THE Usurpations of France UPON THE TRADE OF THE WOOLLEN MANUFACTURE OF ENGLAND BRIEFLY HINTED AT; Being the EFFECTS of Thirty Years Observations, by which that King hath been Enabled to wage War with so great a Part of EUROPE.  
OR, A Caution to England To Improve a Season now put into Her Hand, to Secure Herself.  
By WILLIAM CARTER.  
LONDON, Printed for Richard Baldwin at the Oxford-Armes in Warwick-Lane, and Joseph Fox at the Cap in Westminster-Hall. MDCXCV.   

THE PREFACE  
THE Subject of the following Discourse being matter of Fact, the less Apology will be required; nor needs it many Arguments to Demonstrate what we see and feel, viz. That the French have within this 40 Years, not only by Increase of Trade, Enriched their Country, but also Multiplied their Shipping to that degree, that the Effect thereof hath occasioned the Effusion of so much Blood and Treasure in these late Years; and how much more few can tell.  
The Consequences that have happened, I long since foresaw, and publicly declared my Fears, that unless some speedy method were taken, the French would in a short time Engross the whole Woollen-Manufacture, and consequently Trade itself, to the irreparable Damage of this Kingdom.  
And tho' the War with France hath cost Us so many Millions, yet I question not but the Perusal of the following Sheets will convince all Persons, that rather regard the Public Interest than some Private Convenience that may attend themselves; that had there been no War (speaking humanely) we should have (ere this time) lost the whole Profit of the Exportation of the said Woollen-Manufacture, (amounting to several Millions in Value Yearly;) the French (before the War) having made so great Progress therein, that they had not only Prohibited our Cloth and Stuffs to be Imported into France, but had also so far advanced themselves in that Manufacture, as to Export the same into many Foreign Parts, as Mr. Andrew Marvel hath formerly showed at large, in a Paper Printed in the Year 1677, a part of which is inserted in the following Discourse.  
And if this be the true state of the Case in the Infancy of the said Woollen-Manufacture in France, as it was before the War (if a Peace were concluded) what the Consequences will be when that King shall enlarge and bring it to a greater Perfection, rational and wise Men may judge  
And when ever a Peace may be Concluded betwixt England and France, unless such a Provision be made while we are at War to keep the Balance of Trade, I do foresee (who have been almost 30 Years observing the Designs of France to get the Trade from Us) the evil Consequence to England of that Peace which may end in our Ruin; as was admirably well observed lately by another Hand, viz. That Peace made up with an Enemy, whose Power is too Strong, and his Fidelity too Weak, is only a Cob-Web-Lawn to break through at pleasure; and a Reconciliation of Friendship with such a Prince, is the only means to Empower him, to be more Dangerous, because then a more Surprising Enemy: Should France in her Present (or rather Late Greatness) give a Cessation to hostility, 'tis certain she can never give a Cessation to her Ambition; and 'tis as certain that War is only raked up, not quenched, when the Coals of Ambition are still glowing, that at any convenient Rupture may set it fresh a blazing, to that Aspirer that so visibly aims at Universal Monarchy; Universal Peace can be no more than a Disguise: In short in any present Accommodation with France, her holding her Hand will be no other than to take Breath to enable her to make a stronger Blow.  
The Consideration of these Things, hath all along prompted me (as an English Man) to use the utmost of my Endeavours in the Post I have stood in for so many years, to prevent the Designs of France on England, that those Things threatnea may be prevented, otherwise I had not appeared in Print at this Time, being rather inclined to be more Retire, especially when I Reflect upon the Discouragement and Difficulties I have met withal in my former Undertaking; of which I have given a short Account in the close of this Discourse, but more at large in another, written by me sometime since, for the clearing myself of some Malicious Imputations suggested against me in my said former Undertake; nor did I however intent to be named in this Paper, when I put it to the Press; but finding my Name made use of in several Projects about Raising of Money, and in bringing in a Bill to lessen the Penalties about the Exportation of Wool; and which occasioned the Mistake of divers of my Friends, who thereby were induced to believe me concerned in Matters which were utterly against their Opinion; and indeed I may presume to offer my thoughts, will instead of preventing, be rather an Encouragement to the said Exportation; and if Experience for near Thirty Years may be credited, there is nothing now wanting in Point of Law but Execution; and if there were a Thousand Laws made and not Executed it is just the same as if none at all. These Reasons amongst others have prevailed with me to Subscribe my Name, and to make use of this Opportunity to declare, That I am not Engaged in any of those Matters which my Friends might take to be against my former Opinion in this Case, and which, I believe, will rather redound to the prejudice than good of the Public; not that I would be construed to Reflect upon any Person under Mistakes, being charitable to all; tho' in the following Discourse I have been somewhat sharp on those I judged to be wilful Enemies to their own Trade and Nation.  
William Carter.   

The renewing of a CAVEAT Entered in our Court several Years ago against the Growth of FRANCE.  
ALthough it be beyond all Dispute, that the French King (who not many years ago was very inconsiderable both in Trade and Shipping) is now become so formidable, as to be able to make War with so great a part of Europe, insomuch that very lately he bid fair to be Emperor thereof.  
And though the Matter of Fact be clear; yet it is by many made a Question, How so prodigious an Alteration should come to pass in so short a time. For notwithstanding it be notorious, that that King's Interest was very great in the two last Reigns, and thereby he obtained many Advantages here, not only Moulds of our best Ships of War, but some Materials for their Building; and had it not been for a great Man now of Their Majesty's most Honourable Privy-Council, much of our best Timber had been long since in France: For the Duchess of Portsmouth having a Grant of Forty thousand Pounds, which was to be raised out of the Timber growing in the New Forest, and that of Sherwood; his Lordship prevented that Mischief, which had it not been done with great Prudence, it would have been of a had Consequence to England. For which he was suddenly after, and for espousing the Prince of Orange's Interest, condemned in the Court of France, and brought out of Favour here, (to the Honour of that Noble Lord, let it be remembered for the Good of England, against the Designs of France.)  
And although it be too true, that the said Duchess promoted the French Interest here, by which many Advantages were procured thereby from England to France, (which may be elsewhere enlarged) yet that was but as Flashes in a River, for a Season: But its Trade, that is the main Spring or Fountain that gives Life unto, and that doth maintain, Riches and Strength to any Nation, Kingdom, or People.  
And though in Trade itself its generally reported, that France (by way of Barter) got from England upwards of a-Million of Pounds Sterling per Annum, for several Years last passed, which is only known by the Entries made in our Custom Hou●● Books; yet this (to those that know the Intrigues of that People) may not be ●ne half in value of the Goods imported from France. For that which comes in by Stealth (and of such some Persons are so fond, as to give double if not triple the worth of it only to have the name of French) may be as much in the Sum, if not more than what is truly and really entered, which for the most part are bulky Commodities.  
And as our Loss in the Trade with France is about Two Millions per Annum, by the Importation of their Commodities here; so it's presumed, (on very good grounds) that the Exportation of our Wool thither, unwrought, enriches France much more than all the Importation of French Goods into England.  
So that if France, for upwards of twenty Years last passed, hath gained only from England more than Four Millions per Annum (besides what that King hath gained out of other Countries by his Intrigues,) it is humbly presumed, the Question before stated (viz.) (How France in so short time became so great?) is in a great measure answered.  
When on the other Hand, England (if true to its real Interest) might quickly turn the Scales, and beat France without Fight, though not now. For there are but few Princes or States, that have such means to support their Splendour, as the Kings and Queens of England: Nor few (if any) Countries, such staple Commodities, as this Kingdom hath; yet those Advantages were never as yet improved as they might be: And as to what might have been formerly done of this Nature, Sir Walter Raleigh propounded to King James the I. that the Native Commodities of England, with other Traffic, might have been then improved Three Millions of Pounds Sterling per Annum, beyond what they then came to, and that the Revenue of the Crown might proportionably increase thereby. If Matters stood thus at that time, woeful Experience tells us (as before mentioned) that the Case is now far worse: For instead of increasing, we have lost so many Millions by the Intrigues of France, which will more particularly appear in the sequel of this Discourse.  
