much the more sensible to the Prince, by reason that it was occasioned by his Neglect, since he might easily have succoured Montrond, whilst the King's Army was towards Compiegne; whereas his Forces in ruining the Country round about Paris increased the Inhabitants Hatred against him. The Prince was neither happier, nor better served in Guienne, where the Division between the Prince of Conty and the Duchess of Longueville served for a Pretence to those who had a mind to quit his Party. Several Cities, following the Example of Ag●●, had opened their Gates to the King's Forces, and the Inhabitants of Perigueux had stabbed their Governor, and driven out the Garrison; Villeneuve ● ' Agenois, in which the Marquis of Terbon had th●own himself, was the only place that resolved to defend itself, and it was done with so much Vigour, 〈◊〉 Count d' Harcourt was forced to raise the Siege. He did not tarry long in Guienne, after that small Disgrace, and whether he was really diffident of the Court, or that he thought that making himself Master of Brisac, Philipsburg, and Alsatia, he should lay the Foundation of a certain and independent Establishment; he went away from his Army like a Man who dreaded his being made a Prisoner in it, and repaired to Philipsburg with all the speed imaginable. During these Transactions the Prince of Conde's Illness increased, yet, tho' it was very violent, it proved nevertheless less Fatal to him than to Monsieur de Chavigny, who having had a very rough Esclaircissement with the Prince, he was seized with a Fever, of which he died few days after. Hi● Misfortune did not end with his Life, and Death, which should terminate all Hatreds, seemed to have revived his Enemy's against him. All manner of Crimes were imputed to him, and the Prince particularly justified himself at his Cost, of the Jealousy the Spaniards and the Frondeurs conceived of a secret Treaty with the Court: He complained that Chavigny had harkened to some Propositions of the Abbot Fouquet without his participation (altho' he had ordered him so to do in Writing) and that he had promised to make him relinquish some Articles, which he could not do. The Prince likewise caused a Copy to be written of an intercepted Letter from the aforesaid Abbot, the Original of which I have seen, whereby he acquainted the Court, that Goulas would incline the Duke of Orleans to abandon the Prince, unless he accepted the Conditions of Peace that were offered him: But in the Copies the Prince had written of it, he put the Name of Chavigny instead of Goulas; whereby he accused him of Treason, without giving any other Proofs thereof, besides a falsified Copy of that Letter written by the said Abbot Fouquet, with whom the Prince daily treated, and gave an Account thereof to Chavigny. I can only impute the cause of so unjust, and so extraordinary a proceeding to the extreme desire the Prince had of making War, the which being opposed by his Friends, had made him alter his Conduct towards them, and place all his Confidence in the Spaniards. The Duke of Bovillon 's Death. The Duke of Bovillon died at that very time at Pontoise, whose Death should have cured Men of Ambition, and disgusted them from making so many different Projects, in order to Rise. For the Ambition of that Duke was accompanied by all the extraordinary Qualifications that could render it prosperous: He was brave, and was a perfect Master in the Orders of War; he had an Easy, Natural, Insinuating Eloquence: A clear Understanding, abounding in Expedients, and fit to manage the most difficult Undertake; a sound Judgement, and an admirable Talon in distinguishing. He harkened mildly to the Counsels that were given him, and he valued other People's Reasons so much, that he seemed to draw his Resolutions from thence. But yet those Advantages proved almost useless to him, through the obstinacy of his Fortune, which always thwarted his Prudence. The Spaniards were Revenging the Duke of Guise's Enterprise upon the Kingdom of Naples by a long and cruel Imprisonment, and had long proved inexorable to all those who interceded for his Liberty. However they granted it to the Prince, and on th●t occasion they renounced one of their principal Maxims, to link him the closer to their Party, by a concession that is so extraordinary among them. Thus the Duke of Guise received his Liberty, when he least expected it, and he came out of Prison, engaged by so great a Favour, and by his Parole to enter into the Prince of Conde's Interests. He came to him at Paris, and perhaps believing he had acquitted himself of what he owed him, by some Compliments, and some Visits, he went soon after to meet the Court, to offer the King what such great Obligations exacted from him towards the Prince. As soon as Chavigny was dead, the Prince began to take his Measures to go away with the Duke of Lorraine; and indeed his Conduct had rendered his departure so necessary, that it was the only way he had left; for the Peace was too generally desired at Paris to remain there in safety, with a design to oppose it. The Duke of Orleans, who had desired it all along, and dreaded the Evil the Prince of Conde's Presence might draw upon him, contributed so much the rather towards his Removal, by reason that he found himself thereby free to make a particular Treaty. Although Affairs stood on these terms, the ordinary course of the Negotiation had not been interrupted; for even at that time when Cardinal Mazarin was quitting the Kingdom for the second time, to put a period to the pretences of the Civil War, or to show that the Prince had other Interests besides his Removal, he sent Langlade, Secretary to the Duke of Bovillon, to the Duke de la Rochefoucault, either out of a real desire to Treat, thereby to facilitate his Return, or hoping to draw great Advantages by his showing that he desired a Peace. In fine, Langlade came, with Conditions that were much fuller than all the others, and almost conformable to what the Prince had demanded: but they were equally refused, and his Fate, which drew him into Flanders, did not permit him to discover the Precipice until it was too late to retreat. Finally, he departed with the Duke of Lorraine, after having taken vain Measures with the Duke of Orleans to hinder the King from being received at Paris: But his Credit was not sufficient at that time to cope with the Court's. He was ordered to leave Paris the very day the King was to arrive there, and he obeyed immediately, to avoid being a Spectator of the Triumph of his Enemies, as well as of the Public Joy. MEMOIRS OF THE Prince of Conde. BOOK VI. THE King came back to Paris on the 29 th'. of October. 1652. A vast concourse of People went out to meet His Majesty, The King's Return. and when he entered in the Evening into his Metropolis, all the People gave marks of an Extraordinary Joy. The next day the King caused a General Pardon to be read in the Gallery of the Lovure, where the Parliament had been Convened by the King's Writ, after which, the said Declaration was recorded. In the next place, His Majesty ordered the Duke of Orleans to retire to Limours, Several Persons are ordered to quit Paris. and Mademoiselle de Montpensier to Bois le Vicomte. The Duke of Beaufort, the Duke of Rohan, the Duke de la Rochefoucault, and all the Prince of Conde ●s, and the Duchess of Longueville's Servants, and all the near Relations of those who were in the Prince's Service, were also ordered to quit Paris, and to retire elsewhere. The Prince of Conde, The Prince of Conde 's Motion. who did not think himself safe by the General Pardon, was gone towards the Frontiers of Picardy, there to receive some Spanish and Lorraine Forces, in order to join his Army. After he had received this Reinforcement, the remainder of the Spanish Forces, and of those of Lorraine, divided themselves to March on both sides of him, in order to join and succour him in case of Necessity. After which the Prince marched towards Rhe●●l ● with a design to make himself Master of it. He presented himself before it on the Thirtieth, and took it the same day without any Resistance. He left the Marquis of Persan there with some Infantry, and little Horse; and then he marched directly to St. Menehoult, with the Forces of Virtemberg, with half those of Fuensaldagne, and with Three Thousand Horse of the Duke of Lorrain's, Commanded by the Prince de Ligne. He attacked St. Menehoult on the first of November, and took it after fourteen days Siege: The Sixteenth of the said Month he received Notice that Marshal de Turenne had received a Reinforcement of 3000 Men, and that he was at Vitry le Bruslé with near 15000. Whereupon he resolved to make his whole Army cross the Wood towards Clermont, and to Encamp there, in expectation of the Succours of Fuensaldagne, which he stood in need of, by reason that after the taking of St. Menehoult, he had sent back the Regiments of Languedoc, of Valois, and Langeron to the Duke of Orleans, for the Reasons I am going to relate. When the Duke of Orleans was retired to Limours, The Duke of Orleans 's Accommodation. the King sent the Duke d' Anvil, and Monsieur Le Tellier to that exiled Uncle, to Conclude, and Sign an Accommodation with him. The chief Conditions of that Accommodation were, That 〈◊〉 should call back his Forces, which consisted of Eight Regiments of Horse, and Three of Foot; That he should give them to the King, but that His Majesty should not employ them against the Prince of Conde. The Treaty being signed, Monsieur retired to Blois with the King's leave, there to enjoy the Delights of Solitude, and to lead a 〈◊〉 Life with * The Duchess of Orleans. Madam, who had no mind to be concerned with the Cabals of the Court. The following day he sent Gedovin, Marshal 〈◊〉 Camp, and second Lieutenant to his Gendarmes, to give the Prince of Conde an Account of his Accommodation, and to invite him at the same time to return to his Allegiance, with those that followed his Fortune, and to take the Advantage of the Act of Grace His Majesty had granted them. He likewise carried Orders to bring back the three Regiments I have mentioned, the which the Prince had taken along with him, and were at that time in his Army. This Envoy being arrived at the Camp before St. Menehoult, on the third day of the Siege, and having performed his Commission to the utmost of his Power, the Prince answered him coldly, That he thanked his Royal Highness for the Advice he gave him of his Treaty with the Court, that both he and his Friends knew the Treatment he had received, notwithstanding the Act of Grace, and that they would make their Profit of his Example; and that as for his Royal Highness' Forces, he would send them back after the end of the Siege; which he performed, as abovesaid. Whilst the Prince of Conde was taking those Places, the Spaniards assembled the Forces of their Garrisons, in order to Invest the City of Bovillon, The Spaniards endeavour to surprise the Cardinal at Bovillon. and to surprise the Cardinal there, who was raising of Men in the Country of Liege to pass into champagne, where the Nobility were likewise making of Levies he was to join to some Forces of Normandy. But his Eminency got happily out of Bovillon with a strong Convoy, of which some were killed; which obliged the Cardinal to retire to Sedan. Having assembled there the Forces he had raised in the Country of Liege, and there abouts, he marched from thence with them on the 25 th'. of November, in order to join those that were assembling by the Nobility in champagne, and arrived at St. Disur at the beginning of December, with Four Thousand Men. The Cardinal and Monsieur de Turenne meet. Monsieur de Turenne, who had Intelligence of every thing, had quitted his Camp at Baillican, and taken his March by Epernay and Chalons towards Reims, where he was to tarry for the Cardinal, and to receive his Forces to join them to the King's Army. However they judged that the King's Army was strong enough of itself to Attack the Prince of Conde, and therefore his Eminency marched towards Chalons in champagne with his Forces, in order to scour the Frontiers, before his return to Court, where he was impatiently expected by the King, and by the Queen-Mother. The Prince of Conde is made Generalissimo of the Armies of Spain. Although the Prince of Conde had received on the 25 th' of November the Quality of Generalissimo of the King of Spain's Armies, by the Hands of Count Fuensaldagne, he was allowed no greater number of Forces than he had before: It was a lofty Title which produced no Considerable Succours. His trouble. Thus the Conjuncture I have related put the Prince, who was then in a Post near Clermont, to a great los●. He expected the Succours Fuensaldagne had promised him; but he was informed that tha● Count had received Orders from the Archduke Leopold, to lead back his Forces into Flanders. However it happened happily at that time that the Prince of Tarente came back from Flanders with 5 or 6000 Men he had raised there at his own Charge, and brought them to the Prince of Conde, who in order to acknowledge so great a Service, thought himself obliged to give him the General Command over his Forces, the which he desired. But by reason that Count Tavannes had always Commanded them, The Count of Tavannes refus●s to yield the Command to the Prince of Tarente. the Prince proposed his Design to him, at which the Earl was both surprised and vexed. What is it your Highness' designs than I should do ●ere? said he. Does Honour permit me to serve is your Forces under another, after having Commanded them all for so long a time? The Prince answered, That having no other way to acknowledge his Obligations to his Cousin the Prince of Tarente, Tavannes ought to be so much his Friend, as to comply with the present state of his Affairs; and that if it was a trouble to him to yield to that Prince the Command he desired, he would prevail with him to be contented to have it alternately with him. Your Highness may dispose of your Forces as you think fit, replied Tavannes, and I must thank you for the Medium you are pleased to propose to me, but having always Commanded your Forces alone, I cannot resolve to a●mit a Companion. Therefore I beseech you to give me leave to retire, to leave the sole Command of your Forces to the Prince of Tarente. The Count of Tavannes had for some time been very much dissatisfied with the Prince of Conde, Count Tavannes 's Discontents. whom he had always served with a great deal of Fidelity and Zeal. He could not forget that this Prince, before his departure from Paris, and while he was sick there, had held a very considerable Council, without having called him to it; and that the best Places, and chief Governments of the Kingdom had been disposed of beforehand in the said Council, without so much as thinking of him. It is true, that this Count had ever looked upon this destination of Places and Governments, as a Chimerical thing, by reason that it never entered into his thoughts that the King's Army should be defeated, at the time the said Council was held, a● the Prince of Conde, and all the Grandees of his Party imagined then. Nevertheless it made him sensible that the Prince had but little remembrance of his Services, and that he had but little regard to his Advancement, and his Interest. And therefore he had been very much dissatisfied ever since. And being moreover very much solicited by his Friends to abandon the Prince's Party, he was glad to meet the Occasion I have related, and embraced it with Joy. The Prince, having heard those words of Tavannes I have mentioned, quitted that Count abruptly, and told him with some Anger; that he ought to think more than once on what he was going to do. And when the said Count persisting still in his Resolution, came to take his leave of his Highness, Well, Monsieur de Tavannes said the Prince to him, you are then resolved not to suffer a Companion to Command my Forces with me, and that Pretence makes you run after the fair hopes which call you back to the Act of Grace: Go then, and give Mazarin the Satisfaction of having snatched my Right Arm from me, to employ it against myself. Count de Tavannes was called at Paris, The Prince's Right Arm. I find by what your Highness tells me, replied the Count, that you know me ill for the time I have had the Honour to serve you. Is it possible, that having seen me abandon all, and sacrifice my Interest to that Honour only, you should think my Heart base enough at present to suffer myself to be governed by the Passion of Interest? I find by that, that I am only your Right Arm, because I am not on the side of your Heart. But to undeceive your Highness, who thinks Interest capable to make me court the Friendship of that Minister, I Protest, and engage my Word to you, that I will neither appear at Court, or take any Employment, until I have the Satisfaction of beholding your Highness there in possession of the 〈◊〉 that is due to you. Count T●vannes having made this Generous Pro●●●●●tion, took his leave of the Prince, Count Tavannes, retires. and retired 〈◊〉 his Estate of Pailly near Langres, where he ●●●ain'd ever since without any Employment 〈◊〉 the Court, and without Gratitude from the Prince. Whereas the King had only consented to Cardinal Mazarin's Absence, 1653. in order to remove all Pretences of continuing the Civil War, The Cardinal returns to Court. and to re-establish Peace in his Kingdom, he recalled him as soon as the state of his Affairs did permit him. This Minister, who kept at no great distance, and who did not cease to Act for His Majesty's Interests, had no sooner delivered Picardy from the Ex●●rsions of the Enemies, but he returned to Court. He arrived at Paris on the 3 d. of February with as much Pomp, and as many Acclamations, as if he had never quitted the Kingdom for the Reasons above mentioned. The remembrance of all that was passed seemed to be buried, or that it was designed to brave the Prince of Conde's Absence. The King went to meet the Cardinal, and received him in the most obliging manner that could be. As soon as Cardinal Mazarin found himself absolutely restored, The Prince of Conty 's Marriage. he applied his Mind to strengthen his Power by Considerable Alliances: And being sensible that the Prince of Conty had no inclination to lead a Church-Life, though he was designed for i●, he proposed one of his Nieces to him, Daughter to a Gentleman of Rome, Beautiful, and endowed with all manner of Virtues. The Marriage was concluded, to the Satisfaction of all those that were concerned. While Paris and the Court was employed about Marriage and Divertisements, Burgundy and Guienne persisted in their Revolt; The Rebellion continues in Burgundy and Guienne. but that Rebellion did not last long. The City of Bellegarde was the only one in all Burgundy that persisted in the Prince's Party. The Duke d' Espernon, who was Governor of that Province, besieged it, and made himself Master of it, after a brave and obstinate Resistance by Count Boutteville, who Commanded there. Marshal de la Ferté Senneterre, The Marshal de la Ferté 's Exploits. Governor of Lorraine, being informed that the Prince of Conde's Forces were not far from him, attacked them near Varennes, and defeated them absolutely. After which, that Marshal Invested the Castle of Orne in the Verdunois, the which surrendered at the approach of Canon. The Reduction of that Castle was● followed by that of Sorbec. At first the Governor refused to surrender; but when he saw that the Canon advanced, he offered to Capitulate; but the Marshal de la Ferté Senneterre refused to give him Quarter, and caused him to be hanged at the Gate. This Example of Severity terrified the Governors of the other Places to that degree, that they submitted all without expecting a Siege. After this, the Marshal de la Ferté went to join Marshal de Turenne, and they marched together towards, champagne, in order to quiet that Province, and to reduce those Towns that held the Prince of Conde's Party. They besieged Rhetel, which was Commanded by the Marquis de Persan, and having taken the Outworks, they obliged that Governor to Surrender. Count de Brinon, who Commanded the King's Forces in Lorraine, besieged Commercy, Commercy taken. the taking of which seemed very difficult, by reason of the Fortifications the Enemies had made there: But the governor's Absence, and the Vigour wherewith the Siege was carried on, obliged the besieged to Capitulate. 〈◊〉 the Reduction of those Places, there was ●●●son ●o believe that the Rebels would soon re 〈…〉 their Allegiance. And indeed the Revolt 〈◊〉 no where considerably but in Guienne. Success of the King's Forces in Guienne. 