VERA EFFIGIES CEARISSMI VIRI DOMNI GUALTHERI RALEGH EQV AUR. etc WARS WITH Forregin PRINCES Dangerous to our Commonwealth: OR, Reasons for Foreign Wars ANSWERED. WITH A List of all the Confederates from Henry the firsts Reign to the end of Queen ELIZABETH. PROVING, That the Kings of England always preferred unjust PEACE, before the Justest WAR. LONDON, Printed for William Shears in Westminster-hall, 1657. PROPOSITIONS OF WAR and PEACE Delivered to his Highness PRINCE HENRY by some of his Military servants. Arguments for War. FRames of Policy, as well as works of Nature, a Pausae et Hirtii consilium Caesari. are best preserved from the same grounds they were first founded on. By Arms was laid the foundation of this State, whether we respect the Saxon or the Norman. It was War that of seven Crowns in the Heptarchy made one fit for that Monarchy, that since by many glorious exploits hath made good in foreign parts the renown of her own greatness, and crowned thereby this State with an eternal peace. Times nor our own virtues are not changed: Necessity, Benefit, and Facility of War being the same that they were before to our forefathers. Reasons of foreign War drawn from 1. Necessity, for 1 Preservation of our own peace. 2 Venting of factious spirits. 3 Instructing in arms our people: 2 Benefits. 1 Wealth, by 1 Spoil of the Enemy. 2 Addition of Revenue by subjected territories. 2 Honour, by addition of 1 Title. 2 Dominion. 3 A more facility to effect then heretofore, by 1 Addition of new strength. 2 Substraction of diversions. We never were so near peril by shipwreck in any tempest abroad, as at home by the calm government of Henry the sixth. For France by the awful hand of his father reduced, it fared with us as with the mistress of the world, a Velleius Paterculus. Remoto Carthaginis metu, et Imperii aemula, when the fear of Carthage her competitour for the Empire was removed, that fell not by degrees, but Praecipiti cursu ab Armis ad voluptates, à negotio ad otium, rushed headlong from arms to pleasures, from employment to idleness. And from hence as greatest Nations, cum ab externis causis tutae videntur, ipsae suis viribus onerantur, when there is no longer fear of foreign enemies, their own strength becomes a burden to them: so after many conquests abroad, we were at home pressed down with the unnatural weight of civil arms: For cum foris non habent hostem, domi inveniunt, when people have no enemies abroad, they'll find some at home; as all warlike & fruitful Nations will, not otherwise delivered either of their humours or people. To add to this necessity, the sending away of our fatious spirits, it will remove the seat of blood from our own doors, and prove the cheapest school to train up in arms the better dispositions, whose military skill may after serve to defend the State; and by the late accession of another Nation will be now more needful, a Taci▪ An. 10. Ne novus populus otio et nimia pecunia lasciviret, lest that other people should grow wanton through too much wealth and idleness, and we in the end be enforced with the Satirist b juvenat. to confess Nunc patimur longae pacis mala, saviour armis Luxuria incubuit.— We suffer now the harm of a long peace, Whilst Riot, worse than war, doth thus increase. The benefis arise from Profit and Honour. The Spoils we have brought away in our French & Spanish attempts exceeding ever the charge in getting; and the Revenues of the subjected Signiories, as Normandy, Aquitain, etc. supporting with much advantage the expense in keeping: Our Honour, as the Style of our Kings, by confluence of so many Titles increased; and by accession of so many territories as we held in France, our dominions and liberties so far unlarged, The facility to effect this being now more than ever by the addition of strength, and substraction of diversions, in this happy union of the Britain Empire. AN ANSWER TO THE FORMER Arguments made by the command OF HIS HIGHNESS. AS he can give best Rules to preserve the health of a body natural, that by observing the divers humours, accidents and dispositions thereof, findeth at length the cause from whence it is or well or ill-affected, and so by mixture of Art and Observation sets to his Patient rules of exercise and diet: so is it in a Kingdom or Commonwealth. If then out of the Registers of Record and Story, the true Remembrancers of Art and Error in passages of State, it shall appear that those times which have been Answers to the former Arguments. 1 Affections of our wisest Princes ever to peace. 2 Foreign expeditions 1 Rebellions at home. 2 Cause of 1 Endless taxations 2 Vassalage. 3 Danger to the State. 3 Confederacy & alliance the means of former victories, no ways to be restored as heretofore. glorified with the mightiest Princes and wisest Counsels, would ever acknowledge that a Sil. Ital. lib. 11. Pax una triumphis Innumeris potior; one Peace outgoes for worth Innumerable triumphs; That Combustions at home were like Meteors, ever kindled in another Region, but spent themselves there; That our men instead of Laurel and Olive garlands to adorn with victory & peace our gates and Temples, have ever brought home fire-balls to burn our Cities; That foreign spoils have been summed up with Taxes and Penury; That this addition of Revenue hath tied us to a perpetual issue of our own Treasure; That by these titles of Honour we have bought Slavery, and by extenture of Territories, Danger; And that difficulty either to undertake or pursue any foreign enterprise now is much more than in any age before; I think that no Englishman will either love his own error so much, or his Country so little, as to advise a course so far estranged either from judgement or security. IT is manifest by warrant of our own examples, Examples of the affection of our Kings successively to Peace. that the kings of England, (except in some heat of Youth, which is not the best director of Counsel) preferred unjust Peace before the justest War: none inthralling their minds with ambitious desires of extending Territories, or imaginary humours of licentious Sovereignty; every one willing to pass his time with content of his private fortunes. Upon this ground Henry the second gave 20000. marks a Benedictus Monachus in vita H. 2. Expensarum nomine, under the notion of expenses, to the French king, ut firmior Pax haberetur, that he might have a firm and settled Peace. His succeeding son pro quieta clamatione de sorore sua ducenda, for a peaceable claim to the marriage of his sister, which was like to make a fraction, gave to the French King b Ex Matth: Paris pag. 214 decem millia librarum, ten thousand pounds. Three hundred thousand marks john gave to the French king, to match his calm entrance to secure peace. Until the confederacy with c Rog. Hoveden. Scotland, and invading of the land by Charles de Valois the French king provoked Edward the first, he never disquieted France with noise of war, as after he did by the d Ex additam. Prosperi Aquitaniae Episc. Earls of Richmond and Lancaster, although Boniface the Pope incited him thereunto. His Son, the second Edward, anno 20. requireth the Bishops and Clergy to pray and offer alms for him, and the people of this Stae; the words are, c Rot. Claus. anno secundo E. 3 m. 11. ut Deus nos regat et dirigat in mundi hujus turbinibus, that God would rule and direct us in the troubles of this world; for that having sought all means with France he could for Peace, ut Guerrarum discrimina vitaret, that he might avoid the dangers of war, he reaped nothing but bitterness, and detention of his Messengers, Son, and part of his Duchy of Gascoigne, his Rebels enjoying all Protection, and his Merchants all Inhospitality, whose ships his enemy hostiliter cepit, et Mercatores interfecit, took in a hostile sort, and slew the Merchants. The Parliament quinto of Edward 3. a Ex Rot. Par. anno 5. E. 3. n. r. was especially called to a consult how Pace might be procured. In his 17 year b Ex Rotul. Parl. anno 17. E. 3. the Peers and Commons petition him to labour a peace with France, and to solicit the Pope for mediation. The truce from hence effected he would by no means violate, but in the 20th. year moveth peace by all the offers he c Ex Rotul. Franciae an. 19 m. 10. can, as Contracts, Intermarriage, and to take up the Cross with France, in succursum Terrae Sanctae, for succour of the Holy Land. But all he could do could abate no whit of the French fury, d Ex Rot. Claus. in derso 20. E. 3. m. 16. part. i. a▪ who invaded by themselves Aquitain, England by the Scots, surprising in breach of Truce his Nobility of Britain, whom at Paris ignominiosae morti tradidit, he put to shameful deaths; there and in Gascoign murdering the rest of his Subjects, and rasing his Castles, nor would upon a second mediation admit any way of peace. War than was left his last refuge; e Liv. lib. 9 Et pia Arma quibus nulla nisi in Armis spes est, War is to that man just and lawful, who hath no hope of help but by war. And this his Clergy was enjoined to open in sermons, that he might eschew the infamy of Christian bloodshed. In his two and twentieth year finding war to have brought to his people f Rot. Claus. ann. 2. Ed. 3. gravia onera et multa mala, heavy burdens and many mischiefs, as the Record saith, and that the fortune of war cum splendet frangitur, when it shineth clearest is then nearest breaking; he passed over into France to seek peace divers times; and to strengthen his affections with the best hopes, he enjoineth all the Bishops of England to offer a Dors. Claus. an. 22. E. 3. m. 11. Siriliter 8. R. 2. Claus. m. 34. devotas preces suppliciter ad Deum, humble and devout prayers to God, to direct his actions to God's glory and the peace of his Country, nec non ad totius Christianitatis commodum, and the advantage of the whole Christian world; which he believed could not follow but by a firm amity with his neighbours. This is the dislike of war he openeth himself in the five & twentieth year b Rot. Parl. anno 25. E. 3. in Parliament, declaring the great means he had wrought by the Pope, but could not effect it: And in the third year after c Rot. Parl. anno 28. E. 3. calleth again the body of the State, to devise with him the means to obtain it; for that he saw his Subjects by war so greatly wasted. But d Rot. Paul. anno 29. E. 3. when anno 29. to redeem himself and subjects from the hard tasks they had undertaken, and to avoid effusionem sanguinis Christiani, quantum potuit, vel decuit, pacem quaesivit, the shedding of Christian blood, he sought peace as much as in him lay, and as far as was fitting, sending the Duke of Lancaster to Avignon in intercession, but all in vain; he stood upon his own strength. By which his confident adversary (the year following captive) that was afore obdurate, justly found, that one hour can overthrow simul parta et sperata decora, at once both the honours we enjoy and those we hope for. And we may truly conclude of this King's success, as Livy e Liv. l. 5. Dec. 5. of the Roman fortune, Propterea bella felicia gessisse, quia justa, that therefore his wars were prosperous, because they were just. To obtain his desire and Subjects quiet, he was contented to disclaim f Ex Chart. origin. de renunciat. in Thesaur. the interest that Right and Fortune had cast upon him. And after, though often again incited, yet never would be drawn to the hazard of war; for improbe Neptunum accusat qui iterum naufragium facit, he blames Neptune very unjustly who suffers shipwreck the second time: until the French King a Claus. anno 45. E. 3. contra juramentum & formam pacis, contrary to his oath and the form of peace, had vexillis explicatis with banners displayed, invaded his dominions in France, and with a Fleet intended to attempt England, ad ipsum Regem viribus subvertendum, utterly to undo the King by force of Arms. Richard the second, whom as well he left Successor to his troubles as to his kingdom, entered in the decline of his Grandsire's fortune, and after many years of war and much loss, had in the end an expectation of peace; which opened to his Commons and Council in Parliament, b Rot. Parl. anno 7. R. 2. n. 17. their longing affection was so much inclined thereto, that they advised the King, though it were in doing homage for Guien, Calais and the rest, he should not let slip that opportunity. Until Charles of France had received c Ex contract. origin. inter Owinum Glendowr et Regem Franciae. that dangerous Rebel Owen Glendowr, by the name of Metu●ndissimi Principis Walliae, the most dread Prince of Wales, into a strict confederacy against his Master (whom he vouchsafed no other title than Henricus de Lancastria) by contract, and had harrowed the Isle of Wight by the Duke of Orleans and Earl of Saint Paul, entered into Gascoign himself, and prepared a Fleet and an Army to invade this land, Henry the fourth did never disquiet his peace; and after many prorogued Truces, would not break out again, until Burgundy d Rot. Earl. anno 11. Hen. 4. n. 2. (that had wrested into his hand the Government of France) meant with all his force to besiege Calais, and annoy this Realm. The uncle and Chancellor to Henry the fifth declared in a Rot. Parl. an. ● Hen. 5. Parliament the desire his Master had to procure Peace, and how the French King had refused all reason, denying to render his prisoners, or ransom those 〈…〉 Agin-Court battle: so that the King was driven to his last hope, which was by dint of sword to seek his peace, concluding thus his speech; Bella faciamus ut Pacem habeamus, quia finis Belli Pax est: Let us fight, that we may obtain peace; for the end of war is peace. Henry the sixth, to save the expense of his people and treasure, offered b Rot. Parl. anno 14. H. 6. ●. 2. many large and liberal conditions, but received in exchange nothing but scoffs: he was contented to part with the Duchy of Main, to make up a peace with his uncle of France. Against the Duke of Somerset it was objected c Ex Artic. in Confilio contra D. Somerset. by the Duke of York, that he (contrary to the Oath and Council, by breaking the Amity between the two Princes) was the only ground of the loss of Normandy. There is extant in the Treasury d Int. Record. Thes. Westm. a petition of 9 of Hen. 7. from the Captains and military men, pro pace habenda, that they might have peace. Neither interest of right, not jealousy of increasing power, could draw Henry the 8. unto the quarrel of France; until the Church complained against Lewis the 12. ( e Ex Bulla Pap. H. 8. who neither esteeming of God, good fame, nor conscience, detained the revenues of the Clergy, supported the Cardinal William to aspire to the Papacy, aided in the siege of Boucy Alfonso of Ferrara, and the Bentivogli, both Traitors to the Papal Sea, where he intended to lay the foundation of his Empire to usurp all Italy,) & besought him for the pity of our Saviour, and by the virtue of his famous Ancestors (for I use the words of the Pope's Brief) a Ex tractatu origin. in. l. B. 266. that never forsook the Church of God in distress, and by his filial obedience, (the strongest bond) to enter into that holy League, they having elected him against Lewis, Caput foederis Italici, Head of the Italian League. Edward the sixth, b Ex procla: E. 6. de expeditione contrae Scotos. until urged with the touch of his honour, being by his neighbours neglected in the marriage of their Mistress, never attempted any war against them. The quarrels of France in the time of his succeeding sister, after the marriage with Spain, were neither properly ours, nor begun by us, although in the end we only went away with the loss. Her Sister of holy memory, to effect the peace with France, forbore c Ex tract. Cambrens▪ 1569. the demand of Calais for 8. years, & neglected to urge a just debt of four millions from that Crown. d Ex 〈…〉 am. anno. 3. 〈◊〉. And the labours she spent to confirm amity with Spain, by many friendly offices of mediation, are apparent to the whole world; though in the end of her desires she failed: whether happily in prevention of the Spanish Monarchy eternising her memory, or that this work of peace was by divine providence reserved for him that could and hath best effected it, I know not. Only I conclude, that as the first Monarch in Rome, so the first in Britain might justly write, Pace Populo Britanno terra marique parta, janum clausi, having settled Britain in peace by land and sea, I have shut up the doors of janus' Temple. Foreign arms the ground of trouble at home, by the Enemy, who to divert will attempt. Subjects wearied with Toil. Taxation. Feared with the effect of tyranny. Enured to wars can never suit after to a quiet life. It is evident by our own examples, that for the most part, the Civil or Foreign Armies that have oppressed this State, have been either bred out of our first attempting of others, or out of the grievance of the Nobility & people, either wearied with the toil and charge, or feared with the effect of Tyranny, which might corrupt the good fortune of their King, or else (a plague no less of war) that the better sort enured to command abroad, have forgotten to obey at home, and the inferior by living there upon rapine and purchase, unwilling here to tie themselves again to order and industry. There is in the Register of State no time that so well expresseth either the danger or damage we underwent in waking an adversary, Examples of Invasion drawn from the attempts of others. as that of Edward the third. Out of many examples I will select some few, beginning with the tenth of his reign; at what time his intention was to attempt somewhat in France, but diverted by Philip, who, mustering in partibus Britanniae ad invadendum Regnum Angliae, in the parts of Brittany to invade the Kingdom of England, a puissant Army, Ex Rot. Scotiae anno 10. E. 3. m. 14. enforced Edward the third to fall from his first purpose, and insist upon his own guard: for which cause, to the infinite charge of himself and people, he levied 80000. men out of the Shires of this Kingdom. To withdraw his forces from France, in the thirteenth of his reign, they invaded the Realm, and burned the Towns of Plymouth and Southampton, places that suffered from the same motive the like calamity. In the first of Richard the second, after the Battle of Cressy, when they feared our too much footing, and we too much believed our own fortune, for she cito reposcit quod dedit, quickly calls for back what she gave us; the a Duke of a Rot. Parl. Normandy, to draw home our forces levieth an Army of forty thousand men at arms, and forty thousand foot, sharing by idle contracts beforehand with his confederates not the spoils only, but the Kingdom itself: the Honour and some other portion of benefits he reserved as his own meed; the possessions of many English Subjects in pure alms he voweth to the Church of Normandy, and to the French King an yearly tributary Fee of twenty thousand pound. In these terms this Realm stood almost all the time of Edward the third. The Coast-dwellers were so frighted from their habitation, as in the thirteenth year the king commanded the Earl of Richmond b Rot Franc. in dorso. 22. E. 3. m. 6. and other Peers to reside at their border houses; and was enforced in the two and twentieth to enjoin by Ordinance, that none should remove that dwelled within sex leucas à mari, six leagues of the sea. It was no whit altered under his successor Richard the second; for in is entrance the French burned the Town of Rye, and in the third year after Gravesend. And in the tenth year of his reign, to change his intended journey for France in person, the French King prepareth an Army to invade this land. This quarrel led us almost into an eternal charge at sea, and in the Northern limits, they and our neighbours there being tied of old in strict assurance of mutual aid: by whose desperate and perpetual incursion (for nescit Plebs jejuna timere, an half-starved rabble fear nothing,) the fattest parts of our borders were left waist, the men and cattle of England (as 16. Edw. 2.) impetus Scotorum fugientes, being fled for safety to the Forests and desert places. The like I find in the first of Edward the third: they ever thus interrupting us in our expeditions into France; as in 20. Ed. 3. in the first and second of Richard the second, in the fifth of Henry the fifth, and in the fourth of Henry the eighth, when he undertook his holy voyage against Lewis the twelfth. And either being no less ready to nourish the least spark of rebellion in this State, as that of the French King to counterpoise King john; or work out Henry the third from his Duchy of Normandy, as France did; or moving underhand by the Duke of Britain, the Earl of Hartford to reach the Crown of Richard the second, and when he had got the garland, suborning Owen Glendowr (with whom he contracted as Prince of Wales) to busy the same King at home, that he might divert his intended purpose from France or Scotland. WHen Henry the third had devoured in his mind the kingdom of Sicily, Nobility in dislike of foreign expeditions have rebelled. the Nobility finding the expense of Treasure, and fearing the exposing of their own persons, grew so unwilling, that by the bent and course of the record it apappeareth a Ex Rot. pat. & claus. de annis 40, 41, 42. Hen. 3. appeareth not the least ground of that rebellion which after drew the King and his Son to so foul conditions. A judgement there must be between powers and undertake, that though affections may carry a man to great things, they make him not attempt impossible: for where great minds are not accompanied with great judgements, they overthrew themselves. As in this Prince, who by the Pope's incitement simplicitatem Regis circumveniens, circumventing the King in his honest meaning, (they are the words of the Author b Cominei censura de come. char. cap. 8. ) intending to rifle the fortunes of others, was in the end enforced to play at dice for his own stake. The Earls of Hartford, Bohun and Bigot, made the grounds of their commotions the distaste they took at Edward the first for exacting their Service in the quarrel of Gascoign, Burden of personal service grievous. a foreign Country. And they might seem to have some colour to refuse, but in a more mannerly fashion, either attendance or charge in recovery or defence of Provinces in France, since so many consents in Parliament, as c Ex Rot. Parl. de anni▪ 20. R. 2. 