The most of the Goods, which are now yearly imported into this Kingdom, being to the Value of several Millions of Pounds Sterling per Annum, are no otherwise answered, but by the value of the Commodities which are exported; the Bulk of which consists chiefly in our woollen Manufacture, as being the great support of our Trade and Shipping. For before King Edward the III. the Burgunder enjoyed that Advantage, in making of a Yard of Cloth, of English Wool cost Eighteen Pence, worth then Ten Shillings, to the enriching of that People, and advancing the Revenue of their Princes; which being perceived by the said King Edward, upon a Visit made by himself to the Duke of Burgundy; during his Residence there, he employed such able Agents amongst the Elemish Clothiers, so effectually representing to them the Danger they were in by the Bordering War with France, the peaceable Condition of England, and the Freedom of the People that are Subjects here, that he found them inclinable to accept an Invitation to come over hither, he promising them the same Privileges and Immunities with his own Subjects; by which Means he prevailed with a great number of them to come into England soon after him, where he most royally performed those Promises: He also called home many of his own Subjects, who had been long settled in Flanders; and then strictly prohibited the Exportation of Wool.  
So the Trade of Cloth was then settled in England; but the Manufacture of Bays, Sesse, and Perpetuanies, etc. (which is now almost half the woollen Manufacture of this Kingdom) was not set up here till the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, but was till then wholly carried on in Flanders, with English Wool; so that by these two Princes the woollen Manufacture came to be settled in England: By which Means, as our Wealth came greatly to increase, so we became more powerful in Shipping; which Greatness of our Trade, and Strength of our Shipping, founded on that, hath been not only observed, but of late emulated by the French King. And seeing it was clearly discerned, that the chiefest Means for the Maintenance of it proceeded from our woollen Manufacture, the said French King hath for several Years last passed used all Means to get our Wool to France; and then prohibit the said Manufacture, which is of so great Concern to England. For the said Manufacture, being exported together with its Returns, doth pay more than three Fourths of the Customs; and consequently the same in proportion are the Ships and Seamen employed thereby; and it doth not only give Life to all Trade, but a Value to Land; by which Means also all other Branches of the Revenue of the Crown are proportionably increased. But my Lord Cook saith, that its much more. For, saith he, Divide the Exported Native Commodities of this Kingdom into Ten Parts; and what comes from the Sheep's back is in Value Nine Parts; which, as before hinted, the French King hath used all Arts and Means, for above twenty Years, to encourage this woollen Manufacture in his own Dominions; not only to furnish his own Country, but to export it to Foreign Parts, which were formerly supplied by us; to the increasing of their Riches and Strength by Sea, (now so formidable) and then by so much the less Place or Probability there will be, that we should furnish them or export it into foreign Parts; and then also so much the greater stop must of necessity be put to the vending of our woollen Manufacture beyond the Seas; because there is a determined Quantity thereof consumed in the Trading World. And is it not as manifest, that by how much our Manufacture decays, our Trade and Wealth must decay; and the Strength of our Shipping mainly depending thereon, must decay also? and consequently the Revenue of the Crown, not only in the Customs, but in all other Branches of the said Revenue that do depend upon Trade.  
So that, if it be from our Manufacture that the Riches of this Nation comes, and if it be chiefly from thence that our Shipping is Employed, and our Mariners bred; if it be from our Trading alone, and from the Riches which our Trading brings in, that their Majesty's Customs are Raised, and that our Fleets have been hitherto Built and Maintained, and the Dominion of the Seas preserved, than it is and must be from our Manufactures, that our Trade is increased, and by which the Rents of the Nobility and Gentry have been advanced.  
And therefore it may be easily granted, that there is no higher Temporal Interest in the Nation, than that which sustains the Nobility and Gentry's Rents, that which preserves their Majesty's Revenues, and increases our Navy and Shipping.  
Then in regard our Manufacture doth this, the Encouragement of it must necessarily be the greatest Interest of the Nation, to preserve it; but for the want of due care therein, the French have gained so much from us, as before mentioned, which hath so highly contributed to their Riches and Strength at Sea, and consequently to the Impoverishing of us, even the whole Kingdom of England: Which Evils I did not only long since foresee, but publicly declare above 20 years ago, and with some warmth too; and also, with no little Importunity, presented the same to King Charles II. and upon several occasions since, renewed the same, (viz.) that France was then Learning to be too hard for us, which is too too true to be denied: And as I did it to those in Authority; so I did it, also, both to the Merchants and Clothiers; and not resting there, I have also spent the greatest part of my small Estate, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (as well as lost a profitable Trade) about it, with the frequent hazard of my Life, together with many and great Indignites, which I have born up under, because my Labour has not been altogether Fruitless: though by my Importunity, I have rendered myself Burdensome to some, a Scorn and Reproach to others, when I have only Reasoned in my Discourse, and publicly declared, what I had too much ground for, (viz.) that the Diligence of the French to enrich themselves upon us, hath so far exceeded our Care to preserve ourselves, that it is cometo, if not beyond, a Question, Who have the greatest benefit of the Manufacture of English Wool, (of so great consequence) They who have no Right unto it, or to whom of right it doth belong (as the very Foundation of all our Riches and Strength;) that it is so, is too too obvious, (viz.) that France will be too hard for us by the steps already made therein; desiring a serious consideration, and comparing the Practice of the French King (assisted by the Counsel and Advice of Monsieur Colbert, bred a Merchant) with what was done formerly by King Edw. the 3d, that as the said King Edward wisely transacted his Affairs in Flanders, in bringing over hither the Manufacturers to the Wool in England, so the said French King, by his Agents here, is using no less Policy in gaining oar Wool to his Subjects for his own advantage; for without our Wool they could never imitate our Manufacture, all other Wool being insufficient for that use; but having our Wool in such great Quantities, even in the Years 1669, 1670, and 1671, that they gave out, that they could make as good Manufacture as ours; and further added, that they were got into a way of making a low sort of Cloth called Serge De-berry, which comes as cheap as Northern Cloth, but made of English Wool.  
After all these Transactions, comes forth an Answer by way of Objection against what I had done, Entitled, Reasons for a limited Exportation of Wool, pretending it was for England's Interest; which came forth in the year 1676. to which I made my Reply, which I shall not here insert, but only crave leave but to abstract the Introduction to that Discourse, (viz.) I must needs say, that I had no thoughts of appearing in Public any more, and could not easily have been moved thereunto, (my discouragements having been so great) had not the importunity of some Friends dealing much in that Manufacture, and my Zeal and Affection to the Trade and Commerce of this my Native Country, (which is at present solely maintained by the woollen Manufacture of it) raised my fears so far, as to believe a great Prejudice is coming upon us; and so far as to doubt also, that we may be hastening of it by those very Means, we would endeavour to prevent it.  
And therefore I cannot, but, like the dumb Child, speak when he saw a Knife at his Father's Throat; I mean when I consider the extremity we are like to be in, from the French Kings Vigilancy, and the endeavours that he hath of late used to acquire the making of the woollen Manufacture in his own Dominions, and what Artifices, and vast Expense, he doth use and is at, to effect his said Design, both in France, and by his Agents here in England, even at this very day, notwithstanding he is engaged in a War with so great a part of Europe; and if he doth this in the very midst of his Distractions, what will he not do? or, what may we not expect hereafter, when he shall be at Peace with all his Neighbours?  
And if the French King he designing by all ways and Means to under mine our Commerce, and by it prejudice us in our Trade, and Strength by Sea, I may, I hope, be pardoned, if I am more than indifferently concerned, or more than ordinarily warm, to think, we should endeavour to perfect his Design by delivering up our Wool, the Foundation of so Rich a Manufacture, into his hands; nor can we think hereafter to recover our Woollen Manufacture once lost, or to preserve the King's Customs or the Strength of this Kingdom, without it; for we must be very unbiased if we understand not, that, after he hath supplied his own Country, he will also supply other foreign Markets (as already begun, which will appear by the Testimony of another hand which I shall add) to gain an advantage to himself; for if he may (as he already does) break the Laws of Commerce, and lay what Impositions he pleaseth, upon our Cloth, etc. (yea prohibit the same) while we had a Peace with him, why may he not also lay what Imposition he please upon our Ships that may come near his Territories?  
