ENGLAND'S Interest Asserted, IN THE IMPROVEMENT OF ITS NATIVE COMMODITIES; And more especially the Manufacture of WOOL: Plainly showing its Exportation Un-manufactured, amounting unto Millions of Loss to His MAJESTY, and Kingdom.  
With some Brief Observations of that worthy Author Sir WALTER RAWLEY, touching the same.  
All Humbly presented to His MAJESTY, and Both Houses of PARLIAMENT.  
By a true Lover of His Majesty, and Native Country.  
Licenced by Roger L'estrange.  
LONDON, Printed for Francis Smith, and are to be sold at the Elephant and Castle without Temple-Bar; and by Henry Mortlock at the White Horse in Westminster-Hall. 1669.   

England's Glory. BY THE Benefit of Wool Manufactured therein, from the Farmer to the Merchant; and the Evil Consequences of its Exportation Unmanufactured. Briefly Hinted, With Submission to better Judgements.  
THere is no King nor Prince in the World, known by experience, or upon Record, that hath such means to support their Splendour and Greatness as his Majesty of great Britain, nor has any Country or Nation such variety of staple Commodities within itself, and in such abundance, as hath the Kingdom of England, which are said by some to be a Hundred Native Commodities, which produceth a Thousand sorts of Manufactures: So that if those advantages were duly improved, England might be a general Mart for the whole World, and then by consequence be the glory thereof. That those advantages are not improved is too too obvious to all that look into it, by the sore complaint that are frequently made of the great poverty and decay thereof; and indeed (which is worst of all) by that general desperation of spirit which will not put forth a hand to help, support, or prevent the total desolation of our Country, upon a prepossessed opinion, that all endeavours will be rendered fruitless and abortive.  
The consideration whereof hath greatly prompted me (who must confess myself the meanest of Thousands more concerned) to use the utmost of my little skill, and unwearied diligence (though but as the Woman's mite) to the right management of so great an undertaking; that the threatened ruin of all may be prevented, and (if possible) some good part of what is lost may be recovered. And whereas many have taken in hand to set forth these things, some treating of one thing, and other of another, which if all was collected and harmonized, it might very much conduce to the promoting of this weighty affair, of so public a value: I shall confine myself to those things only, whereof I have had not only credible information, but a considerable (though a sad) experimental knowledge; and in a more particular and especial manner that of Wool, and of its Manufacture and Consequences, which amongst many, is the Richest Treasure in his Majesty's Dominions, the flower, strength, and sinews of this Nation; a Land uniting the People into Societies, for their own Utility; it is the Milk and Honey to the Grazier and Country Farmer; the Gold and Spices of the East and West Indies to the Merchant, and Citizens, the continued supply of Bread to the Poor: and in a word, the Exchequer of wealth, and staple of protection to the whole, both abroad and at home; and therefore of full merit to be had in perpetual remembrance, defence, and encouragement for the most advantageous improvement thereof.  
The Wools of England (before it was manufactured within itself) have ever been of great account and esteem abroad, sufficiently testified unto, by the great amity, which it begat, and for many Hundred Years (inviolably) maintained, between the King of England and Dukes of Burgundy, only for the great benefit, that (from that Commodity) did accrue to that People, insomuch that the English Wools, they received at 6 d. per Pound, they returned again (through their industrious manufacture thereof) in Cloth, at 10 s. per Yard, to the great enriching of that State, both in the advancement of the Revenues of their Sovereign, and in a full employment (thereby) continued among the People; whereby the Merchants of this Nation were occasioned, (as a People unwilling to be wholly dispriviledged of so great a benefit) to transport themselves (with their Families (in great numbers) into Flanders, from whence they held a constant Commerce with most parts of the World; this continued without intermission, between England and Burgundy, until King Edward the 3 d. made his mighty Conquests over France, & Scotland; and as a suitable improvement of so great a mercy, did wisely project, and also accomplish the manufacture of Wools within the Bowels of this Kingdom, to the great enriching of his own People, and also to the Peopling of his new Conquered Dominions; the memory of whose wisdom and care for his People, is worthy to be had in remembrance by English Men, unto the World's end.  
The said King having thus settled the manufacture of Wools within the Kingdom of England, confined it by a penal Statute, which (at first) reached not only to Goods, Chattels, and Land, but also to Members, and Life itself; but in a short time repealed the two latter thereof, continuing the other in its full force to remain to future Generations: which exceeding great advantage to the prosperity of the English Trade, hath now continued these Three Hundred Years, by the vigilancy of the Kingdoms Monarches, and the protection of its Laws, in the continued careful execution thereof upon offenders, with more than a little diligence to provide against the thirsting desires of Foreiners to wrest this Native privilege (of so great a moment) out of English hands, which by the providence of God (through the great care of our Ancestors) has been (for many Ages) enjoyed by the Nation, as it is indeed its proper right: But so it is, that (for some years passed) the diligence of Foreiners, to enrich themselves upon us, has so much exceeded our care to preserve ourselves, that it's now come to, if not beyond a question, Who have the greatest benefit of the manufacture of English Wools, they who have no right unto it, or they to whom of right it doth belong?  
That this is indeed so, will appear, by considering that not only Holland, Flanders, and Zealand have long sucked the sweetness of the sinews of our Trade; but France is likewise learning to be too hard for us, as is manifest by the great quantities of Wools, that (of late years) have been transported from England and Ireland thither; how injurious it must be to us, is also unquestionable, if we consider the consequence thereof, which was (without question) much in the Eye of our Ancestors, as appears by what is above hinted in Edward the 3 ds time, and in several Kings Reigns since.  
Every Pack of Wool sent to France, doth prevent us (not only) of the benefit of the manufacture thereof, but of two Packs more besides itself, viz. Thus, it being combing, and combed Wool (for the most part) exported thither, the French (having no Wools of their own, but such as are very course) are not able to make Cloth, or fine Stuff, without the conjunction of ours therewithal; there being none (to my best information) fit for that purpose in all the World, but ours only, all other being likewise course, but Spanish, and that much too fine (especially for Worsted Stuffs, and not in any wise fit for combing; so that without English or Irish Wools there can be no fine Worsted Stuffs, nor a middle sort of Cloth made, in the whole World; neither will any Wools be well mixed together, but English and Spanish, (only for Cloth) because the Spanish is with the English of one nature, being formerly English Sheep, though now much finer, from the alteration of the Climate, and the nature of the Land whereon it is fed, as by good experience appeareth here in England, both near, and at a farther distance.  
Wherefore the exportation of English Wools into France must of necessity be greatly prejudicial to this Nation, not only in the quantity sent over, but also in the advantage which is thereby given them to manufacture a double portion of their own Wool, (which formerly was little worth) into such commodities, as spoils us of the advantage of our proper Trade, not only thither, but also into other parts, viz. in these three respects.  
First, The combed of the English Wool makes Woof for the Warpes of the French Wool, and so takes up (it may be) as much as the quantity above specified, to every Pack of English Wool, without which, they can (only) with their Wool make Rugs, and at the best, Cloth for Seamen, and the like.  
2dly. Their combings or pinnions, viz. the short Wool that's combed out of the Worsted, serves for their Linen warp to make some of their Druggets, because their Linen being fine spun, and coloured, is not discernible to all Persons, to be that we call Linsey Woolsie.  
3dly. The finest short English Wool is mixed with the lowest of Spanish Wool, called short Wool, for some of their best Druggets, that is woove for Worsted Chanies, and also for a middle sort of Broadcloth, about 10 s. or 12 s. per Yard. This is the cause (I judge) that short Spanish Wool is so scarce here in England.  
Now if we consider these things together, the damage of the exporting of this one Pack from England to France, at about 10 l. or 12 l. Sterling, preventing the manufacturing of two Packs more in England, which would be worth one 100 l. England's loss (in the whole) by the exportation of a Pack of Wool, is little less than 90 l. in its first exportation, moreover considering the Custom paid when exported (if manufactured in England) with the Frait and Custom where it is imported; the product of all these charges augmenting the 100 l. when sold there, laid out in another commodity beyond Sea, the Custom whereof being paid there, with Frait and Custom (when imported) in England, it's much, if it do not more than double the first principal.  
Now, if it be so, that the exportation of one Pack of English wool, exported at 10 l. or 12 l. be near 200 l. damage to the King and Kingdom in general, is the consequence; what will be the loss in the exporting of 10. or 15· Thousand Packs into France (in two Years time) is easily accounted (by such) as are concerned in the affairs: And although this evil is almost incredible to many, yet it is too manifest, to such as have made (something) their business to look into it; and not only so, but these further inconveniences must (by this means) arise upon us.  
First, The spoiling of our Trade with France in all our Woollen manufactures, as doth already appear, by the Impost put upon the same, there, from 20. to 40. per Cent. since so great quantity of our wools is exported thither, whereunto woeful experience may be a sufficient witness.  
And secondly, In time it will capacitate the French, as well as the Dutch, (if not much better) to under-sell our English Merchants, in Foreign Parts, nay (possibly) in our own Country▪ (to this, I shall only mention the words of a Merchant in Flanders, by Letter to another here, treating on this matter thus, We English have our throats cut, with our own Weapons, wondering at the stupidity of the English here, that they should so long omit, to possess the King's Majesty with this deplorable and dangerous case, in respect to the present and future inconveniences thereof.) by reason whereof (as in time the French will not only prevent our English woollen manufactures, to be sold in France (as before minded) and also in other Foreign Parts, but also bring theirs into England, and sell them for four times the value here, to the great enriching of themselves, and to the impoverishing of the English, only by new fantastic fopperies; for which the English pay not less than some hundred thousands in a year, to get themselves into the French mode. So much (indeed) have we been deceived (in this matter) to our shame, as well as to our apparent loss; that whereas (in time of the late War) with the Dutch and French, those French Druggets were thereby much prevented, many English striped broad-cloths rend through into three parts (about 10 s. per Yard, price) being put into the form of French Druggets, were sold in each part at 8 s. per Yard; and so (in the whole) came to 1 l. 4 s. per Yard. So likewise it is certainly true, that many of those Druggets made here in England go for French, and in order thereunto, directed to French Men in some of our Southern parts, have from thence been conveyed unto London (and there sold for French Goods) to have coloured the business with the Custom-house Officers, to save the Custom of French Druggets. And this continued long, before the cheat could be discovered; but being once found out by the Clothier, (who could not (to his own private advantage) conceal such an apparent injury to his Country, it was soon prevented: whereby we may come to see (with clearness) the advantage, that that People makes upon our English fancies, by over-selling us in the same kind of commodities, that they make out of our English Wools, joined (as before minded) with their own; having also an advantage thereunto, by the cheapness of the manufactures thereof, beyond what we can do (the French being very populous, and living harder than we can in England; as is evident by their Linens, that Paying Fraight and Custom with profit to the Merchant, yet can be afforded cheaper than can be made in England.  
But so it is, that the advantage we give them, besides, in the mixture of our Wools with theirs, is such, that whereas their Wool of itself, is not worth above 4 l. per Pack, being mixed with ours, becomes so fit for Worsted-stuffes, as that it comes to be worth no less than 12 l. per Pack. So that all those things considered, it becomes obvious to every Eye, (that doth not (wilfully) close itself) that the exportation of Wool from England and Ireland is of a dangerous and destructive nature to the very being of the Trade of this Kingdom. Whatever objections have been made (with respect to the Graziers present advantage) thereunto, whose loss may possibly be supposed (by prohibiting exportation) to be about 20 s. in every Pack of Wool that's so exported: In answer whereunto, I have this to say, That though it may be granted, it will be so for a time in this one particular commodity, yet such will (thereby) be the spoil of the general Trade of the Nation, that what is gotten in one, will be lost in every other commodity, as Corn, Beefs, and Muttons; on each of which, with the Wools, the Farmers and Graziers advantage doth much more than equally depend; besides the inevitable danger of the ruin of our Trade, and so consequently the starving of our Poor, without some extraordinary means for their support; who while the privilege of our Trade is kept inviolate with other Nations, we have money plentifully to expend for the advancement of the Farmers and the Graziers; for that is that which chiefly advanceth the Grazier and Farmer, which is Flesh and Corn, and not the quantity of Wool, as afterwards will more fully appear.  