6. et 9 Herald 4. 1. et 7. H. 5. 20. of Rich. 2. 6. and 9 of Henry the fourth, the first and seventh of Henry the fifth affirm the Commons not to be bound pour supporter ses Guerres en la terre de France ou Normandy, to support his wars either in France or Normandy; declaring no less by public protestation, than they did by undutiful denial. For the burden of Charge, Burden of charge grievous, ground of much trouble and oppression. it was no less distasteful than the former of Service, this kingdom being (as it is said d Cicero Epist. ad. Att. lib. 5. of the Roman Provinces occasioned by war) made desert, and the people desperate by Exactions. In the conquerors time the Bishop of Durham was killed by the tumultuous people, opposing an imposition levied by him. There was a Ex Radulpho Cogeshal. de anno 8. 10. annis. murmuratio et imprecatio Praelatorum in Regem joannem, mutterings and curses from the Prelates against King john, for demanding in the eighth of his reign a relief of them and the Laity for his wars. In the 16th. year Cives Londinenses joannem odio habuerunt pro injustis Exactionibus quibus Regnum fatigaverat, the Londoners detested King john for his timing out the Kingdom with unjust taxations. b Ex Matth. Weston. The sink of his expense in war was so bottomless, that (as the story saith) he was constrained desaevire quotidie cum incremento, to grow every day more unreasonable in his carriage towards the Church and Commonwealth, eas bonis suis variis modis spoliando, by despoiling them several ways of their goods. c Ex Matth. Paris hist. minori. Hinc secutum est Bellum inter Regem et Barones quod cum morte Ioannis solum finem habuit: This was it which kindled that war betwixt the King and his Barons, which nothing could quench but the death of john himself. In the 26th. of Henry the third, ob exactionum frequentiam est Regi cum Baronibus contentio, by reason of the continual exactions there arose a contention betwixt the King and his Barons d Ex Matth. Paris hist. ma. pag. 780. At the Parley of peace with them being demanded a reason of that their action, they answer that since he came to the Crown, being not twelve years, multoties ei auxilium dederunt, they had many times supplied him; and expressing the particulars besides in the same place, he had received tot Escaetas, so many Escheats, by the vacancy of rich Bishoprics, death of so many Barons and others that held of him, that those alone would have made him rich if they had been well employed. That the Itinerant Justices had by amercing the defaults gleaned them so near, that per illa Amerciamenta et alia Auxilia prius dataomnes de Regno ita gravarentur & depauperarentur, ut parum aut nihil habeant in Bonis, by those Amercements & the Subsidies they had formerly given him, all the Kingdom was so crushed & impoverished, that they had little or nothing left them. And that was the ground of their resistance. a Ex Joanne Eversden. Archiepiscopus Cantuariensis et alii Praelati resistunt Regi, the Archbishop of Canterbury and other Prelates resist the King, when in his fifteenth year he demanded Scutage. And although he laid open to the Parliament his great debt causa bellicae expeditionis in partibus transmarinis, occasioned by his foreign expeditions, was answered by Ranulph Earl of Chester, the mouth of the Laity, That in the former Aides Pecuniam suam effuderunt, quod inde paupers omnes recesserunt, unde Regi de jure auxilium non debebant, they had poured out their money so liberally, as that being all impoverished by it, they were not obliged to assist him any farther. And thus b Ex hist. Matth. Paris pag. 32. dissolved the Parliament. The Clergy of the Realm in the 24. of Edward the first denied the demand of Contribution c Ex Matth. Westm. Walt. Gisborn. in expeditionem Regis contra Gallos et ad reprimendos Scotos, towards the King's expedition against the French, and the repressing of the Scots. And ob has crebras exactiones magnus fit tumultus inter Regem et Barones, by reason of these frequent extorsions, there arose a great difference betwixt the King and the Barons. One of the Articles of treason objected against Mortimer a Rot. Claus. anno 5. E. 3. in Parliament 4. of Edward 3. was the offence he bred in the Commonwealth, by causing a Subsidy to be exacted. This humour of the people did somewhat suit with that of the Inhabitants of Trevers, b Cassiodori Var. who stoned to death Proclerus for persuading Theodoret the Goth to crave a Subsidy. The Clergy in the 12. of Edw. 3. c Rot. Alm. m. 22. deny such a grant of their Wools as the Laiety had yielded to, for supplying the King in his affairs of France. The like answer they make 44. of the same King, when he d Tho. Walsingham. Rot. Parl. anno 44. E. 3. demanded in Parliament a Subsidy of them & the Commons of 100000l. And the same King grown doubtful of his people pressed down with Impositions, requireth the Archbishop, e Rot. Alm. 12. E. 3. m. 22 Quod cum Populus Regni sui variis Oneribus, Tallagiis & Imposittionibus praegravetur, ut idem Archiepisc. Indulgentiarum muneribus, piis Exhortationibus, & aliis modis, eundem Populum placare studeat, & ipsum Regem excuset, that since the Subjects of his Kingdom were overcharged with many Burdens, Tallages, and other Impositions, the said Archbishop would by grant of Indulgences, seasonable Exhortations, & otherways endeavour to pacify the people, and excuse the King. By reason of the Census per Capita, Pol-mony imposed by Parliament 3. of Richard the second to defray the wars in France, there were f Ex Rot. Par. de an. 2. 3. 5. 7. 8. & 9 R. 2. & Claus. anno 8. E. 2. dirae imprecationes in Regem, & magnae post perturbationes in Regno ex Plebis insurrectione, heavy and bitter imprecations against the King, which were followed with great troubles in the nation by the insurrection of the Commons. And as well in the reign of this King, as some other of his Predecessors and Successors, the Parliament was so tender in grant of Subsidy & other Taxes, that they added into their Act, a Ex chron. S. Albani. quod non trahatur in consequentiam, that it should be no example for the future, appointing peculiar Treasurers of their own to give account upon Oath the next Parliament: and such Grants, which they professed to proceed b Rot. Parl. anno I. H. 4. ex libera & spontanea voluntate Dominorum & Comitatuum, from the free & voluntary grant of the Lords and respective Counties, to be void if Conditions on the King's part were not performed. And this unfortunate King had cast upon him as an argument of his unworthiness to govern, the exacting of so great Subsidies, and extorting so much money from the Shires that submitted their Fortunes unto his mercy. And when Henry the 6. in anno 20. would have had a Relief from his Subjects c In Bundle Inquisitionum, anno 20. & anno 24. Hen. 6. de aliqua summa notabili, of some considerable sum; he had in answer, Propter inopiam, etc. populi illud non posse obtineri, that in regard of the poverty, etc. of the people it could not be granted. The like 24. of the same King. Great men have been disposed sometimes to humour the waste of Treasure in their Princes, either to subject Power by Need to their devotion and awe, (for Princes dare most offend them whom they have least cause to use;) or to force Necessity to extend Prerogative so far, until by putting all into Combustion, some may attain unto the end of their Ambition, others the redress of supposed Injuries. d Ex lib. Abbat. de Ramsey. Thus did the Faction of Hen. the fourth in the one, and the Nobility under Hen. the third in the other; who hereby quitted the State oppressed (as they thought) with the King's Half-brothers, the Poictovins and other Strangers. Subjects fear to have the enemies of their Soveragins too much weakened, lest themselves become Tyrants. And it is in the farthest respect in the a Mat. Paris Hist. min. Baronage under John, Henry his son, and b Ex Adam Merimouth in vita Ed. 2. Edward the second, to fear as much the absolute Greatness of their Sovereign, as they did the Diminution of their own estates. And therefore when they found their King to grow too fast upon any neighbour Adversary, then would they lend their best aid to diminish his power or fortune; lest by enlarging himself upon the other that poized his greatness, he might forget and become a Tyrant; as one saith of Henry the first, c Mat. Paris Hist. min. Assumpserat cornua audacia tam contra Ecclesiam quam Regni universalitatem, Roberto fratre & aliis inimicis edomitis, having once overcome his brother Robert and other enemies, with audacious and presumptuous horns he gored as well the Church, as the rest of the Kingdom, breaking his Seal, his Charter, and his Oath. The memory of this caused the Nobility d Mat. Paris Hist. majori. to call in the French Kings Son, when John their Sovereign began to know his own authority (as they thought) too much. And the French Subjects aided on the other side Henry the third against their Mr. when he was almost cooped up in his Britain journey. This (as the Story's report) being a practice usual in those days. THe last mischief is the disposition that Military education leaveth in the minds of many; Military Education cause of trouble in the state. For it is not born with them that they so much distaste peace, but proceeds from that custom that hath made in them another nature. It is rarely found that ever Civil troubles of this State were dangerously undertaken, Heads of dangerous Rebellions hae been only such as by Command in War have forgot to obey in Peace. but where the plot and pursuit was made by a spirit so infused. King john had been after a Mat. Paris anno 5. Joan. sine Regno without a Kingdom, as he was at first sans terre without land, if his rebenediction had not wrought more upon the disloyal designs of Fitzwalter and Martial, (whom his own elective love had made great in opinion by the Norman Services) then either his rebated Sword or blasted Sceptre could. b Willielm. de Rishanger in Historia If Simon Montfort had not been too much improved in Experience and his own Opinion by the many services he underwent in the government of Gasco●gn, he had never so much dared against Duty, as to come over at the first call to make head against his Master, and pursue him with that fury of Ambition, untilt he had forced him to redeem the liberty of his person by the blasting of so many flowers of his Imperial Crown: and to set himself so far below the seat of Majesty, as to capitulate with them upon even conditions, which not performed (I use his own words) c Ex Charta concess. Baronibus anno 49. Hen. 3. Liceat omnibus de Regno nostro contra nos insurgere, it shall be lawful for all persons in our Kingdom to rise up against us, and to do omnia quae gravamen nostrum respiciant, ac si Nobis in nullo tenerentur, so to act all things in reference to the grievances from us upon them, as if they were by no ty obliged to us. If Richard Duke of York had never learned to be so great a Soldier at the cost of his Master Henry the sixth in another State, he had never disquieted the calm of his Times, or given just occasion to his Opposite Somerset to say, Verba Ducis Somerset. contra Ducem Eborac. coram Rege. That if he had never learned to play the King by his Regency in France, he had never forgot to obey as a Subject when he returned into England. Our own times can afford some, whose spirit improved by Military employment, and made wanton with popular applause, might have given instance of these dangers, if good success had been a relative to bad intentions. And every age breeds some exorbitant spirits, who turn the edge of their own sufficiency upon whatsoever they can devour in their ambitious apprehensions, seeking rather a great then a good Fame; and holding it the chiefest Honour to be thought the Wonder of their times: which if they attain to, it is but the condition of Monsters, that are generally much admired, but more abhorred. But war some may say mouldeth not all men thus: for virtuous men will use their weapons for ornament amongst their Friends, against Enemies for defence. And to those men their own goodness is not safe, nam Regibus boni quam mali suspectiores sunt, for Kings suspect good men sooner than bad. King's must have their Ministers pares negotiis fit for their business, and not supra above it, or too able for it. For another man's toomuch sufficiency (as they take it) is a diminution of their respectiveness, Many disorders in the State by return of the common Soldier. and therefore dangerous. THe meaner sort having forgot the toil of their first life by inuring themselves to the liberty of War, which leaveth for the most part the lives of men to their own looseness, and the means of getting to their own justice, can never again endure either order or labour; and so return but to corrupt the Commonwealth with their lawless manners. For living more riotously than the rapine of foreign victory could warrant, (as for the most they do) in contempt of their own private Want and Fortune, they desire a change of the public Quiet. In Tumults and Uproars they take least care for their livings, howe'er the world goes they can be no loser's: for like Silla's Army, making no difference between sacred and profane Robberies, (for the vitors' Sword seldom teacheth either mean or modesty) they will be ready upon every advantage to pillage their Countrymen at home. For who can expect men dissolutely disciplined can ever use their arms with moderation? Against the fury of such seditious Outrages many Parliaments, as a Parl. ann. 22. Hen. 6. in the 22. of Hen. the 6. have been solicited for redress. And that example in b Froisard. Champaign after the Peace at Calais 1360, where this licentious Rout at the close of those wars slew the Duke of Bourbon, and besieged the Pope at Avignon, may suffice to express this mischief. It hath no less weakened the bond of mutual Trade; since our Merchants, whom the necessity of late times left to recover by force the losses they pretended, do now teach, as a Maxim of their Mystery and our State, That the directest way either to wealth or security is by Rapine and Spoil: and to cloak their own ends pretend the common good; as if the State stood by their affections, when in truth they themselves cannot fish but in aqua turbida in troubled waters; & therefore would have Incendium Patriae a bonfire of their Country, if it be but to keep warm & a wake their own humours. THe last motive from Necessity is, Exhausting of the people no Necessity but Danger. the ease War bringeth to a surcharged State. Intending it seemeth War but as the Sink, and Soldiers but as the Corruptions of Commonweals; whereas besides the inevitable use of the one, and the noble condition of the other, (an Error in the argument) Nature doth never oppress further by increase, them she again dischargeth. The breast of the Mother she enableth to nourish up as many as the Womb shall uno partu at one birth ever bring forth; proportioning to the number of the children the condition of their Strength and Appetites. It is then accession of our own that may surcharge; for Parents by such indulgent admission may soon famish whom in Motherly affection they intent to cherish. But admitting the former ground, whether by this way of waste we be ever able and at pleasure to gauge the Issue (when such elective power is left to him only qui suis stat viribus, non alieno pendet arbitrio, who stands by his own strength, and not at the pleasure of another) is considerable; since to begin cuivis licet, deponere cum victores volunt, is easy for any man, but the laying down will be at the conquerous pleasure. For the wasting of our people in ambitious Erterprises (as that for an Empire by Constsantine in France) left this land as a prey to the barbarous Frontiers, a Bed 2 Hist. Eccl. lib. 1. omni milite & floridae Iuventuts alacritatespoliata, being left naked of Soldiery, and robbed of the choicest flower of youth. And when we were tied to make good our undertaking in France, the waste of our people was so great, that to supply extremity we took purgamenta urbium, the dregs of towns, (as Curtius saith of Alexander;) a Ex Rot. Franciae an. 22. E. I. Need hiring the Bankrupts by protection, as in 22. of Edward the first; and enforcing, against the rule of justice, the Judges to put Placita eorum in respectu qui in obsequium Regis profecturi sunt, Pleas in the behalf of such as were to go in the King's service. And as Tacitus of a declined Majesty saith, emunt militem, non legunt, they buy their Soldiers rather than make choice of them; we made purchase of general Pardons of all that were Utlegati, Banniti, aut de Feloniis indictati, si cum Rege transitare voluerint, outlawed, excommunicated, or indicted of Felony, in case they would go over with the King. As in the same year of the former King and in the year after were discharged out of all Prisons in the Realm to the number of 97 notorious Malefactors. b Ex Rot. Original. in Arch. Thesaur. And in the 18. of Edward the second, and 8. of Edw. the third, and 12. of Edw. fourth we did the like. An army better apted by Necessity then Election to live upon the Enemy, Quibus ob Egestatem & Flagitia maxima peccandi necessitudo est, whose indigency and former ill way of life must needs make them ready for any mischief. In the end of this King last remembered, and entrance of his Heir Richard the second, the State began to be sensible of consuming Issue; which not lying in the King's power (now as the strength of France, set on Revenge, stood) to stay at pleasure, (for— arma tenenti Omnia dat qui justa negat— Deny the Soldiers due, You give him all you have) it was urged to him in Parliament a Ex Rot. Par. anno 7. R. 2. 7. of his reign, as an error in his Government: whereto he answered, that they ought not to lay the cause upon him, for that together with the Crown the Wars descended unto him. And the Chancellor 4. of Henry the 4. declared publicly in the Higher House, that by the mischance of War and want of reasonable Peace, (for I use the words of the Roll) occasioned by dissension and private desire, the flower of Chivalry and Rock of Nobless within the Realm was in a manner consumed. Nobilitas cum Plebe perit, Lucan. lateque vagatur Ensis, & à multo revocatum est pectore ferrum. The Peer and Peasant falls, and hating rest Bloody the Sword returns from many a breast. And the whole State by war had been thus subverted, had not God as a mean raised that King. But since the end of man's creation is not for the Slaughter, Better to disburden the state by Colony then War. nor education of Arms to make men Castawayes; the course most answerable either to Charity, or Example, (for Rome did by Colonies enlarge and confirm her Empire) is to transplant that we may best spare. In Ireland we may increase the King many Subjects, and in the Indies God many servants: a world from our Forefathers looked up by divine Providence, as only best to glorify and purify these Times. And as in war conquirendus potius miles quam dimittendus, Soldiers are rather to be listed then disbanded; so post bellum vires refovendae magis quam spargendae, after war forces are rather to be cherished then wasted. And thus much in answer of Necessity. Answer to the Arguments of Profit. THe profits gained by Foreign Expeditions cannot be any ways so truly esteemed, Profit of war. Expense of money, Munition and men. as by setting down the expense of Money, Men, and Munition, by which we have made purchase of them. I will therefore deliver as they fall in sequence all the Impositions, Taxes and Lones, whether by general Grant, or Prerogative power levied of the People; summing after up, as I go along the times of our Princes, the number of Men, Ships, and vast provisions of Victuals raised to supply the necessity & expense of War. William the Conqueror in the entrance of his government took of every Hide-land 12d, A summary of all the exactions upon this State from the Conquest to the end of the late Queen. a due of the Subjects to the Sovereign both before and since the Conquest. to defray such charge as either the defence of the Land from spoil, or the Sea from Piracy, should expose the Prince to. It is called Dane-geld, Gelda Regis, or Hidage, and was sessed by the Hide or Ploughland, like to that Jugatio per jugera taxation by the acre in Rome, yet by no rate definite with this as with another Exaction, taken, as the Monk of S. Alban a Ex Matth. Paris pag. 8. & 15. saith, sive per fas sive per nefas, by fair means or by foul. He passed over into France, into the list of charge he ranked the Bishops and Abbots, sessing upon them and at their charge a proportion of Soldiers for his service, exiling many worthy men that opposed this thraldom. William Rufus anno 7. William Rufus. set upon the heads of so many as he mustered up for the French wars 10. shil. a man, and so discharged them. In an. 9 he to the same end spoiled the Churches of their Ornaments and Holy vessels, and levied 4 Hidages of every Ploughland, a Ex antiq. legibus Anglioe. Tributis Angliam non modo abradens, sed excorians, not only shaving, but even flaying England with his impositions; so that wearied with war and expense, ne respirare potuit Anglia sub ipso suffoc●ta, England was quite stifled by him, and could not so much as breath.