〈◊〉 Du●e of Candal● was sent to Command the King's A●my there. He immediately took the Cas●le o● Poujols, and then made himself Master o● aguillon and Marmande, after which he defeated the Forces Marsin sent to the Mount of Marsan, ●here to take their Winter Quarters: Whereby he dissipated the most considerable part of the Factions that subsisted still. Several Cities of Limousin, and 〈◊〉 were at that time powerfully solicited to a R●vol●; but some of them returned of thems●lv●●●o the peaceable Domination of their Lawful Sovereign; and the others were constrained to it by force of Arms, and absolutely to abandon the Prince of Conde's Party. The City of Bourdeaux was the only one that persisted in the Rebellion. L' Hormee persists in the Rebellion. That Faction which was called L' Hormes, was still very busy, and was in hopes of Considerable Succours by Sea from Engl●nd, and from Spain. In order to hinder them ●●om receiving the Succours they expected, the D●ke of Vend●me, High Admiral, was ordered to approach with his Ships, and to raise a Naval Army● The Duke having brought his Ships near, c●us'd two Forts to be built upon the Garonne, in order to make himself Master of that River. He likewise seized several Towns that stood upon the Borders thereof, and landed some Forces to join to those of the Duke of Candale. The Citizens of Bourdeaux who were well affected, looked with Grief upon the Continuation of the Revolt: But whereas the Number of the Factious exceeded theirs, they durst nor resist them. Nevertheless when they beheld the King's Forces, they formed the Design of stifling the Rebellion absolutely. To that end they assembled at the Town-House to conclude a General Peace. They wo●e white Ribbons, and fixed Standards of the same colour on the top of their Steeples, in sign of Peace, The Peace of Bourdeaux. and to distinguish themselves from the Horme●s●s, whose Colours were Red, in sign of War● and to show that they were allied to Spain. All this obliged the Factious to lay down their Arm●. All things being disposed thus to a good Peace, Notice was given thereof to the Duke of Vendôme ● who immediately dispatched his Secretary to know the real Sentiments of the Bordelois. Monsieur de Marsin endeavoured to create Jealousies about that Envoy, to the end that he might receive no Audience: But Three Hundred Citizens went out to meet him to Conduct him to the Exchange, where he delivered his Credentials; and the same day two Citizens were sent to the Duke of Vendôme with Articles of ●e●ce. And whereas those Deputies observed that Marsin likewise sent two Officers to the Duke, to make Propositions in his Name, which might hinder the Effect of the Negotiation, they acquainted that Prince in private with the Intentions of those who had sent them; in so much that the Trea●y of Peace was concluded and sign'd● After which, the Duke of Vendôme, and the Duke of Candale entered into Bourdeaux, where their Presence made an end of dissipating all the Factions. The Parliament, that had been transferred sometimes to Again, and sometimes to Reolle, because it favoured the Prince of Conde's Party, was re-established in Bourdeaux: And as soon as the Peace was Proclaimed, Colonel Bal●●zar was ordered to quit the City with his Forces; the Prince of Conty retired first, to Cadillac, and from thence to Pezenas. The Princess of Conde went to her Husband in Flanders; and the Duchess of Longu●ville was ordered to retire to Montrevil-bellay. The Disorders of Bourdeaux being thus termina●●● to the King's Advantage, all the Province of 〈◊〉 was soon restored to a perfect Tranquillity. 〈◊〉 is reported, that in the beginning of the Troub●●s and Seditions of that Province, Marsin who Commanded the Forces there under the Prince of C●●ty, sent some very able Men to Cromwell, Cromwell refuses to espouse the Prince of Conde 's Party. to ●●d●●vour to draw that Protector of England into the Prince of Conde's Party; but he refused to engage in ●t, or to send any Succours, whether he judged th●● his Authority was not as yet sufficiently Established, or whether he were persuaded that that Sedition would not succeed, and that the King would soon be able to bring them back to their Allegiance; or lastl●, whether he was to maintain a considerable War against Holland. In the mean time the Prince of Conde, who had ●●●●●er'd himself that the Sedition excited in Guienne would be greatly seconded, and that it would be very l●sting; and moreover, that it would be an Example to all the other Provinces of the Kingdom, prop●●●d to himself to make some Expedition on his side upon the Frontier of Picardy; and in order to succeed the better, he implored the Assistance of the King of Spain, who sent him Forces under ●he Conduct of the Count of Fuensaldagne. The Prince of Conde takes Roye. The Prince intended to seize the Town of Han: but being doubtful of the Success, he turned his Arms ●owards Roye, which he caused to be invested by the L●●ro●●ers; Commanded by the Chevalier of Guise. The Gentry thereabouts being reti●'d into that Town, declared when it was Summoned to su●●●●●d, That they were resolved to defender themselves to the utmost Extremity. But, whereas Roye is not sufficiently fortified, nor had a sufficient ●●rrison to resist long against an Army of 15000 Men, it surrendered upon Articles after having repulsed the Efforts of the Enemies as long as possible they could. During these Transactions the French Army besieged Mouson; and took it after some Resistance. The Generals pressed that Siege with great vigour, in order to succour Rocroy, Rocroy taken by the French Army. which was besieged by the Enemies; but Rocroy was taken before the French Forces arrived. Mouson taken by the Spanish Army. The Marshal du Plessis Pralin, to make amends for that Loss besieged St. Menehoult, in the Month of November, St. Menehoult taken by the Marshal Plissis. the which did not resist long. The Prince of Conde, tho' sick at that time of a Quartan Ague, used his utmost Endeavours to prevent that Conquest. But the Vigour wherewith the Siege was pressed, and the Attacks given, obliged it to yield. The King's Presence, who was not far from thence, also contributed much towards the Reduction of that Place. 1654. In the mean time the King finding that the Prince of Conde remained still among the Enemies of France, The Prince of Conde impeached by the Parliament. ordered the Parliament of Paris, which is the Company or Body of the Peets to impeach him. That Prince was accordingly informed against, at the request of the King's Attorney-General; and the Parliament summoned the said Prince to appear within a Fortnight after the Publication of the Decree, in the great Chamber, there to answer to all the Articles exhibited against him. But the Prince no-wise designing to appear there, the King disposed of his Governments. He gave his Place of Lord Steward of the Household to Prince Thomas; Commissioners were appointed to manage his Estates: and the King being come to the * The place where the Parliament sits. Palais on the 28 th'. of April, the Contents of the Informations given against the Prince were read and Judgement pronounced against him, whereby he was declared guilty of High-Treason. The Ceremony of the King's Coronation was performed at Reims in the Month of june, and there the Court resolved to besiege Stenay. The Siege was formed about the beginning of july, under the Command of the Marquis of Fabert, Governor of Sedan, and the King assisted at it in Person. The Spaniards imagining that all the French Forces were employed at that Siege, The Sieges of Stenay and of Arras. resolved to besiege Arras. That Enterprise was no sooner resolved on, but the Archduke assembled his ●o●ces about la Basseé, feigning to have a Design ●pon that place, after which he marched directly to Arras. The Spaniards who flattered themselves with the taking of that Town, soon ended their Circonvalation, although it contained above fix League's Circumference, and then they opened their Trenches: but whereas, they opened them on that side which was strongest, that oversight cost them near 3500 Men in the Attacks: and after above two months' Siege they found themselves only Masters of a small Half Moon, and some inconsiderable Works. Count Mondejeu who commanded in Arras was over joyed to see himself attacked on that side. He had been surprised, and had but a weak Garrison, he dreaded two Attacks at once, which would have confounded him, but the Spaniards soon rid him of that fear, for not being obliged to divide the small Number of Men he had, he defended himself with Success. In the mean time Marshal de Turenne approached the S●anish Lines with an Army of 15 or 16000 Men in order to keep them in awe, and to improve all the occasions that might incommode their Camp, until he had received greater Forces to succour the Place. The Count of Ligneville being sensible that the Neighbourhood of that Army would prove of ill consequence to them, in case they allowed the French time to retrench themselves, declared, That it was his Opinion, to attack them briskly. The Prince of Conde who Commanded the Spanish Army approved this Advice; but the Count of Fuensald●gne as Plenipoten●iary persuaded the Archduke not to abandon the Attacks that had been projected, alleging, That tho' one should hav● the Fortune to beat Monsieur de Turenne, it would be impossible to continue the Siege, by reason that abundance of Men would certainly be lost in an occasion of that nature. Those two Chiefs being Master, the Prince was obliged to acquiesce, and Monsieur de Turenne had time enough allowed him to retrench himself so well in his Camp, that it was impossible to force him to a Combat, which distracted the Prince. Sten●y ●ur●ender'd itself soon after, which enabled th● French to send another Army Commanded by the Marshal de Hoquincourt, who posted himself on the opposite side to Marshal de Turenne, at the Abbey. of St. Eloy, having forced some Infantry that was lodged there, to retire, with Canon Sho●. The Armies were so near one another, that the Sentries could speak together; insomuch that the Spaniards became as much besieged as Besiegers, whereby they soon wanted Bread, no longer enjoying the Liberty of the Field for Convoys. Yet notwithstanding the Count of Fuensaldagne remained still obstinate in continuing the Attacks, in which they advanced but little, though they lost abundance of Men. The Prince of Conde seeing how Affairs went on, was positive to have the Siege raised, and to have the Honour in their retreat, to force Marshal de Hoquincourt's Army, whic● was very easy to do, by reason that the Spanish Army was two parts in three stronger than his, but he could never prevail with him to do it: and confiding more in the Spanish Resolution, than in the Advice of the most Understanding, he chose to look upon the total Ruin of the Army, rather than save it in so glorious a manner. O● the other hand Marshal de Turenne being in●●●●r'd w●●h the Condition of the Spaniards by his 〈◊〉, ●he Loss they had sustained in their Attacks, ●●d the general Murmurings of the Spanish Army, ●hich had an ill opinion of the Siege, finally resolved ●o ●●●cour the place. The Enterprise was dangerous and difficult to be p●t in execution; for the 〈◊〉 finding themselves in danger of being attacked, fortified themselves daily, and ha● dug great holes to hinder the Ho●se from passing there, and to destroy the Foot, but those Inconveniences were provided against. Th●t which Monsieur de T●renne was most troubled at, was that the Governor had not till then been able to give him any accounted of his Condition. At last a Soldier ventured out of the Town with a Note, enclosed within a small Golden Box, which he swallowed. Thi● Soldier arrived at Monsieur de la Ferte 〈◊〉 Quarters, and having remained a Day there without going to Stool he took Clysters, but though he took three they did not work upon him; in the next place they gave him a Draught which h●d no effect neither. The Marshal de la Ferte ●rowing very impatient, was resolved to have the Soldier's Belly ripped open, saying, That it was bet●er to lose a Man than a Place of so much Consequence 〈◊〉 Ar●as. But they gave him another Draught ●hich proved so strong that he was like to burst ●ith it, the which brought out th● Box. The Go●ernour informed him by the said Note, That he did not fear the Enemy's Power, although they ●●re upon the Ramparts: and that he only dreaded one thing, without explaining himself any farther● This puzzled the Generals extremely, yet after some consideration every body concluded, that Monsieur de Mondejeu feared the Archduke would be ruled by the Prince of Conde, and that the Succours would be cut in pieces, which indeed was to be feared. Neither this Note, nor all the Precautions the Spaniards took could hinder Monsieur de Ture●●● from putting his Resolution in execution. The 19 th'. of August he crossed the River of Scarps at the Head of his Cavalry, and posted himself between the Spanish Camp, and Mount St. Eloy● and the Marshal de Hoquincourt attacked the Abbey so vigorously with his Infantry, that it surrendered the same day. The next day Monsieur de Turenne went to discover the Lines which were on the side of Mount St. Eloy, and finding that they were weakly guarded, and that the Prince was at such a distance from them, that it would be impossible for him to come up time enough to succour them, he resolved to attack them in that place. The 22 th'. he went to view the Prince of Conde's Quarters, in order to keep the Spaniards uncertain of the place where he designed to attack the Lines, and having met that Prince, who was come out at the Head of Ten Squadrons, their passed a Skirmish between them, in which the Duke of joyeuse was wounded, and died some days after. Finally on the 24 th'. in the Morning the Three French Armies, the first of which was Commanded by Marshal de Turenne, the second by the Marshal de la Ferte, and the third by Marshal de Hoquincourt, began the Attack with five Battalions in Front, at the Head of which at four Yards distance marched detached Men to furnish them with Fascines or Bavins, and whatever Instruments, or Tools they had occasion for. The Spaniards suffered the French to pass in several places, without ever firing at them, because they had dug holes there in order to secure themselves. But as soon as they perceived them upon the brim of the first Ditch, they made a dreadful Discharge, which did not however 〈…〉 the French from overcoming whatever ●ppos'd their passage. They began immediately 〈…〉 the Pallisadoes, and to fill up the holes: 〈◊〉 in a very short space of time all the Spanish ●●●ks, Retrenchments, and Parapets were utterly. 〈◊〉. The French Forces had been comman●●● not to advance any farther, le●t the Besiegers 〈◊〉 expect them, and make some extraordinary 〈◊〉. But no Forces appearing, the French advanced until they met a Barrier, which stopped them. 〈◊〉 de Bellefons, who commanded the Forlorn 〈◊〉, having removed it, and thereby opened the Pa●●age, all the Battalions that had entered the Line 〈◊〉 without losing time, the Spaniards no wise 〈◊〉 themselves in a posture of defence. At that very time some Regiments having opened the Lines in another place pushed the Spaniards, which were behind the Breast-work, at which time all Marshal de Turrenne's Horse charged without meeting the least opposition, by reason that the Quarter of the Lorrainers had given ground, and suffered Marshal d' Hoquincourt to enter. But it proved otherwise with Marshal de la Ferte's Forces, they me● a resistance they did not expect, the Forces which were coming from the Archduke's and Count Fuensaldagne ●s Quarter, in order to succour that which Mons. de Turenne attacked, meeting them, and opposing their passage, with an incredible Bravery. All the Baggage the Spaniards had in the Camp, served as a Barrier, to hinder the French from advancing as easily as they could have wished; and that which proved worse than that yet, was a Ravine, or great Flood of Water, which did cut the Line of Circumvallation. Monsieur de Turenne endeavouring to cross it, in that place was forced to expose himself to the Spanish Shot, and to engage with the Prince of Conde, who fought after his wont manner, that is, with a Courage that cannot be express'd● Marshal de Turenne was wounded in the left Side in that occasion, but h● had the advantage of stopping the Prince's Fury who happened not to be well seconded. In the mean time the Marquis of Castelnau having pushed six Squadrons that opposed him, entered Arras, having forced a Barriere which was very well defended. He marched immediately out of it again, with the remainder of his Horse on one side, and the Count of Montdejeu sallying out at another, they forced the Prince of Conde to retire, after having left some Squadrons behind him to favour his Retreat; at which time the Combat redoubled. The Prince performed extraordinary Actions on that occasion; and by that Retreat which has been admired as much as the Battles he has won; he saved the Spanish Army, which was never so much exposed, or in so much danger of being totally defeated, as it was at that time. However, he abandoned his Infantry, his Canon, The Siege of Arras raised and his Baggage, but even in that he showed, that he was great in all things, and that his Prudence equalled his Valour, which his very Enemies acknowledged. As this Retreat was very glorious for the Prince of Conde, it also afforded a great deal of Reputation to Monsieur de Turenne, and the other Generals who relieved Arras, and constrained the Spaniards to raise the Siege. This happened on the 25th of August. 1655. The taking of Stenay, and the raising of the Siege of Arras, were followed by the taking of Quesnoy, Clermont Catelet, Landrecy, Conde, and St. Guillain, which were taken by the French, by reason that the Prince of Conde was so much exasperated, that his Advice had not been followed at Arras, and even so mortified, that he was unwilling to expose himself to receive new Mortifications in the defence of those places. But it happened otherwise the following year: 1656. The French besieged Vallenciennes; The Siege of Vallenciennes. that City was invested on the 15th of june, and the Prince having omitted nothing in order to succour it, he succeeded in his design. And whereas he designed 〈◊〉 recover the Honour of the Spaniards, he took 〈◊〉 Vanguard of their Army, and having viewed the French Lines, he seized a high Ground they had not yet possessed themselves of, upon which he lodged himself, which incommoded them exceedingly. However, this did not hinder them from opening their Trenches, and from pushing on the Siege with a great deal of vigour, until the 16th of july. But the Prince of Conde, who sent Men into the Town every night, having ordered the Governor to open the Sluices that day, which was the day he had pitched upon to attack the French Lines, it was accordingly performed: The Besieged opened their Sluices, which broke at once all the Banks the French had raised, together with the Bridges they had made upon the Esca●t, and the Country was overflowed to that degree, that it was impossible for Marshal de Turenne to succour Marshal de la Ferte, whose Quarter was attacked by Don john of Austria, then Governor of the Netherlands, and by the Prince of Conde; and whatever resistance that Marshal could make, he could not hinder his Lines from being forced, and the Spaniards from entering into the Town with a considerable Relief; which obliged the French Army to retire, and raise the Siege. The raising of the Siege of Vallenciennes. It is reported, that Marshal de Turenne gave Marshal de la Ferte twice notice to stand upon his Guard, and that the Spaniards designed to relieve the Town that night. Moreover, it is added, that he sent him Men to fortify his Lines, giving him to understand, that he could not be too careful, having to deal with the Prince of Conde; but that some Jealousy between them made that General despise that Advice and Offer. However, it i● most certain, that the Prince of Conde, who wa● resolved to relieve the place at any rate, attack'● Marshal de la Ferte's Quarters with so much Fury that he would have accomplished his Enterprize● whatever Assistance he had received from Marsha● de Turenne. That Prince no sooner appeared, bu● the French Horse being terrified, wheeled about● and abandoned Marshal de la Ferte, and instead of marching up to the Spaniards, ran away and retired. The Disorder was so great among that Cavalry, that finding no Bridges to cross the Escaut, all of them being overflowed, they leapt down from certain Downs, and sell pellmell upon Monsieur de Bellefond's Tents. Monsieur de la Ferte was taken, and had been killed, but for the Captain of his Guards, but it cost that poor Gentleman his Life, who throwing himself before the Marshal received a shot in the Head● of