And when our Commerce is lost, and our Manufacture gone, and our Ships imposed upon that shall pass the Seas, what shall be left to defend ourselves from whatsoever he shall (for the Greatness of his Name) think fit to require of us?  
Give me now leave to add the Testimony of another person, who wrote upon this Subject about the year, 77, but came lately to my hands, Mr. Andrew marvel; who observes, That the French, who were not long since at best but the Milliners of Europe, are now become, or pretend to be, the Cape-Merchants, and their King gives not only the Mode, but Garment to all Christendom, and the World puts itself into his Livery at their own Expenses; well may We therefore complain of the Death rather than Deadness of our Manufacture, when from this Cause it receives such an Obstruction even to Suffocation, when we are not only deprived of that general and gainful Vent that we had formerly in France itself, but in all other places where we Traffic, we meet the French at every Town, and the Foreign Post brings News from all parts, that they come before us, and have undersold us in the same Commodities.  
And to this Disease so Mortal, and which is beyond any private Men to remedy, we do more particularly contribute by those vast quantities of Wool, which are Transported to France, so that Calais is still no less our Staple, than when it was formerly under the English Dominion.  
From the whole matter I then conclude, (viz.) in the year 1677. That not only the Clothing Trade, but the very Interest of the Nation was at Stake, and in hazard to be utterly lost; which there was just cause to suspect would come to pass, if the same were not with Industry and Diligence prevented; and if this all would not move us, I thought it then impertinent to insist on lesser Arguments; upon which consideration I was then, as also before, prompted singly as an Englishman, to use my utmost Endeavour and unwearied Diligence, to try what might be done, towards the finding out some Method, that might prevent the threatened Ruin, (by the French King) and that some good part of what is lost may be regained (and why not that Kingdom be under the English Government, as well as part of the Tithes of our King.) These endeavours being used in the two late Reigns, in which I drew up the Hill, and strove against the Stream, yet, it's visible, I did many a time stem the Tide, till huge Torrents came down upon me, yet I did nevertheless recover again, though with hard Rowing; and in the very last year of the late King, when Addressing his Majesty with some Clothiers of Exon and Taunton, in behalf of 200, that then kept 100000 poor people at work, complaining of the French prohibiting the English woollen Manufacture; after that Discourse was over, the King then told me, That the French Ambassador had complained, that I had disturbed the French King's Fishermen, I did return this Answer, that I owned the Charge, and was glad of the Season (for I had heard before of Complaints of that nature, made at the Treasury, and at the Customhouse, where I made my Defence, and prevented the said Design) to give his Majesty an Answer, I did confess, that I had disturbed them, by causing above 20 of them to be taken and condemned to his own use, for that they had broken the Laws, and came on shore and fetched our Wool, that was the Fishing which was disturbed; which I told his Majesty was the Foundation both of his Riches and Strength: and moreover I added, that had I not been greatly discouraged, those Gentlemen then present Addressing his Majesty, would not have had the occasion of giving him that trouble; this Relation is nothing but truth, the persons then present being my Witnesses.  
I may without offence add, that the Season of this Address was such, that his Majesty was then, in a quarter of an hour after we came forth from his Presence, visited by Father Peter, Sir Edward Hales, and Sir John Gage, that came to intercede for three persons then Prosecuted for Exporting of Wool to France, one of which was the then Mayor of Galloway, who confessed a Judgement of 22000 l. and the Earl of Tyrconel wrote in his behalf, but the said King rejected the Motion; but the Matter was again endeavoured at the Treary, which I still watched, and put in Caveats, and prevented the design of his Discharge.  
Now if I did go so far then, against the French Interest, shall I despond now in this Government, when not only England, but a great part of Europe, is in actual War with them? Now is the Season, in this very thing, to Humble France, which if we let slip, it's very probable, there may never be the like Opportunity.  
But after all, I suppose another Question may arise; viz. How this may be done? I answer, though 'tis not in my power to do; yet to propose to such as can, I shall readily, as I have not omitted hitherto what lay in my power, in order to the completing so great an Undertaking; but there are many things not so proper to be made public, that may greatly contribute to the effecting so necessary a Work; which I shall not only offer (with all Submission) when called thereto, but really and indeed put in practice when commanded; and therefore desire to be excused from offering that to public View, which may furnish French Agents with such Matter, as may render the whole abortive.  
For tho' we have seen and too much felt the power of France, and that some persons are very apt to magnify that Monarch, and yet the poverty of the generality of that People with the Inland Countries being Depopulated by which a great scarcity of Corn have been the effect thereof, and the great loss in their Trade at present, ought a little to be considered to balance their greatness.  
And tho' we have too much cause to fear (but not despair) that we are in a languishing condition, yet when I have considered how near Ireland was lost, I would in my greatest despondency entertain some hope for England also: Tho' 'tis the fear of some, and too justly that without more than ordinary skill to abate the power of France, all our endeavours to that end will prove Fruitless.  
There was a time, and that not long since, when England alone was able to Bridle that Prince and hold the Reins, so as to be able to have turned about that Monarch as it pleased; but now we see that neither England, or Holland, or both with their united strength at Sea, nor all the Confederates at Land, can as yet give check to the Ambition of that aspiring King.  
And altho' in England, we have formerly made several Acts to curb that Prince, and continued two of them lately, which were ready to expire, yet the experience of the time past hath demonstrated that little hath been done, and as little may be expected for the future, till those Acts are put into strict Execution, (without which they are dead and useless) which if we design to do, we must reasume that ancient and generous Temper, that heretofore ran so freely, and did circulate in English Veins, which did preserve the liberty of free born English-Men, and not to suffer ourselves to be imposed upon, and made Slaves to France, by our own folly, for if we expect to live by our Laws, as a free People, we ought to use the means to support them, by a strict Execution, and that cannot be well done, but by such persons, who will make it their Interest, as well as their duty to Execute the same, and also made capable of it.  
And if our Predecessors, that were instrumental in procuring for us some of those great Privileges, which we now enjoy, were short of that experience which we have since attained to, it should call upon us to consider what may be expected from us, who have arrived to greater knowledege, and have more and better Laws to assist us, for our preservation, and thereupon we ought to Improve our Privileges as a free People, and to have attained many more and greater advantages, since the Reign of that Famous Queen Elizabeth, whose Ministers agreed altogether against the common Enemy which was then the Spaniard, and tho' we have to our shame, lost many of those advantages, which was once in our hands, to have kept the French King lower, yet now if we were once true to our real Interest we might give a great check, if not a turn to that Haughty Prince, but then there must be a great change amongst us, for notwithstanding our present War with France, and the prohibition of French Commodities, yet our general desire is for that which hath the name of France writ upon it (tho' we have already paid and like to pay dearer yet) wherein I need not descend to particulars; but incert one Parragraph out of Mr. James Whiston Discourse of Trade, Printed the last Year, (viz.)  
But if there be a necessity that our Luxury must be indulged, there is nothing to that purpose that France could afford, which the Industry of our Friends and Confederates cannot supply us withal; having of late in their several Countries set up some Manufactors, which if the War continues, will be so Established, that neither we nor they shall ever stand in need of being beholding to France for them again, to the utter and Irreparable damage of that Kingdom. And thereby we shall vent greater quantities of our own Commodities in return for what we receive from them; whilst our Trade with France, did nothing but furnish us with Trifles in lieu of those vast Sums of Sterling they have drawn from us. And though we shall in a great measure enrich several of our Confederate Neighbours, as well as Advantage ourselves, yet it will never put them into such a condition of doing us hurt as our Trade with France hath done.  