— b Silius Italicus. Quid jam non Regibus ausum? Aut quid jam Regno restat Scelus?— What durst not Kings than do? What mischief could the Nation suffer more? in this King's time. c Ex Hist. Gualt. Gisborn. Henry the first anno 5. magnam à Regno exegit Pecuniam, exacted a great sum of his Kingdom, with which the passed into France: and by this means d Ex Hist. Mat. Paris. gravabatur terra Angliae oppressionibus multis, England was born down with many oppressions. e Ex Hist. Mat. Westm. He took in the 10. year 6. shillings Danegeld. f Ex Hist. Hen. Hunting. And in the 17. Quod inter eum & Regem Francorū magnum fuit dissidium, Anglia fuit variis depressa Exactionibus, & Bonis sine peccato spoliata, by means of the great difference betwixt him and the King of France, England was oppressed with divers exactions, & men spoilt of their goods for no offence at all. Of King Stephen there need no more than the words of the Monk of Gisborn, Stephen. g Ex Hist. mon. Gisborn. Post annum sextum Pax nulla, omnes partes terrebat violenta Praedatio, after the 6. year of his reign there was no quiet, but all parts of the land became a prey and spoil to violent men. Henry the second, Henry 2. alluding not unlike to the Feoda given the Eremitae in the decline of the Empire, as Salaries by which they stood bound to defend the Frontiers against the Incursions of the Barbarous Nations, continued the Policy of his progenitors, who allotted the land into such and so many equal protions, as might seem competent for supportation of a Knight or man at Arms; from whom (as occasion required) they received either service or contribution. This Tenure, now esteemed a Thraldom, began upon a voluntary and desired submission; for who from his gift would not of the Prince accept land upon the like conditions, so it toucheth not the Sovereign as a wrong to the Subject, but as in right his own? And therefore respecting their first immediate dependency upon the Crown, which is a great part of the King's Honour, their duties and Escheats a great benefit, and their attendance by Tenure in war at their own charge to the number of 60216 at the least, (for the Knight's Fees in England are no less) a great ease, strength, and security to his State; for they are totidem Hostagia, so many Hostages, as Bracton saith; it were a thing perilous now to alter, after such a current of time & custom. This King to understand the better his own strength, publico praecepti edicto quod quilibet Praelatus & Baro, quot Milites de eo tenerent in Capite publicis suis instrumentis significarent, he caused it to be proclaimed that every Prelate and Baron should notify by public deed how many Knightships they held of him in capite. By this rule of Scutage, constant in the number, he levied always his Subsidies and relief, though divers in the rate. Of the first, which was near the beginning of his Reign, there is no record. The second Scutage, a Ex Gervas'. Dorobernen. anno 1159. which was anno 5. amounted to 124 millia librarum argenti, thousand pounds of silver; which reduced to the standard of our money 5 shil. the ounce, whereas that was not five groats, will amount to near 400000l. An. 7. a Ex lib. Rub. in Sccrio. Scutagium fuit assessum ad duas Marcas pro Exercitu Tholosae, a Scutage was assessed 2 Marks for the army at Tholouse; which if summed up by the received number of Knights Fees, being 60216 in the hands of the Laity only, of our moneys cannot be less than 250000l. The like in the next year. In an. 11 b Ex Gervas'. Dorobernens. there was an Aid pro servientibus inveniendis in exerciu, to find men to serve in the wars, of 2d. de unaquaque libra in every pound. And 4. sequentibus annis de singulis libris singulis denariis, in the four following years a penny in the pound was taken of all men, the estates of men's Fortunes being delivered upon their Oaths. In the 14. year a Scutage was assessed c Rub. lib. in Sccrio. ad Marcam unam de singulis Feodis, one Mark on every Fee. And anno 18. d Ex hist. Rossens. Scutagium pro quo libet Feodo, a Scutage for every Fee. A Tenth of all moveables was granted in the 35. of his Reign. In which year dying, 900 e Ex hist. Mat Paris. millia librarum in auro & argento, praeter utensilia & jocalia reliquit, he left in money 900000 pounds, besides Plate and Jewels. f Rub. liber in Sccrio. Richard the first in the beginning besides Scutagium Wallae assessum, Richard 1. a Scutage assessed upon Wales at 10. shil. levied as in the succour of the Holy Land a Subsidy out of all the Movables in the Realm to his own use; g Ex hist. min. Math. Paris. Rub. libr. Et eleemosynae titulo vitium Rapacitatis inclusit, cloaking his ravenous extortion under the fair name of a pious alms. A contribution there was in the 6. year of 150 h Ex hist. Walt. Coventr. millia marcarum argenti ad pondus Columniensium, 150000 marks of silver to pay his ransom: as also a Scutage assessed at 20 shil. In the i Ex. Rog. Hoved. & Walt. Covent. 7. he imposed for his wars a contribution called Tenementale. Extremity (for by his waste and imprisonment he had almost exhausted the wealth of the State) invented nova & varia praedandi vocabula, new and sundry words to express his exactions, as Tacitus a Tacit. annal. 4. saith, of Centesima & Quinguage fima, an hundredth part and a fiftieth part, (names that since have found reception and use with us.) This was 2. shillings of every Ploughland from the Husbandman, and from the Gentry and Nobility the third part of their Military service. He enforced the Cistertian Monks b Ex Joan. Eversden. to redeem the same year their wools fine Pecuniaria, at a Fine. For his Army into Normandy c Rub. lib. in Sccrio. he took a Scutage assessed at 20 shillings. d Ex Walt. Coventr. And 4. years after of every Ploughland 5. shillings, and of every Borough and e Ex Math. Paris. City duos palfridos & totidem summarios, 2. horses and as many summaryes; and of every Abbot half as much. Then losing of purpose his great Seal, proclaimed that f Ex charta origin. Omnes Chartae & Confirmationes novi Sigilli impressione roborarentur, all Charters and Assurances should be confirmed by the new Seal. Whereby anew he drew from all men a composition for their Liberties. This fashion was afterwards taken up by some of his Successors; as g Ex hist. Mat. Paris pa. 209. of Henry the 3. when all again were enjoined qui suis volebant libertatibus gaudere, as many as would enjoy their Liberties, ut innovarent Chartas suas de novo Regis Sigiilo, to renew their Charters from the King's new Seal. Some reason h Exhist. Rog. Hoveden. Richard had in the end to becoma a gatherer, that had not long before by account of Chancellor Hubert then Archbishop, spent infra blennium undecies centena millia Marcarum argenti de Regno Angliae, King John. within less than 2 years eleven hundred thousand Marks of silver current English money. His brother john succeeding a Rad. Cogshall & Rub. lib. in Sccrio. took in the first of his Reign a Scutage assessed at two Marks. b Ex Rog. Hoveden. For the two next years 3 shil. of every Plough: c Ex Math. Paris. and the year following, besides a Scutage as before, the 40. part of the Revenues of the Clergy and Laity. d Lib. Rub. in Sccrio. In the 4. year he took the like Scutage, and the e Ex Math. Paris. seventh part of the movable goods of the Baronage & Clergy. A Scutage assessed at 2 Marks f Ex Lib. Rub. Sccrii. in an. 5. g Ex Rad. Cogshall. The like in the 6. and 7. years 20 shil. Scutage; and the 13 part of Movables aswell of the Church as Laity in the year following. In h Ex Math. Paris. an. 9 he exacted by redemption of the Concubines of the Clergy a great sum: In the 11. i Walt. Coventr. & Rad. Cogshall. extor sit tributum grave, scil. 140 millia librarum à viris Ecclesiasticis, he extorted a great tribute, viz. 140000 pounds of the Churchmen. And to furnish his Army, k Ex Math. Paris. Clericorum Horrea invadit, he came upon the Barns of the Clergy. In l Ex Rad. Cogshall. the 12. a Scutage assessed at two marks, besides an exaction m Rub. lib. in Sccrio. of 22000l. from the Cistertians. He took n Ex Rad. Cogshall & Rub. lib. in Sccrio. in the 13. year a Scutage assessed at 20 sh. pro excrcitu Walliae, for his Welsh Army; exacting o Math. Paris hist. min. from the Ministers of the Church in the year following 40000 marks. p Rub. lib. in Sccrio. And in the 16. year Scutagium assessum fuit pro exercitu Pictaviae ad 3 Marcas, a Scutage was assessed at 3 Marks so the Army in Poictou. Thus in the space of 17 years the State was delivered but thrice from Impositions. In the time of Henry the third, Henry 3. q Ex Rub. lib. in Sccrio & Joan. Eversden. upon the Clergy, Nobility and Gentry there was assessed 15 Scutages; one at 10 shillings, two at 20, eight at two Marks, and 4. at 40 shillings the Knights Fee. a Mat. Paris, & ex Rot. Claus. & finium an. 12, 13, 15, & 19 Hen. 3. & ex lib. Chart. Cantuar. Episc. The land of the inferior sort twice taxed; first at 2 shillings, after at half a Mark the Plough. b Rot. Pat. anno 8. H. 3. And two Tallages upon the land of the Crown. c Ex Tho. Walsingham, & Mat. Paris. Claus. anno 19 H. 3. From out of the Lay Subjects movable goods hath been taken 5 times: as the 40. the 30. 20. and 15. parts, d Ex Mat. Westmonast. and once the 16. of the Clergy for this King. e Ex statuto anno 4. c. l7. Dors. claus. anno 16. H. 3 & Eversden. A Tenth he 9 times imposed upon the Church: six times for a year only, and by itself; once accompanied with the First-Fruits; once for 3. years; and once for 5. f Ex lib. Cantuar. Episc. Besides 2. Aides, the one moderate, the other called g Ex Eversden & Paris. gravis exactio, a heavy exaction, and worthily, if to the 800. Marks imposed upon h Ex Mat. Paris & Eversden & Dors. claus. anno 16. H. 3. S. Edmund's Bury all the other Abberes were rated accordingly. i Ex Walt. Gisborn. And by the account of Willihelmus de Midleton k Rad. Cistrensis, ex Eversden, Paris & lib. Chart. Cant. Archiep. anno 8. H. 6. he received in the time of his government de exitu judaismi 4020000l. And as in all the 56. years of his reign (excepting five) either the Church or Commonwealth were charged with contribution-money to relieve the expense of war; so were they grieved with other Exactures, either for Carriages, or Victuals, or personal attendance. In the 16. year the inhabitants of Winchelsey were enjoined l Ex Joan. Eversden Pat. an. 3. E. 1. m. 26. ut providerent decem bonus naves & magnas ad transfertandum in Pictaviam in servitium Regis, to provide ten good and stout ships for the King's service in Poictou. m Rot. claus. an. 26. Henr. 3. And at another time 20. Dunwich and Ipswich 5. a piece, and the Ports proportionable, all at their own charge. In the same year n Ex H. Mat. Par. p. 517. and for the same service there was transported 10000 quart. of wheat, 5000 of oats, and many Bacons. The Church not forborn in those charges: For from Winchester a Ex Rot. lib. anno 26. H. 3. 2000 quarters of Wheat and Oates, and 1000 of Bacon's was taken. b Ex Hist. Mat. Paris. The other Bishops and Clergy bearing their parts of victuals in the like Exactions, coming— ut unda supervenit undae: ac si esset Anglia puteus inexhaustus, as wave follows wave, as if England were a pit never to be drawn dry. c Dors. claus. anno 14. H. 3. n. 8. & claus. 12. Herald 3. m. 2. In the 12. and 14. the King levieth Soldiers for his wars beyond Sea, collecting pro Exercitu suo de singulis duabus Hidis cur. upon every two Hides so much for his Army, and to bring secum victualia victuals with them: and those for whose service the King dispensed, et quos Rex vult remanere in partibus suis, and such as he pleased should continue at home, to contribute victuals to those that went for 40. days: commanding the Sheriffs d Claus. an. 14 H. 3. n. 7. to swear all ad Arma qui post eum remanebant in Anglia, in forma qua jurati fuerant tempore Ioannis Patris sui, to Arms, who stayed behind him in England, after the manner they were sworn in the time of King john his father; by which Ordinance of King john all able Subjects from Youth to decrepit Age were bound to arm themselves, and be in continual readiness e Claus. an. 16 H. 3. m. 11. à sero usque ad mane from night to morning, (for so the Record is) to attend the King's pleasure. And therefore Henry the third in anno 14. f Claus. an. 14. H. 3. m. 9 mandavit Vicecomitibus quod venire faciant ad excercitum Regis homines juratos ad ferrum, commanded the Sheriffs to send all those to his Army who had been so sworn, bringing with them Loricas, Habergiones, etc. Coats of Mail, Habergeons, etc. And to such as neglected this service he sent his Writs, reprehending them at first, a Claus. in Dorso, an. 15. Hen. 3. Jurgatorie e quòd, etc. tartly for that, etc. and after fining them according to their abilities and Tenors. Taking b Rot. finium 26. H. 3. m. 4. an. 26. of Willihelm. de Umfrevile pro quietatione passagii, for the securing of his passage into Gascoign 100 Marks; and so in proportion of many others. Edward the first exacted from the land of his Subjects 4. Edward 1. times Scutage, assessed every time at 40. shillings the Knights Fee. And once an Aid called Auxilium novum, a new Aid, which he farmed out for ready money. Of the Rents of the Clergy he took a Tenth part twice for one year, and once for six; and the 20. part twice from both the Provinces, and once for two years from Canterbury only. The possessions of the Prior's Aliens he seized once into his own hands, putting the Monks to a bare Pension of 18. pence a week. Of the goods of the Clergy he took the 30. the 15. and the 5. part once, the Moiety three times, and the Tenth seven times; whereof the Grant was first for two years, and then for three years, and once for six years. c Rot. Pat. anno 25. E. 1. m. 3. sced. Of the goods of the Commons the 8. the 9 and the 12. part he took once, twice severally the 10. and 11. the Sessors being sworn to levy and rate truly. Three times he had the 15. part, and once the moiety of a 15. From the Clergy and Laiety together the King had granted of their Movables a 10. a 15. and a 30, part. Of the Cities and Boroughs, besides a great Loan, once the 7. and 8. and twice the 6. part. From the Merchants a 20. and a 7. portion once of their Commodities; imposing a new Custom of a Noble upon every Sack of Wool which he let out to Farm. And under pretence of some breach of Amity with those parts whether his Merchants traded, he seized anno 22. a Rot. Vascon. anno 22. E. 1. m. 8. all the Wools into his hands, and made of them instant Sale to the best value, leaving them upon security to a short price and a long day of payment. He took b Ex Rot. Vasco. an. 22. E. 1. m. 17. the same year, to the distaste of the Pope and murmur of the Clergy, all the money gathered in sub sidium Terrae Sanctae, for the succour of the Holy Land, to furnish his Journeys. Upon the persons of his Subjects he imposed one Tallage, c Ex Rot. Vas. an. 22. E. 1. sessed either in communi in general, or per capita by the Poll. And twice the like upon the jews: whereof the one amounted to 50000 Marks. Neither were his people by continual payment (for there was but one year of intermission all his Reign) freed from attendance in their Persons. For in record there appeareth plentifully his writs to the Sheriffs: as d Rot. Pat. anno 31. E. 1. an. 31. de poditibus eligendis de tota Anglia, for the choosing of foot-soldiers throughout all England; and to be found and furnished by their several Countries: calling e Ex Hist. Joan. Eversden. his Earls, Barons and Knights to personal service according to their Tenors. His Son the second Edward assessed upon the lands of his Subjects twice Scutage; Edward 2. once at two Marks, & once at 40. sh. the Knights Fee. From the Revenues of the Clergy rated by the book of Tenths, he at distinct times took 4d. 5d. and 12d. in the Mark; and once the 15. part of the whole. From the goods of the Clergy a Tenth for three years. And twice f Claus. an 8. E. 2. m. 9 a Loan from the Abbots and Bishops. From the laiety (besides a Tallage of their Movables) in Cities and Boroughs once a Tenth, twice a 15. and twice a 20. part of their goods. Besides a Loan from the Commons, and 10. shillings borrowed upon every Sack of Wool from Merchant Strangers, and a Noble from others. a Claus. 16. E. 2. Claus. anno 12. E. 2. From the Clergy and laiety together of their goods a Tenth, a 15. and twice an 18. part, besides a Loane. He augmented his father's new Custom with an Imposition of a Noble more upon every Sack of Wool. And anno 10. b Ex memor. Sccii. an. 10. E. 2. ex parte Rem. Thesaur. quia exitus Regni sui & terrarum, because the profits of his Realm and dominions elsewhere, together with all the money granted by the Church and laiety, ad sumptus Belli sufficere noluit, was not enough to defray the charges of his wars, and that he must infinitam pecuniam effundere, spend a vast deal of money; he sesseth and increaseth an Imposition upon all Commodities inward and outward to an extreme Rate; and caused the Commons in every Shire to lay down money in deposito to pay his Soldiers; and took from the Nobility and Gentry a large contribution towards his wars; and seized c Rot. Vascon. anno 22. E. 2. m. 13. in sced. omnes Lanas & Coria Mercatorum, data securitate Possessoribus derationabili pretio postea solvendo, All the Wools and Hides of the Merchants, giving security to the Owners that a reasonable price should be paid for them afterwards. He charged the Ports and Sea-Townes 12. several years ad costos suos & sumptibus villarum, at their own costs, and the charge of the Villages about them, (as the Record saith) to set to Sea in his service Ships furnished Armis & victualibus, with Arms and Victuals; sometimes for one month, as anno 11. d Rot. Scot anno 11. m. 17 sometimes for 4. as e Rot. Scot anno 12. m. 8. 12. and sometimes for 7. as anno f Rot. Pat. anno 4. E. 2. 4. the number of Ships more or less as occasion required. In an. 17. a Dors. Claus. anno 17. E. 2 m. 11. Southampton was charged with six, and 118. Sea-Towns more with rateable proportions for the King's service. Sometimes, as anno 18. b Claus. anno 38. m. 34. embarguing all the Ships in any Port that were of forty Tons or upwards, or of 50. Tons and upward, as an. 20. c Ex Rot. Vascon. m. 29. contra hostiles aggressus Gallorum, against the hostile attempts of the French. Causing the town of Southampton anno 6. d Claus. an. 6. E. 2. to build a Galley for himself of 120. Oars. Commanding all the Sheriffs for provision of Victual, as anno e Rot. Scot anno 1, 2, 3. m. 10. & an. 4 m. 5. & an. 9 & Rot. pat. anno 10. m. 12 1, 2, 3, 4, 9 to provide de Exitibus Comitatuum certum pretium, at the charge of the County a certain Rate, to the proportion sometimes of 30500 Quarters of Corn and many Bacons, as anno 16. f Rot. Pat. an. 16. m. 3. and to send them to the King's Army. As also g Rot. Scotiae anno 8. m. 9 Carrecta & Carra cum Equis & Bobus, Carts and Wagons with Oxen and Horses out of the Counties severally for the use of war. Sometimes he made the Ports to send provision themselves, as anno 7. h Rot. Scot Dorso, anno 7. m. 8. and not to suffer any Ships with victuals i Dorso claus. anno 16. m. 3. ibidem discariari, to be there unladed, but to order them by security for those parts where the King's Army was lodged. And not sparing the Church, exacted k Rot. Scotiae anno 1, 2, 3. m. 8. his three first years Frumenta & alia victualia pro exercitu suo, Corn and other Victuals for his Army from them. Besides the former Charges, the Persons of Men, aswell of the Nobility as meaner rank, were at their own Charge often enjoined to serve by reason of the wars. l Rot. Scotiae anno 8. E. 2. Dors. claus. anno 9 As in 6, 7, 8, 9, 10. and 16. m Claus. an. 16 E. 2. of this King, when they were called singulatim man by man, aswell Widows as Knights n Ex Dors. claus. 7. E. 2 m. 7. and Noblemen, and such as held 40. l. land according to their Tenors, a Claus. an. 16. m. 20. sub forisfactura terrarum & Catallorum Equis & Armis, sumptibus propriis, to appear with Horse and Arms, at their own charge, under penalty of forfeiting their Lands and Chattels; & to provide de hominibus ad Arma ultra famulos suos consuetos, men for the service besides their ordinary Servants: according to Augustus' b Ex Paterculo de Aug. rule, Viri Foeminaeque ex Censu coactae dare Militem, both men and women were forced to find their Soldiers. And of this the Clergy was not exempted c Claus. an. 16. m. 11. & cla. an. 15. m. 19 anno 16. of this King. And out of every town one sumptibus propriis, at their own charges, for 40. days, as anno 15. 1. or for 60. as anno 9 1. or pro 7. Septimanis for 7. weeks, as anno 4. d Rot. Scotiae anno 3. E. 2. m. 8. Dorso. Sometimes 1000 in one Country, as anno 3. e Rot. Scotiae an. 11. m. 16. Sometimes an entire Army of 18300. an. 11. and f Rot. Pat. an. 15. m. 19 48800. at the charge of all the Counties anno 15. g Rot. Scotiae anno 12. m. 13 London sumptibus Civitatis at the City's charge, found 500 men for 40. day's anno 12. h Claus. an. 18 m. 13. and the like anno 18. contra insultus Regis Franciae, against the invasions of the King of France. i Rot. Pat. an. 16. m. 27. The King commanded anno the 16. that all of 40. shil. land & upwards should rateably send to his service men; k Rot. Pat. anno 9 m. 22. Dors. Cla. 10. m. 26. claus. anno 15. m. 13 Rot. Pat. anno 16. m. 27 And annis 9 10, 15, and 16. that all jurati adarma, sworn to Arms, or from 16. to 60. secundum Statutum Wincestriae, according to the Statute of Winchester, should attend their Services. l Rot. Scotiae anno 13. m. 2. And anno 13. enjoined all from 20. to 60. to be armed and victualled at their own charge. m Dor claus. anno. 6. m. 28. Rot. Scotiae anno 7. m. 2. claus. anno 8. m. 30. claus. an. 16. m. 12. Rot. Scotiae anno 12. m. 6. Rot. Pat. anno 18. m. 21. And commanded the Sheriffs annis 6. 