which he died some days after: Monsieur de Moret, Count d' Estrce, the Lieutenant of the Cardinals Chevaux Legers, the Ensign, and several other Officers belonging to the Gens d' Arms, and Chevaux Legers were takend and above 1500 Men and Horses were drowned. The Marshal de la Ferte was carried into the Town, and lodged in Mons de Bournonville's House, who was Governor, where the Prince of Conde came to see him; he found him a Bed, where he ran to embrace him, after which he said these words to him: I could wish your Comrade had been taken in your stead; not that I fear him in the Field, I should dread you much more than him, but it would have been a satisfaction to me, to see him undergo a Disgrace, which in my opinion he deserves much more than you. All I have to say to you, since you are my Prisoner, is, that you shall be at Liberty as soon as possible I can: I would send you back to morrow, but that I am obliged to keep Measures 〈◊〉 the Spaniards. As for a Ransom, I desire none, 〈◊〉 any of your Money, but I am willing to receive that ●hich the King shall give for you. Mons. de la Ferte ●eturn'd him a thousand Thanks, and some days after he was carried to Rocroy. This Disgrace surprised the Court a little, and animated Marshal de Turenne, who preserving the Hopes of making other Conquests in the Low Country's, attacked La Capelle, which he took back from the Spaniards, with so much speed, that it was impossible for them to relieve it, by reason that the Prince of Conde could not be every where. While the French besieged La Capelle, 1657. the Spaniards had formed the Siege of St. Guillain, The taking of S. Gui●lain and Conde. but raised it in o●der to assemble all their Forces: But the raising of that Siege not having been able to hinder the French from performing their Enterprise, the Prince of Conde resolved to attack St. Guillain anew the following year; to which the Governor of the Netherlands, the Marquis of Ceracene, and the other Generals having consented, they marched strait to that place, and took it on the 22d of March. Soon after it, they made themselves Masters of Conde. Marshal de Turenne being vexed at the Conquests the Spaniards made, resolved to be revenged upon Cambrai, for the Losses the Fr●nch had sustained. To that end having placed himself one night at the Head of a small Body of Men, without imparting his Design to any body, he went to invest that place, in which there were no Forces besides the * Soldiers in ordinary pay, for the guard of F●●n●●er Towns. Mortepaye, and fifty Horse, or thereabouts: Nay, moreover, that which happened worse for the King of Spain, was, that the Governor and his Inhabitants did not agree. The Town being invested on all sides, and th● remainder of the French Army being come up, th● Bridges of Communication were made, and at th● same time all necessary things to work speedily about the Lines, were delivered to the Army. The Prince of Conde soon received Intelligenc● of it, and knowing that there was but a very wea● Garrison in Cambray, and that the Spanish Army was not ready to march to the relief of it, he marched thither himself, with all his Horse, which consisted of 18 Squadrons. Being obliged to pass through Valenciennes, as soon as he came within two or three leagues of it, he went before, to inquire from those who commanded in the Town, whether they could give him any intelligence of the French Army. They answered, That they could not, but that within 24 hours they had heard abundance of Canon shot towards Cambray. I am persuaded, answered the Prince, that that Town is besieged, but I will endeavour to relieve it, before the Enemy's have made an end of their Lines. After which he desired the Governor to prepare a passage for his Forces: Although those of Valenciennes were not used to suffer Forces to pass through their City, yet they ●aid, that they were ready to grant him a Passage, if he desired to march through it. The Prince accepted it, and caused his Forces to march through that City● He caused those to refresh themselves that passed first: Those being got a quarter of a league out of Town, he caused the others to march a little further, and those having refreshed themselves, he took those who had passed first, and advanced with Five hundred Horse upon a Rising, from whence he perceived the Camp, and the Lines of the French: Moreover, he saw that they were at work. Being convinced by his own Eyes, that Mons. de Turenne had besieged Cambray, he came back to his men, and calling all the Officers, he told them, That if they tarried three days without relieving the Town, the Lines the Enemies were making with all the speed imaginable, would be 〈◊〉 the being forced: That the Spanish Army was 〈◊〉 too great a distance to stay for it; and that ●●nce there was no other Remedy, he was resolved to enter into that Town; and, that to that end he would march thither between seven and eight at night. He had no sooner imparted his Design, but he disposed his Horse in three Lines, each of them consisting of six Squadrons: He took the command of the second himself, and the hour appointed to march being come, Monsieur de Guitaut, who commanded the first, advanced with a design to force whatever should oppose him, and make the least resistance; but it fell out luckily for him, that he ●ell into the Guard of the Regiment of Palluau, who coming up to the Prince's Forces, crying out, Qui vive? suffered them to pass, believing that they answered Palluau instead of Guitaut, by reason of the termination of those Names. The Prince of Conde followed with the second Line, and found that the Enemies had closed again, yet he forced his way, and passed also. The Prince of Conde enters Cambray, and causes the siege to be raised. The last Line passed likewise, and entered, with the loss of some Officers, after which they marched up to the Palisade, and entered the Counterscarp. The French Horse were so surprised and frighted, that they did not so much as offer to pursue them: Insomuch, that Day being come, Monsie●r de Turenne vexed at what had happened, said, That he would have the Army retire. And accordingly ordered a Retreat to be sounded; and while the Army was disposing to march, he dispatched a Coureer to the Court, to inform them, that the Prince of Conde was entered in Cambray with eighteen Squadrons, and that he was going to raise the Siege. This place was invested about the end of May. 1658. The Cardinal finding that the Siege of Cambray had not succeeded, The siege of Dunkirk. sent Orders to Monsieur de la Ferte, who had an Army towards the Frontiers of Champagne, to invest Montmidi, which he did, and took it. While Montmidi was besieged, the Spaniards made an attempt upon Calis, but were obliged to retire. Besides Montmidi, they lost St. Venant, and were forced to raise the Siege of Ardres. The French likewise took Bourbourg, Mardik, La moth aux-Bois, and some other places. The French had also resolved upon the Siege of Dunkirk the preceding year, and in order thereunto had seized all the advantageous Posts that could defend the Avenues thereof, to facilitate the taking of it. Monsieur de Turenne blocked it up by Land, on the side of the Canal which looks towards Mardyk, and on the other as far as the Downs. The English Army, composed of eighteen or twenty Ships, invested it by Sea, and hindered the Entrance: The Circumvallation being made, they began to open the Trenches on the fifth of june. The ●irst days the Besieged made vigorous Sallies, but were always repulsed. The Spaniards being sensible of the importance of that place, put themselves in a posture to relieve it. The Prince of Conde was already advanced, but Marshal de Turenne, who omitted nothing for the success of his Enterprise, kept so well upon his Guard, that it was impossible to surprise him. The Besieged made several other Sallies, in which abundance of Men and Officers were lost on both sides. In the mean time Monsieur de Turenne, while the Siege went on, was informed, That Don john of Austria, the Prince of Conde, and the Marshal de Hoquincou●●, who had embraced the Spanish Party, were 〈◊〉 from Ypres to Newport, and were resolved to hazard all to relieve Dunkirk: And accordingly News was brought the next day, being the 11th, that they were encamped in the Downs near the Abbey, and that they were preparing to attack the Besiegers. Marshal d' Hoquincourt detached himself, with threescore Horse, to view the French Lines, but being come too near a Redoubt, where some Soldiers lay concealed, he was wounded with five or six Musquet-shot, of which he died within two hours. The French perceiving that the Spaniards were resolved to engage them, and that it was impossible to avoid it, offered them Battle on the 14th. The Battle of the Downs. Their Right-wing, commanded by Monsieur de Turenne, was opposed by the Prince of Conde, who signalised himself in that Battle, as he had done in others; he had a Horse killed under him, whereby he was endangered to fall into his Enemy's Hands, but the Captain of his Guards happening to be there, gave him his, being better pleased to be a Prisoner himself, than to suffer that great Prince to be taken. But notwithstanding all the Perils the Prince of Conde exposed himself to, and the great Actions he did, the Spaniards lost the Day, and the Battle was no sooner lost, but the Governor of Dunkirk being discouraged, is desired to capitulate, which he did within 5 or 6 days after it: It was on the 23d of june. The Town was delivered to the English. The taking of Dunkirk was followed by that of Bergue, Gravelines, Oudenarde, Ypres, and several other places. Although the French had had very considerable Advantages over the Spaniards, 1659. yet they were desirous of a Peace. The Queen, who desired it earnestly, had already dispatched Monsieur de Lionne into Spain, to lay the Foundations of it with Don Lewis de Haro. And though Monsieur de Lionne was incognito at Madrid, yet that Minister's Negotiations succeeded according to the Queen's Wishes. They had agreed upon the general Articles, and there was a suspension of Arms. But the King of Spain declaring that he would have the Prince of Conde comprised in the Treaty of Peace, the French Minister replied, That he had no Orders to hearken to any such Proposition; That the King his Master would be the sole disposer of the Favours he thought fit to grant that Prince, without being imposed upon in that point. Whereupon the Conferences were broke off. Cardinal Mazarin being sensible that that Difficulty would not easily be removed, communicated it to the Pope, who was Mediator between the two Crowns, in order to his persuading the King of Spain, that he ought to desist in what related to the Interest of the Prince of Conde, but could obtain nothing. Finally, the Peace was concluded between France and Spain, in the manner every body knows. Cardinal Mazarin consented readily, that the Prince should be comprised in the Treaty, but he desired, that whatever related to his being restored to his Dignity and Estate, should be left entirely to the King's disposal. Nevertheless, after many Contestations, the Affair was determined in the manner his Catholic Majesty had desired it, that is to the Prince of Conde's advantage. These are the Articles that concerned him, as they are inserted in the Treaty of Peace, made in the Isle of Faisans, in the year 1659. between Philip the Fourth King of Spain, and Lewis the Fourteenth King of France. 1. THE Prince of Conde having declared to Cardinal Mazarin Plenipotentiary from his Most Christian Majesty, his Sovereign Lord, in order to acquaint His Majesty therewith, that he is extremely troubled to have held, for some years past, a Conduct which has displeased his Majesty: that he could wish it were in his power to retrieve, tho' with the best part of his Blood, all the Acts of Hostility he has committed both within and out of France, to which he protests that his Misfortunes had engaged him, rather than any ill Intention against his Service: And that if his Majesty will be so generous, as to make use of his Royal Goodness towards him, forgetting all what is past, and receive him into favour again, he will endeavour to acknowledge it to the last moment of his life, by an inviolable Fidelity, and to retrieve what is passed, by an absolute submission to all his Commands. And that in the mean time, in Order to begin, and to show by such Effects as may be in his power, with how much Passion he desires to 〈◊〉 honoured again by his Majesty's Favour and goodwill, he relinquishes whatever may relate to his Interest in the conclusion of the said Peace, and desires nothing but what may proceed from the Clemency and freewill of the said Lord King, his Sovereign Lord, and besides, desires it may please his Majesty to dispose absolutely, and according to his best liking, and in what manner he shall think fit, of all the Favours his Catholic Majesty shall be pleased to bestow upon him, and has already offered him, either in Territories and Countries, or in Towns and Moneys, the which he lays all at his Majesty's Feet. Moreover, that he is ready to disband all his Forces, and to deliver up to his Majesty the Cities of Rocroy, Le Chatelet, and Linchamp, of which his said Catholic Majesty has been pleased to remit the two first to him. And likewise, that as soon as he has obtained Leave, he will send a person on purpose to the said Lord King, to assure him more precisely of the sincerity of those Sentiments, and the reality of his Submissions, and to give his Majesty such an Act, or Writing signed by ●im, as his Majesty shall be pleased to desire, for an Assurance that he renounces all Leagues, Treaties, and Associations whatever, he may have made formerly, with His Catholic Majesty: And that for the future he will neither take or receive any Establishment, Pension, or Favour from any foreign King or Potentate. And finally, that as to whatever relates to his Interest in any kind whatever, he submits it entirely to his Majesty's Pleasure and Disposition, without the least Pretensions. His Majesty being informed of the Premises by his Plenipotentiary, and moved by the Proceeding and Submission of the said Prince, desires and consents that his Interests should be determined in this Treaty, in the following manner granted and agreed on between the two Lord-Kings. 2. First, That the said Prince shall lay down his Arms, at farthest, in the space of eight weeks, to reckon from the day and date of the signing of this present Treaty, and shall effectually disband all his Forces, both Horse and Foot, French or Foreign, the which compose the body of his Army in the Netherlands, and that in such a manner as his Most Christian Majesty shall think fit, excepting the Garrisons of Rocroy, of Chatelet, and Linchamp, the which shall be disbanded at the time of the restitution of the said three Towns. And the said Disarming and Disbanding shall be performed by the said Prince, really and sincerely, without Transportation, Loan, or Sale, true or pretended, to any other Princes or Potentates whatever, Friends or Foes to France, or their Allies. 3. Secondly, That the said Prince sending a person on purpose to his Majesty, to confirm more particularly all the things above-mentioued, shall deliver an Act signed by him to his said Majesty, whereby he shall submit to the execution of what has been agreed upon between the two Lord-Kings, in relation to his Person and Interest, as well as for the Persons and Interests of those that have followed him. In consequence of which he shall declare, that he departs sincerely, and renounces bona fidae, to all Leagues, Intelligences, and Treaties of Association or Protection he may have made and contracted with his Catholic Majesty, or any other foreign Kings, Potentates, or Princes, or any other persons whatever, both within and out of the Kingdom of France; with promise never to take or receive for the future from the said foreign Kings and Potentates, any Pensions, Establishments, or Favours obliging him to have a dependency on them, nor any Engagements to any King or Potentate, besides His Majesty his Sovereign Lord; on pain, in case of Contravention to the said Writing, of forfeiting from that moment the Re-habilitation and Re-establishment that is granted him by the present Treaty, and to return to the same condition he was in on the 1 st day of March of the present year. 4. Thirdly, That the said Prince, in performance of what has been before agreed upon between the said Lord-Kings, shall really, and in Fact, deliver into his Most Christian Majesty's Hands the Cities of Rocroy, Le Cha●elet, and Linchamp, at the time and day hereafter mentioned in another Article of this said Treaty. 5. The Premises being performed as abovesaid, his most Christian Majesty, in contemplation of the Peace, and in consideration of his Catholic Majesty's Mediation, making use of his Royal Clemency, will sincerely and heartily receive the said Prince in his Favour, and will with the same Sincerity forget whatever he has done or undertaken, for the time past, against his Service, either within or out of the Kingdom; and will allow his Return not only into France, but even at his Majesty's Court. After which, his Majesty will restore the said Prince, in Reality and Fact, to the free possession and enjoyment of all the Estates, Honours, Dignities, and Privileges belonging to the first Prince of the Blood. Provided still, that as to what relates to the said Estates, of whatever Nature they be, the said Prince shall never pretend any thing for the time past, towards the Restitution of the Income or Use of the said Estates, whatever persons may have enjoyed them by His Majesty's Orders, nor to the payment, or restitution of his Pensions, Salaries, or other Rents and Revenues he had upon the Demains, Farms, or General Receipts of the said Lord King; nor yet upon the Account, or pretence of what he might pretend to be due to him by His Majesty before his going out of the Kingdom, nor for the Demolitions, Degradations, or Damages done by His Majesty's Orders, or otherwise, in any manner whatever, in his Estate, Cities, Places, fortified, or not fortified, Lordships, * The Tenure or Honour and jurisdiction of a Castle-ship. Chastellenies, Lands, and Houses of the said Prince. 