I will add another Parragrah out of the same Author, viz.  
Where Trade is, there will be Employment; where Employment is, thither People will resort; and where People resort, there will be a Consumption of Commodities, and thereby the Public Revenue will be raised: So that would we once make Trade flourish we need not doubt but People from all parts of the Glob, would resort hither to enjoy themselves, and improve their Stocks, which formerly by reason of the Shackles upon Conscience, the continuance of which so long Depopulated this Nation, both by discouraging Ingenious Persons from repairing hither, and Cramping the Industry of others that remain by rendering them a prey to each other; which deadly wound did not end here, but Debauchery and Profaneness were increased to such a degree, that the Nation was dissolved in Luxury, and Intemperance, whilst the French had the wit to take the Advantage of our negligence, by Encouraging Industry and Commerce; (which all the while we were labouring to overthrow and undervalue,) By which means, chiefly he is become so troublesome to us, and so dreadful to some of our Neighbours.  
To stop this humour if we consider the many Millions France hath gained this way upon us, (as before alleged) we may observe that as Trade in general is introduced by rational Methods, so it ought to be supportod by the same means, and it should be so in this case, that as France hath gained upon us in our Trade, partly by stealth, and openly by imposing upon us, for the time past, so also we ought to consider the same for the future, and put no value upon their fancies, but more upon our substantial commodities which are staple, ceasing to Imitate their vain and wasteful Fashions, for all other ways and means (were there a Peace) will be totally insignificant to us, for that Prince will not be held in by any other ways, unless it be in that wherein his strength lies, which is Trade, (as before in short hinted) for otherwise (Samson like) he will break all other ties of humanity, etc. And we at length shall be made both poor and miserable and tho' there is nothing (speaking generally) more certain, than that most persons pursue those things wherein they suppose their interest doth consist, yet 'tis as true that many times they are apt to mistake the way to that Interest, and if so, it's no marvel those measures are taken that tends to their great and inevitable prejudice.  
That this is the case of too to many of our English Men in relation to France, woeful Experience proves, and nothing is more plain than matter of fact, for as France and England about Forty Years ago had an equal Trade, supposing in value two Millions of Pounds per Annum each from other, so it is as true that within those few last years (even before the War) the Trade of the English Woollen Manufactuary was prohibited in France, but the Importation of French Commodities were rather more increased into England, that this is so is not to be denied, but how it is so, I shall endeavour (with submission) to demonstrate, but before I come to speak of that in general, would crave leave to be particular only in the County of Kent, where the great mischief is, and where I meet with the greatest opposition, whose People always pleads the loss to them by hindering the Exportation of Wool, I will therefore state the case thus, (viz.) That there was only Kent in England that did produce Wool, and admit that there grows Yearly 6000 Packs, and admit to be worth 10 l. per Pack, which amounts to 60000 l. and supposing for Arguments sake, that if it were freely exported (as desired by some) it would raise the price. 40 s. per Pack, which amounts to 12000 l. whereas if the said Wool was wholly Prohibited, and fully Manufactured in England, and supposing in Kent, and there exported to France, and the same valued at 579999 l. in the particular sorts (as I have elsewhere more enlarged,) before it's put on Board, let us now therefore compare the profit and loss of this County of Kent, (viz.) The Wool with its supposed advance valued at 72000 l. and Manufactured to be valued at 579999 l. so that the County of Kent would lose 502999 l. by that Trade: but I would come a little nearer to the Gentlemen in Kent, being owners of Wool by the Seaside, and admitting for arguments sake, that the Land there would advance 10 l. per cent, per Annm more than in other parts, and supposing that one Gentleman had in value two or 300 l. per Annum, by the Seaside, and the same Gentleman had two or 3000 l. per Annum, in an Inland Country that depends upon Trade, and that for want of Trade those Rents were abated 20 l. per cent, I have no need to ask who was the loser; for what would it signify to advance 10 l. per cent, per Annum on the Lands by the Seaside in Kent, in a small Farm, and lose 20 on the Lands in a great one in the Inland Country, but more especially when that loss we in England sustain by it, proves double the advantage to France, our Mortal Enemy's Country, for thither principal if not only and to the French Kings Dominions our unwrought Wool is Transported; I would upon this account close this Parragraph, with the preamble of that Act made in the 14th Year of King Charles the II. Prohibiting the Exportation of Wool: (viz.) In these three respects, First for the setting on Work the Inhabitants of this Realm, Secondly for the Improving the Native Commodities of this Country, to its best fullest, and utmost use, and Thirdly that the advantage accrueing hereby might redound, to the Subjects of this Kingdom, and not to the Subjects of Foreign Realms as hitherto, and as it would and otherwise must do.  
Although I have formerly oft reflected and sometimes hinted at our mischiefs, for want of consideration, what is the true and real Interest of England, and the necessity of putting those good Laws in Execution, and also repeated some part of Letters writ from some of our Merchants then living in Flanders; yet I would crave leave at this time, and in this place to incert one particular Letter that came to my hands in the Year 1670, Dated at Lile the 6th, of April, 1670. Informing us that they then gave out that they could make as good Manufacturs as ours, and that they were got into away of making a low sort of Cloth called Serge-Deberry, which comes as cheap as Northern Cloth, but made of English Wool, and that they had then made so much as to be able to clothe a great number of their Army: And in another Letter from the same person, Dated the 5th, of March 1671, writing of the great quantities of Wool Imported into the French Kings Dominions, he adds unless some were made examples there would be continual abuses; about which time I did prosecute some Offenders, and gave some stop to it as I had done three Years before, which is confir-med in the same Letter, (viz.) There is a City not Five Leagues form this, called Tourney, a place renowned for the making all sorts of Stockings of Wool, it's not above Twenty Tears ago that they betook themselves to make the Worsted Hose a Trade, which in my minority was considerable▪ from London, it's not above three years ago, that there was a scarcity of Kembed Wool here in this quarter of the Country, and several of those Stocking Merchants came here to buy some, I told them, that such severity was then used in England, as People were mad to adventure (which was the time I first began to prevent it) which put the People of Tourney on a resolution to draw up a request to Monsieur Colbert, that he would make a defence of all English Manufacture, since they in England had put a stop to the Expertation of their Wool, to the great prejudice of the Manufacture of their City, after which those of this Town joined with them, and so came a stop to the Trade which we enjoyed for some time, so that you can easily see how insensibly those Dover and Canterbury Transporters draw the Kingdoms hearts blood from them; I could add much more of the great benefit our Neighbours receive from it which proves an absolute ruin, but I guess you can as easily comprehend my meaning, as if I had further enlarged: In a word, France rejects our Fabrics at this Day, presuming that they shall never want our Wool to make their own fantastic Fabrics, which are so variable, as puts a great stop to the Currant demand that used to be of our more solid Fabrics, for they will pretend to give the mcde to all the World, and so by this means in time all the World, will be disgust with our Fabrics, when by consequence they shall receive the mode from France, consider of this I pray that so there may be some speedy remedy; I shall hear take leave to repeat part of another Letter from the same person a little before mentioned, (viz.) Some of our English Men have the Reputation of betraying their Father for Twopences, it's no marvel then that they will betray their Country; And as this was wrote to me above Twenty years ago, (which I also then Printed) so a late action which I saw myself, confirms the same temper in some English Clothiers, as well as others contrary to the common Proverb) it's a sorry Bird that defiles his own Nest, and being upon record, and myself both an Eye and Ear witness to the main part thereof, I shall venture to relate the matter of Fact, and make some observations thereon, being partly in my Post obliged thereunto: That as I have observed the Treachery, and falseness of some of our English Men for the space of Twenty Years and upward, to contribute so much to the setting up the Woollen Manufacture in France, by furnishing them with our Wool, so to discover the same Temper, hath visibly appeared, not only in some English Men, but also in Clothiers themselves, by countenancing the Exportation of Fullers-Earth to Holland, to complete their full Improving the Woollen Manufacture in that Country, who appeared, not only as witnesses to prove a Negative (against many positive and substantial Witnesses) but rather acted like Solicitors, and Advocates for Holland, then for England's Interest, at two several Trials in the Exchequer, as also at several Commits of the House of Commons, the consequence of which must be wholly to destroy the English Woollen Manufacture, and consequently Trade itself, and to promote a Foreign Interest.  