7. 8. 12. 16. and 18. to see all the able men of England so furnished, that Parati sint & muniti ad veniendum ad Regem quando vocati fuerint, they should be provided and in a readiness to march to the King when he should call them, their weapons to be provided ad sumptus Incolarum, at the charge of their neighbour dwellers; and themselves enjoined to muster and train every six weeks. If any neglected his appointed service, there was sent ot the Sheriff a Rot. claus. anno 15. E. 2. m. 14. Rot. finium: anno 15. m. 16 a writ de habendo illos coram concilio, qui praemoniti non venerunt in expeditione Regis, to bring them before the Council, who knowing of it before, refused the expedition, as anno 15. 1. the parties imprisoned, and their goods seized into the King's hands, as b Rot. claus. anno 9 Rot. Pat. anno 16. m. 12 anno 9 et 16. or else redemption by fine, as the c Rot. claus. anno 15. m. 19 Sheriffs of Buckingham and Bedford did their men for 600. Marks anno 15. The owner of 40. shillings land to redeem his first default d Rot. Scotiae anno 13. E. 2. m. 1. cum tertia parte Bonorum, with the 3. part of his Goods; the second, cum tota residua, with the remaining parts; at the third, sint Corpora eorum ad voluntatem Regis, their Bodies to be at the King's disposal; and of Knights, qui non fuerunt in exercitu Regis, 20. l. de qualibet Hida, which were not in the King's Army, 20. l. for every Hide, as c Claus. an. 13 m. 20. anno 13. I have the longer insisted upon this King, that tanquam in speculo, as in a glass we may behold the intolerable miseries of the Nobility and Commons inseparably accompanying the times of war. Edward the third charged f Pat. an. 48. E. 3. m. 10. the lands of his Subjects twice 40. Edward 3. shillings of every Knight's Fee; and 5. l. 16. shillings of every Parish in the 48. year of his Reign. Out of the Goods of the Commons he took once the 9 part, and 15th. of Forest and Waste; twice the tenth, thirteen times a fifteenth for one year, and twice for three years: and once the 20. part of all moveables, and 30000. Sacks of Wool upon conditions. Of the Boroughs and Cities, 4. Tenths, and one for three years. From the Lords the tenth Sheaf, Lamb, and Fleece: who with the Bishops and Knights grant 20000. Sacks of Wool for payment of the King's debts, giving in the interim security themselves by Bond to the Earl of Britain, to whom their Sovereign stood engaged. Of the Clergy alone one Tenth for 4. years, three for three years, and one for one year. Besides a Contribution in the 12. of his Reign, seizing in the same year all the Goods of the Clunie and Cistertian Monks. Of the Church and Laiety together he received 6. times the 10. of all their Movables. From the Merchants and State a Subsidy of Wool for 3. years. Imposing anno 33. 26. shil. 8d. upon every Sack transported: which doubled the Impositions of his Father and Grandfather. Advancing it after for 6. years to 40. shillings; and in an. 38. (being the year he resumed his Style of France,) to 46. shillings 4d. the Sack of Wool. Taking Poundage 6d. of all Commodities inward and outward, and enjoining the Merchants for every Sampler of Wool transported to return in 40. shillings Bullion to his Mint. a Ex Rot. Alman. an. 12. m. 17. Himself becoming Merchant of all the Tin in Devonshire and Cornwall anno 12. in auxilium supportationis onerum Belli, to help him bear the burden of his wars: assessing upon the heads of his Subjects a fine of 4d. severally anno 51. Besides in b Claus. an. 20 E. 3. m. 22. in dorso. anno 20. he took a Loane of the Bishops, Abbots, Justices, et aliis potentioribus Regni, de diversis pecuniarum Summis inter Summas de 1000 l. & 40. l. and other wealthy men of his Realm, in several sums of money, betwixt the sums of 1000 l. and 40. l. In the first of his Reign a Claus. an. 1. E. 3. Rot. Sco. anno 1. E. 3. he commandeth all the Sea-towns to attend with Ships his service, sumptibus propriis & duplici Esk●ppamento, at their own proper charge, and with double Skippage, and to provide as many as they can of 60. Tun and upwards. And the year following b Claus. an. 2. E. 3. layeth the like charge upon 76. Port-Townes for all Ships of 40. Tun and more. And anno 10. c Claus. an. 10 the like at their own charge, besides a contribution of money, d Rot. Scotiae anno 10. m. 9 & Rot. Alman. an. 12. m. 12. for payment whereof the Officers are commanded, ut eas per districtiones & alias punitiones prout expedire viderint compellent, to force it by distraining, and what other punishments they shall find expedient. Enjoining such Merchants of London, qui ex transmarinis passagiis lucra adquirunt, who had traffic in foreign parts, to furnish Ships for war at their own Charge. e Rot. Scotiae anno 13. E. 3. m. 15. And anno the thirteenth the Cinque-Ports set out to sea 30. Ships, and maintain them during the service, half at their own, half at the Counsels charge. Fourscore Ships being furnished & defrayed by the Out-Ports, the Admiral directed to embargue all other Ships for the King's service. f Rot. Scotiae anno 10. E. 3. And although the Subject found this an infinite grievance, yet could he (upon humble complaint in Parliament) receive no further relief, then that the King would not have it otherwise then before. g Rot. Alman. anno 1. E. 3. m. 2. For Provision of his Arms, the King took at one time, and at a rate of loss to the Subject, 19000. quarters of Grain, 2200. Oxen salted, & 3000. Bacons; besides of other Provisions an infinite quantity. a Rot. Scotiae anno 10. m. 17 The like very frequent all his Reign, pro guerris necessariis, ubi id magis commode fieri poterat, for the necessities of his wars, where it could be done with more conveniency. The Persons of all his meaner Subjects from 16. to 60. he causeth b Rot. Scotiae anno 1. m. 2. to be armed in readiness ad praemonitionem 5. dierum, at 5. day's warning; the Decrepit to contribute ad expensa praemissorum, towards the expenses of the rest: and to arrest the Bodies of the disobedient, that de ipsis tanquam de inimicis sumat vindictam, they might be dealt withal as enemies. c Rot. Scotiae anno 1. The Gentry and Nobility supplying the King in his wars, and at their own Charge, d Parla. an. 13 E. 3. Parla. anno 14. E. 3. sometimes with 7. or 800. men at Arms, and 2. or 3000 Archers, as anno 13. with other proportions at divers years following. And the Bishops ordered e Rot. Franc. anno 46. to furnish Armis & Equis competentibus, serviceable Arms and Horses, so many as occasion required: and their Persons (together with the Say Nobility) commanded f Claus. an. 1. E. 3. m. 1. quod sint parati Equis & Armis & toto servitio debito, with Horse and Arms and all necessary accoutrements to attend the King in his wars. These wars (which as Edward the third professeth himself in Parliament, g Parl. an. 22. E. 3. n. 9 could not without his great danger and loss of Honour be maintained, unless by perpetual Aid from the Subjects) were so grievous to them, that in anno 22. they complain in Parliament of the miseries they underwent thereby: As of their Aides advanced to 40. shillings Fine, that by law should be but 20. shil. Their setting forth of men, and the Kings taking of their Victuals without payment; The Sea left to the charge of their keeping, and from their wools by way of Subsidy 60000. l. yearly exacted without Law; besides the lending of 2000 Sacks, and themselves restrained from transporting any. But such was the Necessity of these times, that neither they had redress of their Complaint, nor the State one year discharged of Contribution all his Reign. Richard succeeding his Grandfather declareth both a Parl. an. 2. & 14. Rot. 2. n. 8. anno 2. Richard 2. and 14. that the great Wars he was left in, and the Territories he inherited beyond Sea could not be maintained, except the Subject of this Realm gave supply of means thereto. He therefore of the Clergy and Laiety took once the tenth of all their lands, and thrice of the goods of the Commons the like entirely, and six times the half, twelve times a fifteenth, and six times the Moiety: And had anno 21. granted one Tenth to him, and a 15. and a half of either of them yearly for term of life. From out the Boroughs and Cities thrice a full Tenth, and once a Moiety. Out of the Merchandises he received three years 6d. In the pound, and once twelve pence. And for every Tun of Wine, and such Commodities, for 2. years 6d. doubling it for as many, and trebling it for three years after. The Custom of Wools, etc. by Edward the first rated at a Noble the Sack, and under his son increased as much more, was to this King advanced to 22. shil. 8d. which singly for 8 years he had granted unto him, besides once for 3. years, and once for 4. having it after improved to 34. shil. 4d. and again to 43. shil. 4d. the Sack. The sum of one of these Subsidies in anno 14. amounted to 160000. l. From out of the goods of the Clergy he had 8. Tenths and a half; and one out of those and the Laiety together; besides a Loan anno 5. of 60000. l. By the poll or heads of all his people from above 15. years, he collected twice a Contribution, assessed proportional from the Beggar to the Duke: Besides in strength of Prerogative only, of every Ship and Fisherman 6d. the Tun: the like of Newcastle Coals, and of every Last of Corn inwards or outwards the like Sum. To furnish his journey for Ireland he took their Horses, Armour, Cattell. a Rot. Pat. anno 2. R. ●. m. 3. Hinc factus est suis Subditis invisus, Hereupon he came to be hated by his People, saith the Bishop of London. And so it seemed: For at his deposing, it was one of the objected Articles against him. He the first year of his Reign imposed upon his Subjects, as formerly his Ancestors had done, a personal service ab anno primo, That all the Clergy should array Armis & Equis competentibus, with serviceable Horses and Arms, from the age of 16. to 60. et eos in Millenis & Centenis poni faciant, and cause them to be entered into Regiments and Companies. And two years after commanded all according to their Tenors by service to fit themselves Equis & Armis, with Horse and Arms to attend the wars. But these the courses of elder times were about this time much altered, and the King for the most part ever supplied in his wars by contract with the Nobility and Gentry, to serve him with so many men, and so long, and at such a rate as he and they by Indenture accorded; of which there are in the Pell plenty yet remaining. Thus under grievous burdens did the State labour continually all his time; for his Treasury being wastefully emptied, was, as Tacitus saith of Tiberius, a Tacit. lib. 2. Scelere replendum, to be filled some ill way; by which he meant intolerable racking of the people. Hence was it that often in this King's time b Rot. Parl. annis 3, 4, & 5. R. 2. the Subjects humbly beg some ease of the insupportable Tallages. But he little regarding the tears or groans of his heartless People, answered them as an. 4. That their Petition and his Honour could not consist together. c Rot. Parl. anno. 1. H. 4. n. 32. They again plead extreme poverty, in bar of further relief; complaining that good money was transported, and the State enforced to use base; and that the price of Wool by wars (to their utter impoverishing) was fallen, and that the King's want was only the ill government of his Revenues; and therefore crave to have his present Officers removed: and very hardly would be drawn any more to tax themselves, but conditionally, and with this Limitation, That their money should be received, expended, and accounted for to themselves, and by Treasurers of their own election; and are content to lend in the end; loading this poor King's dejected Fortune with the reproachful weight of these their many Burdens. Henry the fourth in 13. Henry 4. years out of the land of his people received twice relief; once auxilia de medietate Feodorum, an Aid of the Moiety of the Fees, and again a Noble out of every 20. l. throughout all the Realm. Out of the Goods of the Commons 4 times a Tenth, besides one for 3. years, and the like one and a half for 2. By several grants and years five Fifteen, besides one for 2. and one for 3. years. Out of Staple Commodities of Wool, Fells, etc. one Subsidy for one year, four for two apiece, and one for 3. years. A Poundage at 8d. once, four times 12d. whereof the last was for 2. years. The like number and years of the Tonnage, the first only rated at 2. shil. the rest at 3. shil. the Tun. Out of the Movables of the Clergy thrice a Tenth, and twice a Moiety; as also of every stipendiary Minister, Friar, and such manner persons 6. shil. 8d. apiece. Besides all these of all he took an. 8. a a Hist. Tho. Walsingham Contribution ita gravis, so heavy, that it was granted ea conditione, ne trahatur in Exemplum, & ut Evidentiae post datum Computum cremarentur, upon this condition, that it should not be made an Example to following times, and that after the Account the Evidences should be burnt. Next his succeeded his Son the 5. Henry 5. Henry; in whose 9 years' Reign I find no charge imposed upon the Land of the Subjects. Out of the Goods of the Commons he received 6. times the 10. and the 15. entirely, and once two thirds only of Staple wares; a Subsidy once for 4. years, and after for life: three shillings Tonnage, and 12d. Poundage for the like terms as the former Subsidies. Thrice he had the Tenth of his Clergy. And in the eighth of his Reign, when the Chancellor bewailed to him in Parliament the Feebleness and Poverty of the People by reason of wars and scarcity of money, he (who of as many attempts as he undertook, totidem fecit Monumenta victoriae, raised himself so many Monuments of Victory,) yet for redress and ease of those miseries (as Livy saith of an excellent Soldier) Pacem voluit etiam quia vincere potuit, he preferred Peace because he knew he could overcome. And left in the 9 year of his Reign a peaceable succession and Heir, Henry 6. nimium felix malo suo, too happy to his own undoing, as the event proved. For retaining nothing ex paterna Majestate praeter speciem nominis, of his Father's Greatness more than the specious Name of a Great King, by Fear and Facility he laid the way open to his Factious Ambitious kindred, to work themselves into popular Favour, and himself into Contempt: which was soon done by leading the easy King by Expense into Extremity. For besides the Resumptions he took of his own and Father's Grants, (which was of purpose plotted to make a consumption of Duty and Affection towards him) he out of the old inheritance of his Subjects exacted 6d. in the pound anno 14. and doubled twice that valuation, not only on all lands purchased from the entrance of Edward the first, but of all freehold and Copyhold under 200. l. and two in twenty of all above. He further imposed first 6. shil. 8d. and then 20. shil. upon every Knights Fee. Out of the goods of the Commons he had 6. Tenths, whereof one for 3. years, besides 3. Moieties, and one third; of fifteen 3. halfs, one third, and eight entire, of which there was of two a 3 years grant. Besides these former, out of the wools he had 37107 l. raised by a Moiety of a 10th. and 15th. and again of all goods 6. shil. 8d. in the pound. Of the Merchant of Subsidies rated as in former times, he had then by grant once but for a year; trebled for three and a half. This Subsidy advanced to 33. shil. 4d. of Denizens, and 53. shil. 4d. of Aliens. The Sack of Wool was twice granted for 4. years at a time, and an. 31. for term of the King's life. Besides a Subsidy alone of Aliens goods, Tonnage and Poundage improved to six shillings 8d. he took in his 18. years. And after the Rates of his Father's time he had it first thrice by his several grants and years, then as often for two years, and again by a new grant for 5. years, and in the end for term of his life. Of the Clergy he had besides one half of Dimes, 4. entire Tenths. And by the State in general anno 31. 2000 Archers maintained for half a year at the common Charge. By the Poll he exacted anno 18. of every Merchant Stranger if a householder 16. shillings a piece, if none 6d. And anno 27. 6. shillings 8d. every such stranger, and 20d. of their Clerks. An. 13. he had granted for term of life ten pounds a year of all Inhabitants mere Aliens, and a third less of Denizens, and 20 shil. of every Stranger Merchant that came into the land▪ The first Monopolies I find were grounded upon the extremities of these times; Nota First monopolies. for in anno 29. the Spinelloes, Merchants of Genua, had by grant for 8000. l. the sole Trade of many Staple-Commodities. As the Merchants of Southampton had all Allome for the like sum. Yet for all the Contributions, Taxes and Shifts, (whereby the impoverished People were enforced to petition redress; for which a Parliament was anno 10. summoned only,) the King's Coffers were so empty, and the yearly Revenues so short, as the Lord Treasurer was constrained a Rot. Parl. an. 11. H. 6. an. 11. to complain in Parliament of the one, and declared there the other to want 35000. l. of the needful expense, as the best motive to work a Relief from the Commonwealth: which was by the people in part effected. a Rot. Parl. an. 18. Hen. 6. n. 38. But by an. 18. the debts were swollen again so great, that the Parliament was reinforced not only to see them, but to support and victual his household. Thus was this unhappy Princes Reign all war and waste: and in the end, as one saith of b Ex Paterculo. Lepidus, à Militibus & à fortuna deserebatur, being forsaken both of Soldiers and Fortune, he was left a while to a disgraced life, spoliata quam tueri non poterat dignitate, and despoiled of that Dignity which he was not able to maintain. Edward the fourth, Edward 4. c Rot. Parl. an. 2, & 8. E. 4. besides two resumptions not only of the Grants of such Kings as he accounted de facto, and not the jure to Reign, but also of those made by d Placita Coronae. himself, and that Sea of profit that by infinite Attaintures flowed daily into his Treasury, took notwithstanding of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal only a Tenth of their yearly possessions, and of the Commons six Tenths, three quarters; and the like proportion of Fifteen: A Benevolence in an. 14. which e Chron. Fabiani. Fabian calleth a new Contribution: And charged them f Rot. Parl. anno 12. E. 4. n. 8. anno 12. with wages of his Archers to a Sum of 51117. l. Of the Merchant he had Tonnage and Poundage for term of life. Besides of Strangers, as well Denizens as others, a Subsidy the g Rot. Parl. 22. year of his Reign. Leaving his Kingdom in the next to the few days of his son Edward the fifth. Edward 5. For Ostendunt terris hunc tantum Fata, nec ultra Esse sinunt.— The Fates only showed him to the world, and took him away again. Richard his Uncle succeeded, Richard 3. homo ingeniosissime nequam, & facundus malo publico, a man mosting eniously mischievous, and full of Art to beguile the people. He to make a just semblance of his unjust entry, besides his Act of Parliament full of dangerous Untruths, dissembled the part of an excellent Prince, making the Commons believe by a Statute, to which he gave first form, as life, discharging them for ever from all exactions called Benevolences, that his opinion was, Ditare majus esse Regium quam ditescere, that it was more Kinglike to enrich his Subjects then to grow rich himself. Whereas he did but lively imitate Nero, that took away the law Manlia de vectigalibus, only ut gratiosior esset populis, to ingratiate himself the more with the people. And so all his short Reign I find recorded but once any Tax upon the people, and that was Tenths granted by the Clergy of both Provinces. Henry the seventh succeeding, Henry 7. resumed in the 3. of his Reign most of the grants of Office made by the Usurper his brother, & assessed upon the land only of his Subjects but one Aid in an. 19 out of their Goods and Lands a tenth penny, and of their Goods only 3. times the tenth, five Fifteen, besides a Tenth and Fifteenth arising to 120000. l. He took three Subsidies, whereof the last was not above 36000. l. a Fabian. and one Benevolence, the proportion of every Alderman being 300. l. and the entire Sum of the City of London 9688. l. 17. shillings 4d. Of the Clergy he had twice the Tenth, & 25000. l. by way of Subsidy. b Ex litera missa Abbatiss. Barking manu Regis H. 7. And of them and the Commons 2. Loans; the City of London rated at 6000. l. the other not definite in proportion, but so assessed as Commissioners and the Lender's could agree. And aswell to ease the expense of wars, as issue of the good money going over to Bullen, a Ex litera Ducis Nerfolciae. he stamped an allayed Coin then usually termed Dandeprats: A course that necessity after enforced his Son and Successors to practice, and is an apparent Symptom of a consumed State. But that whereby he heaped up his mass of Treasure, ( b Ex lib. Acquit. in't. Regem & Dudley R. C. for he left in Bullion 4. millions and a half, besides his Plate, Jewels, and rich attire of house) was by sale of Offices, redemption of Penalties, dispencing with Laws, and such like, to a yearly value of 120000. pounds. His Successor, Henry 8. reaping the fruit of his Father's labour, gave ease of burden to the Subjects his first two years; taking within the compass of his other 34. three Tenths of the Commons, four Fifteen, 6. Subsidies, whereof that an. 4. amounted to 16000 l. and that an. 7. 