And it hath always been observed (in former and latter times) hitherto, that when the Clothiers have had the best Trade at London, the Farmer did not lose his share in the advantage thereof in the Country; according to the dispose of providence, who hath ordered Nations, but more especially the People of every Nation, (in matters of this kind) to depend upon each other, and so to rise or fall together, as they are designed to mercy, or to judgement, by the hand of God. These things considered, with a little deliberation, it will manifestly appear, that the exporting of our English Wool, will not only prove the spoil of our Merchants and Clothier's Trade, and so consequently expose the Poor to desperate straits for subsistence, but (in short time) must of necessity make the countrymen's employments (of every kind) to come to little, and so make them uncapable of paying Rent.  
For, if it be so, that while we have but a little Trade, we can hardly live one by another, What may be expected, if our Trade should be taken away? which is now more in danger (by the French) than it hath been these 300. Years past— And then we may consider, what the price of Wool may be in England, when we by our remissness shall lose our Trade, by the skill and circumventing practices of Foreiners, and we helping forwards for a supposed profit; For there was not more art and skill in our Ancestors, to bring home the work at first to the Wool, and prohibiting the exportation thereof, and settling the manufacturing in England, than is now to export the materials thereof unmanufactured. The necessary consequence will be to bring the Price of Wool (as it was 300. Years agone, when most was exported) to 6 d. per Pound, as appears in a little Piece, called, The Golden Fleece, written by W. S. Gent.) in the Year, 56. although the Cloth made in Flanders of our Wools, at 6 d. per Pound, was then sold here in England at 10 s. per Yard, when at this Day the Cloth made in England of Wool, worth 12 d. per Pound will hardly yield 7 s. per Yard, which is above 30. per Cent. worse to the English Trade now, than it was to the Flemings formerly.  
And though for the present, the price of Wool be risen by its exportation, yet if the quantity lately exported (being no less than 20. Thousand Packs) had been kept in England, the quantity (if not with 10. Thousand Packs more) would in time have been exported in the particular manufactures. For if the Wool was not exported to those places beyond the Seas, there to be manufactured, they must of necessity have our Woollen manufacture, and then could not have those advantages (as before hinted) by our Wools, to improve the French wool, and short Spanish wool, and their finespun Linens.  
By all which, it is so obvious, that in time to come, the wools in England would be much cheaper, because by the aforesaid means, less Wool would be used in England; and besides that which would be used, the manufacture would be so low, that it could not hear up any price (as is begun, already in France, and will suddenly follow in England) for it is generally reported, that Wool is as cheap in France at this Day, as it is in some parts where it is used in England. And if it be so now, what in reason can be expected, as the effects of these two things? viz. The first, when the great quantity that is lately exported to France, with those three additions before hinted, that the 20. Thousand Packs helps to work out, and especially most making Worsted Stuffs, which goes as far by that means, as 40. Thousand Packs of Wool would if used in England, because it would be made more into substantial clothes, which consumes more Wool, than those light and thin Stuffs do: which is a sufficient Answer to that Objection, that the great quantity of any commodity, that is exported, must be of scarcity, and so consequently raise the price: which I must confess, if it was a consumptive commodity, but it is quite contrary in this. For as our experience is, when the Wool was all used in England, (or very little exported) than it was 18 d. per Pound, and when all, or the greatest part was exported, it was at 6 d. per Pound.  
The wise Man saith, What is, hath been; and, what hath been, may be again; and so no new thing.  
I shall conclude with a short review of the Graziers and Farmers present loss: In the greatest Commodity, which pays his Rent, as was formerly hinted. Suppose, through want of Trade, Mutton be sold but at 6 d. per Quarter (which is but little) being 2 s. per Sheep; and there being some Sheep that one 100 will but produce a Pack of Wool (though some less) that comes to 10 l. which is the worth of the Pack of Wool, (and so proportionably as to Beefs) which is wholly lost to the Grazier.  
And for the Corn (as I suppose) there may be about 50 ls. worth, (as far as I can judge in my travels, to One Hundred Sheep throughout the Nation, which for want of a Trade, it may not (at some seasons) come to Thirty or Forty at most; and if a good Trade, it may be worth Sixty or Seventy: By which means it may easily be demonstrated, how the Farmers come to be impoverished.  
The advantage of the Tenant consists in the advance of the greatest Commodity that pays his Rent, which is not in Wool, but in Corn: and it is a necessary consequence, that there being so many Thousand Families depending upon the Clothing Trade, which (as before hinted) was instrumental to advance the price of Corn, that wherever Trade is, there People are most populous, and when those Persons are deprived of their Trade, depending wholly upon it, they must unavoidably come to the Parishes: which is in many Places begun already, and Daily increasing; and feared in time will so increase, that the Poor will be expecting more than there will be to contribute to them. And as there be in many Country Parishes Ten that live on the Trade, for One that can live of himself. What will become of those Parishes, when the Trade is gone? So that it may easily be concluded that the Farmer's loss for want of Trade is fourfold greater than the Pack of Wool, by the lowness of the price of Corn. And this is the true reason: for those Persons that formerly, when there was a Trade, could lay out Ten Shillings in Corn, have now but Five Shillings, which being multiplied by Hundreds of Thousands in the Nation, it will be no difficult point to see which way the Grazier and Farmer come to be undone, and so are forced to give up their Lands into their Landlord's hands: For it is not so much the superabounding Crops that lessens the price of Corn, but the want of Money. For I have known as much Corn grow Yearly, formerly, as is now, (when Trade was good) to be 20. or 30. per Cent. dearer than now.  

SInce the foregoing papers were printed, I met with an Objection against what was asserted page the 4th. (viz.) The French having that advantage of our English Wool, to help work up theirs being worsen; and likewise, that according to my best Information, there was none fit for such purposes in all the world, (viz.) for fine Worsteds, or a middle sort of Cloth, but English and Irish (which is all one;) The Objection were, that there was Wools in most parts of the world; therefore why not proper for those purposes? Answer, that there is Wools was never gainsaid, but that there is such Wool for fineness and substance in all the world, except Spanish, I cannot as yet ever receive, (as before I hinted) any satisfactory account. For the better satisfaction of the Reader, I shall give some account of the natures of Wools in England, but first of Spanish Wools: They are the finest in all the world for Cloth, but not so fit for Worsted, being too fine and short, and those Wools also are one in nature with our English, being at first from Sheep that were English Transported thither; and though that be much finer by reason of the Climate, yet is it still one in nature; next to it is Lempster Wool, almost as fine as Spanish; then next part of Shropshire and Stafford-shire, part of Gloucestershire, Wilts, Dorset, Hampshire, part of Sussex, and part of Kent, Summerset, Devon, and Cornwall, most part for Cloth, some small parts for Worsteds. Amongst all these Counties, there is 9 d. per pound difference in the prizes of one place, (viz.) Lempster, from some other parts; but then again part of Sussex and Surrey, Middlesex, Hertfordshire, and some other Counties 2. d. 3. d. per pound cheaper than the lowest of the abovementioned Counties; but then for Berkshire, Buckingham, Warwick, Oxford, Leicester, Nottingham, Northampton, and Lincoln, part of Kent called Rumney Marsh, most part of the last mentioned Counties, and part of Irish Wools is so proper for Worsted Stuffs, that all the world cannot be compared with it. And hence it is, that the cares of our Ancestors have been such, (ever since King Edward the 3d. in most Kings Reigns) there have been some Laws made or altered, and in some Kings Reigns altered three or four times to make it effectual: and for a memorial to future Generations, are the Woolpacks in the Lord's House in Westminster for Seats, to put them in mind of what is the foundation of the Riches of the Kingdom, that it is by the various streams of the Manufactures thereof, as formerly in the Front briefly hinted from the Farmer to the Merchant. I shall now endeavour to give some particular account how all are conserved; And before I do this, give me leave to insert the Observation of a worthy Author Sir Walter Raleigh, that I have met withal since the former Papers were Written, who saith, That, than which was in King James' Reign, about fourscore thousand undressed & undyed clothes yearly were Transported: whereby it was evident that the Kingdom hath been yearly deprived of about 400000. l. which in fifty five years is near 20 Millions, that would have been gained by the labour of poor Workmen in that time, with the Merchant's gains for bringing in dying Stuffs, and returns of clothes dressed and died, with other benefits to the Realm, besides exceeding inlargeing of Traffic, and increase of Ships and Mariners.  
There would have been gained in that time, about three Millions by increase of Customs upon Commodities returned for clothes dressed and died, and for dying Stuffs which would have been more plentifully brought in and used for the same.  
There hath been also Transported in that time yearly, by Bays, Northern and Devonshire Kerzyes white, about 50000. clothes counting three Kersyes to a Cloth, whereby hath been lost about five Millions by those sorts of clothes, in that time which would have come to poor Workmen for their labour, with Customs for dying Stuffs, and the people's profit for bringing them in with returns of other Commodities and Fraights for shipping.  
Bays are Transported white into Amsterdam, and being there died and dressed, are shipped into Spain, Portugal, and other Kingdoms, where they are sold in the name of Flemish Bays, setting their own Town Seals upon them; so that we lose the very name of our homebred Commodities, and other Countries get the Reputation and Credit thereof. Lamentable it is that this Land should be deprived of so many abovementioned Millions, as that our Native Commodities of Cloth, ordained of God for the natural Subjects, being so Royal and rich in itself, should be driven to so small advantage of Reputation & Profit to your Majesty and People, and so much improved and intercepted by Strangers; considering that God hath enabled and given your Majesty power to advance dressing and dying, and Transporting all your clothes within a year or two: I speak it knowingly, to show how it may be done laudibly, lawfully, and approved to be Honourable, feasible, and profitable.  
He observes also the increase of his Majesty's Customs, by bringing in and spending of dying Stuffs, as also strength in shipping, & setting so many thousands of poor on work; also noting that in the Low-countries, where these clothes are dressed and died, they stretch them to such unreasonable length, contrary to our Law, that they prevent and forestale our Markets, and cross the just prohibition of our State and Realm, by their Agents, and Factors, lying in divers places with our own clothes, to the great decay of this Kingdom in general, & discredit to our clothes in particular. Again, he adds, that if the accounts were truly known, it would be found that they make not clear profit only by Cloth Transported rough, undressed, and undyed, sixty thousand pounds a year; but it is most apparent your Majesty, in your Customs, your Merchants in their Sales and Prizes; your Subjects in their Labours, for lack of dressing and dying; your Ships and Mariners in not bringing in of dying Stuffs, spending of Alum (if not Copper as) are hindered yearly near a Million of pounds: So that Trade is driven to that great hindrance of your Majesty and People, by permitting your Native Commodities to pass rough, undressed, and undyed. Thus Sir Walter Raleigh.  
Now if it was thus with England so long ago, when the Wool was spun and made here into substantial Cloth; and that for want only of dressing and dying, many Millions were lost to the King and Kingdom: What then hath been the loss of so many thousand Packs of Wool exported (without any improvement, especially that to France, the consequence of which is more prejudicial (as hath been demonstrated) than can be imagined (accounting but one hundred pounds damage by one Pack of Wool,) of which there are no less than ten thousand yearly, if not much more exported, by which there is damage a Million of pounds sterling, yearly to this Kingdom, (besides the suffering of the Poor for want of Employment) out of which his Majesty's damage cannot be less than 100000. pound yearly: The lessening of Shipping, and discouragement of Mariners; the Walls of this Kingdom hereby deserve also to be considered.  
Next then to his Majesty's loss, is that of the Merchant and Cloathier; after which must follow detriment to all other persons depending on Trade, there being such a Connexion of Trades one to another, and (the whole of Trade being enlarged by the abounding of Laborious People. Those supply the Farmers and Graziers with money, for you to supply the Gentry. They again scatter it amongst the Tradesmen, as may be witnessed by the building of the City of London, how Provision and all Consumptive goods are advanced by it: by which circulation all degrees are either employed, enriched, or both; and hence naturally comes Content, Harmony, and Pleasure, one in another; the Poor being by Employment delivered from fear of want, the Gentry, Merchant, and Tradesmen, by the establishment of Trade therein. This Rationally is the strength of any People, Poverty and Idleness brings their shame and Ruin, which would unavoidably follow want of Trade. And so much the more where the greatest Trade hath been; if it fails, the greater Poverty is and will be. And to instance, as here, in London, the Trade in Provision is the more, so by Consequence it must be dear, and so best for all; so of the other hand, if the City should be forced to keep so many thousands, when all their work is done, as is now in the Building, it would be a great burden: so the case is in England in this particular, where great Trade have been formerly kept, and drawn several Families thither, and have raised Commodities there; but when it fails, it is a miserable state and condition those places are in. To return, in short there is such Connextion and dependency one upon another in England, that if one fail, all the rest more or less, either more near, or remotely are concerned; as in the natural body, when any member fails, the whole suffers thereby; and as all Trades and degrees of men may suffer by one mistake in Trades, and in none more probably. I will say then this of Wool, as Merchants, Artificers, Farmers, Seamen, Fishermen, being the people, which by their study and labour do principally, if not only bring in, or give occasion to the bringing in of wealth to the Nation, and other kind of people (viz.) Nobility, Gentry, Lawyers, Physicians, Scholars of all sorts; Shopkeepers are they that receive from these, and distribute it again, and all are consequently concerned in this rich Treasure of Wool, because this being a Manufacture at home, sets more hands at work than half the Nation.  