6. And as to what relates to the Garrisons, Governments of Provinces, or Places, the said Prince enjoyed and possessed before his going out of France, his Most Christian Majesty did for a long while constantly refuse to restore them to him, until his being moved by the proceeding and Submission of the said Prince abovementioned, when he did fully resign his Interests to his pleasure and disposition without the least Pretensions, together with whatever was offered him by his Catholic Majesty to indemnify him: His said Most Christian Majesty did at last condescend to grant him what followeth, upon certain Conditions hereafter specified; which the said Lord Kings have agreed upon, and thus granted, viz. That provided his Catholic Majesty on his part, instead of what he designed to give the said Prince to Indemnify him, shall draw out the Spanish Garrison which lies in the City, Fort, and Citadel of Juliers, to leave the said place, and Citadel free from the said Garrison to the Duke of Newburg, on the Conditions, and in the manner that shall be specified hereafter in one of the Articles of the present Treaty: A● also provided, that his said Catholic Majesty besides the removal of the Spanish Garrison out of the City and Citadel of Juliers, shall deliver to his Most Christian Majesty the City of Avennes, situate between the Sambre and the Meuse, with the Appurtenances, Dependencies, Annexations, and Demains thereof in the manner his said Catholic Majesty has engaged above, by an Article of the said present Treaty (the which place of Avennes his said Majesty likewise designed among other things to give to the said Prince.) In Consideration of which, as abovementioned, that is, in Compensation of the delivery and yielding of one of the said places to the Most Christian King, to be united, and for ever annexed to the Crown of France; and the removal of the Spanish Garrison out of the other, in favour of a Prince who is a Friend and Ally to his Most Christian Majesty, who is desirous to Oblige him by virtue of the said Treaty of Alliance: His said most Christian Majesty for all things whatever in general that may relate to the Places, and Governments the said Prince had possessed, or might reasonably be expected by those that belonged to him, without excepting any, will give to the said Prince the Government of the Province of Burgundy and Bresse; under which are comprised the Countries of Bugey, Gex, and Veromey: As also the particular Governments of the Castle of Dijon, and of the City of St. John de Laune: And to the Duke of Enguien his Son the place of Lord High Steward of the Kingdom and Household, together with Brev●ats of Assurance to the said Prince, to preserve it in case the said Duke of Enguien should die before him. 7. His said Majesty shall grant a full Pardon, by his Letters Patent, in d●e form, for whatever the said Prince, his Relations, Creatures, Friends, Adherents, and Servants, either Churchmen, or Laymen, have or may have done, or undertaken for the time passed against his Service; in so much that it may never hurt or prejudice him or them at any time, nor their Heirs, Successors, Administrators, or Assigns, as if the thing had never been. Neither shall his said Majesty at any time make any Enquiry in relation to the said Prince, his Relations, Creatures, Friends, Adherents, and Servants, whether ecclesiastics, or Laymen, about the Money he, or they have taken out of the general or particular Receipts, or out of the Audits of his Farms: And shall not oblige them to make any Restitution of the said Money or Sums, nor of all the Levies, or Gatherings, Contributions, Impositions, Exactions imposed upon the people, or Acts of Hostility committed in France, in any wise whatever. Which shall be explained more at large in the said Pardon, or Letters Patent, for the entire Security of the said Prince, and of those that have followed him, in order that they may never be prosecuted, troubled, or molested about it. 8. That as soon as the said Prince shall have performed on his part, what is contained in the three Articles, 2.3. & 4. of this present Treaty, all Dutchies, Counties, Lands, Lordships, and Demains, even those of Clermont, Stenay, and Dun, as he enjoyed them before his going out of France, and that of Jamets' also, in case he did enjoy it, the which heretofore belonged to the said Prince: Together with all and every his other Estates, Movables, or Immovables, of any kind whatever in the manner abovesaid, shall be really and truly returned to him, or to those the said Prince, being in France, shall Commit, and Depute, to take in his Name the Possession of the said Estates, etc. and to serve him in the administration or management of the same. As also that Restitution shall be made to him, or his said Deputies, of all the Titles, Instruments, and other Writings left by him at the time of his going out 〈…〉 Kingdom, in the Houses belonging to the said 〈◊〉 and Lordships, or elsewhere. And that the ●aid 〈◊〉 shall ●e restored to the true and real Possession and 〈◊〉 of his said Dutchies, Counties, Lands, Lord●●●● a●d Demains, with such Rights, Authorities, 〈◊〉, Presidial Seats, Royal Cases, Pre 〈…〉, and conferring of Benefices, Nominations of 〈◊〉 Favours, and Preeminences, or Prerogatives, ●●ich ●e and his Predecessors did enjoy, as he enjoyed 〈◊〉 before his going out of the Kingdom. But that 〈◊〉 ●●●ll leav● Bellegarde and Montrond in the same Condition they are at present. For the performing of 〈◊〉, ●ll His Majesty's Letters Patent thereunto necess●●● shall be granted him, in as good a form as he shall r●●●ire, or desire, without his being liable to be disturbed, ●●●●●cuted, or troubled, in the said Possession and En●●●●ent by the said Lord King, his Heirs, Successors, 〈◊〉 Officers, directly, or indirectly, any Donations, or Gifts, 〈◊〉, or I●corporations that may have been made of the said Dutchies, Counties, Lands, Lordships, and Detains, Estates, Honours, Dignities, and Prerogatives of first Prince of the Blood notwithstanding, or what●●er derogatory Clauses, Constitutions, or Ordinances contrary thereunto. Neither shall the said Prince, his He●r●, and Successors, by reason of what he may have 〈◊〉, either in France before his going from thence, or 〈◊〉 of the Kingdom, after his departure from thence; 〈◊〉 ●or any Treaties, Correspondencies, by him made and 〈◊〉 with any Princes, or persons of any Condition or Quali●y soever, be liable to be molested, troubled, or 〈◊〉. But that all Proceedings, Decrees, even that of the Parliament of Paris, bearing date the 27th. of March, o● the Year 1654. judgements, Sentences, and other Acts, which are already past against the said Prince, ei●her in Civil or Criminal Cases (unless he has voluntarily contested in a Civil Suit) shall remain void, and of no Effect, and shall never be prosecuted, as if they had never been. And as to what relates to the Demain of Albret, which the said Prince enjoyed before his going out of France, the which His Majesty has since otherwise disposed of, he will in lieu thereof give the said ●rince the Demain of Bourbonnois, on the same Conditions the Exchange of the said two Demains had already been adjusted, before the said Princes going out of the Kingdom. 9 As to the Relations, Friends, Creatures, Adherents, or Domestics of the said Prince, either ecclesiastics, or Laymen, that have followed his Party, they may by Virtue of the Pardons and Indemnities heretofore mentioned in the 7th. Article, return into France with the said Prince, and fix their abode in what place they shall think fit. And shall be restored like the other Subjects of the two Kings to the peaceable possession and enjoyment of their Estates, Honours, and Dignities (excepting the Places, Offices, and Governments they possessed before their going out of the Kingdom) the said Estates, Honours, and Dignities, to be by them enjoyed● in the same manner they held and did possess them. But still without pretending to any Restitution of the Enjoyments thereof for the time past, either from those on whom His Majesty shall have bestowed them, o● in any other manner whatever. As also they shall be restored to their Rights, Names, Deuce, Actions, or Pl●as, Successions, Inheritances, fallen to them, or to the Children, or Widows of the deceased, during their absence out of the Kingdom; and their Goods shall be returned them if still in Being. And his Majesty, in Consideration of the Peace, declares all Proceedings and Decrees Void and of no Effect (excepting what relates to their said Places, Offices, and Governments) even ●hat of the Parliament of Paris, bearing date the 27 th'. of March, 1654. as well as all Sentences, judgements, Adjudications, Donations, Incorporations, and other Acts, that may have been given against them, or their Heirs, for their having followed the Party of the said Prince; 〈◊〉 that as well in Civil as Criminal Cases (unless in 〈◊〉 Civil matters as they have voluntarily contested) 〈◊〉 that neither they, nor their Heirs shall ●ver be 〈◊〉 to be prosecuted, disturbed, or troubled for the 〈◊〉. For the performance of all which Premises His 〈◊〉 Christian Majesty will cause all necessary Letters 〈◊〉 to be expedited, both for the said Prince, his Relations, Friends, Creatures, Adherents, and Dome 〈…〉, whether ecclesiastics, or Laymen, containing 〈◊〉 Premises in secure and due form. Which Letters 〈◊〉 shall be delivered to them, as soon as the said Prince on his part shall have performed the Contents of 〈◊〉 three Articles, 2, 3, 4 of this present Treaty. 10. In performance of what is contained in the Sixth Article of this present Treaty, by which His Most Chri●●●● Majesty is obliged to give unto the said Prince of Conde, and to the said Duke of Enguien his Son the Governments, and the Place therein specified; and his Catholic Majesty promises, and obliges himself on his 〈◊〉, upon the Faith and Word of a King, to remove 〈◊〉 of the City, Citadel, or Castle of Juliers, the Spanish Garrison which lies in the said City, Citadel, or 〈◊〉, and whatever other Forces have lately been put 〈◊〉 them, or might again be sent thither, in order to Reinforce the Garrison: Leaving in the said City, and Citadel, all the Artillery that is marked with the Arms 〈◊〉 the House of Cleves, or Juliers, or that has belonged 〈◊〉 them: And as for the remainder of the said Artillery, 〈◊〉, ●unition, and Instruments of War, his said majesty has in the said City and Castle of Juliers, it ●●●ll ●e free for him to remove them: Leaving the said 〈◊〉, Citadel, or Castle of Juliers to the possession of 〈◊〉 said Duke of Newburg, or such as shall be appointed by him to receive it, in the same Quality as he possesses the State of Juliers; The said Duke first de●●●●●ing unto his Catholic Majesty a Writing in due form, signed by his own Hand, to the Satisfaction of his said Catholic Majesty, whereby he obliges himself not to Sell, Alienate, or Engage the said City, Citadel, or Castle, to any one, or any other Princes, or private Persons; And that he shall neither put, or establish any Garrison there but of his own Forces: As also to grant his said Catholic Majesty, when ever he shall have occasion for it; a passage for his Forces, either through the said City, or through the State of Juliers; his said Majesty paying at his own Cost and Charges the Expense of the passage of the said Forces, which shall be performed by regulated Days, and reasonable Marches, without being allowed to sojourn, or remain in the Country, the said Duke on such Occasions using whatever precautions may be necessary for the Security of the said City and Citadel. And in case the said Duke should be wanting in the performance of those things he obliges himself to, as well not to alienate, as not to put any Garrison in the said City and Citadel, but of his own Forces, or should refuse a passage to his Catholic Majesty's Forces, they paying for it: The said Lord most Christian King promises upon the Faith and Word of a King, neither to assist the said Duke with Men or Money, nor in any other ways, either by himself, or others, to defend the said Insruction; but on the contrary, shall send his own Forces, if necessary, for the Accomplishment of the Premises. The Peace being Concluded, the Prince of Conde returned into France; he entered it by the way of La Capelle, and passed through Soissons, where he refused to receive any Harangues, or Visits from the Corporations of the City, protesting that he would receive none until he had first had the Honour of seeing the King. He went from Soissons the next day, being accompanied with three more in his Coach, viz. the Duke d' Enguien, Messieurs de Houteville, and Guitant. He went to Meaux, and from thence to Coulomiers at the Duke of ●●●●●●ville's, from whence he went to meet the 〈◊〉 who was at that time in Provence, in ex●●●●●●ion of the Accomplishment of his Marriage 〈◊〉 the Infanta of Spain, which was as it were, 〈◊〉 first Fruit of the Peace. The King who had made a Progress to Toulouse, 〈◊〉 the Queen, Monsieur, and Mademoiselle, where 〈◊〉 Cardinal also repaired about the beginning of ●●●●ary, 1660. arrived on the 12 th'. of the said Month at Arles, 1660. and the 17 th'. at Aix, where the Prince came two Days after. The King receives the Prince of Conde. Cardinal Mazarin presented him to the King, who received him with great Demonstration of Kindness, and reiterated Assurances that he would forget all that was pa●●. He followed the Court, and assisted at the magnificent Entry their Majesties made into Paris on the 26 th'. of August of the following Year. The King had long been desirous to acknowledge the Services of some Persons, 1661. who were distinguished by their Birth, by honouring them with the Colar of the Order of the Holy Ghost. The Length of the War had been an Obstacle to it till then: But the Peace being settled he put that Design in execution, and made Sixty Knights, and Eight Commanders. The Ceremony was performed in the Church of the Great Augustin's at Paris, with great Magnificence, on the last of December, 1661. The Order was conferred first o● the Prelates: and after the Service, the King performed the Ceremony for the Lay-Knights, beginning with the Prince of Conde, and continuing with the Duke d' Enguien, the Prince of Conti and the Duke of Vernevil. Philip the 4 th'. King of Spain died on the 17 th'. of Sept●mber, 1665. 1667. When the Negotiations of Peace were begun, and the Marriage of the King of France with the Infanta first talk of, War in Flanders. the Spa●iard● opposed it at first, for fear of being troubled by the French at some time or other, about the Rights of that Princess: and it fell out accordingly: The King of France pretending that the Duchy of Brabant and the Annexions' thereof belonged to the Queen, by Right of Devolution after the Death of Prince Balthasar her Brother, who died on 9 th'. of October, 1649. he caused the said Country to be demanded from the Queen of Spain. Those Pretensions were laughed at at Madrid: and upon that refusal, which was expected, France waged War into the Low Countries, having first published a Manifesto, by which that Crown endeavoured to prove, that in taking possession of a Country that belonged to the Queen, they did not in the least Infringe the last Treaty that had been made with Spain. The King departed from St. Germains on the 14 th'. of May, and entered the Fields on the 24 th'. he made choice of Marshal de Turenne for his Lieutenant-General; and sent Marshal d' Aumont towards Dunkirk, there to Command a Body of 7 or 8000 Men. The Marquis of Crequi, who had lived from the Court for five or six Years last passed was recalled, and sent upon the Frontiers towards Luxemburgh with 3 or 4000 Men. But the Prince of Conde had no Employment. She Spaniards were constantly beaten during all that Campagn, and lost Bergue, Furnes, Tournay, Dovay, Cou●tra●, and L' Isle. 1668. The King of France not being satisfied with his Progresses in Flanders resolved to fall upon the Franche Comte, and to make himself Master of it. He did not stay for the Spring to undertake that Conquest. The Prince of Conde who had tarried in his Governments without Action, while Monsieur de Turenne had so many occasions to distinguish himself in the Low Countries, was sent before 〈◊〉 on the 7 th' of February of the following 〈◊〉. The King who had left Paris to assist at 〈◊〉 Expedition arriv●d at Dison the following day. The same day the Prince of Conde Summoned the 〈◊〉 to surrender. Bezancon surrenders to the Prince of Conde. The Inhabitants of that City 〈◊〉 had been surprised, and were not able to 〈◊〉 any resistance resolved immediately to ●ur●●●der, saying, That they were willing to submit to 〈◊〉 King of France, and to receive him, but as in 〈◊〉 Imperial City. However, the Prince having gi●●● them to understand that their City had ceased 〈◊〉 an Imperial City by the Treaty of Munster, and that in case they obeyed without delay all 〈◊〉 Privileges should be preserved, they surrendered innocently without any further Conditions, 〈◊〉 opened their Gates. The Duke of Luxemburg entered Salins at the same time, The taking of Salins, Dole, Grace, and other places. and Dole was in●●sted on the 9 th'. The King and the Prince of C●nde being agreed about the Measures that were to be taken in order to reduce that City with as much ease as Bezancon and Salins, Count Chamilly, one of the Major-Generals of the Army, was ordered to summon the Inhabitants to surrender, and 〈◊〉 promise them that all their Rights should be preserved, in case they would submit voluntarily, ●nd to threaten them at the same time, that no Quarter should be given them if they made the le●st Resistance. Monsieur de Chamilly received no favourable Answer; whereupon it was resolved to take it by force; and three Attacks were made 〈◊〉 the 13 th'. in which the Prince exposed himself extremely. The Besieged defended themselves, ●nd some considerable Officers were killed in that occasion. The King seeing the Resistance that was made by those who governed in the place, sent Count Grammont the next day to represent to the Parliament the Necessity they lay under of Surrendering, or of being exposed to the Fury of an Army, Commanded by a King in Person, and by the Prince of Conde, who was every where attended with Victory. He showed them not only that there was a great deal of Rashness in resisting such powerful Forces commanded by Chiefs, who till then had met with nothing that could ●ppose them, but also that it was very dangerous, since the King was resolved upon a general Assault, and to give no Quarter. He added to this that all the Privileges of the Citizens of Dole should be preserved: That in changing their Government they should not be the less happy: and finally, that they must determine instantly. The Parliament was strangely perplexed, but having considered that it would be better to submit on the Conditions that were proposed to them, than to run the hazard of seeing a whole City in a Flame, and of being exposed to the Hostility of the Soldiers, they gave Count Grammont full Satisfaction, and he carried Hostages along with them for the assurance of the Reduction of that Place. The Capitulation was Signed on the 14 th'. The King also took Grai on the 19 th'. The Castles of jou and St. Anne also surrendered themselves; insomuch that in less than a Month the whole Franche Comté was reduced. The Spaniards in order to stop the Torrent of the French Conquests desired a Cessation of Arms, which was granted them till May; and by the Treaty of Aix la Chapelle which was made the same Year, the Franche Comté was restored to the King of Spain. Nothing considerable passed in relation to the Prince of Conde until the Year 1672. 1672. when the King of France declared War to the Hollanders. The War of Holland. We will enter upon no Particulars here; since no body can be ignorant of the Motives and Pretences of that War, in which the United Princes were like 〈◊〉 have been subdued by a Prince who aimed at the U●●v●●sal Monarchy of Europe, and could not 〈◊〉 failed of his Ends had he subdued that flourishing Republic, of which God has hitherto de●●●●●● himself the Protector. We will only say, 〈…〉 as the King of France had resolved up●● that War, and to that end assembled an Army of upwards of a Hundred thousand Men, he dirided it into three Bodies, of which he Command●●●he Chief in Person, and gave the two others ●o the Prince of Conde, and to Count Chamilly. The Forces the King was to command had their Rendezvous near Charleroy, and the Prince of 〈◊〉 Army about Sedan ● consisting of 40000 M●●. The Prince was the first that marched away, the King was the second, and Count Chamilly followed in order to join them: after which they 〈◊〉 all three towards Mastricht, and encamped 〈◊〉 five or six Leagues from thence. Some days after a Council of War was held, in which the Duke of Orleans, the Prince of Conde, and Monsie●r de Turenne assisted: The first Advices inclined to besiege Mastricht, but upon consideration ●hat it was a dangerous Undertaking, they marched towards the Rhine. The Body that was commanded by the Prince of Conde marched first, the King's followed; and the two Armies march●● for seven or eight Days together without meeting any Forces, excepting Two hundred Men in a Retrenchment, the which the Prince took Prisoners● the Chevalier de la Rochefoucault, Brother to the Prince of Marsillue, was ●●●ll'd in that occa●●on. The Prince of Conde having marched on ●aid Siege to Wesel, The Prince of Conde besieges and takes Wel●el. while the King besieged Orsoy, and Mo●sieur de Turenne Burik. As soon as the Prince came before that Town, he caused a Battery to be raised upon the side of the Rhine to cut off the Communication thereof; and having taken some other Precautions he made his Lines, and attacked the Fort de la Lip with so much vigour that he took it. It was a Post of very great Consequence. The taking thereof cast the Besieged into so great a Consternation, that they desired a Suspension of Arms, until the next day about Noon: this Suspension being granted them, they sent two Deputies to the Prince to let him know, that they were very much surprised that his most Christian Majesty should attack them, since they were Subjects to the Elector of Brandenburg; and that the State's General were only in possession of the Gates, Ramparts, and Fortifications, without exercising any Jurisdiction in the Town; and that therefore they desired their City might be declared Neuter: But that Proposition was not relished. The Prince of Conde continued his Attacks, and ca●sed the Trenches to be made, Fasci●es to be carried to the side of the Ditch, and finally disposed all things in order to make way for the Miner. In the mean time the Besieged having caused some Pieces of Cannon to be placed upon their Ramparts, for the most pared dismounted, they made so dreadful a Fire that they killed above 4000 French. Tha● Defence as vigorous as it was did not hinder the Continuation of that Siege. The Prince of Cond● attacked the Counterscarp; and as soon as it was taken, and his Men lodged upon it, the Besieged did capitulate. This place being of great Consequence, and able to have held out much longer than it did, the governor was condemned to lose his Head, but he having given sufficient Reasons for his Surrendering it at the time he did, the Sentence was not executed. The Prince of Conde marched from Wesel to 〈◊〉 which surrendered immediately, and from 〈◊〉 ●o E●●rik which made no resistance neither. 