It may be looked upon as Monstrous, that any English Clothier should with so much Industry endeavour to ruin their own Trade, either for a Muint gain or private Friendship to any other person, and had not I been both an Eye and Ear Witness, I should not, could not, nor durst I be so bold thus to charge any Man, but am so tender of Persons as not to name them, fearing the Poor People might pull down their Houses about their Ears, when their poverty is so great for want of Work.  
Tho' this charge being in general as to persons, yet I shall adventure to be particular in the matter of Fact. (viz.)  
There having been for some Years several parcels of ClayShipt off from England to Holland, in the name of Potter's Clay, and some Years past, an Officer of the Customs made a seizure of a Vessel Loaden with it, as believing it to be fulling Clay, but the said Officer being poor was not able to deal with the Proprietor, was forced to desist; and so it continued to be Exported, till about the Month of January, 1692, There being three Vessels Loaden with the said Clay, and Riding at Anchor in the River of Thames, and entered in the Custom House of London, to be Exported thence to Holland, as Potter's Clay, but some of the Officers being jealous that it was Fulling Clay, or scouring Earth, made a stop of it, and it coming to the Ears of the Searcher, whose said Office it is to look after the same, it being as well Felony in them to suffer it to be Exported (if it were Fulling Clay,) as in the Exporter, which Officers being as well Men of some Reputation as Experience in their Office (before any seizure was made to give the Merchant any needless trouble) caused Experiments to be made of the said Clay at several places and times, and found it to be a very good sort of Fulling Clay, upon which Experiments they caused the said Clay to be Landed, and put into their Majesty's Seller, or Warehouse, and ordered the same to be laid in three distinct places, and then Exhibited an Information in the Court of Exchequer against the Merchant for one of the said Ships Loading, on the Statute of XII. Car. which makes the Forfeiture three Shillings in the Pound, (as it is Felony by the XIV. of the same King, and the Officer is at Liberty to Prosecute upon which Statute he pleaseth, but not on both;) and tho' the Forfeitures was so great, yet the Officers were so tender of ruining the Merchant, that in case he would not continue Exporting of it, they would not take the Advantage of the Forfeitures, but he declining that offer the said Officers did prepare for Trial; and in order to have more Experiments made of it, I was amongst others desired to take a parcel thereof out of the Warehouse, which I did, and kept in my possession until I had made an Experiment of it in the Country, in the presence of about Ten Clothiers and Fuller's, and found it to be better Earth for their use than any that those Clothiers or Fuller's had used, upon which Experiments the said Officers brought it on to a Trial in Hillary Term 1692, And notwithstand there were above Twenty Witnesses produced viva voce, and the Clothiers themselves (upon which the Experiments were made) were brought into Court, yet the Jury found it for the Defendant, the colour for the Verdict being, that tho' Scouring Earth was named in the Title, yet it was not in the body of the Act.  
That after this Verdict the Clothiers that were then present Petitioned the Queen in Council to order a Second Trial, upon another of the Ships Loading, and although there were several other Experiments made not only at the same Mills as before, but also in more remote places, (viz.) In Somerset, Gloucester, and Worcestershires; from which places Twenty seven Persons were then also produced, and the clothes upon which the Experiments were made, not withstanding which, yet it had the same fate as the other Trial had, the consequence of which will be very prejudicial not only in its self, but also in the seizures of Wool, and tho' those Officers were able to bear the charge of near three Hundred Pounds, yet it's a great question whether any others will be at such vast expense to adventure to run such risks, for uncertain gain (tho' it hath been familiar to me) which will be very bad to the Nation in the end.  
I shall say the less here upon this head, because I have enlarged upon it elsewhere, wherein also I have in short hinted some of the obstructions and oppositions, I have met withal in this Affair, as those Officers have in this about Earth.  
And tho' I am now growing Old, having spent almost Thirty Year, in the prime and strength of my time, (with much hazard cost and pains) and tho' in reason, I cannot expect myself to live and see its full effects, yet I hope to die in the Faith that others may live to see England again flourish, and yet I would not omit any thing worthy of Imitation tho' in an Enemy, and therefore will relate one project of the French King▪ who hath within this Forty Years caused a Nursery of Young Oaks to be raised in a great part of Britain that are now well grown for a Provision of Shipping against another Generation, which piece of good Husband like policy does both softly call us thither to nip his future Ships in the bud (the same way to beat him at the Sea for hereafter), and loudly upbraids the neligence of us now in England, whose posterity must needs complain of this present Age, that contents its self not with the providence of our Predecessors, but are rather in a prodigal and careless way of destroying that which they took so much care and pains to Erect.  
And then another Advantage France hath over us is to encourage Industry, and discourage the contrary (viz.) to pay well, and punish well, when as the contrary is toomuch in use at this time.  
I dread to name my fears (if we are yet careless) if England that hath been so famous to all the World, should now be given up to ruin, and be a prey to the French King, and thereby a scorn and a by word to the World, by the Evil practices of its own Natives, whereas were we unanimoufly true to our real English Interest against the common Enemy, we need not fear all the World. But on the other hand, if we persist in that careless way, (and prefer private Interest) so much in use amongst us; what misery may be justly expected by us, when we are so insensible of that Train that hath been so long laying by the French King's Interest, to blow up those good Foundations (which have been long laid by our Noble Ancestors) of all our English Liberties, and Properties; or to expose us to a lingering Consumption, by a long and costly War.  