May I not with modesty and within Compass, say three parts of Laborious and Industrious people? considering that most of the shipping is employed in this affair, and also so many Trades that depend immediately upon this of Clothing, that most of other Trades are but for Provision, either in Food or Conveniencies for Clothing: and so from his Majesty to the meanest, all are more or less concerned, The King mostly; not only in that his People are by that most employed and provided for, nor in that such a Staple Trade, the like whereunto the world hath not with good Advantage thereby is maintained; but because so great a Revenue comes directly into him upon the Trade, occasioned thereby: Thus as the King gains, or suffers most, so the persons that have the greatest Estates or Trades, and so all proportionably to the Beggar. And also considering that an accustomary thing begets such an habit that is hard to reduce; as in our rough and undressed Cloth to Holland, so it will be with all our Manufactures in France; nay I am informed that the French hath not only imposed a great Tax upon our Woollen Manufactures, from twenty to forty per cent, but have also (as is affirmed, beside that their imposition) absolutely prohibited our clothes coming there I am the more large in the demonstration of this affair, not only because this hath cost me many years labour and study to consult all sorts of concerned persons, besides mine own experience about it; nor because it is so hard to convince people of the meanest capacity, but some of the wiser sort, how to cure this dismal malady: which some despairing of, have rather thoughts of setting up some other Manufacture in Lieu of endeavours to prevent the exportation of Wool and Manufacturing of that at home, looking thereon as a thing not to be overcome, (as that of Linens in some capable parts of England) and a better improvement in the product of foreign plantations, which may also be set upon together herewith as an addition; so as several sorts of persons may be set better on work, not capable of this employment, and yet no prejudice to this of Clothing: for all other Countries have the advantage of England, or are equal to us in other Manufactures proper to their Countries, but not in this of Clothing: and it will be found that all Trades in England, wholly distinct from this of Clothing, bring not the tithe of advantage that this doth.  
Since men cannot rationally believe the effects to be greater than the cause, the most of other Manufactures either is in being, or brought to use, by the Manufactures of Wool; even from the Farmer to the Merchant all are concerned in this of Wool, as may hereafter more appear. It now remains that we sum up England's loss by the exportation of our Wools to Foreign Parts; not only in the advantage we might have by the Manufactureing thereof, here in England, as formerly noted; but also in the importing of Dutch Cloth, and more in French Manufactures, because England improves not their own Wools; and of the humour of English people, in putting such a value upon French fancies, when themselves are in a better capacity, if improved, to produce the like, or better, and save the following sums.  
1. One Million of pounds Sterling yearly, in the Exportation of our Wool.  
2. Five hundred thousand pounds in rough Cloth, which is but half what Sir Walter Raleigh observes in his time.  
3. One hundred thousand pound yearly, in Importing French Manufactures superfluous.  
4. Many thousand pounds in Importing Dutch Cloth.  
5. And lastly, the evil consequences thereof in loseing our Shipping, which would be encouraged thereby, & are the strength or Walls of our Kingdom, as more particularly doth appear hereafter.  
Having now discovered the damage, it is to England, in the Transportation of Wool from the King to the meanest, I shall endeavour also to discover the methods how it is done; and before I shall prescribe Remedy (for it is not enough to know distempers, especially such that are so Consumptive,) it is requisite to know the cause of those distempers; or else the supposed Remedies will in time come to be a disease, as it is too much in this case at this day in England: where the causes are mistaken, the Remedies are consequently misapplyed, whereby a disease in supposition becomes one in effect; the methods or ways of this evil are— First, in Rumny Marsh in Kent, where the greatest part of rough Wool is exported from England, put aboard French Shallops by night, ten or twenty men well armed to guard it; some other parts there are, as in Sussex, Hampshire, and Essex, the same methods may be used, but not so conveniently. The same for coombed Wool from Canterbury, they will carry it ten or fifteen miles at night towards the Sea, with the like guard as before; but for other parts it must be done partly by the Remissness of the Officers of his Majesty's Customs, and easy Composition for the forfeitures of the Bonds, as more shall appear anon.  
And then for coombed Wool in other parts, some is shipped off from London for Bales of Drapery; nay some at Lime, and also at Exon, where there is ten thousand pounds Sterling weekly laid out in the woollen Manufacture, which is most for Workmen's wages: I know no place clear; and then another reason, why persons are not detected, is, because all the wools that have been taken in those parts, where most hath been exported, have been suffered to go off at the same places after Judgements past, and by the Officers, to the same persons at a low rate, being under rated to those very men that intended to ship it at first: so that the evil is never like to be avoided that way; only that which is taken, happily may be a little the dearer, to keep the Trade going; for I have enquired, and cannot understand, but of two parcels of wool that have been seized on in Kent, that have been used in England, but all sent away, and so his Majesty's providence is cheated, who keeps Servants at great wages to prevent such abuses.  
And then another cheat is under a pretence of wool from Hampton, to the Islands of Jersey and Gernsey, & sometimes from other parts which is against the Law; for there is no wool to be exported to those Islands, but only from Hampton, and that by Law should be by weight: but now it goes by gross, by the pack when it should be weighed, but I believe not one pack in ten is weighed, for three packs is put into one. Then from Ireland, which is the greatest mischief of all to England, and much increased since the Act was in force against cattle, the Irish wool can be sold as cheap in France, Holland, and Flanders, as it is in those places where wool is used in England, which is a great augmentation to us of prejudice for Foreiners to have our wool so cheap as we in England, having other conveniencies to underwork us as formerly hinted. The ways there must be by the carelessness of the Officers, in not taking solvant security and exactness in the weight of wool, and true examination of the returns of their Certificates, and partly by easy compositions, if not before bonds are forfeited, and happily much combed Wool there packed up as before, as bails of Cloth, or barrels of Beef, and shiped as Irish Cloth; and in all points so cunningly carried, as they are seldom discovered, and never sealed as the Statutes in that case made and provided, do strictly require.  
Here see what W. S. saith: Now to show you more particularly these abuses, how the Laws are crossed and daily obstructed to such as endeavour to serve their Country, by such as ought to encourage the prosecutors; sure there will be very many practices of evil consequents discovered; for first in the Customhouse, where bonds are taken, to the intent that these prohibited Commodities pass not by means of Mariners out of the Nation, but only from Port to Port for accommodation of such parts as want such Commodities; they are very Remiss and careless in taking of the Seaman's discharge of their Obligatory Conditions; where also it is usual with the Seamen to bring fradulent Certificates, and so to cheat the King's Providence, who keeps Servants at great wages purposely to prevent such abuses; or if there be a regular return of there Bonds, yet there is commonly a fraudulency in giving them, for the Masters of ships will so continue their design, as he who is Master at giving the Bonds, and is legally bound, shall immediately pass his Interest to another man, who taking charge of the Vessel and Voyage, is notwithstanding not engaged in the Poart Bond; and therefore, neither is he accomptahle for breach of their condition, again, when the Port bonds are justly taken, and as justly returned; yet to prevent the true and real detection of the offender, and to dishearten the legal prosecutor, some friends of the offender will clap an information against him, purposely to hinder and divert others, and soon after will let the Prosecution fall at his pleasure; nay, it hath been said, and peradventure not unjustly, that such preventing informations have been antedated to the overthrow of the regal information; but when all is granted, and a full and formal hearing, and decree passed to the just condemnation of the offender: Yet when judgements and inquieries are granted, and do without errors of the Clarks, (which is not always,) empower the Sheriff's and their Bailiffs to see Execution thereof made; it is familiar with those Officers to return a non est inventus, or a mortus est, viz. Not to be found, or dead, even then when the Offenders and the Officers have been known to be drinking together, at that very time when the Writ should have been executed.  
After all this, one step farther will show how charrety itself abuseth Justice; for let all the former proceedings be granted, and be candid, and clear, and that the Law be indeed justly and legally executed; the offender in custody, and nothing remaining; but that he honestly discharge high as self with money, seeing Bail will not be admitted; nevertheless upon a lamentable Petition, and urging a great charge of Children to the Bench, the Offender is usually admitted to compound for Ten in the Hundred, or less, when by his offence he hath gained a Hundred for Ten, or more, and peradventure hath undone a hundred Famelies or more in so doing: Yet all this while the honest Prosecutor, the only man that appears for the good of his Country, who ought by the Law to have the full benefit and advantage of the Law gratis, it being enough that he spend his time for the promotion of the public Weal, after it hath cost him several great sums of money, & large expense of time, to bring the Offender to Trial and Conviction, is dismissed with little or no satisfaction, unless he be rewarded with the brand of an informing Knave: Surely they who made these Laws for the benefit of themselves and their own Country, did intend a more current and just passage towards them, than thus to be obstructed and baffeled. Such abuses as these made Theodosius say as it is Recorded, that a wise man did himself injustice by hazarding his Wisdom and Estate for the benefit of his Nation; and therefore some have not spared to urge that Customs and Impost, and Tolls and Taxes might be taken away from honest laborious hazardous Trades and Adventurers, and be put upon litigious Suits at Law, and such as make benefit of their corrupt breath, that is to say upon such Lawyers as abuse their Clients, and such malicious Clients as abuse the name of a just innocent Defendant. Nor is the Loss in these by their Transportation all the injury, but when honest men well affected to the good of their Country, do detect these Caterpillars of the Commonwealth, who make so vast gain, as hath been denoted upon the materials so carefully prohibited, when they do endeavour by due course of Law to make stoppage thereof, and to have the offenders punished; so many are the evasions, such combinations and interest in the Officers, who ought to punish the Offenders; such favour have they in Courts of Justice, and deceptions in the Return of Writs, and in general such affronts and discouragements as the dearest Lover of his Country, or most entrusted in Trade, dares not attempt to prevent that mischief which his eyes behold to fall upon his Nation, or which his own person feels to pick his pocket. Thus far Mr. W. Smith.  
To prevent all these inconveniences, it cannot be done without some alteration of some Laws, which is an Act of State; and I do presume his Majesty doth already, and the Parliament will also consider of it; as to accept of any helps that may be contributed to them. In short, I am of opinion, that if four things were done, there would be in a few months such an alteration, which, if I should now insert, would be Incredible: yet I shall hint it; 1. To revive some former Act made in Parliament for a certain season, as in the 4th. of Hen. 7. and revived thrice afterwards, which was done upon the same complaint, as now is; which if in force with some alteration, would be one stop: A second is, for all persons to be accountable for their wool, because there is time after it is bought to be weighed up, and fetched away out of those Country's, where the danger is for to get acquaintance for those persons, and to give security, as it is, from Port to Port, then being the same danger near the Sea. Thirdly, for Ireland, to have it confined to convenient Ports, both in Ireland and England. And when all is done, there must be some persons of known Integrity, and not mercenary men that must have the care and inspection over all. Fourthly, In those Countries where no Clothing is, it would be requisite for a Storehouse for small parcels of Wool, and a Bond given that none be sold to Foreigners which is of so eminent advantage, as is by some said to the Dutch, to be profit to the public, Millions of pounds Sterling per annum; and to instance one case Sir Walter Raleigh accounts by this in his remains, page the 173, and 174. that in one year and half was drawn to the Hollanders, Hamburgers, and Embdenors, at the least two Millions of pounds Sterling, from England for Corn, in a time of scarcity in England.  
And if a Bond is so advantageous for such Commodities that are liable to he much impaired in long lying; it's doubtless abundantly more advantagous' in such a stable Commodity as wool is; and if practised would be of such a use to England, that I think would enrich England more than I will now stand to account.  
I may add a fifth, which is, that there may be a short and quick Trial of Offenders, and that in such place as the Offender may have least opportunity for Evasions.  
We will conclude the whole with a short survey of some particular Immunities which Clothing hath conferred upon England with which the glory of it extends to the very utmost inhabited parts of the world, and without which, the Ark of God's mercy, and the glory of this Land is like to depart.  