〈◊〉, which was besieged by the King, surrendered at that time; for which the Governor 〈◊〉 his Head. The King of France who had not expected those place● would have been taken so easily, being de●●●●●s to push on his Conquests, was stopped by the 〈◊〉 of the State's General, which ran to the defe●●e of Iss●l, which is a River that covers all that ●●rt of the Country he designed to make himself Master of. He resolved to pass the said River; b●t whereas it was very deep, and the Banks of a very difficult ascent, he was willing to have the Prince of Conde's Advice before he attempted any thing, and accordingly he writ to him about it: Although the Prince of Conde was used to great Enterprises he looked upon that to be very dangerous, and answered the King that it was impracticable, but that he advised him to attempt to cross the Rhine, where the Hollanders were not u●●n their Guard. The Prince who was desirous 〈◊〉 facilitate the Conquest of Holland to the King, ●●ving bribed a Gentleman of that Country, the ●●●d Gentleman showed him a Ford towards Tol●●●●●, where the Water was so shallow at the Entrance, and at the going out, that there was not ●b●ve Two hundred Foot to swim. Count de G●iche made a trial of it, in order to be satisfied of the truth, and having found it wadeable in tha● place by the trial he made of it himself, with o●e of his Gentlemen, he acquainted the Prince of Conde therewith, who immediately gave an account of it to the King. That Monarch was so delighted with that News that he instantly quitted his Camp with his Household; and having le●t the Command of the remainder of his Army to Monsieur de Turenne went to join the Prince. The Dutch receiving some Intelligence of the King of France's Design, sent some Forces to the place where the French designed to cross the Rhine; but by reason of some wrong Motions they could not possibly foresee, Passages of ●●e Rhine. they had not time to retrench themselves. In the mean time as soon as the King of France was arrived upon the Banks of the Rhine, he caused some Batteries to be made, and the Army began to cross. Abundance of Volunteers and Persons of very great Quality went over at the same time, viz. The Duke of Vivonne, the Counts de Saulx, de Lionne, de Chauvigny and the Count of Nogent who was drowned. The Prince of Conde who would have a share in that Action crossed immediately in a Boat with his Son the Duke d' Enguien. The Prince of Conde passes. His Nephew the Duke of Longueville swum it over. As soon as those two Lords where got over, they ran full speed towards a Barrier where some Forces had posted themselves, and began to fire upon them. Those Forces were surprised and frightened to that degree that they demanded Quarter, which the Prince of Conde granted them: but the Duke of Longueville who had been drinking a little leapt over the Barrier: The Duke of Enguien followed him, and those Men having taken up their Arms again, the Duke of Longueville was killed. The Prince of Conde immediately ran thither to moderate the indiscreet heat of those young Lords, but he came too late, and was wounded in the Lefthand with a Musquet-shot. Although his Wound was very painful he would not move from the Combat until all those Men were killed. The Wound the Prince received was not dangerous, but whereas it was in that Hand where he had the Gout commonly, it was so troublesome to him, that not ●●●ng able to sleep day or night, or to serve any lo●ger, he was obliged to retire to Arnhem ●hich the French made themselves Masters of, 〈◊〉 well as of several other places. Every body knows what passed in the beginnings of that 〈◊〉. The City of Utrecht surrendered itself like the ●e●t, 1673. and the Marquis of Rochefort went to take possession of it. The Prince of Conde being cured of his Wound repaired thither on the 1st. of May of the following Year: Honours done to the Prince of Conde at Utrecht. He was received there with all the Discharge of the Canon, and the Ringing of the Bills: Monsieur Stoppa who was Governor there presented him with the Keys of the Town in a Silver Basin at his arrival there: having held them for sometime in his Hands he returned them to him, after which he was conducted to the House that had been prepared for him, by the Garrison, which was all in Arms. Sometime after the Prince of Conde's arrival at Utrecht he went to several places to try whether he could undertake any thing: But he found so good a● order every where that he was forced to go back without doing any thing, having only cau●ed two Bridges to be built upon the Leck at ●●llemburg, and at Wick, in order to have a Communication with the Forces that were in the Betau. He lay sick a while, and being obliged to keep his Chamber several days, he constantly had the most learned Men in Utrecht about him, whom he received with all the Civilities imaginable. It is reported that he was desirous to see Spinoza, and ●old him smiling, That if he would follow him into France, he would put him in a way to live conformably to the Principles of his Theology; that Paris neither wanted fine Women, nor Pleasures; although he looked upon him as a Derst, and a Man who had no Religion, he was charmed with the Conversation he had with him ● The best part of the Roman Catholics of the Country of Gelder were so pleased to find themselves under the Government of a Catholic King, that their joy cannot be expressed. Being in great hopes that their Religion would become the uppermost, they sent Deputies to the Prince of Conde to de●●●e him to give them those Churches the Protestants possessed in the open Country: The Prince who was sensible that they knew not what they desired, answered with some Railleries' that put them clear out of countenance: After which he told them, That he had no orders from his Majesty as to what related to what they desired; that in case the King should make himself Master of all the Country they should have as many Churches as they pleased; but that whereas it was not certain yet he advised them to remain quiet, and not so much as to accept one of the Protestant Churches, although it were proffered them; to avoid the Mortifications of restoring them as soon as the French Army should march away. 1674. The Prince of Conde was very sensible that it was impossible for the King of France to preserve all the places he got from the Hollanders with that surprising swiftness every body has heard of. The State's General who expected nothing less than the War that was declared against them were surprised: But being recovered out of their fright and surprise, having made a League with the House of Austria, and placed the present King of England at the Head of it, France found itself obliged to abondon all at once almost all the Conquests it had made, and began to fear in its turn: That Crown fearing not to come off with Honour and Advantage out of a War, they had began with so much haughtiness, they had recourse to Intrigue. To that end in order to divide the Hollanders from the rest of the Allies, they made them advantageous Propositions in case they would hearken to unpeace. They offered to restore them Mastricht and Grave, which were the two only places they 〈◊〉 preserved; but the Hollanders refused to hear●●n to it, and chose to venture the Hazards of a 〈◊〉, rather than to forsake the Emperor, the King of Spain, and the other Princes that were in League with them, and from whom they had ●●ceiv'd an Assistance that had broken all the Measures of France. The King of France finding t●at there was no hopes that way, endeavoured to ●●atter the Ambition of the Prince of Orange by great Promises; but that great Prince rejected them with scorn, and acquainted the State's General with the Propositions that had been made to 〈◊〉, assuring them that he would compass the ●●●ing of the French out of their Country, and that he would give them a considerable Check, in case his Sentiments were followed, and his Resolutions executed. The different Interests of the Princes that were 〈◊〉 League together hindered things from being car●●●d on in the Manner that great Prince desired it. S●me were for besieging Grave, or Mastricht; and others for the like reason desired the Siege of C●●rleroy; others did not care any place should be besieged provided a stop were put to the French 〈◊〉 and that it should be hindered from sending any Succours to Marshal de Turenne: France in the mean time profited by those Irresolutions. The Prince of Orange was enraged that he could undertake nothing, although he had an Army of near 60000 Men; he met with Oppositions every where. In fine, after many Obstacles that Prince carried it in a Council of War, and the Siege of Grave was resolved upon, and put in execution by Monsieur de Rabenhaut. But the taking of that place not proving so easy as it was imagined, about three Months were spent in the taking of it; the Prince of Orange at that time designed the Siege of Charleroy. Nevertheless he seemed to have a Design upon some other place. The Prince of Conde who was not easily deceived, posted himself at Pieton, between Charleroy, and Fontaine L' Esveque, having the Sambre behind him, and two Woods pretty near the Head of his Army, between which the Prince of Orange was obliged to pass to come to a Combat, which rendered the Approaches of the Dutch almost impossible. The Prince of Orange in order to oblige the Prince of Conde to quit his Post, made a Detachment of 7 or 8000 Men, which marched towards the Meuse: But the Prince of Conde suspecting that they only designed to draw him to some Inconveniences● only sent some of his Forces that way, which broke the Prince of Orange's Measures. These two Princes esteemed and dreaded each other reciprocally: but the one was better served than the other. The Prince of Orange daily formed new Designs, without being able of putting any of them in execution; and the Prince of Conde proposed nothing but what he did execute at the same time. This last who took the advantage of the Differences that reigned among the Allies, kept still on the side of the Prince of Orange's Army, and having observed in one of the Marches of that Army, that the Ground obliged him to separate from it, he caused his Cavalry to mount, and before the Van could succour the Rear he fought with so much Fortune, that we may say that he had the Advantage at first, but it proved otherwise in the end; as will be seen hereafter. This Battle we are going to relate, was fought at Senef on the 11 th'. of August. T●● Success of that Battle has been so variously 〈…〉 it is difficult to decide who had the 〈◊〉 both Parties have pretended to it, and 〈…〉 Reason, since it passed very equally 〈◊〉 both sides. 〈◊〉 the Armies were about Nivelle, The Battle of Senef. the Con 〈…〉 as earnest and solicitous to come to ● Combat, as the French were careful to avoid it, 〈◊〉 being resolved not to engage with the Prince 〈…〉 unless the advantage were visible on their 〈◊〉. The reason thereof was imputed in the 〈◊〉 place to the eagerness wherewith the young Pr●nce of Orange desired to open himself a Passage 〈◊〉 ●r●nce through Victory, in order to revenge the Injuries this Country had received from the 〈◊〉, and at the same time to make his first trial ●f a pitched Battle against so Famous and so Experienced a General as the Prince of Conde. In the ●●cond place, it was reported that the Prince of 〈◊〉 who was an old General, thought he should expo●e his Glory too much, by encountering a ●oung Prince of Twenty Three Years of Age. ●●ere was another reason which curbed the Natural eagerness of the Prince of Conde, although the Army he Commanded was composed of good Officers, and chosen Soldiers, well disciplined, ●●ready innured to Combats, and flushed by the continual Success that had attended them in two Wars, which could not be said of that which was Commanded by the Prince of Orange. This Reason was, that reflecting to himself that he had been very much out of Favour at the Court of France, during the Reign of Lewis the 14 th'. he considered that he should be called to a stricter account than ●●y other, should any considerable Misfortune befall his Army, by reason that thereby the Confederates would have had a free Passage into France, the Frontiers on that side remaining defenceless: And it is most certain that the loss of a Battle on the side of the French, would have been attended with terrible Consequences, and would have shaken the Grandeur of that Crown, by reason of the Discontents that reigned in the Kingdom, and in which the Prince of Conde was suspected to have a share. Those two different Dispositions obliged the two Generals, the one carefully to seek, and the other to avoid a Combat. In fine, the Prince of Orange concluding that the only way to oblige the French to fight, was to undertake the Siege of some considerable Place, which would engage them to the Relief thereof, decamped and marched towards Senef: He divides his Army in three Bodies; the German● under the Command of Count de Souch● led the Van; the Spaniards under Prince Vaudemont were placed in the Rea●, and the Dutch Commanded by Count Waldeck composed the main Body. The Prince of Conde who was Retrenched pretty near them, having observed their March, and seen as we have already observed; that they were of necessity obliged to pass some Defilies that were very narrow, tarried until the Van, and the ma●n Body were passed. And as soon as he perceived that the Rear began to march, he came out of his Retrenchments and charged the Spaniards vigorously, who made no great resistance; Insomuch that almost in a moment he killed above 1500 Men upon the spot, pillaged, or burnt part of the Equipages, took Standards, and several Prisoners of Note. The Prince of Orange who was at the He●d of his Forces, was extremely surprised at what passed in the Rear, and running thither full speed he found all his Men in disorder, and that the Prince of Conde in order to improve his Advantage, endeavoured to cut off one part of the Army, which was divided from the other by a Wood: That Prince had only time to possess himself a Rising beyond Senef, where he posted his Horse, and placed three strong Battalions before them to guard a Defily; but he could by no means succour the Spaniards, who being broken ●ell upon the Dutch and put them in a terrible disorder; insomuch, that the Prince of Conde pursuing his Advantage made an end of breaking them with ease. Had the Prince of Conde contented himself with that Success, it is most certain that the Victory could not have been disputed, but being encouraged by the hopes of obtaining a complete Victory, and believing that the Dutch whom he looked upon as being the worst Soldiers in the World, would never stand their Ground after the absolute Defeat of the Spaniards, he caused his whole Army to advance. This Prince who had p●●form'd one of the bravest and boldest Actions in Nature, whereby he would have gained an Immortal Glory had he stopped there, ordered Chevalier de Tourille, Lieutenant-General, to attack the Prince of Orange. Chevaliar de Tourille answered, That he was ready to go wherever be should Command, but that if he might be allowed to speak his Mind, The Prince of Orange was posted so advantageously, that he would certainly lose abundance of Me● if he came to a Battle: The Prince of Conde who did not love him, replied in a disdainful manner, That he did not ask his Advice; To which he added, That he had never been deceived in his Opinion of him, which was, that he was much fitter to advise and reason than to fight. These Words stung this Officer to the quick, who certainly was very brave: He marched away that very moment without a Reply, and passed a Defily in order to charge the Prince of Orange's Horse, which stood in Battalia, and executed the Prince of Conde's Orders, but he lost his Life by it, as well as most the Officers that followed him. He lived but one Hour after it, and a Moment before he died, he declared, That he did not regret his Life, since he died for the Service of his Prince, but that he should have been very glad to live a few Hours longer to see what would become of the Prince of Conde 's Undertaking, or rather to see him perish. In the mean time the Prince of Orange was marching to the Relief of the Spaniards, and of the Squadrons he had detached: but he found himself immediately hemmed in by the Runaways whom he could never stop, either by Words, Blows, Promises, or Reproaches. The Germans being informed of what passed came in time to reinforce the Dutch, at which time the Battle engaged, and began with great fury on both sides. The Prince of Conde having occasioned the loss of many brave Men was animated to that degree that he exposed himself like the meanest S●●ldiers. The Dutch made a very brave resistance; But the Prince of Orange perceiving that he was in danger of losing his Post made three battalions advance to sustain those that were: Before he could post them, his Men being pressed by the Prince of Conde retired to Fay, a Village that stood close by them, fortified with a Castle and a Church, and surrounded with Hedges. The Prince of Conde who had no longer any regard for his Men, without minding the Losses he had sustained in the two preceding Actions, ordered Fo●ces to march that way, and having met the three Battalions we have mentioned, that had not yet joined the others, he put them to flight. The next thing was to force the Prince of Orange out of Fay; but that did not prove easier that Prince who gave so many proofs of Bravery and Prudence in that occasion, being covered on o●e side by a Marsh, and on the other by a Wood, which he had lined with Infantry: But as nothing appeared impossible to the Prince of Conde, h● sent the Duke of Luxemburg towards the Wood, while he undertook to force the Village with his b●st Forces; but he met with a brave Resistance o● all sides: The Duke of Luxemburg was forced to retire with the loss of his best Officers and Soldiers: and the reason why the Prince did not do the same was, that he was resolved to overcome at any rate, to make Atonement for the loss of so many brave Men he had exposed without any necessity. The remainder of the Officers seeing the first Prince of the Blood exposed to the utmost P●rils resolved to share them with him. Never did People expose themselves with more fury, no● ever was a braver Resistance made. The ●●ench being repulsed every where made new Efforts 〈◊〉 drove two battalions of Infantry into a 〈◊〉 which they had posted themselves, and charged through the Squadrons that sustained them, but they lost so many Men in that Action, that they had no reason to boast of the Advantages they had obtain. This dreadful Combat lasted eight Hours by Daylight, and two Hours by the Light of the Moon, which did set to the extreme Grief of the two Generals. The Prince of Orange (while this Action lasted) gave all necessary Orders with an admirable Prudence. He neglected no Advantage he could improve, and charged the French several times at the Head of his Squadrons with that Bravery and Courage he has demonstrated in so many occasions: He opposed his own Men that were defeated and fe●● upon him, as well as his Enemies who pursued their Victory with great vigour, and remained engaged for above six Hours during the greatest heat of the Combat, until he was forced away by the Runaways. He rallied them several times, and charged with them afresh. In fine, he exposed himself, as well as the Prince of Conde, to more dangers than the meanest Soldier; insomuch that Count de Souches, in one of his Letters to the States-General upon that Subject, declared, That during all the time of the Combat, that Prince had shown the Conduct of an old General, and the Valour of a Caesar ● His Allies and Friends, in giving him the Praises and Glory he deserved, did no more than his very Enemies allowed. They said, that the Prince of Conde had multiplied himself during the Combat, and that he had met the Prince of Orange every where. But the greatest Testimony he received of it, and that which was most glorious, was that which the Prince of Conde gave himself, who speaking of that great Monarch, said, That he had behaved himself in every thing like an old Captain, excepting only his exposing himself to too many dangers, wherein he had 〈◊〉 like a young man. Nevertheless the Prince of Conde, as old as he was● had committed the same fault: For, as we have already noted, he exposed himself that day as much as the youngest man in the Army, when he perceived that the Battle grew bloody, and that all was at