Give me leave here to mention what those persons that are chiefly the Instruments of the great misery we are exposed unto, which consists of three sorts, (viz.) First, Such as are Pensioners to France; Secondly, Such as that nothing is valuable with, or pleasing but French Modes (whose number is too great:) and Thirdly, Such who are employed to convey those Commodities from France, now at this time to England notwithstanding the War, which are all betrayers of their own Country. And tho' this Treachery be pleasing to, and desirable by our Enemies (for which they may well laugh at us,) yet the parties so doing cannot but expect to be hated by our very Enemies, even the French themselves, of which we may observe something of the like in former times (viz.) In the Reign of King John: As that King had entrusted the Defence of the Famous Castle called Valle de Royal in France, (then under the English Government) to two of his Nobles, that he thought he had confidence in, yet those persons, when the French King Philip set down before it, before one Stone of the Castle was shaken, or any of their Men had lost the least hair of their Heads, they Dishonourably Surrendered the Fort; for which Treachery (though so profitable to the Enemy yet) he commanded them to be Fettered in Chains, and basely entreated in close Prisons, till they had dearly redeemed their Liberty. But on the other hand, in that story, 'tis pity to omit an Instance of the Loyalty, Fidelity, and Resolution, of the Lord Delacy, (Governor of another English Garrison in France) who having received of King John the Custody of that goodly Castle Rock Andley, did bravely bear of the Siege, and power of King Philip of France, and his Host, almost a whole Year, yet they could never make entry upon them; but were repulsed with slaughter, till his Provision of Victuals being spent, he called his Soldiers together, encouraging them, that it was more noble for Soldiers to Die Fight than Famishing, and together with their own Lives, to Sacrifice to their Country's Honour, the blood slaughtered Enemies. Whereupon fiercely Sallying forth with his Resolutes, after a bloody shambles, made in the midst of his belegers; he was by Multitude overborn and taken. But in regard of his Exemplary Faith and prowess in maintaining his charge, he was by King Phillip's express command (tho' an Enemy) Honourably used, and without restraint of a Prison; yet this very King Philip (just as Lewis now) shortly after used such Instruments to get other places; that he first corrupts them, that they might corrupt others to defection, with great rewards, and greater promises, that he might in time obtain the English Diadem from King John; (which was very near obtained at that time) in the meantime go Rouen, and so all Normondy, which had been in the hands of the English Kings, (viz.) King John and his Predecessors, about Two hundred Year; and no less Treacherously dealt Philip the French King with them, when he caught them with the Trap of glozing proffers, causing without delay their Cities goodly Walls to be utterly demolished, and giving strict charge never to be built again: It may not be amiss to relate the occasion why Normondy was so soon lost to the French (and thereby afterwards Lewis Phillips Son to come here, as by and by more of Lewis) when King John had notice of the French Kings design on Normondy, he prepared a very great Army, and Ships accordingly to Transport them, and when ready to Embark, Hubert then Bishop of Canterbury (that he might faciliate the French Kings design) prevented that enterprise, threatening Excommunication from his Holiness at Rome, if he attemptsd it: The like have been by some others done, by hindering our attempts upon the French, when opportunities have been offered; but to return by King John's being hindered from going to France, and losing so much expense here, and his Interest in Normondy; by which means and his adhering to Rome, the Baron's War began, which gave opportunity for the French King Philip to put in Execution what he did aim at before, (viz.) The Crown of England, and to that end his Son Lewis (being invited) came over with an Army, and after great destruction by that War, as King John was going from Lynn, in Norfolk to give Lewis Battle, as he was passing the washes in Lincolnshire, with his Army in those Sands, all his Carridges, Treasure, and Provision (himself and his Army hardly escaping) were Irrecoverably lost; many likewise were the grievances into which the Barons the mean while were plunged, to see their Native Country thus horribly Massacreed, their own Castles, and Possessions ruined by the King, and which bred in them most Anxity their Faithful service (in their Faithless adherance) not so respected by Lewis as he and their foreruning hope had promised them, while he conferred only on his French, all such Territories and Castles, as the hand of Victory had lent him, but their distress were yet greater than those their jealousies could comprehend, till a Noble French Man (Vicont de Modan) a Man of great esteem with Lewis, having his Soul in his Sickness deadly wounded with the Sin of his Health, desired private conference on his Deathbed in London, with those English Barons, to whom Lewis had committed the Custody of that City, to whom he imparted, what lamentable desolations, and unsuspected ruins hung over their Heads; for that Lewis with sixteen other his chief Earls and Barons, whereof himself was one, (avowing it on the Salvation of his now departing Soul), had taken an Oath, if ever England's Crown was settled on his Head, to Condemn unto perpetual Exile, all such as now adhered to him against King John, as Traitors to their Sovereign, and all their Kindred in the Land utterly to Extirpate. So Coucelling them timely to prevent their misery, which by the sudden Death of King John, and Crowning Henry the Third was accomplished, and then Lewis was forcest to be gone, which had not King John been taken away so soon, great misery had then befallen England.  
I would upon this occasion crave leave to look back and consider how seasons and opportunities, have been neglected to have given that common Enemy of mankind a very great check, and freed England from those losses, lately in our Turkey Fleet, and and fears of more, who knows how things may be for the future, or who may hereafter call any thing their own, things are so uncertain whether we believe it or no; I wish I may be deceived in my fears.  
I would upon this occasion (as being not Impertinent) recite a passage that the Turkish History affords us; (viz) That at the taking of Constantinople by Mahomet the Great, at which time the Riches of the Conquered were no better than poverty, and beauty worse than deformity; but to speak of the hidden Treasure there found passeth credit. The Turks themselves wondering thereat, whereof if some part had in time been bestowed upon the defence of the City, the Turkish King had not so easily taken both it and the City. But every Man (as now here) was careful how to increase his own private wealth, few or none regarding the public state (its still our case) until in fine every Man with his private abundance, was wrapped together with his needy Neighbour, in the self same common misery; yet the security of the Constantinopolitans was such, that tho' being always environed with their Mortal Enemies, yet had they no care of Fortifying of so much as their inner Wall of the City, but suffered the Officers which had the charge of it to convert the greatest part of the Money into their own Purses, as appears by one Manuel Geogrius, a little before a very poor Man, and likewise by Neophilu an Officer, who had in a short time gathered together Seventy Thousand Florins, which becometh a worthy prey unto the greedy Turks.  
Upon the whole matter I must conclude, that if our Interest, and the Glory of our Nation be things of value, I humbly submit to better Judgements, whether the things before mentioned duly considered, and timely Improved be not the properest way to promote the one, and preserve the other.  
If it be granted by the wisest of Lawyers, that a mischief is better than an Inconvenience, some Men ought (if necessity requires it) to suffer, rather than the whole Nation.  
Supposing also that our Manufactures, and the encouraging of it, is the main and chief (if not the sole and only Interest of the Nation) than no Interest besides can, or aught in reason to to stand in composition with it; which if it should, it is simply impossible, that either our Trade, and Navigation should be preserved, which must and will certainly and effectually bring an utter destruction both to the Commerce, Strength, and Shipping of this Kingdom.  
We have small reason to expect our Neighbours (who are now our Rivals) should help us, or pity us, when we do wilfully contribute to the ruin of ourselves, and may (if we will) either prevent it, or easily remedy it.  
And indeed if our all being at stake (I mean the very Interest of the Nation itself) will not move us to alter our general Temper, I think it would be very Impertinent to insist upon lesser Arguments.  
And therefore, though it would be for the Interest of the Nation greatly, to arrest this occasion (I mean the cheapness of Wool, and War with France) to beat out the French in their Foreign Trade, of our Manufactures, and by underselling them at least abroad.  
And though this might now more easily be done then ever, seeing our Manufacture is Improved of late Tears, in the goodness of it; and might soon (if we would not be wanting to ourselves) be brought to an absolute perfection.  
And though it be but equal and and just to forbid the Commodities of France (had we Peace) who did refuse (before the War) to deal with us for our Woollen Manufactures, or by Exorbitant, and Arbitrary Impositions laid upon them, did in Effect Prohibit them; and though the doing of this, is but agreeable to the Rules of Justice, and to the Laws of Nations, and of Commerce.  
Though also it cannot be denied, that it may be consistent with the public Good of the Nation, to make sumptuary Laws, and to restrain the Excess that is at present amongst us, yet I most humbly crave leave to say, That this is but like the taking much pains, to stop the Leaks of a Barrel, and let the Liquor run out of the Bung, while we neglect the main Foundation, viz, The Public Interest and Benefit of the Common-Weal in general to promote any single and private Design.   

POSTSCRIP.  
AND tho' I have in the foregoing Lines, in general, stated the Gains of France from England, within these Thirty Years; and tho' I have also in short named the County of Kent, by stating a Case to be compared Profit and Loss; yet I shall here crave leave to be more particular therein, Viz.  
That the Cities of Exon and Norwich (alone) Exported to France in Serges, Perpetuanoes, and Stockings, the Value of Five Hundred Thousand Pounds Sterling per Annum; and from Dorsetshire great quantities of Bays and Cottons, not only made in that County, but also in the West of Somerset: And from Southampton great quantities of Cloth-rashes' made there and at Rumsey, were Shipped off to France. From Hull, great quantities of York-shire-Kersies and Lancashire-Bays, were Exported thence, besides what was Shipped off from London, of all those sorts before mentioned, and also Broad Cloth, Welsh Cottons, etc. in so much, that a Merchant of my Acquaintance in that City, had Commission for the buying up the Value of Fifty Thousand Pounds Sterling per Annum; and if One Man had Commission for so much, we may rationally conclude, That others might be considerable, besides our own Merchants in London, that had Factors there in France; all which Trade were lost before the War was begun with that Kingdom, which was principally the Effect of the Exportation of Wool.  
Having been thus particular in the Damage we have already received by France, through our Negligence, I shall also crave leave to give a few Instances amongst many of my Endeavours, to prevent it, viz. That by the Observations I had made in the Year 1667, and part of 68, of the Crafts and Designs of France (as formerly more at large appeareth) I humbly Proposed to the late King Charles the Second, several things that to me seemed the most conducive to hinder so ill an Effect, and to restore our Trade to its former Flourishing Condition; which being referred to the Council for Trade to Examine, they upon hearing of my Proposals, were pleased to Testify their Approbation, by their Report, viz.  