110000. l. Tonnage he had and Poundage once for a year, and after for term of Life. Of the Clergy 4. Tenths by one grant, and 3. by several, every of them not less than 25084. l. Of Subsidies he had one of the Province of Canterbury, another of both; the Stipendiary Ministers there to be taxed according to the rate of their wages. In an. 22. they granted a Moiety of all their Goods and Lands, payable by equal portion in 5. years, every part arising to 95000. l. to the yearly Revenues of his Crown, by an inhuman spoil of sacred Monuments, and impious ruin of holy Churches, if God's blessing could have accompanied so foul an Act. And as these former Collections he grounded upon Law, so did he many upon Prerogative: As Benevolences and Loans from the Clergy and Commons. Of the first there were two remarkable, that in an. 17. acted by Commissioners, who as themselves were sworn to Secrecy, so were they to swear all those with whom they confer or contract. The Rates directed by instructions, as the thirds of all Goods, Offices, Land above 20. l. and the 4 th'. under. And although the Recusants (whether from Disobedience or Inability) are threatened with Convention before the Council, Imprisonment, and Confiscation of Goods; yet in the a Ex originali signat. manu Regis. Design Original under the King's hand, it hath so fair a name as an Amicable Grant. The other about b Ex originali Instructione. an. 36. exacteth out of all Goods, Offices, land from 40. shillings to 20. l. 8d. in the pound, and of all above, 12d. And amongst the many Loans, there is none more notorious than that of an. 14. c Ex instruct. originali anno 14. H. 8. which was 10. l. in the hundred of all Goods, Jewels, Utensils, and land from 20. l. to 300. l. and twenty marks of all above, as far as the Subjects Fortune, revealed by the extremity of his own Oath, would extend. And to stop as well intentions if any had been, as expectations of repayment of such Loans, d Rot. Parl. an. 21. H. 8. the Parliament in an. 21. acquitteth the King of every Privy Seal or Letter Missive. Edward the sixth his Son, Edward 6. besides Tonnage and Poundage for life, an. 1. received of his Law-Subjects six Fifteen, and of both three Subsidies, leaving one of the Temporalty ungathered: which his Sister Mary remitted in an. 1. Q. Marry. of her reign; yet after (incited by the French King succouring her Rebels, and suffering her money adulterated in his Dominions, purposely to be hither transported, as also to side the quarrel of Philip her husband against him) being drawn into wars, she was enforced to press upon her people, and (besides the Loan in an. 1. for term of life granted unto her by Parliament) took five Fifteen of the Commons, and of them and the Clergy three years' Subsidies. Her Sister of happy memory succeeding, Q. Elizabeth besides divers Loans of her people and others in foreign parts, (as anno 5. when William Horle was dispatched into Germany to take up at Interest for 6. years great Sums of money, the like an. 18. from the Merchants of Colen and Hamburgh upon Bond of the City of London, and again of Spinello and palavicini upon the former security, strengthened with the assurance also of many of her chiefest Councillors,) had by grant of her Subjects 38. Fifteen, 20. Subsidies of the Commons, and 18. of the Clergy. All which together rose to a sum of two Millions and 800000. l. HAving thus far (with as light a hand as I could) drawn down the many and mighty burdens of the Commonwealth, Prince's extremities beyond the ease of their people by reason of wars. if but with a touch of the Prince's Extremities beyond the ease of these former helps I heighten up this draught, Credit of Ks. so much impaired, that they could not borrow but upon surety and extreme interest. it will with much more life and lustre express the Figure of wars Misery. a Math. Paris. The Credit of Kings it hath brought to so low an ebb, that when by force of necessity they borrowed money, they could not take it up but by collateral security, and extreme Interest. As Edward the 3. in the Patent to b Rot. Pat. anno 13. E. 3. m. 13. William de la Poole confesseth, that propter defectum pecuniae negotia sua fuerunt periculo sissime retardata, for want of money his affairs were dangerously delayed, (they are the words of the record) and the honour of him and his Royal Army magnae fuit depressioni patenter expositus, & progressus non sine dedecore suo perpetuo impeditus, he was brought to a manifest low condition, and his proceedings to his great dishonour had been constantly hindered; if De la Poole had not as well supplied him with the credit of his Security, as with the best ability of his own Purse. For which service he honoured him and his posterity with the degree of Baronet's, Nota. and 500 l. land of inheritance. The interest of Henry 3. ad plus quam centum quotidie libras adscenderat, ita ut imminenet tam Clero quam Populo Angliae Deso latio & Ruina, came to more than a hundred pound a day, so that present ruin & desolation hung over the heads as well of the Clergy as the People. Q. Marry a Ex Instruct. Thomae Gresham, anno 1557. borrowed in Flanders at 14. in the hundred, besides Brocage upon collateral security. The late Queen was enforced b Ex Instruct. Willielm. Herie 16. August. an. 5. Eliz. Similiter to the like thrice with Strangers upon the City of London's assurance, as before, and with her c Thomae Gresham. 1563. & 76. own Subjects after upon Mortgage of Land. A course more moderate then either that of the first William, that took out of Churches such money as several men had committed thither for more security: d Ex litera Edw. Lee orat. Regis H. 8. in Hisp. anno 28. or that of Charles the fifth, that to repair the waste of his Italian wars, went in person to Barcilona, to seize into his hands a Mass of money called Depositum Tabulae, which as well Strangers as Subjects had there laid up in Sanctuary. But these are not the conditions of Princes of our times only: for in the lives of Caligula, Nero, and Vespasian, Suetonius of them severally writeth, Exhaustus & egenus calumniis rapinisque intendit animum, being drawn dry and grown poor, they bent their minds to Calumnies and Rapines. For Perni●los●●res est in imperante tenuitas, Want in a Prince is a dangerous thing; and as Theodoricus said, Periculosissimum animal est Rex pauper, a Poor King is the most dangerous creature living. It hath abated the Regalties of Houses; Kings enforced to abate their hospitality. an. 16. of Richard the second, and 18. a Ex Rot. Par. 18. H. 6. of Henry 6. when as well from want of means, as the Subject's Petitions in Parliament, (for Expeditissima est ratio augendi Census detrahere Sumptibus, the readiest way to raise the Revenue is to take down Expenses,) they have much lessened their Hospitality; their Tables being either defrayed by their Subjects, as of Henry the 6. or as Henry the 3. when by necessity b Ex hist. majori Math. Paris. ita consueta Regaiis Mensae hospitalitas abbreviata fuit, ut (posposita solita verecundia) cum Abbatibus, Clericis, & viris satis humilibus hospitia quaesivit & prandia; the wont hospitality of the King's Table was sunk so low, that (without farther shame) he many times lodged and dieted with Abbots, Clerks, and very mean Persons. It hath caused our Kings to sell and alienate the possessions of the Crown: Kings enforced to pawn and sell their Dominions. as Henry the c Rot. Pat. anno 51. H. 3. m. 17. 3. who gave to Edward his son Licentiam impignorandi terram Vascon●ae, leave to pawn the Duchy of Gascoign; And caused himself not long after by the like occasions, to sell for 300000. l. (except some pittances reserved) the d Ex contract. orig. & Hist. Norman. entire Signiory of Normandy. What our late Mistress and her Father did, is yet fresh in memory. But this mischief hath trenched deep into the Fortunes and Affections of the Subjects, when Princes to repair the breach of their own Revenues, have often resumed the possessions of their people; as a Rot. Vasc 5. E. 2. Rot. finium an. 8. Rot. cui titulus, ex tract. de donacionib. c. 9 & 10. E. 2. Edward the second anno 5, Kings enforced to make Resumption of their Lands. 8, & 10. Omnes donationes per Regem factas ad damnum & diminutionem Regis & Coronae suae, all the Grants made by the King to the lessening and prejudicing of the King and his Crown. b Rot. Parl. ●. anno 1. R. 2. Richard the second an. 1▪ did the like of all Grants made to unworthy persons by his Grandfather, and recalled all Patents dated since 40. of Edward 3. Thus did Henry c Rot. Parl. anno 1. Hen. 5 n. 12. the 5. an. 1. and d Rot. Parl. anno 28. H. 6. & E. 4. Henry the 6. in the 28. of his Reign, Edward the 4. in an. 3. with all Offices of his Crown granted either by the Usurper or his Brother. Neither is this in itself unjust, since as well by reason of State as Rules of best Government, the Revenues and Profits e Ex legibus Theodos. & Valentinian. in Codice. quae ad sacrum Patrimonium Principis pertinent, which belong to the sacred Patrimony of the Prince, should remain firm and unbroken. But when neither Credit, Ks. enforced to pawn and sell their Jewels. Frugality, or Sale of Lands would stop the gulf of want, our Princes have been so near beset, as with N●rva and Antonius the Emperors to sell and pawn their Jewels. The Archbishop of York had power from Henry 3. an. 26. f Rot. Pat. anno 26. H. 3. m. 1. Similiter an. 56. H. 3. in 21. m. (in wars beyond Sea) impignorandi jocalia Regis ubicunque in Anglia pro pecunia perquirenda, to pawn the King's Jewels any where in England to raise money. g Rot. Pat. Claus. an. 1. E. 1. m. 7. Edward the first sendeth Egidius Andevar ad jocalia sua impignoranda, to pawn his Jewels. h Claus. an. 1. E. 3. Edward the 3. pawneth his Jewels to pay the L. Beaumond and the Strangers their wages in war. The Black i ●he. Walsingham. Princes was constrained to break his Plate into Money to pay his Soldiers. a Ex originali de anno 6. R. 2. Rot. 17. Richard the second pawned Vasa aurea & diversa jocalia, vessels of Gold and divers Jewels to Sir Robert Knowles. b Pat. anno 3. H. 4. m. 3. Henry the 4. an. 3. to a Merchant for money invadiavit Tabellam & Trisellas suas Argenteas de Hispania, engaged his Tablet and stools of Silver which he had from Spain. c Pat. an. 10. Hen. 6. Pat. anno 12. H. 6. m. 13. Henry the 6. gageth and selleth to the Cardinal of Winchester and others an. 10th. 12th. and 29. d Pat. an. 29. H. 6. m. 20. many parcels of his rich Jewels. King's enforlced to pawn their Regal Crown. And the late Queen in the end of her days (to ease her Subjects) did the like with many in the Tower. And Extremity hath yet stretched some of our Kings to so high a stain of Shift, that Edward the third e Pat. Pars. 1. an. 17. E. 3. invadiavit magnam Coronam Angliae, pawned his Imperial Crown 3. several times; an. 17. in partibus transmarinis in foreign parts, and twice to Sir john Wesenham his Merchant, first in the f Pat. an. 24. m. 21. 24. and after g Claus. an. 30 E. 3. Com. de Ter. Hill. 38. E. 3. ex parte Rem. Regis. an. 30. in whose custody it remained 8. years. To Henry Bishop of Winchester Henry the 5. invadiavit magnam Coronam auream, gauged his imperial Crown of Gold in the 5. of his Reign. And when Henry the third had laid to gauge h Pat. anno 5. H. 3. m. 23. & similiter an. 9 Rot. Pat. an. 51. H. 3. m. 17. & 18. omnia Insignia Regalia, all his Robes and Kingly Ornaments, and upon assurance of redelivery or satisfaction had pawned Aurum & jocalia Feretri S. Edwardi Confessoris, the Gold and Jewels belonging to the Shrine of S. Edward the Confessor, (A course more moderate than by force to have taken, as William the Conqueror did the Chalices and Shrines of other Churches, or as i Ex historia ●uicciardini. Glement the 7. who to pay the Soldiers of Charles the fifth melted the Consecrated Vessels) was in the end, when he had neither means of his own left nor reputation with others, constrained to beg relief of his Subjects in this low strain, a Ex hist. S. Albani. Pauper sum, omni destitutus Thesauro; necesse habeo ut me juvetis: nec aliquid exigo nisi per gratiam; I am poor, and have no Treasure left; ye must needs relieve me: neither do I demand any thing but of your mere love and courtesy: And turning to the Abbot of Ramsey, to say, Amice, obnixe supplico quatenus me juvas mihi centum libras conferendo, My friend, I beseech thee for God's sake to help me with 100 pound: adding withal majorem Eleemosynam fore sibi juvamen conferre pecuniamve, quam alicui ostiatim mendicanti, that it would be a greater deed of Charity to contribute to his Wants, then to give to one that begged from door to door. So that of the waste of these times and want of those Princes I may truly with the Satirist say, Ossa vides Regum vacuis exuta medullis. Thou seest the Bones of Kings spoiled of their Marrow. IT now resteth by some few particulars to observe with what Wealth we have returned home, In place of spoil the Soldiers return oppressed with extreme Beggary. loaden with the Spoils of our Enemies; since no motives are so powerful to the Common greedy People as the hopes of gain, which will easily enforce them b Lucan. de Bello Civili lib. 7. Ire super gladios, superque Cadavera patr●●, Et caesos calcare Deuces,— Tread upon Swords, and on their Father's Graves, And spurn their slaughtered Captains.— In the Expeditions of Henry 3. their purchases were so great, that the a Math. Paris pag. 580. Londoners were more grieved at the intolerable Beggaries that the King and his Army brought back, then for the expense of their own monies: For Cum labour in damno est crescit mortalis egestas, When Toil brings Loss, Begg'ry must needs increase. The same King, although called in by the Nobility of France b Hist. Mat. Paris p. 1358 in Faction against their Master, returned no better rewarded then Consumpta pecunia infinita, & Nobilibus & Militibus innumeralibus vel Morti datis vel infirmitati, vel fame attenuatis, vel ad extremam redactis paupertatem, with the having spent an infinite deal of money, his Nobles and Soldiers without number being either slain, or sickly, or maimed, or half-starved, or else reduced to extreme poverty. Innocentius the Pope repaid the expense of Henry the 3. and his people in his Sicilian Service with no better wages than this Scoff, That England was c Math. Paris pag. 909. Puteus inexhaustus quem nullus poterat exsiccare, a Well not to be emptied which no man could draw dry. What the succeeding times afforded may be wed gathered out of the many Petitions in Parliament, 22. Edward 3. 4, and 7. of Richard 2. 8. of Henry 5. and 10. of Henry 6. ever complaining of the extreme Beggary the people brought home, and 〈◊〉 some 〈◊〉 Relief. The Treasue d Ex lit. Cardin. Wolsei ad Card. Sodrin. Henry the 8. spent in aid of Munimi 〈…〉 recovery of Verona nullum alin● factu●● nisi damnum & dedecus peperit, brought him nothing else but Loss, and Dishonour. For the Emperor having his turn served, delivered, contrary to Contract, that City to the French, threatening to confederate with them, ni Rex ei continuo per solveret, unless the King would forthwith pay him down a great sum of money; believing (as the words are) Minis & terrore ab hoc Rege pecuniam posse haberi, that this King would part with his money upon threatenings and great words. For the great Army of this King sent over into France, and the Million almost of Crowns he supplied the Emperor and Duke of Bourbon with in their wars of Milan, his People enduring new and unheard of Taxes at home, and his Soldiers great Extremity abroad, he was himself at the last of all, (their ends effected) having spent the Treasure of his Father, and the Bounty of his Subjects, forsaken and left as the Pasquil painted him, inter Moysem, Christum & Mahumitem, betwixt Moses, Christ and Mahomet, with this word, Quo me vertam nescio, Which way to turn me I know not. For 2. Millions of a Ex Instruct. Rich. Wingfield. Crowns bestowed in purchase of Tournay, not without suit of his own, he delivered it with little or no recompense: & rated his potential Interest of France at no greater Sum than an Annuity b Ex lit. Tho. Wolsey Episc. Lincoln. of 100000. Crowns. What from the 30. of this King until the last of his son Edward the sixth for c Ex compute in Archivis Rob. Com. Salisb. 3173478. l. 15s. 4d. spent at Sea and Land in Foreign wars, this State received of inrichment, it seemeth so mean, as not worthy any place either in Story or Accounts. Until the late Queen was drawn into wars, she had in Treasure 700000. l. but after she was once entangled, it cost her before the 30. of her Reign 1517351. l. at which time she was but entering into the vastness of her future Charge: For the annual expense of 126000. l. in the Low-Countries, from 1587. until 1593. the yearly disbursement for a Ex tractat. anno 1598. Flushing and the Brill 28482. l. the debts of the States 800000. l. and the Aides of the French King since he attained to that Crown to above 401734. l. was after that time. Thus by reason of war, besides Taxes upon her People to the Sum of two Millions, and 800000. l. by Subsidies, Tenths & Fifteen, she hath spent of her Lands, Jewels and Revenues an infinite proportion. As for the imaginary Profit grown by the many rich Spoils at Sea and Attempts in Spain, it may be well cast up by two examples of our best Fortunes. The Journey of Cales b Ex computo deliberate. Domino Thesaur. Burleigh. defrayed not the Charge to her Majesty by 64000. l. And our times of most advantage by Prizes between c Ex computo Joannis Hawkins Thesaur. Naviae. anno 30. and 34. of the Queen, wherein we received but 64044. l. defrayed not the Charge of her Navy, arising in the same years to 275761. l. As to the greatest Loss, expense of Christian Blood, it may well suffice to be moan with * Hor. Epo. 7. Horace, Parumne Campis atque Neptuno superfusum est Latini sanguinis? Neque hic Lupis mos nec fuit Leonibus Unquam, nisi in dispar feris. Is there as yet so little Latin Blood Spilt on the Fields and Floods? Nor Wolves nor Lions do we ever find So cruel to their kind. THe last motive from Utility is, Foreign Dominions always charge, no benefit. increase of Revenues to the public Treasury by addition of Foreign Dominions. Which can receive no answer so full of satisfaction, as to instance the particular Sums, exhausted in every Age to retain them. Beginning first with the Duchy or Normandy: Example in Normandy. For retention whereof William the Conqueror from hence, (as the a Math. Par. Author saith) laden Thesauris innumeris, with uncountable Treasure, exacted sive per fas sive per nefas, in Normanniam transfretavit, gathethered together by hook or by crook, wafted over into Normandy. His Son b Ex Legibus antiquis. ad retinendam Normanniam, Angliam excoriavit, to retain Normandy flayed off England's skin. The same end by c Ex Walt. Gisborn. Henry the first, Anglia fuit bonis spoliata, England was despoiled of its Goods. His d Ex lib. Rubro. Grandchild took Scutagium pro Exercitu Normanniae, a Scutage for his army in Normandy 3. times at a high rate; and was enforced then against incursions of the French to build and man e Ex lib. Pipnell. 13 Castles de novo & integro, entirely new. Richard the first f Rad. Coggeshall. exacted heavily upon his people, ut potentes homines Regis Franciae sibi conciliaret, ut terram propriam Normanniae tutaretur, therewith to make himself friends amongst the most powerful Courtiers of France, so to keep quietly his possessions in Normandy. King john g Math. Par. as wearied with the Charge neglected it: And his Son h Ex Archiv. de redit. Norman. tempore H. 3. feeling a burden more than benefit, resigned his interest there for a little Money. When it was again reduced by Henry the fifth, i Ex origin Instr. Domini Scrope. the judgement in Council was, That the keeping of it would be no less of expense then to war forth for all France. In the quiet possession of his Son Henry a Ex libro Domini Carew de anno 1. & 2. H. 6. (john Duke of Bedford than Regent) this Duchy cost the Crown of England 10942. l. yearly. In an. 10. it appeareth by the Accounts of the Lord Cromwell Treasurer of England, b Ex Rot. Par. de. an. 11. H. 6 that out of the King's Exchequer at Westminister the entertainment of the Garrison and Governor was defrayed, the Rents of the Duchy not supporting the charge ordinary. c Ex lib. originali Roberti Cotton. When Richard Duke of York was in the 15. year of Henry the 6. Regent, the certain Expense overbalanced the Receipt 34008. l. And an. 27. d Rot. Parl. an. 27. H. 6. n. 27. the Lord Hastings Chancellor of France declareth in Parliament, that Normandy was not able to maintain itself. But thus it continued not much longer; for this Crown was both eased of the Duchy and Charge shortly. Of the Principality of Aquitain, Aquitain, Gascoign, Guien. the Duchy of Gascoign, Given and the Members, I find the state thus in record. In the 26. of Henry 3. e Rot. liber. anno 26. H. 3. there was issued from the Treasurer & Chamberlains at Westminster 10000 l. for payments in Gascoign; besides an infinite proportion of Victuals and Munition thither sent. To retain this Duchy in Duty and possession, f Rot. an. 22. H. 6. this king was enforced to pawn his Jewels, being aere alieno graviter obligatus, Thesauris, Donativis, Tallagiis, & extersionibus in Anglia consumptis; very much indebted, and having spent all his Treasures, Grants, Tallages, and other Sweep in England. Besides the people there at his departure extorserunt ab eo confessionem quadraginta millia Marcarum, forced an acknowledgement from him of 40000. Marks. And a Story of that time saith of ann. 38. g Math. Paris Pag. 578. Ille per multos labores & expensas inutiliter recuperavit Castra sua propria Vasconiae, with a great deal of toil and expense, he unprofitably recovered his own Castles in Gascoign: a Ex Comput. Willielm. de Otterhampton, anno 17. E. 2. of which the Labour was more than ever the Benefit could be. And thus it appeareth to have continued; for an. 17. of Edward the second, the money disbursed out of England to defray the surcharge there came to 46595. l. 9 shillings 7d. besides 29660. Q●arters of Gram, and of Beefs and Bacons an infinite proportion. In the first of Edward the 3. b Pat. an. 1. E. 3. the issues of Gascoign were 10000 l. above the Revenues. The Signiories in Aquitain c Ex Comput. Richardi Longley an. 36. E. 3. in Thesaur. Regis Westmon. in Rot. Aquitaniae. cost in 8. years ending 36. of this King, 192599. l. 4. shill. 