stake, so uncertain the Success did appear. The Combat was obstinate on both sides, and the two Generals exposed themselves to that degree, that it was evident they had much rather die than lose the Battle. The number of the two Armies being pretty equal at the beginning of the Battle, it was computed, that the number of the Slain proved also partly equal on both sides, and that about 15 or 16000 men had been killed, but the French lost more Officers than the Confederates. Night having parted the two Armies, rather 〈◊〉 the Weariness or Weakness of the Combat●●●●●s, the French retired to their Camp, and two ●●urs after the Prince of Orange repaired to that which he had designed for his Army the day be●●re● The Confederates pretended the Victory● because they remained Masters of the Field of Battle; and the● French challenged it, by reason that they took a greater number of Prisoners and Standards. But without deciding who had the Honour of the Day, we may say, that the Prince of Orange go● a great Victory, in not being vanquished by the Prince of Conde; and the Prince of Conde's Glory 〈◊〉 as great● in not being overcome by the Prince o● Or●nge. After the two Armies had refreshed themselves, and had repaired as much as they could the Damages they had sustained in that bloody Battle, they ●●arched into the Field again, and kept the World in exp●●tation of a second Engagement before the end of the Campaign. The Prince of Orange used his utmost Endeavours, in order thereunto, but the Prince of Conde chose such advantageous Posts, and retrenched himself so well, that it was impossible to force him without disadvantage. He contented himself with observing the motion of the Enemies, and with preserving the Conquests France had m●de, and to hinder the Confederate Army from entering into France, which was the Design the Confederates had projected. The Prince of Orange finding that it was impossible The Siege of Oudenarde raised. to come to any Action with the Prince of Conde, who kept upon the defensive, laid Siege before Oudenarde, in the Month of September, whereby he obtained his End, which was to draw the French out of their Retrenchments. Accordingly the Prince of Conde having received a Supply of Forces, which Marshal ● ' Humier● was to bring him, 16●9. he set immediately forward to attempt the relief of that place● As soon as the French Army appeared, the Prince of Orange assembled a Council of War, in which he proposed to march out of the Lines, in order to attack the Prince of Conde, before his Forces could be refreshed; which was very well projected. The Spaniards were of the same opinion, but Count the Souches refused flatly to consent to it, whereby that occasion was lost; besides, it created such Differences among the general Officers, that the Germans quitted the Trenches the next day, and posted themselves a league from thence, whereby the French got an opportunity to send whatever supply they pleased into the Town. This obliged the Prince of Orange to raise the Siege: Whereupon a French Officer telling the Prince of Conde, that that Prince was unhappy; he replied, That he was unhappy as he was brave, and that in time that General would prove as formidable to France as his Forefathers had proved to Spain. The following Campaign the King of France took the Castle of D●nant, and besieged Hue, which he took about the beginning of june, and the 9th of the said Month he invested Limbourg; the thirteenth the Lines of Circumvallation were begun: The Prince of Conde, and the Duke ● ' Enguien arrived in the Camp the same day, with eight Squadrons of Horse, and the following day the Marshal of Creque repaired thither also with 3000 Horse. The Trenches were opened the same day. The Prince of Orange prepared for the relief of this place, but it surrendered, without making any resistance, before that Prince arrived. The French Army had fatigued too much to accept any thing else; besides, the time of the Campaign of Germany approaching, there was a necessity of sending Forces to Monsieur de Turenne, who was in great want of it. To that end a Detachment was made, and sent to him; and there b●ing nothing more to be done in Flanders, the King retired to Versailles, and left the command of 〈◊〉 Army to the Prince of Conde. The Detachment that was sent in Germany turned the Scale; 〈◊〉 whereas the Prince of Orange was upon the de●●●sive before, the Prince of Conde was obliged to do it in his turn, and was put to a great loss. However, the Confederates attempting nothing, 〈◊〉 Campaign ended without any considerable Achievements on either side. While the Armies were without Action in Flanders, Marshal Turenne 's Death. all things were disposed to fight briskly in Germany, and the Vice-Comte of Turenne was killed at the Eve of the Battle he designed to fight against ●he Imperialists, on the 27th of july. The Prince of Conde received an Order to command in Germany, after the death of that General: He left Flanders on the 10th of August, and left the command of the Army to the Duke of Luxemburg. The Imperialists had besieged Haguenau on the 20th of the same Month: The Prince of Conde at that ●ime joined the Fr●nch Army that was encamped near S●edstadt, with a Supply of 15000 men, and being informed of the Siege Montecuculy had made, he marched away immediately with the Forces he had brought along with him, and went towards ●enfeldon and Erstein, in order to go near the River Prent●●, to encamp on the 22th at Holsheim, reporting, that he designed to attack the Imperialists, or cut off their Communication with Strasbourg. Montecuculy having notice of his march, went away the same day from Hague●a●, in order to offer the Prince Battle, 1675 and left 4000 men before the Place. The next day he arrived at Gartnervelt, where the Forces he had left before H●guenau came to join him, and he drew so near the Prince of Conde, that there was nothing but the River between the two Armies; but there fell so much Rain about that time, that neither of the Generals durst undertake any thing. The Imperialists only took some Prisoners, among whom was the Prince of Conde's Steward. They likewise cut over a Bridge at Howart near Stratsburg, in order to attack the French Army. Whereas that City had favoured the Designs of Montecuculy in the Siege of Hagu●nau, which he was obliged to raise, the Magistrates were no sooner informed of the arrival of the Prince of Conde, but they sent Deputies to him, to excuse what they had done; but they did not receive an Answer suitable to their Desires. The Prince of Conde made answer to them, That after having dispatched what was most in haste, he would visit them, if the King would believe him. That quick haughty Answer alarmed that City, which was not unacquainted with the Reputation and Humour of that Prince; they had already made trial of what he was capable of doing, for at the beginning of the War, Ricousse, one of the Officers of his Household, had made an Attempt upon the Bridge of Stratsburg, upon less provocation, the which had been contrived in his Closet. But let us return to Montecuculy. He was no sooner come near the Post, where the Prince of Conde was retrenched, but that Prince fired two Pieces of Ordinance to offer him the Combat. The Armies were very equal in strength: But the Emperor's General dreading the first fire of the ●●ench, and the Reputation of a Princes who passed for the best Captain of the Age he ●ived in would ha●ard nothing, and retired under the Canon of Str●t●burg. Nevertheless, he caused all the Equipage to be placed upon the side of the Ditch of that City, in order not to be incommoded thereby, in case the Prince of Conde should attack him; but that Prince did not intend to attack him in that Post. He retired towards the Mountains, and from thence to Chatenois, where there was abundance of Forage. Mont●cuculy went to encamp at Obern●eim, where he received a considerable Supply of Horse and Foot. The Prince of Conde having notice of it, ●earing that General might come to attack him, ●ortified his Camp with a surprising diligence, and having soon after received a Reinforcement of 2000 Horse, and some Foot, he thought himself secure. He had had a mind to quit the Post in which he was retrenched, but whereas it shut up the Passages into Lorraine, upon which the Imperialists had some designs, he remained in his Camp, insomuch that Montecuculi thought of nothing farther, than to fortify himself in Alsatia, where he made some small Conquests. However, in order ●o raise some Jealousy in the Prince of Conde, he caused Savern● to be besieged; but the Prince was no wise moved at it, knowing that the place was very well fortified, and that the Governor would make a brave Defence. And indeed, they were obliged to raise the Siege: The Marquis of Bade Dourlak, who commanded the Siege, after the raising of it, marched into the Country of Brisgaw, which obliged 4000 Horse the Prince of Conde had sent thither, to make a Diversion, to re●ire to the main Army. Thus ended the Campaign of 1675. in Germany, and all those of the Prince of Conde. The loss of Monsieur de Turenne was exceeding sensible to the King of France, for several Reasons: But had it only been for the Good of the Kingdom, he could never regret that General too much: And indeed there were so few persons capable of filling up his place, that when the King had examined i●, he could hardly fix upon one among all the Princes and Marshals of France. The Prince of Conde was generally the only man whose Valour and Merit was known to every body; but Mons. de Louvois was not his Friend, and the King did nothing without the Advice of that Minister. No body can imagine what reason Mons. de Louvoi● had to complain of the Prince, but yet it is most certain, that he did not love him, and that he dissuaded the King, as much as in him lay, from giving him the Command of the Army in Germany. He acknowledged indeed, that the Prince of Conde was one of the greatest Captains of the Age, and that no body could deny him a Glory he had acquired by an infinite number of Battles he had won; but at the same time he said, that he was too fiery, and too undertaking; that it was evident by the Battle of Senef●, that he preferred his own Glory to the Good of the Kingdom; that a wiser General would have gained an entire Victory, and preserved those Forces which he lost by his own Fault, after the first Advantages he had obtained over the Enemies; and that he durst not answer, that that Prince was as well affected as he had promised to be● when he made his Peace with his Majesty. Whatever Monsieur de Louvois could say to oblige the King not to give the Command of his Army to the Prince of Conde, that Monarch was so well persuaded of his Capacity, Prudence, and Gallantry, as well as of the Fidelity he had promised him, that at that time he had no regard to h●● Ministers Remonstrances. 1676. But the Prince de●●red himself of that Command which was offered him, by the Conditions he would make with t●e King: He desired the Duke d' Engui●is might ●●●mand the Army jointly with him, promising, ●●at he should do nothing without his Order; and tha● it was only to have the satisfaction to see his Son, whom he loved entirely, in a condition to acquire Glory. But the King, who had no great kindness for the Duke d' Enguiriss, being moreover of a temper to bestow his Favours freely, without compulsion, would not hearken to that Proposition: Insomuch, that the Marquis of Luovois taking the advantage of that Conjuncture, proposed the Duke of Luxemburg, who was accepted that very moment. As soon as the Duke of Luxemburg had received his Orders, he went away for Alsatia, which was the Rendezvous of the Army, which had never been so ●ine nor so numerous: But all the Officers soon found, that the King had given him an Employment he was not capable of, and that the Prince of Conde was the only man fit to discharge that Command with Honour in that conjuncture of Affairs. The Proof of this soon appeared, when the Du●e of Lorraine besieged Philipsburg: That Place h●ld out four months, and yet the Duke of L●xemb●rg was not in a Condition to relieve it, tho' at the head of an Army of 50000 men. The King was v●ry much troubled when the news of the taking of that place was brought him, that he had not sent the Prince of Conde to command in Germany; but there was no Remedy: However, he asked him what should have been done to save that place; Sir, answered the Prince, the Duke of Luxemburg should have hindered the Duke of Lorraine from besieging it; and since ●e ●ad committed that fault, he should have ventured the Army, and have gone to force the Enemy in his Retrenchments to the hazard of a thousand lives, if he had had as many. That was the only way. Although the War continued, and that with all the Vigour imaginable, Conferences were held at Nimnegen, for a Peace, the which was concluded in the manner every body knows. MEMOIRS OF THE Prince of Conde. BOOK VII. AFter the Peace of Nimwegen, The Prince of Conde retires to Chantilly. the Prince of Conde resolved to desire the King's Leave to retire to Chantilly. He told the King in a submissive respectful manner, That his Age and Indispositions obliged him to entreat his Majesty to consent to that Retirement. The King having granted it, the Prince quitted the Court, and repaired to that House, there to lead a private life. Divers Reasonings were used upon the Motives 1679. that had induced so great a Prince to lead a life so contrary to his Rank, in a Country House. Divers Reasonings upon that Retreat. Some imagined that his Indispositions had put him upon that Resolution, and that it had made him apprehensive, not only that his Health would still be more impaired in the Agitations of the Court, but also that as it might hinder him from making his Court to the King regularly, his Majesty mi●ht impute that sometimes to a want of Consideration and Respect, which only proceeded from Infirmity. Others conceiving no other Ideas of the motives of that Hero's Retreat, but such as were noble and sublime said, That after having acquired so so much Glory in Motion and in Action, he was willing to acquire a new sort of Glory in Rest and Solitude: That after so many Battles, and the tumult of Arms, he was desirous to taste those peaceable Virtues, and that quiet Glory that is neither ●o be shared with the Soldiers, nor with Fortune, in which all is charming, and nothing dazzles, which is beheld without being troubled with the sound of Trumpets, or with the noise of Guns, nor by the Cries of the Wounded, in which a Hero, reduced to himself, and possessing himself, appears as great, and is as much respected as when he commands Armies, when all moves at his nod, when he combats and gains Victories. Others alleged, that the Prince of Conde received, from time to time, at Court, Malifications from the King's who remembering what he had done formerly, gave him sometimes marks of a secret Resentment, and of an Aversion that had never been absolutely removed: That the Prince of Conde being very sensible of it, had wisely resolved to remove an Object from his Majesty's Eyes, which was not very agreeable to him, the which reviving the thought of former Transactions, might prove prejudicial to the Fortune of the Duke d' Enguien's his Son. It is most certain, that after the Peace of Nimwegen, nay, ever since the Prince retired to Chantilly, his Highness received grievous Mortifications. When the Prince of Conde was married to Madamoiselle de Blois, the King's Daughter by Madam de la Velliere, the Prince had the vexation to find 〈◊〉 in the Contract of Marriage he was to sign, 1655. 〈◊〉 Title of High and Mighty Lord, which had al●ays been given him, was omitted: And there●●●● when Monsieur Colbert presented the said Contra●● to him to sign it, he refused it, and went to ●●●plain to the King about it, who having heard 〈◊〉, answered with a disobliging tone, Sign Co●sin, 〈◊〉. Whereupon the Prince making a great bow did sign. He was likewise reduced to the hardship of do●●ng his Rank, upon all occasions, with the King's natural Sons; for, in order to please him, and to make his Court, he behaved himself towards them as if they had been his Equals, tho' never so young. Moreover, when the Prince of C●●de was married, the King having made inquiry, whether the Prince of Conde had visited Count 〈◊〉 Vermandois, Brother of Madamoiselle de Blois, the Prince, who had not made that Visit, being informed therewith, immediately waited upon him, to congratulate his Sister's Marriage with his Nephew; and whereas the Count de Vermandois took but a Folding Chair for himself, and caused an Arm-Chair to be presented to the Prince of Conde, the Prince durst not accept it, and sat upon a Folding●Chair, like him. The King was extremely pleased thereat, and yet he told the Prince, as soon as he saw him, Cousin, you should have taken the Arm-Chair; I expect that Vermandois should respect you. The Prince of Conde gave several other Instances of his Care to please the King, by the Esteem and singular Consideration he expressed towards his Majesty's natural Sons. I say, he gave other Instances of it in the same Conjuncture, in the manner I am going to relate. He being very earnest in Discourse with some Courtiers, the Duke d● Maine, and some other young Lords, being at Play near them, and making a great deal of noise, which interrupted their Conversation, which was very serious, and in which the Prince was very earnest, 1679. his Highness said angrily, Hinder those Children from making so much noise. The young Duke ●u Maine, who was but a Child at that time, having heard it, and addressing himself to the Prince of Conde, spoke these words full of Wit and Vivacity: Sir, I should esteem myself very happy, to be able to make as much noise hereafter as you have done by so many great Actions, and so many glorious Victories as you have achieved. The Prince of Conde had no sooner heard those words, but he reported them to the King, in order to please him, and to gain his Favour. In fine, all these different Motives which were alleged about the Prince of Conde's Retreat, may be joined, and perhaps might altogether induce the Prince to resolve upon the passing of the remainder of his Life at Chantilly, wrap● up in his own Merit, and in his own Virtue, although at that very time Deliberations were made in Poland, to raise him to the Throne. And indeed, in that charming Solitude, in which he only lived upon Milk, by reason of the Gout he was very much tormented with, he preserved a Life for near Twenty years long, which perhaps would not have lasted so long in the Tumults of the Court, he acquired a new kind of Glory, which was very considerable; and whereas he only went to Court from time to time, about three or four times a year, and that he omitted nothing at those times to please the King, he gained his Favour absolutely, and engaged him more and more to conceive Sentiments of Affection for the Duke of Enguien. Occupations of the Prince of Conde at Chan●●●ly. As soon as the Prince of Conde was retired at Chantilly, he applied himself to adorn and embellish his Solitude by all possible means, in which he succeeded admirably. That House of Chantilly was only an old Remainder of the House of M●ntmorency, and an old Castle that had nothing fine or regular in it; but the Prince made an enchanted Palace of it. And indeed, it was fit he should have a House not only suitable to the greatness of his Birth, but also to the Glory he had acquired in the World: Therefore he imagined a very fine Project, which he executed very nobly, and brought it to such a degree of perfection, that in the Order and Cimitry of his abodes on all sides it was easy to discover the greatness of his Genius, and Instances of the nobleness of his Heart. Besides the Cimitry and Beauty of the Building, the Groves, Brooks, Arbours, Fountains, Canals, Walks, and Water-works that played night and day, all showed the elevation or greatness of his Soul, and the politeness of his Mind. In this charming Abode he employed himself continually in a manner that was worthy of him: He consulted all manner of good Books, of which he was an admirable good Judge: He carefully observed all manner of Decencies: He employed and made those who came to visit him enjoy all manner of innocent. Pleasures and Divertisements: He made continual Reflections, at his leisure hours, on all the Events of his Life, and drew considerable Lessons from thence, for the conduct of Life: And indeed he corrected, in his Retirement, divers Defects that had tarnished the Lustre of his Glory● He imparted his Knowledge to some, his Counsels to others, and gave marks of his Affection to all. The most ambitious Courtiers, and those that were most fixed to the Court often, went