First, the reducing of Clothing to England in Manufacture as well as in Materials (which must a thousand times repeat England's gratitude to the memory of that ever renowned King Edward the Third) hath produced such opulent and magnificent societies of Merchants, as the whole world cannot again demonstrate, that is to say, first, the Merchant Adventurers Company, whose Governors, Precedent, Consults, and the like chief Officers are not of less esteem, where they please no seat themselves, then are the Residentiaries of the greatest Princes, and so much the more Cordial is their welcome, as each man's profit leads his affection beyond his Reverence to public Embassies, because Proximity to a man's personal interest sits nearer in his thoughts then when he is involved in the public concernment.  
This Company hath by their Policy and Order, supplanted those societies of the Hance Towns (as they are called) who vending an inconsiderable number of clothes, and at low rates, did never the lesss account England obliged to them for their Markets and Shipping: Whereas at this day the Merchant Adventurer do utter ten times as many clothes Annually in the same Markets at far better prices; And in answer to the shipping which England had in those times from those Countries at dear entertainment, this Trade of Clothing, and this particular Company of Merchants, have furnished the Navy Royal from time to time, and upon all occasions with such strengths as they have not feared, if they have not awed the greatest Naval Forces sailing upon the Ocean, he that may have the favour to peruse their Records, shall find what oppertune Service they did for their Country in the year Eighty-Eight, and since upon all military occasions wherein this Nation hath been embroiled with any other.  
Next, the East-Land Company hath planted the Trade of Clothing all about the Baltic Seas, which at this day employs many Warlike Ships, and gives at great increase of Mariners to the no small growth of England's strength at Sea.  
The Muscovia Company have discovered the passage by the North Cape, and the great Trade of Greenland, what wealth occurs to England by the Turkey and East-India Company, is not easy to be numbered; their shipping also being as strong, and rich as any that swim upon the Seas. How one of them hath by the trade of Clothing only engrossed all manner of wealth coming from the Levant Seas; And how the other of them hath established the rich Trades of Silks, Spices, Jewels, etc. In the Southern parts of the world, is by all Admired, though by none to be valued, and what strength of shipping these two Companies have produced, as they have been wonderful, so they have been formedable to all Nations: what Contribution the Clothing Trade with Spain and France hath given to England's maritin power, is by those Countries themselves feared, as well as by England found to its great security: And as these unvaluable blessings have befallen England by the Trade of Clothing, politicly and providently drawn into Societies, Companies, and Corporations; so the loose Transactions of Trade in other for the Countries have rendered them so poor at Sea; as were it not shipping of England and Holland, the very life of Commerce would perish, would return to the same Wilderness, & uselessness as it is now in Greenland and the West-Indies, where civil Government hath not once been heard of.  
Again, If comparison be made for richness of Trade between Clothing and any, or all other substances of Merchandises, whereby any Nation, but more especially England, may be enriched, neither the Silks nor Furs, nor Wines, nor Spices, nor Bullion itself of all other Countries can render that account of its own, or can in proportion equalise England, in Clothing, Food, Shipping, Strength of people, and wealth of money.   

About the Manufactureing of Wool.  
THat this rich Treasure in itself, of far more worth than the Golden Mines of India to England, is so much degenerated, or adulterated in the Manufactureing thereof by many of the Manufactors, some of which wanting skill, others principles of honesty, the Laws in that case being so much neglected in England, and want of some new Laws for the new Drapers, hath occasioned the woollen Manufacture to be rendered contemptible both at home and abroad, and so much the more, or the rather, because the Dutch, Flemins, (and it is feared in time the French also) do by care and industry endeavour to excel our English; the consequence is to lose our English Trade, and this principally by a liberty taken, so that honest and conscientious persons come to damage by some others false way of gains, according to Mr. Child's third head in that of Trade, and Interest; that the Advantage the Dutch have of us in all their Native Commodities is their exactness, by which means their credit is so, that it is taken by its contents, (and ours not) which is very advantageous, which is done by the qualifications of those persons that have the oversight, and are entrusted in that affair, which is not done in England, but generally the contrary.  
In general all States and Commonwealths are supported by two providential works (viz.) Reward and Punishment; for as no Law can compel men to be corporally laborious, or studious in knowledge & literature, unless rewards be annexed to all such compulsion; so no providence can attend the preservation of profitable designs, either in Learning or Trade, unless such punishments be enjoined: This opinion that profound Senator Cicero allegeth from Solon, one of the seven wise Grecians, and the only man of them which gave Laws; and this is the weak and frail Estate of men and Nations, that unless they be as well encouraged in their endeavours, as punished in their misdemeanours, they will speedily become Libertines, and ruin all as is too too much feared in this case in England at this day; and as before about the Wool, so the working for the greatest part hath been confined to England this three hundred years, and until these late years has been so preserved, by the diligence of such Officers as have been ordained and impowered, carefully to see the Manufactures kept under those rules which the Laws have provided for their perfection; and seeing this Nation is by God peculiarised in these two blessings (viz.) Wools and Manufactures, and through the vigilancy of its monarchs safe guarded by Laws, that the native Manufactures might not be undermined by the practices of Foreiners; their ancient providence exacts from the present age the same preservation (as before in the Wool) that the Dutch do not undermine us out of all. Again, we may be taught by their diligence, who though they have few or no native Commodities, yet are rich and thriving; (and we who have all, are poor and decaying at least the Country) who spare no attendance in overseeing and searching the true making of their Manufactures as above, for their exactness, giving therefore power and Commissions to persons of more than ordinary worth amongst them (whom they call cure or care Masters) to see every thing according to the Law; and wherever they find a defect, they make a default upon the Cloth, which first is recompensed by a fine to the State for abusing the Laws, and afterward remains to admonish the buyer, who thereby may guard his purse; and in case the Cloathier be abused by any of his Work folks, he checks his damage upon the true offender in his wages. Now in England there is so much the contrary, that many persons take liberty for want of a regular or legal course followed, either for time or form in working; there is not any of the Relations to Clothing which doth observe such an exact rule of Apprenticeship (which is not the least cause that the Manufactures of Wool are so abusively and deceptiously made in England) notwithstanding it is enjoined in very strict and penal manner by the Statute Laws; the chief inconveniences of which, is, that the Trade so general in use, and maintenance of even numberless Families, doth by its own vast exorbancy convert into Corruptions, and so those great multitudes of people become discredited; beggared, and finally ruined, to the destruction of themselves and the Nation which gave them so great a Blessing.  
Another prejudice and not the least, is, that the Nation which hath given them being, and invested them with such materials for Clothing, is dishonered by false and abusive works: And it is not a little scandal to that Nation which God hath particularly endowed with those blessings which others want, when its people shall divert those good things which God hath bestowed upon it to evil and deceptious practices; In this consideration it is observable (by some) how little comparitively is the Drunkenness of those Countries which produce Wines, and wherein lies their personal riches, and their Nation's Honour, though their other sins may sufficicutly swell, their ultimate account; yet doubtless it strengthens their last Apology, in that they abuse not that endowment which God hath made the original of their Being and Subsistance.  
Another consideration is, the Cheat it puts upon all the world, for though every Country hath not the benefit of the Manufacture in themselves, yet are there few of them condemned to such ignorance as not to discern the Cozenage which false Clothing puts upon them, in which case to the aforesaid dishonour they add a curse, and it was a chief care in jacob's practise for a Blessing, that he turned it not into a Curse; how much more is this of consideration, when the blessing comes by gift, and not by design or procurement.  
And further, great may be the thought of heart, when the sins of false Lucre and Covetuousness (which is Idolatry) are in full pursuance of such as have the full plenty to make weight and measure, yet make it the Art of their practices as well as the practice of their Art, to Cozen both the wise and weak: It can be no great wonder, nor without abundance of precedents, if God for sins of such wilfulness remove his blessings, (with which this Nation is peculiarly enriched and dignified,) and give them to a people which will render him a better, more just, and more profitable account of his Talon; and it's no news, that though England be by the Almighty, chiefly ordained to produce the Materials, yet the Manufactures be given to a people, which will render him a better Account; all this and much more is expected, if the Native people continue to abuse the Native Commodity, as of necessity they must, when they know not how to use it. The wisdom of our Ancestors hath been liberally manifested in this particular. First, That the Manufactors be constantly made Apprentices for seven years at least, the contrary is one great reason, that by ignorance so many abuses are, that are unremidable: Another reason, why Apprentices are generally confined to seven years' servitude, is to the end, that professors (in each Art) multiply not beyond the support of their Trade, which were not to increase good Subjects, but Vagabonds, which douhtless was not the intention of King Edward the 3d. (ever to be remembered by an English man, when in his design in bringing Clothing to England, a chief part was to multiply his people, as by his Native and Alleageant Subjects (such as by and by you will understand) he might securely possess the Conquests wherewith God had blessed him, which were beyond any Christian Princes in his time. It is utterly against reason that a Nation can be poor, whose people are numerous, if their Industry be compelled and encouraged, and their Idleness be punished and reform. It is the opinion of some, that it's not the barrenness of a Country which can forbid this Maxim. The Scots are an abounding and numerous people, and they have a soil which to a Traveller's eye, seems to produce nothing towards a so vast maintenance of the body of that people; yet are they in all parts of the world a warlike and honoured Nation, helpful to all Princes in their Wars, and ready upon occasion to return to the Assistance of their Brethren, be their case good or bad. The Dutch are a numerous Nation, daily multiplying in a Country which hath in comparison nothing of its own growth to support them, either in Food or Clothing, yet they want nothing neither in necessaries or wealth, because they are industrious. What Crick of the Seas do they leave unvisited? and in shipping are so stored as most parts of the world do love or fear them. Now a great increase (at least) of good people (as above hinted in King Edward) rests upon the regulation of Trade; for it's not the number of workmen, but number of good workmen which increaseth Families, and its Families which increaseth and spreadeth good people; the other for want of knowledge and skill, being fixed no where, because their labours will not maintain themselves, muchless Families: For who will use a workman, who hath neither skill nor credit, when he can employ one that hath both?  
Of principle importance therefore is the Regulation of Apprenticeships, both to the best increase of people, and to the honest, creditable, and wealthy Manufactures of Wool, and especially of Clothing, (being the Ancient'st Manufacture) for want of which not only the former denoted faults are daily found in their works, but good workmen are undersold and ruined (as formerly hinted) by bad, and the whole Nation involved in great dishonour, as after you will hear.  
Now Justice, which all men cry up, and few practice, is a virtue both divine and humane; Divine Justice is either from God to man, wherein his Providence is his Justice, by which he governeth the world, or it is from man towards God, and then its piety, whereby he returns to God praise and glory for his numberless blessings in Republics, Cities and Towns, its Equity, the fruit whereof is Peace & Plenty; in domestic relations between Man & Wife, it's Unity and Concord; from Servants to Masters, good Will and Diligence; from Masters to Servants, its Humanity and Gentleness; and from a man to his own body, health and happiness. There is none of all these Relations but is necessary and important to the Reformations in the abuses, defaults, deceptions, and grievances committed upon Clothing, which in this discourse have in some measure been discovered, and by which both God and man are justly provoked.  
The Justice we are to use to relieve the complaints before exhibited, is either distributive, or Commutative; Justice distributive, is to give each man his deserts, whether it be honour or punishment: And Commutative Justice, is in bargaining, bartering, exchanging, or in any transactions between man and man, to use all means to keep Promises, Covenants and Contracts; and for a man to behave himself as he would have others do to him, to receive the Innocent into protection, to repress and punish offenders, without which, common intercourse and humane society must necessarily be dissolved; and for preservation whereof, I have read, that in Ancient times, the Fathers have not spared their own Sons.  
The Egyptian Kings, to whom Antiquity gives the privilege of making Laws, the Grecians, and Romans deified Justice, and would not violate it towards their Enemies; so just also were the Lacedæmonians, and so free from distrusting each other, as even for the public safety, they used neither Locks nor Barrs, insomuch that one ask Archidamus, who those Governors were, which so justly, happily, and gloriously governed the Commonwealth of Lacedaemon he answered, that they were first the Laws, & afterwards the Magistrates executing those Laws: for Law is the rule of Justice, and Justice the end of the Law, which indeed is the Life of all.  