5d. de receptis forinsicis only. It was delivered in Parliament, a. 1. Rich. 2. d Rot. Parl. anno 1. R. 2. m. 24. that Gascoign, and some few other places that were then held in France, cost yearly this Crown 42000. l. And in the 17th. of this King e Rot. Parl. anno 17. R. 2. a Parliament was summoned for no other cause especial, then to provide money to clear the annual expenses of those parts. The charge of Bourdeaux f Ex Comput. Walt. de Weston. but one Town, surmounting in half a year all Rents and perquisites there 2232. l. As Fronsack in Aquita●n 5787. l. for double that time; when the entire dutch exceeded not 820. l. in yearly Revenues. The Charge of Given all the Reign of Henry 4. g Ex Comput. Tho. Swinburn anno 10. H. 4. was 2200 l. annually out of the Exchequer of England. By account Aquitain (besides Given 6606. l.) was the h Ex Comput. joannis Tiptoft an. 1. H. 5. first of Henry the fifth in surplusage of charge 11200. l. & the Town of i Ex Comput. Will. Clifford & Robert: Holme an. 5. H. 5. Bourdeaux the 5. first years of the same King 6815. l. In the 11. of k Ex Rot. Par. an. E I. H. 6. Henry the 6. Sir john Radcliffe Steward of Aquitain received from the Treasury of England pro vadiis suis, etc. 2729. l. and for expense in custody of Fronsack Castle only he paid 666. l. 13. shill. the profits of the Duchy no ways able to clear the Accounts. The Benefit we reaped by any footing in Britanny, Britanny. may in a few Examples appear. a Ex Math. Paris. Henry the third confesseth that ad defensionem Britanniae non sufficiebant Angliae Thesauri, quod jam per triennium compr●bavit, that the Treasure of England would not suffice to maintain Britanny, which he had found to be true upon 3 years' trial: and left in the end tam laboriosis expensis amplius fatigari, to tyre himself farther with such toilsome expenses. The Town of Breast Breast. b Rot. Parl. anno 2. R. 2. Ex Comput. Tho. Parry. Cust. astri de B●●t, a. 9 R. 2. Calais. cost Richard the second 12000. Marks a year, and it stood him in an. 9 in 13118. l. 18. shillings. For Calais, I will deliver with as much shortness as may be, from the first acquisition until the loss, in every age the Expense (for the most part either out of the Treasury or Customs of England,) disbursed. c Ex comput. Williel. Horwell in Thesaur. Regis. From the 18. of Edward the 3. until the 21. in which space it was taken, the Charge amounted to 337400. l. 9 shil. 4d. Anno 28. of the same King for little more than a year 17847. l. 5. shillings. In an. 29. 30581. l. 18d. for 2. years complete. d Ex comput. Richardi Eccleshall de annis 28, 29, & 30. E. 3. In 30. received by Richard de Eccleshal Treasurer of Calais from the Bishop of Winchester Treasurer of England, 17847. l. e Ex Rot. Rar. anno 2. R. 2. And in the year following 26355 l. 15. shillings. f Ex Comput. Rob. Thorley. In the second of Richard 2. de receptis forinsecis, which was money from the Exchequer at Westminster, 20000 l. for 3 years complete. g Ex Comput. Simonis de Burg. Anno 5. 19783. l. For three years ending a Ex Comput. Rog. de Wald. anno 13. R. 2. & 15. anno 10. 77375. l. For the like term until ann. 13. 48609. l. 8. shillings. And b Ex Comput. Joannis Bernam, anno 23. R. 2. for the 4. succeeding years 90297. l. 19 shil. And for the last 3 years of his Reign, 85643. l. From the end of c Ex Comput. Ro. Thorley. Richard 2. until the 4 of Henry 4. for 3. years d Ex Comput. Nich. uske. 62655. l. 17. shillings. And for one succeeding, 19783. l. The Charge in Victual and Provision for 2 years 5. months in this King's Reign e Ex Comput. Rob. Thorley. 46519 l. 15. shillings. In the first 4. and peaceable years of his Son there was issued from the Treasury of England f Ex Comput▪ Rob. Salvin, de annis 5. H. 5. 86938. l. 10. shil. for this place. And from anno 8. until the 9 65363. l. It cost Henry the g Rot. Parl. an. 11. H. 6. 6. above all Revenue 9054. l. 5. shillings in an. 11. The Subsidies in England were an. 27. h Rot. Parl. anno 27. levied in Parliament to defray the wages and reparation of Calais. And the i Rot. Parl. anno 31. 31. of this King there was a Fifteen and 2. shil. of every Sack of Wool imposed upon the Subjects here to the same end. k Rot. Parl. anno 33. And the Parliament of 33. was assembled of purpose to order a course for discharge of wages and expense at Calais: and the like authority directed 4. of Edward the fourth, l Rot. Parl. 4. E. 4. that the Soldiers there should receive Victuals and salary from out of the Subsidies of England. The disbursement thereof one year being 12771. l. m Ex comput. Majoris Stapulae anno 1. R. 3. And in the 16. of the same King for like term there was the Portu London, Hull, Sancti Botolphi, Poole, & Sandwico, by the Ports of London, Hull, Boston, Pool, & Sandwich, 12488. l. paid to the Treasury of Calais. n Ex comput. origin. inter Chartas Roberti Cotton. And in an. 20. from out of the Customs of the same Ports to the same end 12290. l. 18. shillings. o Ex comput. Domini Lisle. And in 22. 11102. l. And the year following 10788. l. The settled ordinary wages of the Garrison in this Town yearly was 24. a Ex lib. de expens. Bellor. H. 8. & E. 6. in Musaeo Com. Salisbur. Henry 8.8834. l. And about 30th. when the Viscount Lisle was Deputy, 8117. l. And from the 30th. of this King to the end of his Son Edw. 6. this place did cost the Crown 371428. l. 18. shil. From the first purchase of it by Edward the 3. until the loss thereof by Queen Mary, it was ever a perpetual issue of the Treasure of this Land, which might in continuance have rather grown to be a burden of Danger to us, than any Fort of Security. For from the waste of money, which is Nervus Reipublicae, the Sinew of a Commonwealth, as Ulpian saith, we may conclude with Tacitus, Dissolutionem Imperii docet, si fructus quibus Respub. sustinetur diminuantur, it foreshews the ruin of an Empire, if that be impaired which should be the sustenance of the Commonwealth. And therefore it was not the worst opinion (at such time as the Captivity of Francis the French King incited b Ex litera Archiep. Cant. Card. Wolsey. Henry the 8. to put off that Kingdom, although in the close major pars vicit meliorem, the greater party out-voted the better,) that to gain any thing in France would be more chargeable than profitable, and the keeping more than the enjoying. The issue was in Tournay, Bullen, and this Town manifest. Besides the jealousy that Nation ever held over our designs and their own liberty. For as Graecia libera esse non potuit dum Philippus Graeciae Compedes tenuit, Greece could never be free so long as Philip had the Fetters of Greece in his custody; so as long as by retention of Calais we had an easy descent into, and convenient place to trouble the Country, a Fetter to entangle them, they neither has assurance of their own quiet, nor we of their Amity. And it was not the least Argument from Conveniency in the detention of Calais (after the 8 years expired of Re-delivery) used by the Chancellor of France, a Ex litera Thomae Smith Secret. anno 1567. 3. Maii. That we should gain much more in assured peace, which we could never have so long as we were Lords of that Town, then by any benefit it did or could yield us. It was never but a Pike and Quarrel between the two Realms: For upon every light displeasure, either Princes would take by and by to Calais, and make war there. God hath made a separation natural betwixt both Nations, a sure wall and defence, Et penitus toto divisos Orbe Britannos; That is, the English were divided from all the world. But a little more to inform the weight of these Charges, it is not amiss to touch (by way of comfort) that from which we are so happily by the infinite blessings of God and benignity of a Gracious King delivered; and also that other of burden still, (though much lightened) until conformity of Affections and designs of Counsels shall further effect a Remedy. The Charge of Barwick and the Frontiers in 20. b Ex comput. Joannis Tiptoft. Edward. 3. was 3129. l. for three years. In the end of Richard 2. & entrance of Henry the 4. c Ex comput. Hen. Percy, anno 1. H. 4. 10153. l. And d Parl. an. 11. H. 6. 11. of Henry 6. the Custody of the Marches 4766. l. In the 2. Mariae the annual Charge of Barwick was 9413. l. e Ex musaeo Com. Salisbury. And in an. 2. Elizabeth 13430. l. And an. 26. 12391. l. The Kingdom of Ireland, beyond the Revenues, was 29. E. 3. f Ex comput. Williel. de Brumleigh. 2285. Barwick. l. An. 30. g Ex comput. Nicol. Episc. Meth, an. 30. Ed. 3. 2880. l. and h Ex comput. Tho. Scurla● anno 50. E. 3. an. Ireland. 50. 1808. l. All the time of Richard 2. i Ex comput. Joan. Spencer, de annis R. 2. it never defrayed the charges; And came short in 11. Henry 6. 4000 Marks a Ex Rot. Par. anno 11. H. 6. of annual issues. The Revenue there in omnibus exitibus & proficuis, in all the rents and profits yearly, by Account of Cromwell Lord Treasurer, not above 3040. l. But passing over these elder times; in the Reign of the late Queen, when the yearly Revenue was not 15000. l. the expense for 2. years b Ex amotat. Dom. Burleigh ex Musaeo Com. Salisbury. ending 1571. amounted to 116874. l. In anno 1584. for less than 2 years came it to 86983. l. c Ex comput. Rad. Lane. The charge there in two years of S. john Parrots government ending 1586. was 116368. l. In anno 1597. the Receipt not above 25000. l. the issue was 91072. l. And when in 35. Elizabeth the Rents and Profits of that Kingdom exceeded not 27118. l. the Disbursments in 7 months were 171883. l. The Charge 1601. d Ex comput. in Musaeo Com. Salisbury Thesaur. Angliae. for 9 months 167987. l. And for the two years following accounted by the allayed money 670403. l. And in the first of the King, 84179. l. Whose government although it hath blessed both us and that Kingdom with the benefit of Peace, yet hath it not delivered himself from a large and yearly expense here for supportation of that State out of his own Treasure. And thus far in answer of the Argument from increase of Revenue by foreign Dominions. As to the Arguments of Honour by addition of Titles and foreign Territories; Addition of any foreign Title no Honour. it may suffice in answer, That so long as this Crown was actually possessed of any such Signiory, the Tenure and Service did ever bring with it a note and badge of Vassalage; than which nothing to so free a Monarch as the King of England (who is e Baldus. Monarcha in Regno, & tot & tanta habet Privilegia quot Imperator in Imperio, a Monarch his Kingdom, and hath as many and as large Privileges therein as an Emperor in his Empire,) could be more in blemish or opposition. To write Domino Regi nostro Franciae, To our Lord the King of France, as during the time we held the Provinces in France we usually did in all our Letters and public Contracts with that Crown, can be called no addition of Honour. And whether upon every command to act in person those base services of Homage and Fidelity, as first in putting off the Imperial Crown, the kneeling low at the foot of that King, and taking an oath to become Homme liege du Roys de France, a liege subject to the Kings of France, etc. we in performing so the duties of a Subject, do not much more disparage the dignity of a Sovereign, is no question of doubt. From these considerations of Reputation and Honour, (the greatest stays that support Majesty, and retain Obedience) our Kings of England have as far as to the forfeit of those Signiories, either avoided or refused the services. As King john did Normandy; Style of Normandy and Aquitain, accounted by our Kings a vassalage. and Edward the 2. resigned to his Son the Duchy of Aquitain, to put off the act of homage from himself, to whom it could not in respect of his regalty but be in dishonour. As appeareth in Henry the 2. who having made his Son Consortem Imperii, a King of England with him, Homagium à Filio noluit (saith the Record) quia Rex fuit, sed securitatem accepit; would not receive Homage of him, because he was a King, but took his Security. In the 17. of Richard 2. the Lords and Justices would not consent to a Peace with France, unless the King might not do Homage, they held it so base, supposing thereby the liberty of the King's Person and Subject wronged. And thus much of the little Reputation that either in Title or Territory those subordinate Dutchies in France added to this Crown. As for the Kingdom of France, Style of France restrained by petition in Parliament. the people of England were so little in love with that Title, as any Honour to them, that by Acts of Parliament 14. Edward 3. and 8. Edward 5. they provided that the Subjects of England should owe no Obedience to the King as King of France, nor the Kingdom of England be in any wise subjected by such Union to that Crown. And so much we have ever been in fear of that place, France possessed would leave us to the misery of a province lest it might leave this State to the misery of a Provincial Government as in 17. of Henry 6. the Commons urged to contribute for the recovery of that Crown, answered, that the gaining of any footing in France would induce the King's abode there, and by such absence cause great decay and desolation in this State; besides the transport of our Money in the mean time, which would enrich that Country, and impoverish the Realm at home, whereby we should justly again say, a Tacit. in vita Agricolae. Britannia servitutem suum quotidie emit, quotidie poscit, The Britan's are every day begging to be slaves, every day giving money for it. THe last motive is, To enterprise any war, not so easy. the advantage we now have of greater Facility and assurance of Success in any foreign enterprise, by this happy Union of both Kingdoms, than ever any of our Ancestors had. To which is answer nothing can be more full, Means of success formerly. then laying down the motives and means that led on the Kings of this Realm to attempt and prosperously effect their undertake in other parts, weigh how they suit these times, and whether that any or all the advantages we now have may be to them of equal worth and valuation. The first consideration is in Place, Advantage of Place and Party. the next in Person. Advantage of Place. In the wars of France (whether those for the defence of particular Signiories, or competition of the intite Kingdom) we had ever Ports to land at, & Forts to retire to, which now we have not. The coast of Normandy was our own, by which we might enter the midst of France. And Edward 3. when he intended to annoy the East part, sided with Montfort against Charles de Bloys, whom he invested with the Duchy of Britain, that so he might have there an easy footing. Thus by leave of his Confederates in Flanders he had safe entrance for all his Army to invade the other side, and a sure retreat, when upon any occasion he would come back, as he did to Antwerp. And wheresoever any army may have a quiet descent, the greatest difficulty is overcome; for the rest consisteth in Chance, wherein Fortune is rather wont to prevail then Virtue. But a Livy lib. 28. ibi grave est Bellum gerere, ubi nullus est Classi Portus apertus, non ager pacatus, non Civitas Socia, non consistendi aut procedendi locus, quocunque circumspexeris hostilia sunt omnia; There 'tis a hard task to wage war, where there is no Port open for our Navy, the Country our enemy, no City our Confederate, no place to make a stand or to march out from, but whithersoever a man looks, he can see nothing but hostile intentions against us. And this must be now our case, which was never our Ancestors. Advantage personal was either A Party found made. Confederates. For the Persons considerable, they are the Subjects to our enemies, or our own Confederates. Of the first, our Kings heretofore did either work upon the opportunity of any dissension ministered, or by Pension & Reward either make a fraction in Obedience, or Neutrality in Assistance with the Subjects of their Adversary. The Duke of Burgundy, Earls of Britain, Dreux and others in France, offended with their Sovereign, a Math. Paris in vita H. 3. Confoederati erant Comiti Britanniae Henrico & Regi Angliae, became Confederates with Henry Earl of Britain and King of England; and thereupon drew him over into Britain. b Math. Par. vita Hen. 3. The same King by yearly Pensions of 7000. l. kept divers in Poictou in fraction against their Lord and their own Loyalty. Edward 3. had never undertaken the conquest of France, if c Froisard. Robert de Artoys (displeased with the Sentence of Philip his Master for that Earldom) had not incited and complotted for him, as Godfrey of Harecourt did after. Nor Henry d Walsingham. T. Livius Foroliviensis in vita Herald 5. 5. if the unsound memory of the French King, the jealousy of those Princes & Orleantial Faction had not made his way and Fortune. THe Confederates our Kings held formerly for mutual Aid were of such consequence in all their affairs, Confederates were the only ground of all the good success. that those so best strengthened achieved ever the greatest and most glorious victories. As the first the 3d. Edward's, the 5th. and 8th. Henry's. Whereas Henry the sixth, that was of all the rest left most naked to himself, although the greatest otherwise in opportunity, lost all the purchase of his Ancestors in the end. It is not amiss in such a foundation of Greatness as Confederacy, to lay down successively, first, with whom we tied that knot of love; then, what were the motives or assurances; and lastly, whether the same in both is left to our occasions and will now or no. Henry the first, A list of all the Confederates from Hen. the firsts Reign to the end of the last Queen. Henry 2. but to assure his own possessions beyond Sea, a Ex Contract. orig. in Arch. Thes. West. adscivit in praesidium Comitem Britanniae, & Theobaldum Comitem Blesensem, called to his aid the Earl of Britain, and Theobald Earl of Bloys. Henry the second did the like with b Ex Radulp. de Diceto. Robert Earl of Flanders. And again c Ex orig. signat. à Comite & Castellanis, in Thes. West. cum Theodorico Comite Flandriae, Richard 2. Baronibus, Castellanis, & caeteris hominibus Comitis, with Theodoric Earl of Flanders, the Barons, Governors of Castles, and other the Subjects of the said Earl; who stood bound to serve him in summonitione sua, sicut Domino, pro feodis quae de ipso teneant, upon a summons, as well as their own Lord, for the Fees which they held of him. Baldwin Earl of Flanders contracteth under Bond d Ex Radulph. de Diceto. mutui subsidii, quod sine Rege Richardo Angliae non componeret cum Rege Francorum, of mutual aid, that he would not come to agreement with the French King without Richard King of England. And the e Math. Paris 184. Britain's relicto Rege Franciae Regi Richardo adhaeserunt, forsaking the King of France, did join with King Richard. Between King john a In dorso Cla. an. 1. Joannis. and the Earl of Flanders there was a Combination mutui auxilii contra Regem Francorum, K●ng John. of mutual assistance against the French King. b Ex orig. in Thes. Westm. The like with the City of Douai and Earl of Holland. Henry 3. Henry 3. an. 11. drew c Dors. Pat. 11. H. 3. m. 11. Peter Duke of Brittany into Confederacy against the French; and Fernand Earl of Flanders with a Pension annual of 500 Ma●ks. d Rot. lib. an. 14. H. 3. m. 7. ex originali. And anno 38. Alfonsus' King of Castille combineth with him and his heirs contra omnes hom●nes in mundo, against all the men in the World. To whom he remained so constant, that an. 8. and 10. Edw. 1. he would not grant a Truce to the French King, but ad preces & instantiam at the instant suit of the King of England. Edward 1. Edward 1. an. 13. e Claus. an. 13. Edw. 1. by a pretence of inter-marriage d●ew Florence Earl of Holland from the French to his party: Ex origin. in Thesaur. and the year following, by mediation of the Lord of Black-mont, the Earl of Flanders, who is g Rot. Vascon. an. 20. m. 19 an. ●0. assisted him in the wars of Gascoign. h Rot. Alman. de annis 22. & 31. m. 13. In the 22. he combined with Adolph King of the Romans, and the Earl of Gueldres; tying the Nobility of Burgund●e with a yearly donative of 30000. l. Turonensium to aid him contra Regem Franciae, against the French King. i Ex origin. sub. sigillo in Thes. Westm. He had Guido Earl of Flanders and Philip his son for 100000. l. Turonensium in pay against the French King, an. 24, 25, and 31. of his Reign; k Rot. Alman. an. 31. m. 14. retaining the Earl of Gueldres by pay of 1000000. l. the Duke of Lorraine by 1600000. l. l Dors. Rot. Alman. 