WHEREAS in pursuance of an Order of this Board, of the 20th of November last, Referring to the Council of Trade the Proposols of William Carter, for preventing the Exportation of Wool, the said Council having returned their Report to the Board, That having Discoursed with the said William Carter, and such other Persons, as they thought capable of giving them any good Information, touching this Matter, they find the Exportation of Wool is of a destructive Consequence to the Trade of this Kingdom; and that the same hath grown into Practice, as well by reason of the Doubtfulness and Provisions in the Statute made in the 12th Year of His Majesty's Reign, Prohibiting the Exportation of Wool, as by the Neglect and Remissness of Officers, in not putting the Laws in Execution.  
White-Hall, Council-Chamber, The Second of April, 1669.   
Pursuant to which Report, Sir Olando Bridgman, the Lord-Keeper, in the beginning of the Year, 1669. brought into the House of Lords a Bill to Explain some Words in the Statute of the 12th Car. II. Which are Explained in an Act lately made in the present Reign.  
Which Bill I have Solicited; and during my Attendance, was Informed by One of their Lordships (yet Living) That One Hundred Thousand Pounds were offered for leave to Export Wool to France, which Design tho' (by some lucky Accident) did not take Effect. Yet that Interest so far prevailed, as to get me into Prison, only for Printing some Reasons of my Proceedings, on pretence of wanting the Form of a Licence; and during my Imprisonment, the Bill before mentioned, was so much Clogged as to miscarry; notwithstanding which, I proceeded in the interval of Parliaments to Watch the Sea-Coast; and tho' betwixt the Merchants in Cailice and their Corespondents here, a considerable Purse of Money was Collected, and Lodged at Dover to wage War with me (which I felt to my Cost) yet I so far succeeded, as to put a great stop to that impending Mischief, by discovering divers of the Exporters, and Prosecuting them on Two several Statutes, viz. That of the 12th Car. II. which makes the Forseitures Three Shillings per Pound, besides the Wool; and the other of the 14th of the same King, which makes it Capital; of which I shall here incert an Abstract of of a Report and Certificate, and of a Letter from Flanders, Confirming the Effects of my Prosecution, notwithstanding the Defects of the Laws supposed; and first from a Second Report from the late Lord Chief Baron, Sir Edward Turner, to King Charles the Second, in these Words, viz.  
May it please your most Excellent Majesty, in Obedience to Your Majesty's Second Order of Reference, bearing Date the 20th of December last, I have Considered of the Matter to me Referred, and have Discoursed with the Petitioner about his Charges etc. in Prosecuting the Transporters of Wool; whereby it appears, That during this Four Years last passed, wherein he hath brought into Your Majesty's Exchequer about Eight Hundred Pounds more than in former Years had been Received, but there be many more Informations still depending, if proved, may bring in a greater Sum; but without some Supply at present from Your Majesty, he will not be able to proceed with them.  
January 3. 1671. Edward Turnor.  
Upon which Report I had Three Hundred Pounds paid me towards my former Expense, which was almost Eight Hundred Pounds, of which I then Expended about Two Hundred Pounds in further Prosecutions that Year, some of which were at the Assizes, as appears by the Abstract of a Certificate, viz.  
These are to Certify, That at the General Goal-Delivery holden at Maidstone in the County of Kent, the 12th of March, 1671. Edward Nichols Mariner, was Convicted of Felony for Transporting of Wool. And that on the First Day of August 1672, Thomas Knight, Nicholas Davis, and Thomas Stoner, were Convicted of Felony for the like Offence; and that William Catter did on his Majesty's behalf Attend the respective Trials of the said Nichols, Knight, Davis, and Stoner, for the respective Felons aforesaid, and did manage the Evidences against them, and thereupon cause them to be Prosecuted and Convicted for the said Felons aforesaid.  
Given under my Hand the 22th of April, 1676. Tho. Loe Clerk of the Assizes.  
And as those Persons were Convicted as aforesaid; so there were about Twenty more Continued, and bound over to the next Assizes; but an Act of Grace discharged the said Offenders at that timo; and some Officers Compounding with those Prosecuted in the Exchequer, that gave Encouragement to the Offenders afterwards to continue that evil Practice; but by the aforesaid Prosecutions, a great stop was then made to the said Exportation, as may appear by a Copy of a Letter writ to me from Lille, Dated March 1671/2. viz.  
There is a City not Five Leagues from this, called Tournay, a Place Renowned for the making of all sorts of Stockings of Wool; it's not long ago, since that there was a scarcity of Wool in this Quarter of the Country, and several of those Stocking-Merchants came hither to buy some; I told them, That such Severity was used in England, that People were mad if they did Adventure.  
So that it's apparent, the Law was not so defective as 'tis suggested, but the Prosecution being vigorous, a stop may be made thereunto; as another Instance may be given by and by in the late Reign.  
That upon those Prosecutions, Complaint was made to Monsieur Colbert, by the Woollen-Manufacturers at Lille and Tournay (in French-Flanders) That a stop was put to their Gainful Importation of English and Irish Wool; which being by him represented here in England; the Assistance I had from King Charles, in Vessels at Sea, and Horse, as my Guard at Land, was recalled (as well as my Imprisonment, beforementioned) so I was forced to desist.  
That in the Years 1676 and 1677, the French Interest continued so much to prevail, under a Disguise, That when the Parliament was endeavouring to pass an Act to prohibit all French Commodities, to prevent the Growth of France; nevertheless comes out a Paper in Print to invalidate all my Endeavours, and in the Front of which, I was somewhat Exposed. The Title was, Reasons for a limited Exportation of Wool. The Introduction runs thus, viz. Reflecting upon the great Mijery of this Nation, by the Cheapness of Wool, and thinking of some Remedy, found my Design opposed by several Pamphlets, under the Name of W. C. and chiefty by one he calls England's Interest. I have here endeavoured to winnow his handful of Corn, from abundance of Chaff, I replied (as before hinted) and frustrated that Design at that time; as also another Design the following Year, in lessening the Penalties of former Acts.  
In the Year 1684, I was again importuned by divers Eminent Merchants, Factors and Clothiers, to proceed in that Service; and tho' those great Oppostions I met with, were a sufficient Discouragement, yet I proceeded, and by my Care, a considerable Check was given to those Evils, in causing near 300 bags of Wool to be Seized and Condemned, and much more cast overboard into the Sea, and Twenty Freuch Vessels, besides some English, to be also Taken and Condemned; insomuch, that Wool rise at that time in Calais, above 30 per Cent. which occasioned a further Complaint against me from the French Ambassador, to the late King James, who was pleased himself to tell me of it, and to heat my Answer to that Charge, as before appears.  
That afterwards, continuing to Prosecute some of the Exporters, I was Assaulted in my Lodgings at Rumney and Lidd, Two several Nights, one after another, and some of my Men dangerously Wounded; and the Day following, going to Rye, was pursued by above One Hundred Horsemen, and was forced to leave my Horses on the Seaside, where One was killed, and the rest taken, and myself and Men narrowly Escaping, as appears by the following Affidavits  

ABSTRACTS of the Affidavits of several Persons Employed to prevent the Transportation of WOOL, etc.  
JAMES WEBB and John Edward's, being Employed to prevent the Transportation of Wool, was on the 11th instant December, required to Execute a Warrant from the Lord Chief Justice, against several Exporters, living in and about Rumney, and afterwards being informed, that there was designed that Night 30 packs of Wool to be shipped off, of which they designed to Seize; but to prevent their Intentions, these Deponents, with some others, were Arrested with feigned Actions: That on the 12th came about Twenty of the Exporters with Arms, being led on by John Slaughter, one of the Persons taken up the Day before, on the said Warrant, and bound over to the Assizes; upon which Mr. Carter sent to the Mayor to disperfe those Persons, and keep the Peace; which Mayor being a Favourer of the said Exporters, refused, so we was forced to keep our Lodging for several hours, till one of the Jurats, and a former Dealer with Mr. Carter had prevailed with the Mayor, to disperse the said Slaughter and Company, and then we went to Lydd, where they were Assaulted twice that Evening, and some of us dangerously Wounded; and afterwards about Twelve a Clock that Night, came to our Lodging a great Company, both of Horse and Foot, firing several Shot, and threatening of us; and had not Mr. Carter dissuaded us from firing upon them, there had been much Blood spilt that Night.  