The ready way to rectify abuses about Clothing, were to compare them with the rules of the Law provided for them, for which there is Law, (and new Laws where they are wanting) nevertheless holds not in all points. For instance, the Law empowers the Merchants and Drapers to be their own Searchers, and to punish the Cloathiers' Purse, as they find his works to be faulty; and so they do, to the no small grief of the Cloathier: but the Retayling-Buyer is not hereby at all relieved; the Draper selling to him these faults, for which he was before paid by the Cloathier; the Merchants do the same, by causing their Cloathiers to bring their Manufactures into the Merchant's private Warehouses, where their own Servants are Judges, who upon searching the Cloth, do make, and mark faults enough, for which they have reparable abatements; but themselves again do practise all fraudulent ways they can to barter and exchange those faults away, without giving any allowance for them. I speak not of all but some; and though sometimes they be detected, yet find they means to save their purses, whilst their Nation suffers in honour, and the Laws are vilified to Foreiners, who slain the Justice of the Nation with weakness and fraud. True it is, that in the Netherlands, where their cunning is as piercing, as their practice is common, they (even every buyer) do search with diligence, and make themselves reparations, first to the Merchants great loss, and so in course to the Cloathiers no small damage: But in all this, the State remains much dishonoured by the scandal, and robbed of those Fines which the Laws in punishment, do give to the public Revenue, which if they were rightly and legally attended, would render a vast gain to the Commonwealth by a general Reformation.  
Now in finding out the causes why Manufacture in Clothing becomes so abused, there may be good use of the Drapers and Merchant's knowledge and skill; yet the application of the remedy is a work of State and Policy, in making and executing the Laws proportionable to the grievance, in which instance it doth not hold; for though the Merchants and Drapers be able Searchers of the abuses, yet they are not competent reformers of the grievances, because they are interested in participating of those gains which the faults occasion and intend. Therefore it is requisite that both Cloathiers, Merchants, and Drapers, may be joined by the Magistrate's approbation.  
Nor is this all the abuse; for in such parts of the world as the Buyers are not in ability of knowledge, like the Dutch, who make clothes themselves, and especially in those parts where the difference in Religion is so great, as it is between Christians and Turks, there the corrupt Merchant causeth the Name of God to be Blasphemed: for when those people; (whose eye and judgement gives them not so good information as doth their proof and wearing) do find themselves cheated in their Garments, they presently conclude that there is no fear of God in that place, nor obedience to their Rulers, for Conscience, which must assuredly procure much scandal to Christian Religion.  
It hath been noted that the original of money, was from sheep, affirming that the Ancient Signature upon money, was a Sheep; and its further observed, that Mercandizes were the cause of money; and there being no greater Merchandise than are from the Sheep, it is evident, that there is nothing more requisite towards the enriching this Nation (whose peculiar blessing rests in Sheep) than strictly to hold the Manufactures to the letter and rule provided for their just making; and that the Laws be unpartially executed; and it being apparent that this Nation cannot be rich without a constant utterance of Clothing, nor can that be done without a perfect reformation in the particulars of the works.  
It doth undeniably follow, that Clothing must be purged from its Corruption, or England must be poor. It is therefore the Manufactors which abuse the Wool, and thereby improvidently give advantage to the Dutch: whereas a perfection in the making of clothes in England, will capacitate the English to undersell the Dutch.  
Now for a true Reformation and Regulation of those damages that have befallen England, by the false and deceptious Manufacturing of Wools, and to bring the Trade to its primitive worth; we must rightly understand the cause of those defects, or else we can never prescribe suitable remedies as before, but the contrary; the supposed remedy will be worse than the disease. The principle or grand cause of all our misery, in all these things formerly spoken to both in Transportation of Wool, and the bad Manufacturing thereof, is by that division in Trade, both in Merchant and Cloathier, by which means it falls out that by the consequence of one man's single Act, a thousand persons may be undone; this I have observed in several persons in this Kingdom, and I know no way so profitable to prevent (at least some of that mischief) as by incorporating the Manufactures, and faithfulness therein; as witness Norwich, and Colechester; the misery is the liberty, taken in that which is of necessity a Union, as before by a Law, and more liberty by a Law for some in matters of Conscience, for compulsion can never make that unity as the Law of that Relation doth require, in this as in all others things, to do to others, as we would have others do unto us, which is the Royal Law of Heaven) The great and main inducement to these two things, as good reason (if we will have Trade) to observe the Dutch in both these things, as not the least cause of their riches, (having nothing of their own growth comparatively with England,) yet are a Rich people, and much by our Commodities, whilst we are disputing whether it be good for us: And I cannot pass by what I have heard of the Follies of the Indians, that will part with a rich Treasure for a Trifle; so we are to the Dutch and French by their policies and circumventing practices, which draw from us, and still covet to exhaust the Wealth and Coin of this Kingdom, and so with one Commodity (as formerly the Wool) to weaken us, and finally beat us out of our Trades in other Country's, and thus they do (especially the Dutch) more fully obtain their purposes by their convenient privileges, and settled constitutions, by which they draw multitudes of Merchants to Trade with them, and many other Nations to inhabit amongst them, which makes them populous: and there they make Storehouses of all Foreign Commodities, wherewith upon every occasion of Scarcity and Dearth, they are able to furnish Foreiners with plenty of those Commodities, which before in time of plenty they Engrossed & brought home from the same places; which doth greatly augment Power and Treasure to their Stocks, besides the Common Good in setting the Poor on work, as in several particulars mentioned by Mr. Child.  
1. By having in their greatest Councils of State and Warr. Tradeing Merchants that have lived abroad in most parts of the world, who have not only the Theoretical knowledge, but the Practical Experience of Trade; sbies whom Laws & Orders are contrived, and Peace with Foreign Princes projected, to the great advantage of their Trade.  
2. Their Law of Gravelkind, whereby all their Children possess an equal share of their Father's Estates after their Decease, and so are not left to wrestle with the World in their Youth, with inconsiderable assistance of Fortune, as most of our youngest Sons of Gentlemen in England are, who are bound Apprentices to Merchants.  
3. Their exact making of all their Native Commodities.  
4. Their giving great encouragement and immunities to the inventors of new Manufactures, and the discoverers of any new Mysteries in Trade, and to those that shall bring the Commodities of other Nations first in use and practice amongst them, for which the Author never goes without his due reward allowed him at the public charge.  
5. Their contriving and building of great Ships to sail with small charge, not above one third of what we are at for Ships of the same burden in England. And compelling their said Ships (being of small force) to sail always in Fleets, to which in all time of danger they allow a Convoy.  
6. Their parsimonious and thrifty living, which is so extraordinary, that a Merchant of one hundred thousand pound Estate with them, will scarce spend so much per annum, as one of fifteen hundred pounds Estate in London.  
7. The Education of their Children, as well Daughters as Sons, all which, be they of never so great quality or Estate, they always take care to bring up to write perfect good hands, and to have the full knowledge and use of Arithmetic and Merchants Accounts.  
8. The lowness of their Customs, and the height of their Excise: which is certainly the most equal and indifferent Tax in the world, and least prejudicial to any people, as might be made appear, were it the subject of this discourse.  
9 The careful providing for, and employment of their poor: which it is easy to demonstrate, can never be done in England comparitively to what it is with them, while it's left to the care of every Parish to look after their own only.  
10. Their use of Banks, which are of so immense advantage to them, that some, (not without good grounds,) have estimated the profit of them to the public, to amount to, at least one Million of pounds Sterling, per annum.  
11. Their toleration of different opinions in matters of Religion, by reason whereof, many industrious people of other Countries, that dissent from the established Government of their own Churches, resort to them with their Families and Estates, and after a few years' co-habitation with them, become of the same Common Interest.  
12. Their Law-Merchants, by which all controversies between Merchants and Tradesmen are decided in three or four day's time, and that not at the fortieth part (I might say in many cases not the hundreth part) of the Charge they are with us.  
13. The Law that is in use among them for Transference of Bills for debt from one man to another.  
14. Their keeping up public Registers of all Land, and Houses Sold or Mortgaged; whereby many chargeable Law-Suits are prevented, and the securities of Lands and Houses rendered indeed, such as we commonly call them Real Securities.  
15. The lowness of Interest of money with them, which in peaceable times exceeds not three per cent. per annum.  
To Conclude with a short Survey of those things in General, seeing my time will not permit to enlarge upon ic particularly (according to my purpose) nor so to Correct the former Papers for want of time, being exposed to much Travel, I must humbly beg the Reaners pardon for some Errors passing the Press in my absence.  
The first thing observed in the Dutch, is to have experienced persons in all Counsels skilled, as WelPractical, as Theoretical knowledge, which is without all peradventure of such advantage, that nothing but experience of it can put the value.  
The second I shall not touch.  
The third I have at large toeated (viz.) of the advantage in exactness in all Commodities, of which we have sufficient experience at home as well as abroad, that one and the same Commodity for goodness, yet if one have the reputation more than the other, it shall not only have a quick Market, but shall yield 10 or 15 per cent, more than the other. I speak this of what is matter of Fact in the woollen Manufacture in my own knowledge  
The fourth is the Encouragement to those that are any way beneficial to the Public, which is contrary in England to its shame, as well as to its apparent Loss; hence it is that those persons that are employed in public affairs, that have not principles of honesty, are liable to those temptations of Bribery and indirance, being beyond my spear.  
Time permits me not to make any further recapitulation. But for my Language in the whole, the Ingenuous peruser will, I trust, rather value my serious Intentions (while I write no matter of Controversy, but what may redound to the Honour and Advantage of his Majesty and Kingdoms) than criticise upon my defect of Scholastic phrase, or Logical method; who being never enriched with opportunities of education thereto, yet have so much of a Christian and true Englishman, as to wish every Reader Happiness both here and hereafter.   
FINIS.   

ERRATA.  
Page 2, l, 15, for Land r, Band; p, 5, l, 27, for is r, by; p, 10, l, 16, insert Advantage of a; p, 14, l, 18, for you r, them; p, 19, l. 15. for Regal r, real; l, 28, for hiasself himself; p, 21, l, 8, for then r, there; l, 15, for bond he given that none be sold to Foreiners r, Bank; l, 25, for Bond r, Bank; p, 24, l, 7, for Draper's r, Draperies; p, 25, l, 15, for Manufactures r, Manufactors.   

Some Collections of Sir Walter Rawleys presented to King JAMES, taken out of his Remains, discovering England's loss for want of due Improvement of its Native Commodities.  

May it please Your Most Excellent Majesty,  
ACcording to my duty I am emboldened to put your Majesty in mind, that about fourteen or fifteen years past, I presented you a Book of such extraordinary importance, for honour and profit of your Majesty and Posterity; and doubting that it hath been laid aside, and not considered of, I am encouraged, under your Majesty's Pardon, to present unto you one more, consisting of five Propositions; neither are they grounded upon vain or idle grounds, but upon the fruition of those wonderful blessings wherewith God hath endued your Majesty's Sea and Land, by which means you may not only enrich and fill your Coffers, but also increase such might and strength as shall appear, if it may stand with your Majesty's good liking to put the same in execution, in the true and right form; so that there is no doubt but it will make you in short time a Prince of such Power, so great, as shall make all the Princes your Neighbours as well glad of your Friendship, as fearful to offend you; that this is so, I humbly desire that your Majesty will vouchsafe to peruse this advertisement with that care and judgement which God hath given you.  
Most humbly praying your Majesty, that whereas I presented these five Propositions together, as in their own natures jointly de●●n●ing one of another, and so linked together, as the distraction of any one will be an apparent maim and disabling to the best that your Majesty would be pleased that they may not be separated, but all handled together jointly and severally by Commissioners with as much speed and secrecy as can be, and made fit to be reported to your Majesty; whereby I may be the better able to perform to your Highness, that which I have promised, and will perform upon my life, if I be not prevented by some that may seek to hinder the honour and profit of your Majesty for their own private ends.  
The true ground-course and form herein mentioned, shall appear how other Countries make themselves Powerful and rich in all kind, by Merchandise, Manufacture and fullness of Trade, having no commodities in their own Country growing to do it withal.  
And herein likewise shall appear how easy it is to draw the Wealth and Strength of other Countries to your Kingdom, and what Royal, rich and plentiful means God hath given this Land to do it, which cannot be denied, for support of Traffic and continual employment of your people, for replenishing of your Majesty's Coffers; and if I were not fully assured to improve your Native commodities, with other Traffic, three millions of pounds more yearly than now they are, and to bring not only to your Majesty's Coffers within the space of two or three yours near two millions of pounds, but to increase your Revenues many thousands yearly, and to please and greatly profit your people, I would not have undertaken so great a work; all which will grow by advancement of all kind of Merchandizing to the utmost, thereby to bring Manufactory into the Kingdom, and to set on work all sorts of people in the Realm, as other Nations do, which raise their greatness by the abundance of your Native commodities, whilst we are parling and disputing whether it be good for us or not.   