18. the Nobility of Burgundy by a Pension of 30000. l. and Wallerand Lord of Montay by 300. l. Turonensium in his service the same year. a Rot. Pat. an. 34. m. 24. And in an. 34. Reginaldum Comitem Montis Beliardi & alios de Burgundia contra Regem Franciae, Reginald Earl of Mont-Belliard and other Burgundians against the King of France. Edward 2. Edward 2. had b Rot. Vasco. an. 9 & 11. auxilium tam maritimum quam terrestre à Genoensibus, assistance as well by Sea as by Land from the Genoeses. c Dors. Claus▪ an. 18. m. 7. And in an. 18. besides his Alliance with Flanders, john Protector of Castille aideth him contra Gallos cum 1000 equitibus & peditibus, & Scutiferis 10000 against the French with 1000 horse and foot, and 10000 other armed men. Edward the 3. d Froisard. had by the Marriage of Philip, Edward 3. the Earl of Henault & Holland her Father assured to him; and retained john of Henault and his Followers, e Rot. libera 2. m. 6. qui venerunt in auxilium adrogatum Regis, who came to assist the King at his call, with a Salary of 14000. l. yearly. Before he adventured to avow and maintain his Challenge to the Kingdom of France, f Rot. Alman. anno 11. he made up to his party Lodowick the Emperor, (who the better to countenance his enterprise, elected him Vicarium Imperii, Vicar of the Empire.) g Rot. Antwer. anno 12. Reginald Earl of Geldres, Lewis marquis of Brandenburg, Conrade Lord of Hard, who served him with 50. men at Arms, the Cardinal of Genoa and his Nephew, who aided him with Galleys, the Magistrates of Colen, Brussels, Lorraine and Mechlin, and h Froisard. jaques de Artevile head of the Gantois Faction; who having quitted all duty to the banished Earl, submitted themselves and most of Flanders to the service and protection of Edward 3. who to free them of two Millions of Crowns, wherein, as a Caution of obedience to the Crown of France, a Ex Rot. Antwerp. an. 12. they stood bound as well by Oath as Obligation, took upon him the Title of King of France, and employed john Duke of Brabant and Lorraine, William marquis of juliers, and the Earl of Henault and Holland, his assured Friends, Procuratores suos ad vend candum Regnum Franciae, his Procurators to claim the Crown of France, b Rot. Parl. anno 14. n. 8. These his Allies nor long after meeting him at Tournay with 100000. men, as Robert de Artoys did with 50000. at S. Omers against the French King. And thus he attired and furnished his first enterprise, weaving into his Faction and support more and more, as often as either pretence or just occasions would give him leave. By c claus. an. 18. m. 25. colour of Marriage he drew in the King of Sicily in the 18th. year, the Duke of Milan, and the King of Castille for mutual aid; and d Dors. claus. an. 18. m. 20. Simon But anger Duke of Genoa, and his Subjects for hire and reward. In the 19 year e Dors. calus. an. 19 m. 14. the questionable Title of the Duchy of Britain assured him of john de Montford; against whom the f Froisard. French King maintained Charles de Bloys for that Duchy. In an. 24. g Rot. Pat. an. 24. n. 8. he renewed the Contract with the Genoeses; and in 30. made a convention of Peace, & mutul auxilii cum Rege Navarrae, and of mutual aid, with the King of Navarre. In h Ex orininali de anno 37. in lib. Ro. Cotton. the 37. with Peter King of Castille: and in that and 41. i Ex orig. in Thes. West. de annis 37. & 41. an alliance of Aid and Amity. he entered with the Duke of Britain: and an. 45. K Ex orig. sub sigillo. again with the Genoeses and Lewis Earl of Flanders and Duke of Brabant: l Ex Contract. origin, in Archiv. Thes. Westm. and an. 46. with Ferdinand King of Portugal. Richard the second rene weth m Claus. an. I. R. 2. in an, Richard 2. I. the confederation that his Grandfather had with the Duke of Britain; and with whom anno 3. he contracted anew, as he had done anno 2. with Lewis a Rot. Franc. anno 2. Earl of Flanders. In the 6. b Ex orig. in Thes. year he combineth with the Flemings c Rot. Parl. anno 6. n. 11. contra intmicos communes, against the enemies of them both; with d Ex Contract. in the lib. Italico Rob. Cotton. the Kings of Naples, Sicily, Navarre and Arragon, de mutuis auxiliis, for mutual ai●e; e Rot. Franciae anno 6. m. 28. & with Wenceslaus the Emperor contra Carclum Regem Franciae & Robertum Regem Scotiae, against Charles King of France, and Robert King of Scotland. In an. 8. f Rot. Franc. anno 12. m. 16 & anno 18. & 19 with the Kings of jerusalem, Sicily, & Portugal. In the 10. with Portugal, who at his own charges aided this King with 10. Galleys. And with William Duke of Gueldres de mutuis auxiliis, for mutual1 aid. And an. 12. g Rot. Franc. an. 12. m. 16. & anno 18. & 19 18. and 19 with Albert Duke of. Bavaria. h Rot. Franc. anno 20. m. 2. And an. 20. with the Earl of Ostrenant de retinentiis contra Regem Franciae, against the King of France. And Rupertus Count Palatine of the Rhine an. 20. became a Homager for term of life to this King. Henry 4. entered alliance i Rot. claus. an. 2. Hen. 4. & Rot. Fran. anno 2. & 3. H. 4. m. 6. Henry 4. of mutual aid in 2. years with William Duke of Gueldres and Mons. k Rot. Franc. anno 12. H. 4. m. 21. Henry. 5. In the 12th. with Sigismond King of Hungaria. l Tho. Walsingham. And in the 13. by fiding with the Factions of the Dukes of Berry and Orleans, laid the basis upon which his Son that succeeded reared the Trophies of his Renown. For Henry the fifth going forward upon the Advantage left and daily offered, strengthened himself anno 4. m Ex Rot. Parl. anno 4. by a League perpetual with Sigismond the Emperor; renewing that of Richard the 2. n Ex orig. in Thes, Westm. with john King of Portugal, as his Father had done. He entered a contract with the Duke of Britain, and with the Queen of jerusalem and Lewis her Son for the Duchy of Anlou and Main; and with the King of Portugal and Duke of Bavaria for supply of men & Munition by them performed. a Ex chron. Rogeri Wall. in vita H. 5. anno 5. & 8. And the year before the battle of Agincourt sendeth the Lord Henry Scrope to contract with the Duke of Burgundy b Ex Instruct. orig. 31. Aug. 5. H. 5. & his Retinue for Wages in servitio suo in Regno Franciae vel Ducatu Aquitaniae, in his service in the Kingdom of France, or the Duchy of Aquitain; esteeming the alliance of that house the readiest means the attain his end. Henry 6. Henry. 6. c Ex Contract. originali. so long as he held the Amity of Britain (for which he contracted) and the confederacy of Burgundy, his friend or eldest assurance and best advantage, which he did to the 16th. year of his government, there was no great decline of his Fortune in France. But when Burgundy d Ex Tractat. Alrabatensi. broke the bond of our assurance, & betook him to the Amity of France, and dealt with this Crown but as a Merchant by way of intercourse, first at the Treaty of e Ex tractat. Brugens. 1442 Bruges 1442. then at f Ex tractat. Callisiae 1445. Ex tractat. Bruxellensi 1446. Calais 1446. the reputation and interest we held in France declined faster in the setting of this Son, than ever it increased in the rising of the Father. And Edward the fourth who succeeded, sensible of this loss, wooed by all the means either of Intercourse or Marriage to win again the house of Burgundy, g Parl. an. 7. E. 4. n. 28. Edward 4. which in an. 7. he did, to join for the recovery of his right in France. h Rot. Franc. anno 8. m. 22. & ex contract. originali. And drew in the year following the Duke of Britain to that Confederacy. In the i Rot. Franc. an. 11. E. 4. m. 7. 11. year he renewed with Charles of Burgundy. the bond of mutual Aid; and contracted the next k Rot. Franc. an. 12. m. 22. & ex orig. in. Thes. Westm. year the like with the King of Portugal. And in an. 14. pro recuperatione Regni Francae, contra Ludovicum Usurpantem, for the recovery of the Kingdom of France out of the hands of Lewis the Usurper, ( a Rot. Fran. anno 14. m. 18. & 19 as the Record is) entered a new Confederacy with the Dukes of Burgundy and Britain; b Ex Contr. de anno 1487. pro solutione 50000 scutorum ad 100 annos. And in the end wrought from them a round Pension of money, though he could not any portion of land Henry the 7. Henry 7. c Rot. Fran. anno 5. & 6. Hen. 7. & Contract. origin. an. 8. H. 7. an. 5. Henry 8. & 6. entertaineth an Alliance with Spain against the French King. The like in the 8. with the King of Portugal: and in the 10. d Ex magno Intercusu de an. 1495. with the house of Burgundy for Intercourse and mutual Aid. Henry the 8. in an. 4. e Ex tract. original. de dat. 1513. reneweth the Amity of Portugal; and the next year combineth with the Emperor Maximilian against Lewis the French King, who aideth him out of Artoys and Henault with 4000 horse and 6000. foot; whereupon he winneth Tournay, f Ex litera Max. Imp. Card. Ebor. dat. 15. Consilo, Auxilio, & favoribus Maximiliani Imperatoris, with the advice, assistance, and countenance of the Emperor Maximilian. In anno 7. g Rot. Fran. anno 7. H. 8. to weaken the French King, he entereth league with the Helvetian Cantons by his Commissioners Wingfield and Pace; and with h Ex tract. Bruxellensi 1515. Charles of Spain for Amity and mutual Aid: into which Maximilian the Emperor and joan of Spain i Ex originali subscript. card. Sedunensi de dat. 1516. were received the year following k Ex tract. Calais. anno 1521. In an. 12. with the Emperor Charles and l Ex tract. orig. subscript. manu Card. Ebor. & Margar. Regent. 24. August. 1521. Margaret Regentesse of Burgundy the maketh a Confederation against Francis the French King, as the common enemy: & quia Rex Angliae nonpossit ex propriis Subditis tantum equitum numerum congerere, the King of England could not furnish such a quantity of Horse of his own Subjects, as was mentioned in the contract, the Emperor giveth leave that he levy them in any his Dominions in Germany. And the Pope in furtherance of this intendment interdicteth the French territories, calleth in aid Brachii Secularis, of the Secular power, a Ex tract. Windsor. 1522. those two Princes; appointeth the Emperor Protectorem & advocatum Ecclesiae, the Church's Advocate and Protector; & styleth their Attempt sancta expeditio, holy expedition. b Ex tract. Cambrens. 1529. And this is by the Treaty at Windsor the next year confirmed and explained. Renewing in the years c Ex tract. ultrajectensi. 21. 35, and 38. the association, and bond of mutual aid with the same Princes, and against the French King, if he broke not off his Amity with the Turk. And although d Ex tract. de anno 1543. Ex originali dat. ultimo Janu. 1547. Edward the 6. in the first year of his Reign made the Contract between the Crown of England and the house of Burgundy perpetual; e Ex instruct. Rich. Morison Edward 6. yet forbore he to aid the Emperor in the wars of France, disabled (as he pretended) by reason of the Poverty the troubles of Scotland had drawn upon him; f Ex litera Ducis Somers. Magist. Pag. 1549. And therefore offered the Town of Bullen to the Imperial protection. During the Reign of Queen Mary, there was no other but that g Ex contract. Matrimoniali 1554. of Marriage, Aid and Intercourse with the Emperor, Spain and Burgundy; h Extract. Matr. 1559. Queen Marry, and besides that tripartite bond at Cambray of Amity and Neutrality. Our late Renowned Mistress entertained with the Prince of Conde i Ex artic. subscript. à Vidame de Chartres 1562. Elizabeth. about New-haven, and k Ex s●●der. Trecensi. 1564 with Charles the 9 1564. & at l Ex tract. ●l●sensi. Bloys 1572. with the King of Navarre before the accession of the Crown of France to him, and after Britain, and lastly by the Duke of Bullen a Ex tract. Londim. 1596. in 96. And with the States of the Netherlands in the years 85. b Ex tract. cum ordin. Belgiae de annis 1585. & 1598. and 98. divers Treaties of Amity, Confederates of most benefit to England. Confederation and Assistance. By all these passages, (being all that well either our Story or Records can discover) it appeareth manifest the Kings of England never to have undertaken, or fortunately entertained any Foreign Enterprise without a party and confederate. Amongst which by situation, those of best advantage to us have been the Dukes of Britain, Lords of the Netherlands, the City of Genoa, the kings of Portugal and Spain, & the Empire, since knit into the house of Burgundy As for the remote and inland Princes of Germany, Princes whose Confederation are of least benefit. the Kings of Denmark, Poland and Sweden, (so far removed) I have seldom observed that this Crown hath with them contracted any League of Assistance or Confederacy, but of Amity and Intercourse only. IT remaineth to observe a little, Bonds of Confederation cannot be the same they were before. As with the State of Genoa. what were the reasons that first induced, and then preserved the Affection and Alliances of these several Nations respectively to this Crown. The assurance we had of the State of Genoa was their Pensions and Traffic here. All which time by equality of Neighbourhood they stood of themselves without any jealousy of Surprise. But as soon as Vicinum Incendium, the fire began in Milan, they put themselves into the protection of Spain, foreseeing how dangerous it would be for a weak State to stand Neutral, according to Aristhenus' counsel to the Aetolians, c Livy Dec. 4. l. 2. Quid aliud quam nusquam gratia stabili praeda victoris erimus? What else will become of us, being in firm friendship with neither side, then to be made a prey to the Conqueror? Since which time Spain by estating Doria, Grimaldi, and the Spinelloes, chief Families of that City, with great Patrimonies in Naples, retaining their Galleys in his perpetual service and salary, the Inhabitants of all sorts in beneficial Trade, and (no less in Policy to engage that City, then to supply his own Wants) continually owing the wealthiest Citizens such vast sums of money, as the Interest of late exceeded d In Relatione de Statu Genoae an. 1595. 25. Millions; he hath tied it more sure to the Spanish party, then if it were commanded by a Citadel; so that it must ever now follow the faction and fortune of that Crown. Navarre and Britain (while States of themselves) were so long firm to our Confederacy, Navarre, Britain. as they were tied with the bond of their own Calamity, occasioned by that power, which incorporating lately the one by Descent, the other by Contract, is by that Union and return of all the Appennagii, more potent now then ever it hath been under the House of Capet. Burgundy was so long our friend, Burgundy. as either they were enriched by Staple of our Commodities, or had protection of our Swords against France, who not only claimed Sovereignty over most, but a proprietary interest in part; and therefore had reason to give aid and Arms to such a Confederate as did by a diversive war secure, and by particular Immunities enrich that State. But now growing into Spain, they need no such assurance in the one; and we almost undone by their draping of our wool, (which is happily called home,) not able to return them the benefit of the other, cannot presume upon any such assurance of their aid as heretofore. Spain may seem to give us the best hope of a fast Confederate for 2. Spain. respects. First, for that he is absolute, and that we be equally devoid of demand, neither having against the other any Titles. Next, for that the intercourse of Trade is more reciprocal between us then France, and our Amity founded upon long love and old blood. To this may be made a twofold answer, from the change of their Dispositions: First, for that they never assist any now, but to make themselves Master of their State. Thus ended they the strife between the Competitors of Portugal. And when they were called into Naples by the Queen against the French, they combined with her Adversary, and divided the Kingdom. And after upon the River of Garillon, under their Leader Gonsalves, taking an advantage, they defeated the whole Army of the French, holding ever since that entire Kingdom themselves. For Spain will admit neither Equality nor Fellowship, since upon Union of so many Kingdoms, and famous Discoveries, they begun to affect a fifth Monarchy. The Other; that the late hostility between them and us hath drawn so much blood, as all forms of ancient Amity are quite washed away: and as Paterculus a Paterculus. saith of Carthage to Rome, so may we of Spain to England, Adeo odium Certaminibus ortum ultra metam durat, ut ne in victis quidem deponitur, neque ante invisum esse desinet quam esse desut: The hatred begot by former quarrels doth endure so lastingly, that the very conquered party cannot forget it; & in such a case the very places must cease to be, before the hatred and envy towards it can cease. BEsides these local considerations, there will 2. other Dangers now fallout from any Contract of mutual aid: The one from diversity of Intention, Dangers in Confederacy by diversity of Ends. Examples, that ends served, Confederates quit all bonds of Combination and the other of Religion. In the one, when either the Confederate hath safely attained his own secret End, (whatsoever he pretended in the entrance,) he leaveth the other to work out his own designs. Thus was Hen. 3. served, called over by the Earls of Tholouse and March; they in the mean time having made their Peace with France: a Matth Paris 1242. Et expertus jam infidem, imo perfidiam Pictavensium, turpiter recessit, & festinans non pepercit Calcaribus, in so much that having found the treachery and perfidiousness of the Poictovins, he was forced dishonourably to retreat, and for haste to spur away; the peril the poor King was left in being so great. He was handled like to this by Pope Alexander the fourth, who having drawn him into the wars of Apulia against Manfred, in the end, depauperato Regno Angliae & undique bonis suis spoliato, his Kingdom of England being impoverished, and wholly despoiled of its Goods, left him to his own shift. The King of Navarre calling in the aid of Edward 3. b Rot. Parl. anno 29. E. 3. n. 6. against France, and appointing the Isle of Gersey the Rendezvous of their forces, revolteth to the French, after he had by countenance of that preparation wrought his Peace. Maximilian the Emperor to induce Henry 8. not only contracteth to aid him in person to recover the Crown of France, & pro tyrannico Rege repellendo, and to remove the tyrannical King, (they are the words of the League;) but conferreth upon him in the same Coronam Imperialem & Imperium Romanum, the Imperial Crown and the Roman Empire in reversion; and estateth the Duchy of Milan after recovery upon his person, & suorum naturalium masculini sexus haeredum, modo feodorum Imperialium, and his heirs male lawfully begotten, to hold in Fee of the Empire: yet in the close left the King to his own fortune, his turn for Milan and Verona, served. Charles the fifth when by the incuision of the French he saw his portion in Italy distressed, in safety whereof consisted the whole Pulse of the Spanish, (as he used himself to say,) for it supplied his Army with great Levies, and was fitly seated for a fifth Monarchy; he then engaged Hen. 8. in the wars of France, and bound himself (as Bourbon his Confederate) that he would assist him to the full Conquest of that Kingdom, and the other should become Homager to Hen. 8. as to his Sovereign. But after that Bourbon had advanced his Army and distressed the French King, he in his answer to Master Place the King's Ambassador refused that assurance of duty, and gave a just suspicion, that he by help of his Party intended to usurp upon that State himself, which the Emperor never meant to the King of England; least by such footing in France, Suspecting that an Ally may grow too great, dissolveth alliance he might grow so great as to give law to his neighbours. And to fall off upon such grounds hath ever been excusable, howsoever the bonds of Alliance were. Thus did Hen. 8. as often change his hand of help, as either Princes of Spain & France got ground of the other. And the Spaniard now, to keep the States in Italy disunited, compoundeth differences at his pleasure, or taketh part with the weaker, not suffering any, though his own dependant, to grow too strong: which was lately seen in patronising the D. of Mantua against Savoy, according to the Rule of Quinctius in Livy, Liv. lib. 34. Non tantum interest Aetolorun opes minui, it doth not stand us so much in hand to break the strength of the Aetolians, (yet they were enemies,) quantum, non supra modum Philippum crescere, as it doth to see that Philip grow not too potent, who was their friend. The difference in Religion may bring likewise a twofold danger. The one with our Confederates, the other with the Subjects of this Crown. For whensoever we shall attempt upon a Catholic Prince, as France, where we have the fairest pretences, for with any other we are like to have no question; then is all Contract of mutual aid left to the election of our Danger by difference in Religion, in respect of the Confederates, who Subjects. May break by dispensation, though both Catholics. aught to break out of the Rom. doctrine, one accounted heretic. Confederate, who may with all easiness procure from the See of Rome a discharge of all Contracts, although they were by Oath. For if in Leagues where either party have been Catholics, as that between Edward 3. and john King of France, & that between john of Caunt and the King of Cast●le; they ever out of such suspect inserted this Clause, That neither side should procure dispensationem, etc. either per Ecctesiam Romanam, vel per aliquam aliam, a Dispensation either by the Church of Rome, or any other way, to do contra formam Tractatus, contrary to the form of Agreement: how much more must their jealousy be to us? And therefore in a Consultation in Henry the 8s. time, a Ex original. in manu Domini Cromwell. whether with best security we should confederate with France or Spain, it was resolved that either of them may slip off their advantage by colour of our Separation from the Church of Rome, if there be no better hold in their Honesties then in their Bonds. For it will be held not only worthy dispensation, but merit to break all Leagues with the enemies of that Church, by the Doctrine of that See; which teacheth all Contracts with any Catholic Prince to be instanti dissolved, Doctrine of the See of Rome touching leagues with Heretics. because we are by them ranked in the list of Heretics: which holds proportion with the Rule and Direction that Urban the sixth sent by b Ex Bulla origin. sub sigillo urbani 6. an. pont. 4. Bull to Wenceslaus King of Bohemia, and Charles then Emperor, (before the Council of Constance,) declaring all Confederations, Leagues and Conventions to be Lege Divina