The next Day, these Deponents, with Mr. Carter and Company, were pursued towards Rye, by a great many Horsemen; and had not there been Boats to take them in, we might have been destroyed. John Edward's farther saith, There being two of our Company left with the Horses to go over the Ferry, were pursued by the Horsemen, which forced those Men to get into a Boat, and leave the Horses on the Beach; one of which were killed, and the rest taken.  
James Atkins saith, That he saw a party of Horse, the 13th instant December, follow Mr. Carter and his Assistance, intending, as he believeth, to do some Mischief to them; for that they fired at them, as they got into a Boat, some of the Bullets dropping by the Boatside.  
John Syer Mariner, maketh Oath, That being Employed in a Vessel to prevent the Exportation of Wool, was on the 12th of this instant December, required with others, to Assist in the Execution of the Lord Chief Justices' Warrant against several Exporters of Wool, living at Rumney, came that Day to jadd, in order to go to Rye, on board their Vessel then lying at Anchor there, and about height or Nine of the Clock that Night, at the request of Mr. Carter, were going towards the Seaside, to p-event the Exportation of Wool, intended to be then Transported, and as this Deponent and Company were going through the Street, they were set upon by several Persons unknown, by whom some of us were Wounded after which time a great Number of Men came to our Lodging, firing several times at us, and also threatening of us.  
And the next Day was pursued by a great Number of Horsemen Armed; and had not the Boats belonging to several Vessels taken us in, we might have been all destroyed.  
Randal Gossey maketh Oath, That on the 13th instant December, there being a great Body of Horse on the Camber near Rye, the Magistrates sent some Persons in a Boat, to discover who they were, and understood they intended some Mischief to Mr. William Carter, and his Assistance, who had taken up some Persons for Transportation of Wool; these Horsemen following them so fast, that Mr. Carter's Men could not get their Horses over the Ferry, but left them on the Camber-Point; and being afterwards sent by the said Mr. Carter to look after the Horses, went as far as Lidd, where one Slaughter owned the Horses to be in his Custody, and would keep them for Damages pretended to be done him by the said Mr. Carter; And further said, that his Name was Slaughter, and a Slaughter he should find of him; and that others then in Company of the said Slaughter said, That they would Secure his Body, and some others his Soul; for that neither was his own.  
Jurat coram me Tresime, Die Decembres Anno. Dom. 1688. John Spain Mayor  
These are all True Copies of the Original upon Record, here Examined by me Henry Darington Town-Clerk, and Public Notary of the Ancient Town of Rye, in Sussex.  
This Deponent maketh Oath, That upon the 13th Day of December 1688, He was importuned by James Hunt and other Transporters of Wool about Rumney, to pursue Mr. William Carter, who suddenly after met with a great Number of Men, about One Hundred, who went after the said Mr. Carter and his Men towards Rye; and had they not gone into some Boats, Mr. Carter would have received some hurt; for many of the Exporters were Desperate Fellows, not caring what Mischief they did.  
William Ralph. Jurat coram Jo Moor, Mayor, Septemb. 1. 1690.   

THese are to Certify, That the aforesaid Affidavits are all True, being present, and an Eye Witness of all those Transactions: For that I going along with Mr. Carter from London, to assist him in the execution of the Lord Chief Justices' Warrant against several Persons which were taken in the Fact, as they were going to Export Wool in the Nighttime; some of whom, to free themselves, discovered others, to the number of about Twenty: And whereas it was a very difficult thing to take up those Persons, they generally having the Countenance of their Neighbourhood, the said Mr. Carter, having several Vessels under his Charge and Care to look after, and prevent the said Exportation, some of them Riding near Rye, he directed about Twelve Seamen to meet him at Rumny, and to come in there Four in a Company in the Nighttime, to keep his Design private, and the next Morning placed Two at each Door, in the Street, to prevent the Escape of the Offenders, and then required the Constable to keep the Peace in the Execution of the said Warrant, which was the occasion of the Mayor being a Favourite of the Offenders, refusing to take Notice of the Persons that came the next Day to Assault Mr. Carter and his Company, being led on by John Slaughter, one of the Persons bound over to the Assize, who had the Repute of a very dangerous and desperate Man, and an old Transporter; and the Night after, the Exporters were bound over to the said Assize, he was endeavouring to cause a Mutiny amongst the Seamen Employed by Mr. Carter.  
The next Day when we were preparing to leave Rumney and go to Rye, the said Slaughter, with his Assistance beforementioned, in James Webb and John Edward's Affidaved we were forced to stay about six hours in Rumney, before we could stir out of our Lodging, and then it was we escaped, by the Interest Mr. Carter had in one of the Magistrates that he had formerly dealed with for Wool; and when we came to Lidd, the same Evening, being not above three Miles from Rumney, we met with some Persons near the Town, Riding out, which we understood were preparing for Transportation of Wool that Night, which afterwards proved true; for when the time came, about Eight or Nine a Clock, our Company went out, some on Horseback and some on Foot, designing to go to the Seaside and endeavour to prevent them; and as soon as we were out of our Lodging, we were fired at by several Persons unknown, and myself being upon Mr. Carter's Horse (which was well known) was in particular shot at, but they missed me, the Bullets coming over my Head, which we saw the next Day fixed in a Beam of the Barn, several of our Company being Wounded: Mr. Carter dissuaded us from going further at that time, because they knew our Strength, but we did not know theirs; so they had the liberty to accomplish their Design that Night, and at their return from their Work, about Twelve of the Clock that Night, their Company then appearing by the very Light that their firing made, to be a far greater Company than ours; nevertheless, if Mr. Carter had not then used some Arguments to the Seamen he had for his Assistance, they would have been Revenged for the Wounds they had received the Evening before, though they had lost their Lives in it; for those Exporters Challenged us, saying, Come out you Dogs, the Owls (viz) the Wool-Flyes. The next Morning Mr. Carter. having sent to some of the Houses of those Persons he was informed were the Offenders, and found their Horses in the Stables, and the Boots lying very Dirty, concluded they were in Bed, so we hasted away altogether, till we came near the Seaside, and then Mr. Carter and James Web, beforenamed, and myself, did Ride before (leaving Two Horses to carry the Wounded Men) that the Boats might be ready to take them in belonging to the Ships, and myself and one more stayed with the Horses to go to the Ferry; but so it fell out, that we Riding by the Seaside, saw a Hogshead floating, which we got upon shore, which proved to be White-Wine, which was advantageous to us; that tho' our men had broached it, yet their Company that followed, stayed to drink it up, by which means all got into Boats, but myself, and he with me that had the Horses, very narrowly escaping; for we had not time to take off all the Saddles and Bridles, our Adversaries firing at us, the Bullets falling by the Boatside, whereby we were forced to leave our Horses, being Five, to their mercy, who killed one of them which could not leap, the rest got away, but were afterwards taken by them, and kept for some time, till the Mayor of Rye wrote to them about it, and so we had our Horses again much hurt. Afterwards Mr. Carter having discovered many of those Rioters, Indicted them at the next Assizes, and the Bill was found against them; but before next Assize, an Act of Grace past, after which time when they were Discharged by the Act of Grace and Pardon, they Imprisoned several of those Persons Employed to prevent Exportation of Wool, on frivolous pretences, and detained them a long time before they could be removed by Habeus Corpus, one of which being my own Brother, who fell Sick and Lame, during his Abode in that Country, and is since Dead; and others undone, and forced to quit this Service.  
ROBERT TOOKET.   
FINIS.