to study that great man in his Retirement, and always came back with some Improvement. Chantilly was only frequented by men of Sense, and by such who had Wit enough to delight in hearing that Prince relate the divers Events of his Life, 1680. and a Thousand other curious things he was wont to say so agreeably upon all the Subjects he spoke on: Insomuch that whereas Chantilly abounded equally in things useful and agreeable, those who were there, forgot all other places with Joy. The Prince of Conde 's passion for War. The Prince of Conde still preserving a violent Passion for the Glory that is acquired in War, loved Motion and Action even in his Retirement. Being possessed with a noble Jealousy, he could hardly hear any Discourse of War, in the first year of his Solitude, but he took fire immediately: But the Peace not allowing him to appear at the head of Armies, he applied himself in gathering and causing those who made their court to him together, the sweetest and most useful Fruits of his Victories and most surprising Actions. Visits from the Prince of Conde to the King. He went out of his Retirement from time to time, to visit the King at St. german, and at Versailles, especially upon all extraordinary occasions. Of all Courtiers, none approached the Throne with so much Respect, or spoke to His Majesty with so much Submission as he did. And therefore the wisest and most skilful followed him in those Occasions, to study his way of making his court to the King. 1681. The Report of his Retirement, and of his eminent Qualifications, drew abundance of the People out of all the Provinces of France, Every body is earnest to visit the P. of Conde at Chantilly. and from the most distant Countries, out of curiosity to see the Wonders that were published about it; and they always found more than had been told them. The favourable reception he made them, his obliging Behaviour towards them, his Application in giving orders ●o divert them, without sparing any Cost; what they saw him do, whatever they heard him say, all charmed them, and they declared afterwards every where, that they had found him no less admirable at Chantilly, than in Sieges and Combats. And therefore whatever care was taken to show Strangers of consideration the greatest Curiosities in France, they were uneasie● until they could pay their Respects to the Prince of Conde, and have some Conversation with him; and when they returned into their own Country, they never failed to say, We have seen the Prince of Conde. But of all the Visits the Prince of Conde received at Chantilly, The King visits the Prince of Conde at Chantilly. the most glorious, without doubt, was that which the King honoured him with, for which his Highness expressed all the Gratitude imaginable. He received his Majesty with all the Respects, all the Joy, and all the Cheerfulness that could be expressed, and showed on that occasion an extraordinary Magnificence and Liberality, spending Fifty thousand Crowns to treat the King and Court splendidly. This great Prince having passed near Twenty years in his Retirement of Chantilly, The Prince of Conde 's last Sickness. in the manner I have related, the Thread of his noble Life was cut, by an Accident, which showed to what degree the King's Life was dear to him, and how little he valued his own compared to his. Being informed that the Duchess of Bourbon, his Granddaughter, natural Daughter to the King, was seized with the Small Pox at Fontainsbleau, he left Chantilly, notwithstanding his Indisposition, on the II. of Nou. 1686. to go to see that Princess. He met the Duke of Bourbon and Mademoiselle upon the Road, coming back from Fontainsbleau, ●6●6. by the King's express Command, upon the first Report of the Small Pox: This young Princes and that young Princess endeavoured to persuade the Prince of Conde to turn back, and to expect the News of what should happen at Fountainebleau at Paris. They omitted no Tenderness, Prayers, or Tears to persuade him, but they could not prevail, the Prince continued his Journey, and at his first arrival used all the means and precautions imaginable to avoid an Accident like unto that which the Small Pox had caused in his Family in 1685. by the Death of the Prince of Conti. And whereas the King was coming into the Duchess of Bourbon's Room, the Prince stopped him at the Door, and by a resistance equally strong and respectful, he hindered his Majesty from coming into a place where the illness of the Air might prove fatal to him; after which he fell into a Swoon within four foot of the place. As ill as he was, he caused himself to be carried several times in a day into her Chamber: But finally, the ill Air, joined to the Fatigue of that last Journey, threw him into a condition which soon put a period to his life. The Prince of Conde's condition being spread at Court, and at Paris, a world of Couriers were dispatched to him, from all the considerable persons of the Kingdom. The King, who was at Versailles at that time, sent two or three, whom his Highness received with great Respect and Gratitude. The Prince of Conde being detained at Fontainebleau, by an illness, which made every body so fearful of his Life, and the Prince of Conty being confined at Chantilly, that Prince, who was out of favour at Court, wrote a Letter, wherein he declared, That his Disquiets for his Highness' Illness were so great, that he could no longer forbear going to inquire about it himself, that he had suffered an exceeding great Violence for three weeks together, by conforming himself exactly to his Highness' Pleasure, who had commanded him not to go more out of Chantilly: That the Air of the Small Pox did not flighten him, and that his Majesty would not disapprove his quitting his ordinary Abode, in that occasion to acquit himself of part of his Duty. The person to whom this Letter was written having given the Prince of Conde an account of it, Make answer, said his Highness, to the Prince of Conty, that I am very much obliged to him, for the kindness he expresses towards me; but if he loves me, let him remain where he is: I shall be at Paris within these two days, and shall see him there. A Courier arrived at the same time from the Duke of Enguien, who had an account given him three or four times a day, about the Prince his Father's Health, according to the Orders he had left every time he had been at Fontainebleau, since the Court had left it. The Duke begged of hi● Father, by the said Courier, to give him leave to repair to him. The Prince had already sent him back twice or thrice from Fontainebleau to Versailles, to remain near the King, on whom a great operation had been made; and to observe all the favourable moments in which he might serve the Prince of Conty. He had obeyed, but could no longer endure to be absent from his Father. The Prince being earnestly solicited to give his Son leave to come to see him, he answered, That he did not question but his Son had a great desire to be near him; that he should be very joyful to see him also, but that both of them ought to sacrifice their own Satisfaction to their Duty; that he desired him to remain at Court; that as soon as there should be any necessity for his being near him, he would send for him, and that perhaps it should be sooner than either of them should desire it. He sighed next and squeezed the person he was speaking to by the hand, whereby it was suspected that he found himself worse, and that he would not be able to go to Paris within two days, as he had resolved. From that time his Distemper increased, and soon discovered that he had not long to live. And whereas Mons. Morin, his Physician, declared freely, in feeling his Pulse, that he found it very uneven. But is there no danger, said his Highness, do not dissemble it? Mons. Morin replied, that since he commanded h●m to speak his Opinion; he thought it was proper to think on the Sacraments of the Church. This is speaking, replied his Highness. Whereupon that Prince ordered a Courier to be dispatched instantly to Father Dechamps a Jesuit, who was his Confessor, to desire him earnestly to come to him as soon as he co●ld, to confess him, and to dispose him for death. After which he called for the Princess, and for Mons. de Gourville, and while they were gone for, he uttered some words. Mons. de Gourville being come near him, he told him with a composed Air, Well Gourville, my Friend, we must part, there is no Remedy. He was going to say more, when he perceived the Princess drowned in Tears. He conjured her with a serene countenance not to afflict herself and to send for the Duke d' Enguien, and the Prince of Conty, to come to him. Some body asked him, Whether the Duke of Bourbon, whom he loved so tenderly, should not likewise be sent for, since he was so very solicitous to pay his Respects to him? I should be very glad to see him, answered he, I love him with all my Heart, and as much as a Father can love a Son, but he is an only Son, he must be preserved, and must not be exposed to an ill Air, full of the Small Pox. After this he called for Paper and a Pen, and wrote a whole Page with his own Hand, the which he caused the Duchess of Enguien and Mons. de Gourville, and ordered it to be sealed, and delivered a●ter his death to the Duke of Enguien. That Writing related particularly to the Princess his Wife. Moreover, he took the liberty in the same Writing to conjure the King, to be mindful of that Princess, and to be pleased to prescribe her the manner in which she was to live; which the King granted. The Prince of Conde not only expressed by his Cares how much he was concerned in whatever rela●ed to the Interests of his Relations; but he likewise remembered all his Servants: He also remembered the Poor, to whom he left considerable Legacies, and ordered a Church to be built to serve as a Parish to Chantilly: Although he had declared his Will above a Year before concerning 50000 Crowns he had dedicated to charitable Uses, he was very careful in recommending the immediate Execution of his Orders upon that Subject. It was above Eighteen Months since he had done a very commendable thing, ●n order to accomplished his earnest desire of paying all the Deb●s of his Family entirely: He willed and commanded Monsieur de Gourville to examine seriously, and even with rigour against himself, and with Indulgence for his Creditors, all that might be demanded of him: He had declared that it was his desire, without any farther order from him, to have all great and little Sums paid that should be thought justly due by him; that he only reserved to himself the Debts of Grace, to dispose of them as he should think fit. I will, said he, wrong no body, and I had much rather lose part of my Estate, than have a Penny of another's: I have enough upon my Conscience, without burdened it, besides with so great a load as that of keeping any thing from another. While the Prince of Conde applied himself in doing good upon his Deathbed, and in expressing Esteem, Gratitude, and Affection towards divers Persons, he desired to write to the King: I will write to the King, said he: But not being able to do it with his own Hand, by reason that his Strength decayed continually, he dictated the whole Letter, Word for Word, as followeth: The Prince of Conde's Letter to the King. I Humbly beseech your Majesty to approve my Writing to you for the last time of my Life: I am in a Condition, in which apparently, I shall not continue long without going to give an account of all my Actions to God. I could wish with all my Heart, that all those that relate to him were as innocent, as all those that relate towards your Majesty; I have nothing to reproach myself for any thing I have done, when I first began to appear in the World: I have spared nothing for your Majesty's Service, and I have endeavoured to fulfil with Pleasure all the Duties to which my Birth, and the sincere Zeal I had for your Majesty's Glory obliged me. It is true, that about the middle of my Life, I have held a Conduct, I have blamed myself before any body; the which your Majesty has been pleased to forgive: I have afterwards endeavoured to repair my Fault by an inviolable Tie to your Majesty; and my greatest trouble ever since has been my not being able to do things great enough to deserve your Majesty's Goodness towards me. I have at least this Satisfaction, that I have omitted nothing of all that was most dear, and most precious to me, to show your Majesty, that I had those Sentiments I ought to have for your Person, and for your State: And all the Favours your Majesty has heaped upon me, may I yet presume to beg another, which in the Condition I am reduced to, would afford me a very sensible Consolation? It is on the Prince of Conty's behalf. I have Tutored him this Year, and I have the Satisfaction to have inspired him with such Sentiments, as your Majesty can desire. Father La Chair is sensible of it, he may satisfy your Majesty about it: That Prince has certainly some Merit; and had not I discovered all the Submission imaginable in him towards your Majesty, a very sincere Desire of being ruled and governed in all things by your Majesty's Will, I should not entreat you most humbly as I do, to restore him what he values above all things in the World, your Favour; he has sighed above a Year, and looked upon himself in this Condition as if he were in Purgatory: I beseech your Majesty to release him from it, and to grant him a General Pardon. Perhaps I flatter myself a little too much; But why should I despair of any Favour from the greatest King on Earth, of whom I die, as I always lived, most Humble, and most Obedient, and most Zealous Servant and Subject, Lewis de Bourbon. The Prince of Conde having signed this Letter, he ordered it should be kept ready to be sent at the time he should order. After which he applied himself to his Domestic Affairs again, and to Regulate them well with Monsieur de Gourville. His unconcerned, and peaceable Behaviour, at a time when the Bravest fall into Fainting Fits, generally occasioned by the apprehension of an approaching Death, he appeared at that time, what he had been during all his Life, infinitely above other Men. When he had made an end of speaking with Monsieur de Gourville, and had given all the Orders he judged necessary for the good of his Family, some took the Liberty to ask him whether he had forgot any thing he desired to declare his Will about. I believe not, answered he; but if I have forgot any thing, 'tis but speaking to my Son; I know his kindness towards me. I know his Heart, it is good, it is great, he will do whatever I could do myself, and more. The Night of the 11 th'. of December, about Eleven, he put himself in an Arm-Chair near the Fire, in his Nightgown, and his Legs upon two Folding-Chairs; and within two hours after it he sent for a Jesuit, who was at that time at Fontainebleau. He told him, that he found himself ill, and that since he was going to Travel towards Eternity, it was time to think earnestly upon it. The Duke of Bourbon was mentioned to him again, but he continued to answer, that the Satisfaction of seeing him ought not to prevail over the Danger he should be exposed to in coming to Fontainebleau. The Duke of Enguien 's Arrival. The Duke of Enguien arrived about Six in the Morning. He was seized with a violent Grief seeing his Father so near Death. The first thing he told him was, That for his sake the King freely pardoned the Prince of Conty for all that was passed; and that he was commanded by His Majesty to assure him therewith. This News was very agreeable to him, by reason that he had desired it above a Year, with an earnestness suitable to the Esteem and Tenderness he for that Prince. He likewise expressed a great deal of Gratitude for His Majesty's Goodness; and whereas the Letter he had written to him overnight was not gone yet, he unsealed it, to add Thanks to it, in the following terms. MY Son, Addition of the Prince of Conde's Letter to the King. at his Arrival has given me an Account of the Favour Your Majesty has been pleased to to do me, in forgiving the Prince of Conty. I am very Happy to have so much Life left, as to return Your Majesty my most Humble Thanks for it. I die contented, if you will do me the justice to believe, that no body ever had Sentiments so full of Respect and Devotion towards you, and if I may say so, of Tenderness, as Lewis de Bourbon. As soon as the Prince had signed what he had added to his Letter, he thanked the Duke of Enguien for his having taken his time so well, to restore the Prince of Conty to the King's Favour again. After which they had a very tender Conversation together, and gave each other all the marks of the most sincere and greatest Affection that ever was between Father and Son. When they had done, the Prince desired the Duchess to draw near. He said the most moving, and the finest things in the World to them both, about their Conduct, towards God, towards the King, and towards their Children, whom he named all one after another. In the next place he spoke to them about the strict Union that had always been between them, and of their reciprocal Duties, conjuring them to persevere in living in that perfect Union which had been admired by all the World. He ended this fine Discourse by directing them how to behave themselves towards their Friends, towards their Servants, towards Persons of Quality, and of all Conditions. After which he embraced them, and gave them his Blessing, for themselves, and for their Children, The Prince of Conde blesses his Children. wishing them all the Blessings of Heaven and Earth. The Duke of Enguien, equally moved with Grief and Gratitude, took his Father's Hands, and kissed them, returning him a Thousand Thanks for all his kindnesses. The Prince did not receive those marks of kindness from his Son with Indifference, ●hey affected him too sensibly: But considering that allowed too much to Nature, at a time he ought to turn all his thoughts on Death, he told him, My Son, you have no Father now. They made a stop there, and for a while only spoke with their Eyes. But they broke that silence to determine with an equal Satisfaction what Employments should be given to the Officers of his Highness' Household, who expressed his being very well satisfied with them, and desired they might be entertained still by reason of their Merit and Fidelity. After this he turned to Monsieur de Gourville, and said, By all the kindness you have for me, do not conceal from me, how long I have to live. Ask the Physicians. He often made the same Question all the day long; and he was still answered according to the Condition in which they found him. When ever his Eyes met with the Duke or Duchess, he discovered the Sentiments of his Heart sufficiently, without needing to express them by words. However he could not forbear telling a Jesuit softly, who was near his Bed, The Tenderness I observe in my Son, and in his Duchess towards me, to●ches me sensibly. The Duchess of Bourbon sent every quarter of an hour to inquire how he did: She would have come herself, had not the Distemper that kept her in Bed hindered her. For the most part he would see those that came from her, and made very obliging Answers for that Young Princess, towards whom he expressed to the end an extreme Tenderness. About Nine, seeing the Duke in a very great Anguish, he told him, that he was moved by his kindness, that he was satisfied with him, beyond what could be expressed by words. At half an hour after Eleven the Prince of Conty arrived. The Prince of Conty 's Arrival. The Tendernesses began anew on all sides. After which his Highness embracing the Duke and the Prince of Conty, told them all that a good Father could say to his Children, and conjured them to love one another like Brothers. He added, that they would never be great Men, nor great Princes, nor good Men, but proportionably as they proved, upright and faithful to God, and to the King. Father Dechamps arrived a quarter after Twelve, Father Dechamps is Arrival. his Highness opened his Arms to Embrace him, expressing a great Joy to see him. Every body withdrew. The Prince discoursed with that Jesuit about all that he had resolved within two Years about his Duty and Obligations, and made his Confession to him. About Two a Clock, the Duke of Enguien, the Duchess, and the Prince of Conty being come near him again, The Prince of Conde desires his Body may be carried to Valery, and his Heart into the jesuits Church. he spoke to them as he had done before, expressing all the Tenderness in the World towards them. At that time he ordered some body to tell the Duke, that it was his de●ire, that his Body should be carried to * In the Diocese of Sens. Valery; but that nevertheless he left him absolute Master of all, and that he