May it please Your Most Excellent Majesty,  
I Have diligently in my travels observed how the Country's herein mentioned do grow Potent with abundance of all things to serve themselves and other Nations, where nothing groweth, and that their never-dried Fountains of Wealth, by which they raise their Estate to such an admirable height, as that they are at this day even a wonder to the world, proceedeth from your Majesty's Sea and Lands.  
I thus moved, began to dive into the depth of their Policies and circumventing practices, whereby they drain and still covet to exhaust the Wealth and Coin of this Kingdom, and so with our own Commodities to weaken us, and finally beat us quite out of Trading in other Country's; I found that they more fully obtained these their purposes, by their convenient Privileges and settled Constitutions, than England with all the Law and superabundance of home bred Commodities which God hath vouchsafed your Sea and Land. And these, and other mentioned in this Book, are the urgent causes that provoked me, in my love and bounden duty to your Majesty and my Country, to address my former Books to your Princely hands and consideration.  
By which Privileges they draw multitudes of Merchants to trade with them, and many other Nations to inhabit amongst them, which makes them populous; and there they make Storehouses of all Foreign commodities, wherewith, upon every occasion of scarcity and dearth, they are able to furnish Foreign Countries with plenty of those Commodities, which before in time of plenty they engrossed, and brought home from the same places; which doth greatly augment Power and Treasure to their State, besides the common good in setting their poor people on work; to which privilegdes they add smallness of Custom, and liberty of Trade, which maketh them flourish, and their Country so plentiful of all kind of Coin and commodities, where little or nothing groweth, and their Merchants so flourish, that when a loss cometh they scarce feel it; to bring this to pass, they have many advantages of us: the ones by their fashioned Ships called boyer's, Hoybatks, Hoys, and others that are made to hold great bulk of Merchandise, and to sail with a few men for profit: For example, though an English Ship of two hundred tun, and a Holland Ship, or any other of the petty States of the same burden be at Dansk, or any other place beyond the Seas, or in England, they do serve the Merchant better cheap, by one hundred pounds in his freight than we can, by reason he hath but nine or ten Mariners, and we near thirty; thus he saveth twenty men's meat and wages in a voyage, and so in all other their Ships according to their burden, by which means they are freighted, wheresoever they come to great profit, whilst our Ships lie still and decay, or go to Newcastle for Coals.  
Of this their smallness of Custom inwards and outwards we have daily experience, for if two English Ships, or two of any other Nation be at Bordeaux, both laden with Wine of three hundred tuns a piece, the one bound for Holland, or any other petty States, the other for England, the Merchant shall pay about nine hundred pounds' custom here, and other duties; when the other in Holland, or any other petty States shall be cleared for less than fifty pounds, and so in all other Wares and Merchandizes accordingly, which draws all Nations to Traffic with them; and although it seems but small duties which they receive, yet the multitudes of all kind of Commodities and Coin that is brought there by themselves and others, and carried out by themselves and others, is so great, that they receive more custom and duties to the State, by the greatness of their Commerce in one year, than England doth in two years; for the one hundreth part of Commodities are not spent in Holland, but vented into other Countries, which maketh all the Countrey-Merchants to buy and sell, and increase Ships and Mariners to transport them.  
My travels and meaning is not to diminish (neither hath been) your Majesty's Revenues, but exceeding to increase them, as shall appear, and yet please the people as in other parts they do, notwithstanding their Excises, bring them in great Revenues, yet whosoever will adventure to Bordeaux but for six tuns of Wine shall be free of Excise in his own house all the year long; and this is done of purpose to animate and increase Merchants in their Country.  
And if it happen that a Trade be s●●●ped by any Foreign Nation, which they heretofore usually had, or hear of any good Trading which they never had, they will hinder others, and seek either by favour, money, or force, to open the gap of Traffic for advancement of Trade amongst themselves, and employment of their people; and when there is a new course or Trade erected, they give free Custom inwards and outwards, for the better maintenance of Navigation, and encouragement of the people to that business.  
Thus they and others glean the Wealth and Strength from us to themselves, and these reasons following procure them this advantage from us:  
1. The Merchant Staplers, which make all things in abundance, by reason of their Storehouses continually replenished with all kind of Commodities.  
2. The liberty of free Traffic for Strangers to buy and sell in Holland, and other Country's and State's, as if they were freeborn, maketh great intercourse.  
3. The small duties levied upon Merchants, draws all Nations to trade with them.  
4. Their fashioned Ships continually freighted before ours, by reason of their few Mariners, and great Bulk, serving the Merchant cheap.  
5. Their forwardness to further all manner of Trading.  
6. Their wonderful employment of their Busses for Fishing, and the great returns they make.  
7. Their giving free Custom inwards and outwards for any new erected Trade, by means whereof they have gotten already almost the sole Trade into their hands.  
All Nations may buy and sell freely in France, and there is free custom outwards twice or thrice a year, at which time our Merchants themselves do make their sales of English Commodities, and do buy and lad their bulk with French commodities to serve for the whole year; and in Rochel, in France, and in Britain, free Custom all the year long, except some small Toll, which makes great Traffic, and makes them flourish.  
In Denmark, to encourage and enrich the Merchants, and to increase Ships and Mariner's, free custom all the year long for their own Merchants, except one month, between Bartholomew-tide and Michaelmass; the Haunce-towns have advantage of us, as Holland and other petty States have, and in most things imitate them, which makes them exceeding rich and plentiful of all kind of Commodities and Coin; and so strong in Ships and Mariners, that some of their Towns have near one thousand sail of Ships.  
The Marchandizes of France, Portugal, Spain, Italy, Turkey, East and West-Indies, are transported most by the Hollanders and other petty States into the East and North-east Kingdom of Pomerland, Spruceland, Poland, Denmark, Swedeland, Leifland and Germany; and the Merchandizes brought from the last mentioned Kingdoms being wonderful many, are likewise by the Hollanders and other petty States most transported into the Southern and Western Dominions; and yet the situation of England lieth far better for a Storehouse to serve the Southern, East, and North-East Regions, than theirs doth, and hath far better means to do it, if we will bend our course for it.  
No sooner a dearth of Fish, Wine, or Corn here, and other Merchandise, but forthwith the Embdeners, Hamburgers and Hollanders, out of their Storehouse, lad fifty or one hundred Ships or more, dispersing themselves round about this Kingdom, and carry away great store of Coin and Wealth for little commodity, in those times of dearth; by which means they suck our Commonwealth of their Riches, cut down our Merchants, and decay our Navigation, not with their natural Commodities which grow in their own Countries, but the Merchandizes of other Countries and Kingdoms; therefore it is far more easier to serve ourselves, hold up our Merchants, and increase our Ships and Mariners, and strengthen the Kingdom, and not only keep our money in our own Realm, which other Nations still rob us of, but bring in theirs who carry ours away, and make the bank of Coin and Storehouse to serve other Nations, as well and far better cheap than they; Amsterdam is never without seven hundred thousand quarters of Corn, besides the plenty they daily vent; and none of this growth in their own Country; a dearth in England, France, Spain, Italy, Portugal, and other places, is truly observed to enrich Holland seven years after, and likewise the petty States; for example, the last dearth six year past, the Hamburgers, Embdeners, and Hollanders out of their Storehouses furnished this Kingdom, and from Southampton, Exeter and Bristol, in a year and a half carried away near two hundred thousand pounds from these parts; only then, what great quantity of Coin was transported round about your Kingdom from every Port-town, and from your City of London and other Cities, cannot be esteemed so little as two millions, to the great decay of your Kingdom, and impoverishing your people, discredit to the Company of Merchants, and dishonour to the Land, that any Nation, that have no Corn in their own Country growing, should serve this famous Kingdom, which God hath so enabled within itself; they have a continual Trade into this Kingdom, with five or six hundred Ships yearly, with Merchandizes of other Countries and Kingdoms, and store them up in Storehouse here until the prices rise to their minds; and we trade not with fifty Ships into their Country in a year; and the said number are about this Realm every Eastern wind, for the most part, to lad Coals and other Merchandizes, unless there be a scarcity, or dearth, or high prices; all Merchants do forbear that place where great Impositions are laid upon the Merchandise, and those places slenderly shipped, ill served, and at dear rates, and oftentimes in scarcity and want of employment for the people; and those petty States finding truly by experience, that small duties imposed upon Merchandise, draw all Traffic unto them, and free liberty for Strangers to buy and sell doth make continual Mart; therefore what Excises or Impositions are laid upon the common people, yet they still ease, uphold and maintain the Merchants by all possible means, of purpose to draw the wealth and strength of Christendom to themselves; whereby it appeareth, though the duties be but small, yet the customs for going out, and coming in, do so abound, that they increase their Revenues greatly, and make profit, plenty, and employment of all sorts by Sea and Land to serve themselves and other Nations, as is admirable to behold; and likewise the great commerce which groweth by the same means, enableth the common people to bear their burden laid upon them, and yet they grow rich by reason of the great commerce and trade occasioned by their convenient Privileges and comodious Constitutions.  
There was an intercourse of Traffic in Genoa, and there was the flower of Commerce, as appeareth by their ancient records, and their sumptuous buildings; for all Nation's trade with Merchandise to them.  
And there was the Storehouse of Italy, and other places; but after they had set a great custom of 16. per Cent. all Nations left trading with them, which made them give themselves wholly to usury, and at this day we have not three Ships go there in a year; but to the contrary, the Duke of Florence builded Ligorn, and set small custom upon Merchandise, and gave them great and pleasing Privileges, which hath made a rich and strong City, with a flourishing State. Furthermore, touching some particulars needful to be considered of, the mighty huge fishing that ever could be heard of in the World, is upon the coasts of England, Scotland, and Ireland; but the great Fishery is in the Low-countries, and other petty States, wherewith they serve themselves and all Christendom, as it shall appear, in four Towns in the East Kingdoms within the Sound, Quinsbrough, Elbing, Statten, and Dantzick, there are carried and vented in a year between thirty and forty thousand last of Herrings sold but at fifteen or sixteen pounds the Last, is about 620000. and we none; besides Denmark, Norway, Sweden, Leifland, Rye Nevil, the Nerve, and other Port-towns within the Sound, ther● is carried and vented above 10000 Last of Herrings sold at fifteen or sixteen pounds the last, is 170000. pounds more yearly in such request are our Herring there, that they are often times sold for 20, 24, 30, and 36. pounds the Last, and send not one barrel into all those East-Countries. The Hollanders sent into Russia near fifteen hundred Last of Herrings, sold about 30. shillings the barrel, amounteth to 27000. pounds, and we but about 20, or 30. Lasts; to Stoad, Hambourgh, Breamen and Embden, upon the River of Elve, Weafer and Embs, are carried and vented of Fish and Herrings about 6000. lasts, sold about fifteen or sixteen pounds the Last, is 100000. l. and we none; Cleafland, Gulickland, up the River of Rhine, to Cullen, Frankford, or the Main, and so over all Germany, is carried and vented Fish and Herrings, near 12000. sold at 20. pounds the Last, is 44000 pound, and we none.  
Up the River of Maze leight, Mastricht, Vendloo, Sutphen, Deventer, Campen, Swool, and all over Lukeland, is carried and vented 7000. Last of Herrings, sold at twenty pounds the Last, is 140000. pounds, and we none. To Gilderland, Artois, Henault, Brabant, Flanders, up the River of Antwerp, all over the Archduke's Countries, are carried and vented between eight and nine thousand lasts, sold at 18. pounds the last, is 171000. pounds, and we none.  