temerariae, illicitae, & ipso jure nullae, etiamsi forent fide data firmatae aut Confirmatione Apostolica roboratae, to be by the Law of God invalid, void, and in law null, although confirmed by the plighting of faith, nay though strengthened by confirmation Apostolical, if the parties were separatae ab Unitate sanctae, Ecclesae, separate from the Unity of Holy Church, when the league was made; or si postea sint effecti, if they become so after. What assurance can there then be, either with France, who is received? by his Rebenediction, into the Bosom of the Church, and his son made Adoptivus Filius Ecclesiae, an adopted Son of the Church; or against him with Spain, who being Protector and Champion of that See Apostolic, submitteth himself (as he hath ever done) to the Pope's pleasure and design, and must not only forsake? but aid against us in any war we should there undertake? Besides it is considerable, Subjects obedient to the Pope's Censure a dangerous Party. howsoever all sides of our own will join in point of defence to a mutual aid; whether they will so in a foreign Invasion; (especially when the party assailed shall be of their own Religion.) For when the Interdiction of the Pope could draw against john King of England & a Ex Eulogio Hist. Lewis the 12. a side of their own Subjects, (as it did after in the same Kingdom against Hen. 3. though all 3. conformable in points of Religion to that See;) how much more will it work with the people devoted to their opinions in a State divided from their obedience? For amongst us the Catholic Church hath many Jesuits to raise Faction, and divert people from duty; the Recusants many, and Malcontents not few; all which with war will discover themselves, but now by this happy calm unassured of assistance, lock up their riches in security, & their hearts in silence. And therefore by any enterprise, it is not with the rule of Seneca safe, concutere felicem statum. For provoking of some adversary in respect of Papal protection, they pick advantage to ground a quarrel of Religion: & then the sancta Expeditio, the holy expedition against Lewis, will be made Bellun Sacrum, a holy War against us. But admitting no less than in former times an easiness to attempt; it is not a meditation unnecessary to think in general of the dangers and impossibilities to retain. For first we must more than transgress limits quos posuerunt Patres, the Bounds which our Fathers owned; Et penitus toto divisos or be Britannos, And Britan's from the world wholly divided; and relinquish that defence of Nature, wherewith she hath incirculed, divided, and secured us from the whole world; ( a Festus Amoenus. Te natura potens Pelago divisit ab omni Parte orbis, tuta ut semper ab hoste fores. From all the Earth Nature hath parted thee With Seas, and set thee safe from Enemy.) and commit our Frontiers (had we never so much upon the next Continent) to the protection of an Army, Danger of large Frontiers. which besides the continual Charge, if we give Ambitious and able Commanders, (as unable for our Interest we will not,) how ready shall it be in such a Leader, and backed, if he please, to give Law to his own country? For Trifles will be quarrels good enough for such as can make them good by Power; And whensoever means and Ambition leads any to trouble the State, he will be sure to colour his pretext with honest Titles. b Sallust. in Bello Catil. Alli, sicuti Iura populi defenderent Pars, quo Senatus authoritas maxima foret, bonum publicum simulantes: some declaring to maintain the rights of the People, others to uphold the authority of the Senate, all pretending to act for the public good. Hence was it that Augustus c Suetonius in vita Augusti. refused to add any more of the Barbarous Nations to the body of his Empire, which with great facility he might have done; d Dion Cassius and to restrain that infinite and unsafe desire of enlarging, left in Charge to his Successors that especial point of advice, a Tacitus. coercendi intra Terminos Imperii, to keep the Empire within due & fitting bounds. The like moderation from the same ground was in the late Queen, who refused the sovereignty of the Netherlands, b Ex proposit. Statuum de anno 1585. so often and earnestly offered to her, foreseeing well, that as her State should grow more respective by addition of People, and augmentation of Territory; so Factions and Discontents (a common accident in worldly affairs) would arise from superfluity. Besides, What State may best admit addition. the State that may best admit increase is that, unto which addition may be on every part indifferently. Such was the advantage of Rome, by being situate in the midst of Europe: whereas we are thrust out of the world; to which we have no other contiguity, than an unsure element of fluxible foundation, the Sea, subject to tempest, contrariety of wind, and more commodious for a potent enemy to intercept, than ourselves to secure. For how large soever any Kingdom is, all great directions move from one place, commonly from one man, as the Heart in the Body. It is therefore necessary that the seat be so placed, that as well Intelligence as Dispatch may safely pass with indifferency and assured Speed: And those Forms are most quick and easy in motion, whole extremes are all equally distant from the Centre; for the more different from the Circle, the more slow and hard. Rome may sufficiently example this: For so long as the Orb of that Empire so moved about her, all things kept on their course with order, and ease; but after the Seat was by c Zozimus in vita Constantini. Constantine removed to an extremity of the Circle, it stood a while still, and in the end dissolved. For either through the mass of Business, the limitedness of any man's sufficiency, or impossibility to consider all due Circumstances but in re praesenti, there must fall out infinite defects in the directions. Or if none, either by reason of Distance they come too late, or if not, by reason of Remoteness, he who is to execute will be bolder with his Instructions then is fit for a Minister to be. How dangerous is it then by addition of Territories for our Master, a Velleius Paterc. de Expeditione Caesaris. Alterum pene Imperio nostro & suo quaerenti Orbem, whilst he is seekng to join another world, in a manner, to his and our Empire, to alter either the settled order of directions, or walls of our security. Besides, as in the Frames of Nature Anima rationalis, the rational soul cannot informare, give life, sense, or discourse to the matter of an Elephant or a Fly; (or any other body disproportionable to a Form so qualified:) so is there as well a bound of amplitude and structness wherein the soul of Government is comprised; b Bodin. de Repub. lib. 6. Between which extremes there are many degrees of Latitude, some approaching to the greatest (that nature seldom or never produceth) some to the least, and some to the mean; beyond which proportions respectively though some may have a will to effect they never can have a power to attain. And this we may see in the former accession of so much to us in France, which we could never either with Profit or Assurance retain? being gotten by Conquest, and but tacked to by Garrison, contrary to the nature of Hereditary Monarchies. For some Kingdoms (in which number this may be accounted) are of the same condition that Demosthenes c Ex orat. Demosth. ad Athenienses. maketh the Athenians: Non ea vestra ingenia sunt, ut ipsi aliis vi oppressis Imperiateneatis; sed in eo magnae sunt vires vestrae, ut alium potiri principatu prohibeat is; aut potitum exturbetis; It is not your way, violently to oppress other States and seize the Government; but in this is your strength manifest, that you can hinder another from possessing the Government, or when he is possessed of it, throw him out again. Since then by Situation and Power we are the fittest, either to combine or keep several the most potent and warlike Nations of the West, it is the best for Safety, and the most for Honour, to remain as we were, Arbiters of Europe, and so by neutrality sway still the Balance of our mightiest Neighbours: Safety in neutrality. which by holding of our hands, and only looking on, we shall easily do, since Spain and France hang so indifferently, that a little weight will cast the Beam; employing ours, as Claudius did his Forces in a Tacitus & Dion Cassius. Germany, ut subsidio victis Victoribus terrori essent, ne forte elati Pacem turbarent, to assist the Conquered party, and to over-awe the Victor, lest he should be puffed up with pride, and disturb our peace. Thus did Hen. 8. with the French and Spanish Princes, using as his Motto of Honour and Power this. Cui adhaereo praest, He rules whom I stick to. And the late Queen studied rather how to guard her Allies, then to enlarge her Dominions, multiplying her Leagues more by giving then receiving gratuities; winking at her own wrongs, rather than willing to revenge. And (as the great Mistress of the world once) did what rather became her Greatness, than what severity of Arms required. Hence were her Seas for the most part freed from Pirates, and her Land here cleared of Enemies. For according to Micipsae's counsel to Jugurth, Non exercitus, neque Thesauri praesidia Regni sunt; Neither Armies nor Treasure are the safety of a Kingdom: but such Allies as neither Arms constrain, nor money's purchase, sed officio & fide pariuntur. And since by fortune of the times succeeding, this State hath grown more upon Opinion then Deed, and that we know Magis fama quam vi stare res nostras, that our affairs stand rather by Fame then Force; Honour attained by Neutrality, in being the Arbiter of all differences between the might est Nieighbours. it is most safe, neither to discover weakness, nor hazard loss by any attempt. Besides, standing as we do no ways obnoxious by Site to any of our neighbours, they will always be ready to refer the judgement & order of their differences to us. As the a Froisard. Brabanters and Henowayes to the Arbitrement of Edward the third: and b Ex Regist & libris Tractatuum. Charles the fifth and Francis the French King the decision of their quarrel to Henry the eighth. Thus every pare shall woe us, all Princes by their Orators shall resort unto us, as to the Common Consistory of judgement in their debates, and thereby add more to our Reputation then any power of our own. For as well in States as in Persons, Suitors are an infallible token of Greatness; which Demost hens c Ex Demost. 4 Philip. told the Athenians they had lost, since none resorted to their Curia or Praetorium. By this way shall we gain the Seat of Honour, Riches, and Safety; and in all other but endless Expense, Trouble and Danger. Robert Cotton Bruceus. FINIS. THE FRENCH CHARITY: WRITTEN In French by an English Gentleman, upon occasion of Prince Harcourt's coming into ENGLAND; And translated into English by F. S. J. E. LONDON, Printed for William Shears, at the Bible in S. Paul's Churchyard, Anno 1655. THE FRENCH CHARITY. ALthough we see that natural causes produce sometimes contrary effects, that the Sun which draws up the Clouds can also scatter them, that the same Wind both lights and blows out the taper, that Vipers serve for wholesome medicaments, and Scorpions carry about them an Antidote to their own poison: it is not so nevertheless in moral and politic affairs, wherein that which is once ill, is always accounted such; from whence is begot in us that quality which we call Experience, whereby wise men are accustomed to judge of present and future actions by those that are past. Which is the foundation whereupon all Monarchies and Republics have established the Maxims of their subsistence, And found out both what they ought to follow and what to avoid. The Charity which France hath testified to pacify our differences is so great that it is become incredible, so unseasonable that it is suspected, and so contrary to their former proceedings that it is quite otherways understood. Philosophers say, we cannot pass from one extremity to another without some mean; I cannot see by what steps they are come to this perfect goodness, nor what good Genius can have made them in an instant so good friends of such dangerous neighbours to us. I will pass my censure upon nothing, yet let me have the liberty to judge of all. I find so great a wonder in this change, that I find a conflict in myself to believe it. It is no common marvel, that those who have for so long a time beheld all Europe in a flame, and could not be moved by the blood and destruction of so many people to cast thereon one drop of water should now have their bowels so tender as to compassionate the dissensions arising in a corner of the world which hath always been fatal to them; That those who have made it their chiefest interest to divide us, should now make it their glory to reunite us; That those who place their rest in our troubles, should now apply their cares for our repose; and that after they have cast us down headlong, they should reach us a plank for to come ashore. Let the wise Reader here (whilst I determine nothing) allow me at least a little distrust; it is the Mother of Safety. The Trojans, who could not be overcome by Arms, perished by a pledge of peace. All the French civilityes are fair and good; but in the bottom Quicquid id est, timeo Gallos', & dona ferentes. Let us see what reasons can oblige them to interest themselves so passionately in our agreement. Is it Religion? surely no; for that which they profess is contrary to that of this Kingdom; and the little Charity they have for their own, ought not to persuade us that they have much for ours. Is it for the inclination they have to peace? surely no; for if they esteemed it a benefit, they would seek first for themselves. It is perhaps for an acknowledgement of their obligations to us in the late wars, and for the assistance we gave to those of Rochel. ay, his would be truly Christian indeed, to render us good for evil. They will say that they are the bands of blood and parentage, which bind them to the Queen; and yet they have let the Mother beg her subsistence and retreat among strangers which she could not find with them? and having beheld her without pity and succour in her greatest extremities, they advise to offer her a remedy upon the declining of her ill. But if this be the reason of their admittance, I conceive them no lawful nor indifferent Mediators, since they are so much concerned in one of the parties. They will whisper us in the ear, that the design is to pacify us, and to engage us in a league with them against the Spaniard; although at the same time they design Ambassadors for Munster to endeavour a peace with him. O, we should wrong them very much to believe it, though they might seem in an humour to desire it of us; They are too gallant spirited to pretend it, they know that we are better advised then to serve them to pull their Chestnut out of the fire; that a body recovering health from a long sickness ought not to expose itself to a violent agitation; that the State will find itself loaden with debts, and the Subject exhausted by Contributions; that we ought to prefer the evident profit of traffic before the uncertain vanity of a conquest; that jealousies being not yet removed, nor aemulations suppressed, all kind of arming would be suspected by the State, fearing lest some under pretence of a foreign war might study private revenge, or the oppression of the public liberty; & that in the end it will be our gain to see them deal with Spain, and to make our advantage of their troubles, or not to meddle at all with them, unless by adding secretly (according to the revolution of affairs) a little weight to them that shall be found the lighter. If then it be none of these motives, it remains that it must be either Generosity, or deceit. O Generosity (that hast so long since withdrawn thyself to heaven, there to keep company with the fair. Astraea, or rather, who were't buried in France in the Sepulchre of Monsieur Gonin) is it possible that thou shouldst be risen again, or that France should have recalled thee with her exiles since the death of her King; and that the first labour she should put thee to should be in favour of England, against whom but few days since she showed such violent resentments, for an offence received by a pretended violation of the treaties which had passed between us? Truly if it be she, we must reverence her with extraordinary respects; but before we give her the Honours due unto her, we must know her, for fear of Idolatry in adoring her mask for herself, or embracing a cloud in stead of a Goddess. Let us give a thrust with our lance into the Trojan horse, to see if there be no ambush within. In walking lately with some French Gentlemen (as this nation is free enough of their discourse) a word escaped from one of the company without making reflection (as I think) of what Country I was, That amongst their Prophets there was one which said, That the Conquest of England was promised to their young King. This thought cast into the air though inconsiderately, seemed to me very considerable; and having given me an occasion to reflect upon all things both past and present, it served me as a light to guide me in the obscurity of this Labyrinth, upon which before I had reasoned but superficially, From thence being returned to my lodging, I opened accidentally a book of Monsieur de Rohan, entitled The interest of the Princes of Christendom, and I fell presently upon a passage where he said, That one of the surest ways to make one's self Master of a State, is to interpose and make himself arbiter of its differences. I had no need of any other Oedipus to expound to me the riddle of the Prophecy, these first motives of suspicion having cast me into more profound thoughts, I revolved in my mind how France had managed the whole business, both before & since the beginning of our troubles, and weighed all the circumstances of this Ambassage. Why such a solemn Ambassage in a time when all things seem most exasperated and furthest from accommodation? Why then not sooner, while differences were not yet irreconcilable between the two parties? Why such a warlike Prince, who is not experienced in the affairs of this Kingdom, to manage a negotiation of a peace the most nice and intricate that the world at this time affords? Why at the same time levying of Soldiers in Normandy, when all the other troops are in their quarters? Why therefore should they supply one of the parties with money, when they come to act the persons of mediators; if not to cast wood and oil into the flame? Why at the same time an Agent in Scotland, who propounds to them openly a League with France? Why begin they only to turn their cares upon England, when they are upon the point of concluding a peace with Spain? May not we well judge that it is to prepare themselves for a new employment? since they themselves confess that their boiling and unquiet temper hath need of continual exercise, and that the only means to prevent troubles at home, is continually to furnish them with matter whereupon to evacuate their choler abroad. Why doth only France afford us this so sudden and unexpected Charity, after all the fresh wounds which bleed yet among them because of the expulsion of the Capuchins, after the continual cares she hath taken for so many years to lay the foundation of our troubles by the secret negotiations of the Marquis of Blainville, by the intriques' of the Cardinal of Richelieu with Buckingham, by the long plots in Scotland, and, by the open solicitations of the Marquis de la Fert? by all which they sometimes incited the King's ministers to make him independent and absolute, offering to that purpose their assistance, and anon they solicited the States to shake off the yoke of servitude, finally they transformed themselves into a thousand different shapes, till having plunged us deep enough in the gulf, they then call back their Ambassage, to give in appearance some satisfaction to the King, but in truth because his commission was expired. May not we well conclude from all this, that they will now reap the fruits they have so carefully sown and cultivated amongst us? From these considerations falling insensibly on those of England? what need (said I in myself) have we of the intermeddling of strangers? are they more versed in our interests then ourselves? can they afford more expedients? are they more sensible of our miseries then those that suffer them? Is it to exhort us, or to constrain us? the first is superfluous; the second dangerous. It must needs be that either in the one case they think to go beyond us in wit, or in the other to master us by force. If peace be profitable for us, have we any need either of a Master to make us know our advantage, or of an Orator to persuade us to it? If it be hurtful to us, we ought to give them thanks for their advice, but follow that which is better. If the peace be feasible, why should we leave the glory of it to others? if impossible, why loose time in making vain propositions? why should we acquaint strong and ambitious neighbours, and trust the Philistines with the secret of our force? Must England, that hath in times past compelled France to purchase peace, be now constrained to beg it of her? that one of the most considerable and flourishing Monarchies of the world should serve for matter of sport to the vanity of the French, and be the first upon whom they exercise the Title they give themselves of being Arbiters of Christendom? What Counsel then shall we follow in this encounter? That of good and wise Nature, who having separated us from all other Nations by a vast and deep trench, silently teacheth us, that the principle of our subsistence is in ourselves, and that we ought not to submit our government to the arbitrement of others. FINIS.