might do whatever he thought fit about it, either as to the time and place, and the manner of Transporting him thither: That in that as well as in all other things he abandoned all to his disposition, submitting to his Will, to which he gave a full Consent from that moment: But however that he should be glad his Heart should be carried into the Church of St. Lewis † In the Church of the House of the jesuits. at Paris, to be placed there with his Father's. The Duke received his Orders with the Submission he ought. And whereas his presence as well as the Duchess', and the Prince of Conties moved him, and hindered him from applying all his thoughts on God, he desired them to withdraw. He also told the Physicians after having thanked them, that they might retire, and that he had no longer any need of their Assistance: And pointing to the Curate of Fontainebleau, Father Dechamps his Confessor, and the other Clergymen that were present, These, added he, are at present my real Physicians, who will put me in a way to die well. In the mean time the Duke and Duchess, as well as the Prince of Conty begged his leave to see him once more, to which he consented, on Condition they should retire immediately. They withdrew immediately, having seen him; but he was not long without thinking on them: For within half an hour he desired a Jesuit to go to them from him, to bid them a last Farewell. After which, Monsieur de Marege, who belongs to the Prince of Conty, being come into his Chamber, he received him in that obliging manner he was wont to receive every body, especially those he loved, and esteemed, as he did that Gentleman. He told him, You have always served your Master 〈…〉 well: Continue so to do, and never do anything derogatory to the Honour you have of belonging to 〈◊〉. He confides in you: You may tell him from me, 〈…〉 present more sensible of than ever I was● Sententi●●● words of the Prince of Conde. ●hat ● man must be Just and Good during his Life, and that there is nothing else solid. After which, he remained for some time silent. But then resuming ●he Discourse again, and giving some new Orders, a Divine venturing to tell him that he lived like a Great Man, and that he ought to die in the same manner, but especially like a good Christian, he took him by the Hand, and said, You praise me, and I do now deserve it. From that moment he did nothing singular, and expired so quietly, that it was hardly observed. Thus died that great Prince on the Eleventh of December, 1686. after having lived Sixty Five Years, The Prince of Conde 's Death. Three Months, and Three Days. While the Prince of Conde lay a Dying at Fontainebleau, The Prince of Conde 's Letter read at Court. the King caused that Great Man's Letter to be read at Versailles. Those who observed the three Tenses of his Letter, how slightly he passed over his Services at the beginning, and at the end of his Life, and how sincere an Acknowledgement he made of his Faults about the middle, were extremely moved by his Modesty, and the King himself could not refrain Tears, saying, That he lost a great Prince; these were his own words: And when that part of the Letter was read where the Prince returned his Thanks, and declared that he died Contented, and too Happy, since he had so much Life left, as to express his Gratitude, his Devotion, and if he might say so, his Tenderness to the King, every body did him the Justice to say, that he had Written sincerely. That very day the Duke wrote three Lines to the King, to acquaint him with the Prince his Father's Death. The Duke went to Versailles on the 15 th'. of December, The Duke goes to Versailles. to pay his Respects to the King; who received him with all the Kindness imaginable: And His Majesty expressed to him on the Occasion the Obliging Sentiments he preserved for him, and for his Father. He had taken the Prince of Conty along with him, whom he presented to the King, who made him sensible by his Reception, that he did not repent the Pardon he had granted him three days before, out of Respect to the Prince, and at the Entreaty of the Duke. The Duke did not tarry long at Versailles, and returned soon to Paris. He goes back to Paris. He received sufficient Testimonies, both at Court and in the City, that the Prince his Father's Death had made a deep Impression in the Hearts and Minds of all People. The Prince of Conde 's Body is carried to Valery, and his Heart to the Church of St. Lewis at Paris. In the mean time, the Order that had been given for carrying the Prince's Body to Valery, were put in execution. All things being ready, the Duke went away before any body, on the 21 st. of December, and tarried at Fontainebleau for the Prince of Conty, who came thither from the King. The Princ's Body was carried to Valery on the 22 th'. and his Heart to the Church of the Professed House of the Jesuits at Paris on the 24 th'. being Christmas-Eve. This Ceremony was performed with great Magnificence: And the Duke, who appeared in every thing, omitted none of the Duties his Good Nature, and Gratitude exacted from him. 1687. After which, the most Eloquent Persons in the Kingdom were employed in making Funeral Orations, in the Praise and Honour of the Prince of Conde. Funeral Orations in Honour of the Prince of Conde. The King having mourned the loss of that great Prince, and often declared in the middle of the Court sighing, that he had lost the greatest Man of his Kingdom, assembled the greatest Persons of his Kingdom in * Our Lady's Church Notre Dame of Paris on the ●● th'. of March, there to pay in Public what was ●ue to the Memory of that Princes and Ordered the Bishop of Meaux to speak the Funeral Oration. That Oration is very fine, and worthy its Author, and the Prince in honour of whom it was spoken. The 26th of April, Father Bourdaloüe, who about three Years, and a half before had spoken in the Church of the Professors House of his Society, in presence of the Prince, the Funeral Elegy of Henry of Bourbon his Father, spoke a Funeral Ora●ion in the said Church, in Praise of that great Prince, whose Memoirs I am finishing. That Oration is very Elegant, and most Magnificent, especially that part of it, where Father Bourdaloüe speaks without Dissimulation, and at large upon the Prince of Conde's behaviour in the Civil War, is incomparable. Never was so skilful, and so happy a boldness known: And that kind of daring in an Orator, if I may use the Expression seems to revive in our Minds that Bravery, and Heroic Fierceness the Prince of Conde used to show in Battles, and in the greatest Perils, the which was followed with so much Success. The Abbot du jarry likewise spoke a Funeral Oration in Honour of the said Prince in the Church of Maubuisson, before the Princess Palatine (who was Abbess of that Religious House) whom we have mentioned several times in the●e Memoirs. There are Master-strokes in this last Funeral Elegy. Several other Orations were made, in several Provinces of the Kingdom. But whereas, in those kind of Discourses, i● is usual to insist upon the Virtues of those for whom they are spoken; and that commonly, though nothing it said in them but what really is, yet many things are omitted; by reason that those things are suppressed which deserve no Praise; and that those things are disguised which cannot be concealed; and that by a false Light, in which the Orator's skill knows how to place his Hero's dress with cunning, he covers, and pa●●es slightly over those Parts that are defective: It is necessary to have recourse to History, to be fully instructed of every thing; and that to a faithful History, like unto this. I am now going to draw the Prince of Cond●'s Picture, with the same Fidelity I have observed throughout this Work. The Prince of Conde 's Picture. Lew of Bourbon, second of the Name, first Prince of the Blood; Duke of Bourbon, of Chateaurex, of Montmorency, and Bellegarte; Governor of Burgundy and Bresse; first Peer; Lord High Steward of France; Count of Clermont, Stenay, Dun, and jamets'; Knight of the Holy Ghost, and General of the King's Armies, was Tall, and well Shaped, his Hair Curled, lively Eyes, a Roman close Nose, his Cheeks Hollow and Lean, a long Face, and a very Noble and Haughty Physiognomy, his Teeth ill set, and uncleanly, a careless Air, taking little care of his Person. He was of a sanguine Constitution, Choleric, and Strong, he loved Hunting, Gaming, Joy, Pleasures, and Divertisements: He likewise loved Women, but without any particular Engagements, having never had any real Affection but for Madame de Chastillon. In his Youth he abandoned himself sometimes to small Debauches, and at that time made very pretty diverting Verses upon any Subject that occurred; they were Extempores no Poet could equal. He had a great Vivacity, a clear Wit, and very good Judgement, and expressed himself with a great deal of Ease. He had much Probity and Honour in great Actions: he was not Liberal, neither was he Covetous; he Laughed much, but disagreeably; he was very free, and very offensive in Railleries'. He kept no measures with any Body. He was of a Rough, uneasy, Impetuous, Passionate Temper, and thereby he ruin'd all the advantages Nature and Fortune, had bestowed upon him, frustrated the Extraordinary qualifications he was Endowed with which were such, that he would have absurd the Glory of the greatest Men in past Ages, had mildness and Complaisance been Joined to their lively Virtues, that shined in him, and to that Supreme Valour, which raised an Admiration in all the World. He had an admirable Genius for War, and particularly for Battles. He was Born for military Expeditions insomuch that he wanted no Prenticeship to form him. The Superiority of his Genius served him instead of Art and Experience; and he began by that which the most famous Conquerors would have been proud to end. He had a Martial heat, which made him dare and undertake all; a Fire, which in the execution rendered all things possible and easy to him, and a firmness of Soul, which no Obstacle could stop, or any Peril could frighten, which no Resistance could tyre, or discourage; a Vigilancy, which could not be surprised; a Judgement wherewith, even in the most dangerous Occasions, he foresaw whatever might obstruct or favour the Event of things; a great quickness in Resolving, the quickness of his Action not allowing ●ime to cross it. He knew incomparably well how to improve those Conjunctures and swift Moment's on which Victory depends. Nothing could equal his Activity, which in a day of Battle made him, dividing himself, as it were, to appear in all places. Supplying all, Rallying all, and Maintaining all. In so much that he was both General, and Soldier at once, and by his Presence inspired his Courage and Valour into a whole Army, even to the vilest Members thereof. And yet he preserved a great Presence of Mind in the heat of a Combat, and a Calmness he was never so certain of, as in a Engagement, and in the horror of the Tumult. In the Fire, in the Onset, in the first Mo●●on, something appeared in him all on the sudden, so clear, so settled, so lively, so brisk, so mild, and so agreeable for his own Men, and so ●●erce, and so threatening for his Enemies, that no body could imagine from whence that mixture of such opposite Qualities could proceed. How great an● glorious soever his Actions were, he never applauded them: The Court that prepared those Applauses for him against his return, which he deserved, admired his Modesty in receiving them: Whenever he spoke of his Victories it was with a Modesty, which neither his Complaisance for those that harkened to him, no● their Curiosity could overcome. When he related the gain of a Battle, People would have thought he had had no share in it: he only spoke in praise of those who had behaved themselves bravely in it● to give them the Glory of it, and to make them known at Court: he never was more Eloquent, or more officious than when he did them that Justice, and never more wary than when any body designed to surprise, or force his Modesty, to make him speak of what related personally to himself: When ●ny presumed to praise him, he took their Praises for an Offence, and could not endure Flattery, he dreaded even the very Shadow of it: He held it for a Maxim, that in great Actio●s one should have no other end than to do well, and so let Glory follow Virtue. He was as successful in Sieges as in Battles: He daily invented new means to advance the taking of Towns: He exposed his Men extremely, but yet no more than his own Person, and he was really persuaded that he spared his Men, in abridging the time of danger by the vigour of his Attacks. It is most certain that as a General he seldo● followed the common Maxi●● of War● his impetuous Humour, which was Enemy to Measure and Precaution, made him neglects Military Discipline, and inclined him to act Boldly, always to tempt his Fortune, and even to brave it, and to ●elieve that in Fight he must be victorious, and that Victory should not, as it were, dare to ●zeitate, to declare in his Favour; insomuch that no Man ever was so like Alexander, nor less like Caesar, excepting only Courage and Valour: And therefore it was a common Saying about him, That he was a great Prince by his Birth, a great Man by his Fortune, and a great Captain by his Courage. He thought he might Command among the Ministers, and behave himself in the same manner a● Court, and in the City, as he used to do in War; which occasioned all his Misfortunes: For want of following the Rules of true Policy, and of acting with Mildness and Cunning, he did not succeed, was guilty of several capital Faults, and run on to Extremes, which were attended with mortal Displeasure. In his Retirement he grew sensible of his Defects and Fault's, which made him sigh, and by his wise Reflections he became a new Man: He became a great Politician, Prudent, Mild, Civil and Obliging: He made his Court to those that were in Favour: He consented with all the Signs of Satisfaction and Joy, to all the Alliances the King seemed to desire: He was a Pattern of Application, of Devotion, of Submission, and of Obedience to that Monarch: All Courtiers learned to make their Court of him. In his private Life he quitted all those quick Sallies, those harsh Words, stinging Railleries', and ●ree Expressions he had been used to; he was altogether Mild and Civil, his Expressions modest and edifying. Nay moreovers he commanded all his Servants to acquit themselves of those Duties to which the Profession of Christianity obliged them, and ordered all such to be turned out with Remission, who by their Debauches, or Discourse should cause the least Scandals His Conversation was free and easy, and no body was perplexed or constrained by the Respect that was due to him, tho' every body was very sensible of it● He took care to temper that Respect in making himself familiar with some, and descending to others, being free with, and confiding in these, and entering into the Affairs of those, accommodating and proportioning himself to all. And whereas, all his Life-time he had been a Lover of Sciences, and Reading, and that at Chantilly he read all manner of good Books, even of Religion and Controversy; his Conversation was very improving. His great Genius embraced every thing, whether Sacred, Profane, Ancient, Modern, History, Philosophy, Theology, all manner of Arts and Sciences, even to the least Secrets of the Mechanics: No Books scaped him, he was able to Converse with, and Entertain all those that excelled either in Speculation, or in any Works. And moreover, whereas h● had an exquisite Judgement, a nice Taste, a lively Comprehension, a noble and just Faculty of thinking, and of expressing himself, and was able to judge of all things like a Master; all People improved by his Conversation, and rectified their Thoughts either by his penetrating Q●estions, or by his Judicious Reflections: His Conversation was Charming, by reason that he could speak to every body according to their own Talents, and not to Soldiers about their Undertake, to Courtiers about their Interest, to Politicians about their N●goci●tio●s, but also to curious Travellers of what they had discovered in Nature, in Government, or in Commerce; to the Handicraft-man of his Inventions; and finally to the Learned of all kinds, of all the most wonderful Discoveries they had made. He had a very great Affection, and Tenderness for his Family, particularly for his Son the Duke of Enguien: and it was chiefly his passionate de●ire of preserving and advancing his Fortune, that made him behave himself with so much Prudence in the last Period of his Life, and that he managd the King's and his Favourite's Temper with so much Care. He has always had, and ever expressed a great Aversion for Praises, as we have observed: All Europe was filled with the Fame of his Name, and r●ng with the Glory of his Exploits; and yet it was hardly mentioned at Chantilly. It was a kind of a Crime to praise him, especially in his Presence: And indeed none durst have presumed to praise him, seeing him so much above all Praises by his Modesty. When any body desired him in this Retirement to relate his fine Action in his Campagns, they perplexed him. There was a great deal of Pleasure in hearing him: ●ut it requi●'d a great deal of Art to engage to speak upon that Subject, and unless it were by surprise, nothing could be got out of him. Many have been surprised at his not writing the Memoir● of his Life: a thing he would have done worthily, and by which he would have laid an eternal Obligation on Posterity. Whatever Entreaties have been made to him about it, none ever could prevail: Nay more, his very Son, whom he loved so tenderly could never obtain it: That Refusal must be imputed either to his Modesty, or his Policy. In effect, whenever he was desired to write Memoirs of his Life, he answer'd● All I have done is only fit to be forgotten: Let the King's Life be written, all others hence forward will be superfluous. At other times he said: I could not do it without speaking advantageously of myself, and perhaps disadvantageously of others: and that●s a thing I cannot resolve upon, even in speaking the Truth. We shall now conclude by a Parallel that was made in the Year 1674. between that great Prince and Marshal de Turenne, a●out the eminent Qualifications they possessed in War. A Parallel between the Prince of Conde and Marshal de Turenne. A Greatness of Genius shines in the Prince of Conde ● a Knowledge ever present, an impetuous Courage, without trouble or precipitation. Monsieur de Turenne has the advantage of Calmness, Capacity, Experience, a firm and secure Valour. The other resolves in Council, is never at a loss in Disorders, taking his Resolution better than any Man living. This forms a Plan of War to himself, disposes all thing to his End, foresees all Obstacles with more Judgement than Slowness. The Activity of the first goes beyond what is necessary in order not to omit any thing that may be of use. The other is as active as he should be, but does nothing that is superfluous, in order not to dissipate, and ruin his Forces by unnecessary Fatigues. The Prince is equally feared and esteemed in point of Command. Monsieur de Turenne is more agreeable, and not less esteemed, leaving more Satisfaction, but not preserving his Authority so much. There can never be too much precaution use● against the Attacks of the first, and he meets with weakness in the securest Posts. The other meets with Safeties every where, and finds out ways to secure himself against the appearances of his Ruin. In Combats their ORDERS are almost alike. The Prince of Conde knows how to improve Advantages, and to repair Disorders; he makes the most of his Forces: He abandons himself wholly to the Action he is engaged in, and seems resolved to overcome, or not to outlive his Defeat. Monsieur de Turenne omits nothing of what may conduce to the gain of a Battle: when he is happy he improves every thing, preserves what he can; when he is not so, and ever leaves some resource for a better Fortune; whether through the Equality of his Temper, or by a long Experience of good and ill Successes, he receives all manner of Accidents with an even Temper. The Prince is more sensible to Misfortunes than Monsieur de Turenne, but his Haughtiness is more exasperated at it, and his Virtue excited by his Misfortunes proves strong enough to overcome them. Finally the Prince of Conde is the greatest Man in the World for a Day's Action, and Monsieur de Turenne for a Campagne: The one is ●itter to end Actions gloriously, and the other to end a War advantageously. The PRINCE makes War with more Glory for his own Reputation, 1686. and Monsieur de Turenne with more advantage for the Interests of the Party, in which he is engaged. FINIS.