The Hollanders, and others, carried of all sorts of Herrings to Rouen only in one year, besides all other parts of France, 50000. last of Herrings, sold at 20. pound the last, is 100000. pounds, and we not one hundred last thither, they are sold oftentimes there for 20, and 24, and 30. pounds the last, between Christmas and Lent, the duties for Fish and Herrings came to 15000. Crowns at Rouen only that year the late Queen deceased, Sir Thomas Parrye was Agent there then, and S. Savours his man knows it to be true, who handled the business for pulling down the Impositions; then what great sums of money came to all in the Port-towns, to enrich the French Kings Coffers, and to all the Kings and States throughout Christendom, to enrich their Coffers, besides the great quantity vented to the straits, and the multitude spent in the Low-contries', which is there likewise sold for many a hundred thousand pounds more yearly, is necessary to be remembered, and the stream to be turned to the good of this Kingdom, to whose Seacoasts God only hath sent and given these great blessings, and multitude of riches for us to take; However it hath been neglected, to the hurt of this Kingdom, that any Nation should carry away out of this Kingdom yearly great masses of money for Fish taken in our Seas, and sold again by them to us, which must needs be a great dishonour to our Nation, and hindrance to this Realm; from any Port-Town of any Kingdom within Christendom, the Bridgemasters or the Wharfmasters for twenty shillings a year, will deliver a true note of the number of lasts of Herrings brought to their Wharf, and their prices commonly they are sold at; but the number brought to Dansk, Cullen, Rotterdam, and Enchusen, is so great, as it will cost three, four, or five pounds for a true note, the abundance of Corn groweth in the East Kingdoms; but the great Storehouses for grain to serve Christendom, & the heathen Countries, in time of dearth is in the Low-countries, wherewith upon every occasion of scarcity and dearth they do enrich themselves seven years after, employ their people, and get great straits for their Ships in other Countries, and we not one in that course; the mighty Vineyards and store of Salt is in France and Spain, but the great Vintage and staple of Salt is in the Low-countries, and they send near one thousand sail of Ships with Salt and Wine only into the East Kingdoms yearly, besides other places, and we not one in that course; the exceeding Groves of Wood are in the East Kingdoms; but the huge piles of Wainscore, Clapboard, Fir, Deal, Masts, and timber is in the Low-countries, where none grow, wherewith they serve themselves and other parts, and this Kingdom with those commodities; they have five or six hundred great long Ships continually using that Trade, we none in that course; the Wool, Cloth, Led, Tin, and divers other commodities are in England, but by means of our Wool and Cloth going out ruff, undressed and undyed, there is an exceeding Manufacture and Drapery in the Low-Countries, wherewith they serve themselves and other Nations, and advance greatly the employment of the people at home, and Traffic abroad, and put down ours in Foreign parts where our Merchant's trade unto, with our own commodities we send into the East Kingdoms yearly but one hundred Ships, and our Trade chiefly dependeth upon three towns, Elbing, Kingsborough, and Dansk, for making our sails, and buying their Commodities sent into this Realm at dear rates, which this Kingdom bears the burden of.  
The Low-contries' send into the East Kingdoms yearly about three thousand Ships, trading into every City and Port-town, taking the advantage and venting their Commodities to exceeding profit, and buying and lading their Ships with plenty of those Commodities which they have from every of those Towns 20. per Cent. better cheap than we, by reason of the difference of the Coin, and their Fish yields ready money; which greatly advanceth their Traffic, and dacayeth ours; they send into France, Spain, Portugal, Italy, from the East Kingdoms that passeth through the Sound, and through your narrow Seas yearly of the East-Country commodities about two thousand Ships, and we none in that course; they Trade into all Cities and Port-towns in France, and we chiefly into five or six; they Traffic into every City and Port-town round about this Land, with five or six hundred Ships yearly, and we chiefly but to three Towns in their Country, and but with forty Ships, notwithstanding the Low Countries have as many Ships and Vessels as eleven Kingdoms of Christendom have, let England be one, and build every year near one thousand Ships, and not a Timber-Tree growing in their own Country; and that also all their homebred commodities that grow in their Land in a year, less than one hundred good Ships are able to carry them away at one time, yet they handle the matter so for setting them all on work, that their Traffic with the Haunce-Towns exceeds in Shipping all Christendom. We have all things of our own in superabundance, to increase Traffic, and Timber to build Ships, and Commodities of our own to lad about one thousand Ships and Vessels at one time, besides the great Fishing; and as fast as they have made their voyages might re-lade again, and so year after year, all the year long to continue; yet our Ships and Mariners decline, and Traffic and Merchants daily decay, the main bulks and mass of Herrings, from whence they raise so many millions yearly that enrich other Kingdoms, Kings and States Coffers, and likewise their own people, proceedeth from your Seas and Lands; and the return of the Commodities and Coin they bring home in exchange of Fish, and other commodities, are so huge, as would require a large discourse apart; all the amends they make us, is, they beat us out of Trade in all parts, with our own commodities; for instance, we had a great Trade in Russia about seventy years, and about fourteen years passed we sent store of goodly Ships to Trade in those parts, and three years passed we set out but four, and this last year but two or three: but to the contrary, the Hollanders about twenty years since traded there with two Ships only, yet now they are increased to about thirty or forty, and one of their Ships is as great as two of ours, and at the same time (in their troubles there) that we decrease, they increased; and the Chiefest commodities they Carry with them thither, is English Cloth, Herrings taken in our Seas, English Lead, and Pewter made of our Tin, besides other commodities, all which we may do better than they; and although it be a cheap Country, the Trade very gainful, yet we have almost brought it to nought by disorderly trading joint-stock, and the Merchants banding themselves one against the other, and so likewise we used to have 8. or 9 great Ships to go continually a Fishing to Wardhouse and this year but one; and so Per rato, they outgo us in all kind of Fishing and Merchandizing in all Countries, by reason they spare no cost, nor deny no Privileges that may encourage advancement of Trade and Manufacture.  
Now if it please, and with your Majesty's good liking stand, to take notice of these things, which I have conceived to be fit for your Majesty's consideration, which in all humbleness, as duty bindeth me, I do tender unto your Majesty for the unfeigned zeal I bear to the advancement of your honour and profit, and the general good of your subjects; it being apparent, that no three Kingdoms in Christendom can compare with your Majesty, for support of Traffic, and continually employment of your people within themselves, having so many great means both by Sea and Land to enrich your Coffers, multiply your Navy, enlarge your Traffic, make your Kingdoms Powerful and your people rich.  
Yet, through idleness, they are poor, wanting employment, many of your Land and Coast-towns much ruinated, and your Kingdom in need of Coin, your Shipping, Traffic and Mariners decayed, which your Majesty's Neighbour Princes without these means abound in Wealth, enlarge their Towns, increase their Shipping, Traffic, and Mariners, and find out such employment for their people, that they are all advantageous to their Commonwealth, only by ordaining commodious Constitutions in Merchandizing, and fullness of Trade in Manufacture.  
God hath blest your Majesty with incomparable benefits: As with Copper, Led, Iron, Tin, Alum, Copperas, Saffron, Fell, and divers other native Commodities, to the number of about one hundred, and other Manufacturies vendible, to the number of about a thousand, as shall appear; besides Corn, whereof great quantity of Beer is made, and most transported by Strangers; as also Wool, whereof much is shipped forth unwrought into Cloth or Stuffs, and Cloth transported undressed and undyed, which doth employ and maintain near fifty thousand people in Foreign parts; your Majesty's people wanting the employment in England, many of them being enforced to live in great want, and seek it beyond Seas; Coals, which do employ hundreds of strangers Ships yearly to transport them out of this Kingdom, whilst we do not employ twenty Ships in that course. Iron Ordnance, which is a Jewel of great value, far more than it is accounted, by reason that no other Country could ever attain unto it, although they have assayed with great charge; your Majesty hath Timber of your own for building of Ships, and Commodities plenty to lad them, which Commodities other Nations want; yet your Majesty's people decline in Shipping, Traffic, and Mariners.  
These Inconveniences happen by three causes especially;  
1. The unprofitable course of Merchandizing.  
2. The want of course of full Manufacture of our Homebred Commodities.  
3. The undervaluing of our Coins, contrary to the Rules of other Nations.  
For instance; The Merchant Adventurers by over-trading upon Credit, or with money taken up upon Exchange, whereby they lose usually ten or twelve, and sometimes fifteen or sixteen per Cent. are enforced to make sale of their clothes at under-rates, to keep their Credit, whereby clothes being the Jewel of the Land, is undervalved, and the Merchant in short time eaten out. The Merchants of Ipswich, whose trade for Elbing is chiefly with fine clothes, and some few sorting clothes, all died and dressed within our Land, do for the most part buy their fine clothes upon time; and by reason they go so much upon Credit, they are enforced, not being able to stand upon their Markets, to sell, giving 15 or 18 months' day of payment for their clothes; and having sold them, they then presently sell their Bills so taken for Cloth, allowing after the rate of fourteen or fifteen, and sometimes twenty per Cent. which money they employ forthwith in Wares at excessive prices, and lose as much more that way, by that time their Wares be sold at home: Thus by overrunning themselves upon Credit, they disable themselves and others, enhancing the prices of Foreign Commodities, and pulling down the rates of our own. The West-Country Merchants, that trade with clothes into France or Spain, do usually employ their Servants, young men of small experience, who, by cunning combining of the French and Spanish Merchants, are so entrapped, that when all Custom and Charges be accounted, their Masters shall hardly receive their principal Moneys: As for returns out of France, their Silver and Gold is so highly rated, that our Merchants cannot bring it home but to great loss; therefore the French Merchants set higher rates upon their Commodities, which we must buy dear, or let our moneys lie dead there a long time, until we may conveniently employ the same. The Northern Merchants of York, Hull, and Newcastle, trade only in white Kerzies, and coloured Dozzens; and every Merchant, be his Adventure never so small, doth for the most part send over an unexperienced youth, unfit for Merchandizing, which bringeth to the Stranger great advantage, but to his Master and Commonwealth great hindrance; for they, before their Goods be landed, go to the Stranger and buy such quantities of Iron, Flax, Corn, and other Commodities, as they are bound to lad their Ships withal, which Ships they engage themselves to relade within three weeks, or a month, and do give the price the Merchant Stranger asketh, because he gives them Credit, and lets them Ship away their Iron, Flax, and other Commodities, before they have sold their Kerzies, and other Commodities, by which means extraordinary dear Commodities are returned into this Realm, and the Servants also enforced to sell his clothes underfoot, and oftentimes to loss, to keep his Credit, and to make payment for the Goods before Shipped home, having some twenty days or a month's respite to sell the clothes, and to give the Merchant satisfaction for his Iron, Flax, and other Wares, by which extremities our Homebred Commodities are abased.  

Touching Fishing.  
THE great Sea-business of Fishing, doth employ near twenty thousand Ships and Vessels, and four hundred thousand people are employed yearly upon your Coast of England, Scotland, and Ireland, with sixty Ships of War, which may prove dangerous.  
The Hollanders only have about three thousand Ships to Fish withal, and fifty thousand people are employed yearly by them upon your Majesty's Coasts of England, Scotland, and Ireland.  
These three thousand Fishing Ships and Vessels of the Hollanders, do employ near nine thousand other Ships and Vessels, and one hundred and fifty thousand persons more by Sea and Land, to make provision to dress and transport the Fish they take, and return Commodities, whereby they are enabled, and do build yearly one thousand Ships and Vessels, having not one Timber Tree growing in their own Country, nor Homebred Commodities to lad one hundred Ships, and yet they have twenty thousand Ships and Vessels, and all employed.  
King Henry the seventh, desirous to make his Kingdoms powerful and rich, by increase of Ships and Mariners, and employment of his people, sent unto his Sea-Coast Towns, moving them to set up the great and rich Fishing, with promise to give them needful Privileges, and to furnish them with Loans of money, if need were, to encourage them; yet his people were slack. Now since I have traced this business, and made mine endeavours known unto your Majesty, your Noblemen, able Merchants, and others, (who having set down under their hands for more assurance) promised to disburse large sums of money for the building up of this great and rich large Sea-City, which will increase more strength to your Land, give more comfort, and do more good to all your Cities and Towns, than all the Companies of your Kingdom, having fit and needful Privileges for the upholding and strengthening of so weighty and needful a business.  
For example; twenty Busses built and put into a Sea-Coast Town, where there is not one Ship before, there must be to carry, re-carry, transport and make provision for one Buss, three Ships; likewise every Ships setting on work thirty several Trades and Occupations, and four hundred thousand persons by Sea and Land, in so much as three hundred persons are not able to make one Fleet of Nets in four months for one Buss, which is no small employment.  
Thus by twenty Busses are set on work near eight thousand persons by Sea and Land, and an increase of above one thousand Mariners, and a Fleet of eighty sail of Ships to belong to one Town, where none were before, to take the wealth out of the Sea, to enrich and strengthen the Land, only by raising of twenty Busses.  
Then what good one thousand or two thousand will do, I leave to your Majesty's consideration.  
It is worthy to be noted, how necessary Fishermen are to the Commonwealth, and how needful to be advanced and cherished; (Viz.)  
1. For taking God's blessing out of the Sea, to enrich the Realm, which otherwise we lose.  
2. For setting the people on Work.  
3. For making plenty and cheapness in the Realm.  
4. For increasing of Shipping to make the Land powerful.  
5. For a continual Nursery for breeding and increasing our Mariners.  
6. For making employment of all sorts of people, and blind, lame, and others by Sea and Land, from ten and twelve years, and upwards.  
7. For enriching your Majesty's Coffers, for Merchandizes returned from other Countries for Fish and Herrings.  
8. For the increase and enabling of Merchants, which now droop and daily decay.   

Touching the Coyn.  
FOr the most part all Monarchies and Free-States, both Heathen and Christian, as Turkey, Barbary, France, Poland, and others, do hold for a Rule of never-failing profit, to keep their Coin at higher rates within their own Territories, than it is in other Kingdoms.  
The causes:  
1. To preserve the Coin within their own Territories.  
2. To bring unto themselves the Coin of Foreign Princes.  
3. To enforce Merchant-Strangers to take their Commodities at high rates, which this Kingdom bears the burden of.  
For instance; The King of Barbary perceiving the Trade of Christian Merchants to increase in this Kingdom, and that the returns out of his Kingdoms were most in Gold, whereby it was much enhanced, raised his Ducat (being then currant for three Ounces) to four, five, and six Ounces; nevertheless it was no more worth in England, being so raised, then when it went for three Ounces.  
This Ducat currant for three Ounces in Barbary, was then worth in England seven shillings and six pence, and no more worth, being raised to six Ounces; since which (time adding to it a small piece of Gold) he hath raised it to eight, and lastly to ten Ounces, yet at this day it is worth but ten shillings and one penny, notwithstanding your Majesty's fate raising of your Gold.  
Having thus raised his Gold, he then devised to have plenty of Silver brought into his Kingdom, raised the Royal of Eight, being but two Ounces, to three and threepences halfpenny, which caused great plenty of Silver to be brought in, and to continue in his Kingdom.   

FRANCE.  
The English Jacobus goeth for three and twenty shillings in Merchandizing.  
The French Crown for seven shillings and six pence.  
Also the King hath raised his Silver four Souse in the Crown.   

NORTH-HOLLAND.  
The double Jacobus goeth for three and twenty shillings sterling.  
The English Shillings is there eleven Stivers, which is two shillings over in the pound.   

POLAND.  
The King of Poland raiseth his Hungary Ducat from 56. to 77 and ½ Polish groshes, and the Rix-Doller from 36. to 47 and ½ groshes; the Rix-Doller worth in Poland 47 and ½ groshes, is by account valued at 6 s. 4 d. sterling, and here in England is worth but 4 s. 7 d. The Hungary Ducket 77. is worth by account in Poland 10 s. 4 d. and in England is worth but 7 s. 10 d. The Jacobus of England here currant for 22 s. in Poland 24 s. at the rate of 7 s. to 10 d. for the Hungary Ducket.  
Now to turn the stream and riches raised by your Majesty's Native Commodities, into the natural Channel from whence it hath been a long time diverted, may it please your Majesty to consider these Points following:  
1. Whether it be not fit that a State-Merchant be settled within your Dominions, which may both dispose more profitably of the Riches thereof, and encounter Policies of Merchant-Strangers, who now go beyond us in all kind of profitable Merchandizing.  
2. Whether it be not necessary that your Native Commodities should receive their full Manufacture by your Subjects within your Dominions.  
3. Whether it be not fit the Coals should yield your Majesty and Subjects a better value, by permitting them to pass out of the Land, and that they be in your Subject's Shipping only transported.  
4. Whether it be not fit your Majesty presently raise your Coin to as high rates, as it is in the parts beyond the Seas.  
5. Whether it be not necessary that the great Sea-business of Fishing, be forthwith set forward.  
If it please your Majesty to approve of these Considerations, and accordingly to put them in a right course of execution, I assure myself (by God's help) in short time your Majesty's Customs, and the continual coming into your Coffers, will be exceedingly increased, your Ships and Mariners trebled, your Land and Wast-Towns (which are now run out of Gates) better replenished, and your people employed, to the great enriching and honour of your Kingdom, with the applause, and to the comfort of all your Loyal Subjects.  
May it please your Majesty, I have the rather undergone the pains to look into their Policies, because I have heard them profess, they hoped to get the whole Trade and Shipping of Christendom into their own hands, as well for Transportation, as otherwise for the Command and Master of the Seas; to which end I find that they do daily increase their Traffic, augmenting their Shipping, multiplying their Mariners, Strength and Wealth in all kinds; whereat I have grieved the more, when I considered how God hath endued these Kingdoms above any three Kingdoms in Christendom, with divers varieties of Homebred Commodities, which others have not, and cannot want; and endued us with sundry other means, to continue and maintain Trade of Merchandizing and Fishing beyond them all, whereby we might prevent the deceivers, engross the Commodities of the Engrossers, enrich ourselves, and increase our Navigation, Shipping, and Mariners; so as it would make all Nations to veil the Bonnet to England, if we would not be still wanting to ourselves in employment of our people; which people being divided into three parts, two parts of them are meet spenders and consumers of a Commonwealth, therefore I aim at these Points following.  
To allure and encourage the people for their private gain, to be all Workers and Erectors of a Commonwealth.  
To enrich and fill your Majesty's Coffers, by a continual coming in, and make your people wealthy, by means of their great and profitable Trading and employment.  
To vent our Homebred Commodities, to far more reputation, and much more profit to the King, the Merchant, and the Kingdom.  
To return the Merchandizes of other Countries at far cheaper rates than now they are, to the great good of the Realm in general.  
To make the Land powerful, by increasing of Ships and Mariners.  
To make your people's take in general, to be much more every day than now they are, which by God's help will grow continually more and more, by the great Concourse and Commerce that will come by settled Constitutions, and convenient Privileges, as in other parts they do by this their great freedom of Trade.  
All this, and much more, is done in other Country's, where nothing groweth, so that of nothing they make great things. Then how much more mighty things might we make, where so great abundance and variety of Homebred Commodities, and rich Materials grows, for your people to Work upon, and other plentiful means to do that withal, which other Nations neither have, nor cannot want, but of necessity must be furnished from hence: And now whereas our Merchandizing is wild, utterly confused, and out of frame, as at large appeareth, a State-Merchant will roundly and effectually bring all the premises to pass, fill your Havens with Ships, those Ships with Mariners, your Kingdom full of Merchants, their houses full of Outlandish Commodities, and your Coffers full of Coin, as in other parts they do; and your people shall have just cause to hold in happy memory, that your Majesty was the beginner of so profitable, praiseworthy, and renowned a Work, being the true Philosophers-Stone to make your Majesty a rich and potent King, and your Subjects happy people, only by settling of a State-Merchant, whereby your people may have fullness of Trade and Manufacture, and yet hold both honourable and profitable Government, without breaking of Companies.  
And for that in the settling of so weighty a business, many things of great consequence must necessarily fall into consideration, I humbly pray that your Majesty may be pleased, (for the bringing of this great Service to light) to give me leave to nominate the Commissioners, and your Majesty to give them power to call before them such men as they shall think fit, to confer with upon Oath, or otherwise as occasion shall offer, that the said Commissioners with all speed, for the better advancement of this honourable and profitable Work, may prepare and report the same unto your Majesty.   

Having at large treated about the damage it is to England, about the Non-improvement of the Native Commodities, it is requisite to add something about the Hands to be employed therein.  
THE Manufactors of Wool, (with many other Tradesmen) many of them that are conscientious in their Employments, lie under heavy discouragements, not having assurance of Liberty in the matters of Worship; hence many transplanted themselves into Holland about the year 35. to the great advantage of the Dutch; and of late times many others, both of Merchants and Clothiers, (by the severity used in that matter of Worship alone) have consulted, and were preparing to transplant themselves, had not that Indulgence his Majesty hath been pleased to exercise, prevented; for what person that can raise a Trade, and live as well in another Country, being here not secured in the matter of his Conscience, without which he cannot have the benefit of his Employment, will either stay to his hazard, or if he do, can he be so profitable (while he stays in fears) either to himself, his Country, or his Majesty, as otherwise he might be? Many also there are that for reasons of this kind, are necessitated to lay down, or draw their Trades into a narrower compass, who have formerly been considerable Benefactors to their Country, some of them having hundreds, some a thousand depending on them, whose livelihood stands or falls, with their Liberty or Imprisonment.  
Moreover I have observed, that many of his Majesty's Subjects, (of whose fidelity I have sufficient experience) hereby have by some persons been greatly misrepresented, which is a matter of no small moment; by this means 'tis plain, such persons have been the occasion of many groundless offences, jealousies and murmurings, (with great cost, charge, and undoing of many Tradesmen) which are of very evil consequence, concerning which I have endeavoured to my power to undeceive his Majesty's Subjects, and of which I shall be ready to give further account. But by the working of jealousies and animosities of this kind, Trade is very much obstructed and decayed; For if one particular person, upon misrepresentation, be but prosecuted, that hath so many hundreds depending upon him, First, Those persons are undone, and come to ruin; nor is that all, but 2 lie. This begets jealousy and murmurings in all those concerned, and the same with farther fears on all persons liable to suffering upon the same ground, as far as the report thereof goes: Thus is Trade, quietness and confidence prejudiced, for want of assurance in that point of Liberty, etc.  
From the whole, these necessary Conclusions may be drawn;  
1. That it is necessary for the good of his Majesty and People, to secure the Wool in England (being the matter or foundation of such a rich Manufacture to work upon) by effectual Laws, and faithfulness in the execution.  
2. The regulation of the Manufacturies thereof be consulted for Reformation.  
3. If yet the hands of many, and the chief of those persons capable of managing the Manufacturies thereof be weakened, for want of assurance in that tender point of conscience, and so consequently they withdraw their Stocks and Trade not to half the height they would, for fear they should suddenly be exposed to remove into other Countries, or do worse, (which is still much feared by some) if in this they be not eased, the Trade of this Nation can never be completed, nor brought to its primitive lustre and glory.  
My observation upon his Majesty's Speech to the Parliament, in the year 1667. including some indulgence to his Majesty's Protestant Subjects, did much quicken Trade in all the Nation; insomuch that several thence took encouragement (that before had been contracting their Trades) to begin to lay out themselves and Estates to raise up Manufacture, expecting a full concurrence by the Parliament: But when the same persons saw themselves disappointed therein, they forthwith took up thoughts of retiring themselves, and withdrew their Trade, which was then much to my own particular damage, depending upon those persons then in dealings, and yet these are persons, to my knowledge, very loyal to his Majesty.  
I cannot understand what persons have advantage by his Majesty's great damage, and the Kingdoms so great impoverishment, as I have demonstrated; or why those persons, be they what they will, upon such very costly terms (to say no more) should be gratified; neither have the Counsels and ends propounded by the chief Agents and Factors of that severity, been successful either in bringing forth that which may countervail these losses, or decrease the number, or alter the nature of them, that alone for conscience they should suppress; but rather provokes many that before concerned not themselves by proceeds of that kind, against men peaceable and so beneficial in their Stations, to examine the causes for which they are exposed to suffer; which also prevails with many to a participation with them: nor can what they would have, be done to those they would suppress, in places depending much upon these Trades, without almost desolating many parts of his Majesty's Kingdoms; for should so many be removed that employed so many poor, those Tradesmen that remain would not be able to manage Trade sufficient to set on work the poor, for their Stocks would not reach thereunto; how fearful then is that which must unavoidably follow?  
Suffer one word more of my knowledge in this business, as to matter of fact, in a small Parish where I was born, where there is 15. Cloathiers, or thereabouts; of those 15. there is 12. dissenters in matters of worship, which I know are as to the Government as peaceable as any: and in another little Cloathing-Town there is 24. Cloathiers; amongst those 24.20. are dissenters: and by this measure I might go through most parts of the West of England, viz. Hampshire, Wilts, Dorset, Devon, Somerset, Gloucestershire, and part of Monmouthshire in Wales: most of all those said Counties I have traded with, and am therefore experienced in what I say. Now suppose that those Laws (now and formerly in force against such persons) should have been rigorously executed, what would have been the consequence: To give instance, the Case of but one Man, Thomas Pearce of Westdome in Devonshire, near Barnstable, who was prosecuted upon the 20th. Month, and had 15. Servants in his own House, besides many Parishes depending upon him; yet was forced to leave his Calling and Habitation about 3. or 4. years since, to the utter ruin of those persons so depending, till he was released: And many other such instances might be given; for it must necessarily follow, when a Tradesman that employs a great part of a Country, is violently and suddenly run down and oppressed, so as his Trade must fail, that the Country must suffer with him; for what sober person will step into his place, and take up his Trade, while he is for such Causes suffering, if men to fill up such vacancies were to be found.    
FINIS.