Her Royal Highness Mary of Esté Duchess of Albany and York.    

THE HISTORY OF THE House of Esté, From the time of Forrestus until the Death of Alphonsus the last Duke of Ferrara: With an Account of the pretended devolution of that Duchy unjustly usurped by Clement VIII. Wherein likewise the most considerable Revolutions of Italy from the year 452. to the year 1598. are briefly touched.  
LONDON, Printed by J. M. for Rich. Chiswell at the Rose and Crown in St Paul's Churchyard, M DC LXXXI.   

TO HER Royal Highness MARY of ESTE Duchess of ALBANY, etc.  
Madam,  
THe Zeal I find run through the whole Nation to express its high value for your Royal Highness, has begot in me an ambition to promote so Noble a Design; and since the appearance of so mean a person at Court could add nothing to its Lustre, I have set my thoughts at work how to contribute somewhat towards it in my retirement.  
At Your first coming among us, our Loyalty to our Sovereign, and our Duty to his only Brother, disposed us to do every thing in our power that might be acceptable to so great a Princess: But Your Royal Highness' condescending to the simplicity in which we live, Your affable deportment towards all that have the honour to come near Your Person, and Your seeming pleased with our weak endeavours to serve You, do justly challenge that respect as due now to Yourself, which we must however have paid to Your Quality.  
When we reflected how long we had been strangers to a Court, we could not but think ourselves ill fitted to receive a Princess Born and Bred in the Paradise of the World; One whom the Greatest Courts of Christendom had admired, and who had been used to nothing below the best of our British Accommodation: only as we then knew Your Royal Highness came prepared to bear with the plainness of a Northern Climate; so we since find you are in some measure delighted with it: and we begin to flatter ourselves, that the happiness of so illustrious a Guest, which was procured to us at first by Your Obedience, is now continued to us by your choice.  
These things having already gained Your Royal Highness the hearts of all this Kingdom, I thought I could not employ myself better than in endeavouring to confirm our Veneration for Your person, by an account of Your Family; and as we easily imagined it to be no Ordinary One, so upon an exact search, I find that Italy has nothing more Ancient or Great to boast of.  
Your Heroic Ancestors have been shares in all the Memorable Transactions of Italy these twelve hundred years and upward: They have oftener than once rescued it from the Barbarous Nations; their Reputation for great Generals has set them since on the Head of most of the considerable Armies of Lombardy, and no Blood has been more prodigally sacrificed in their National Quarrels, than that of Esté. Nor has Italy alone been the Theatre of their Glorious Actions, or the Seat of their Greatness; Germany is able to bear testimony of both. The Ancient Dukes of Bavaria, so famous in History, were Princes of Esté; and their Offspring, the present Dukes of Brunswick and Lunenburgh, who in Birth yield to no German, and who have had the Imperial Crown in their Family, yet seem to glory, Madam, in their being descended of Yours. To all this we must add the great Alliances by which the Princes of Your most Serene Family have wisely kept up their Grandeur, as appears by their matching into the Houses of Austria, of France, and of Arragon, and to most of the Royal Families of Europe; so that I may with much assurance say, That there is no Nobler Blood in Christendom than what runs in Your Royal Highness' Veins, and that the Greatness of Your Birth is not inferior to that of Your Condition, it being but suitable that a Princess of a Family next in Dignity to those of Crowned heads, should be set next a Throne.  
So great an Argument deserved, I confess, to have been managed by a better Pen; yet how much soever it may suffer in my hands, I am infinitely beholden to the negligence of others, that reserved to me the honour of paying You this Tribute, which I offer with all humility to Your Royal Highness. If you vouchsafe it Your Gracious Acceptance, my Pains are excessively rewarded, and I shall hereafter glory in what I dare not yet own without rashness; for seeing the work is more likely to lose than gain reputation by so obscure an Author, I have not the confidence to make myself public by any other Name, than that of being,  
MADAM, Your Royal Highness' most humble, most obedient, and most dutiful Servant.   

THE PREFACE.  
AS the Invention of Printing proved very Instrumental towards the rescue of the world from the Ignorance which overrun it in former Ages; so the great excesses of the Press at present are like to give a deadly blow to all manner of Learning. When the hard purchase of good Manuscripts had made, that Knowledge was long engrossed into a few, and those but ill hands; no wonder, if upon the Presses enlightening Europe, its productions were received with greediness: News from the Fairs of Francfort were then as curiously enquired after, as we in this Politic and busy Age do after intrigues of State. Ancient Authors purged from the rubbish of illiterate Copyists were published with great care; every year likewise brought forth some new Piece of solid Learning, and our Fathers in little more than one Century retrieved what their Ancestors had lost in many.  
But men grew soon weary of so much application, and resolved either to attain unto Knowledge upon easier terms or not at all; whereupon the French, who pretend to give Laws to the world in every thing, have set up a modish sort of compendious Learning, which requires no great study, as it gives no deep impression; and thus have loaded us with a vast number of empty Books: and though it must be allowed they have given us some incomparable pieces of late upon several Arguments; yet these bearing no proportion in number to the others which are more commonly put into stranger's hands, they have the ill luck to pass generally for superficial Authors. In our Neighbour Nation the Politics are so in vogue, and so much money and time is consumed in them, that any thing of more valuable Learning is too much laid aside: their Term Catalogues are stuffed with idle Pamphlets; it is thought but a barren week that brings not more than one Treatise to light; nay, I am informed they are now come to that pitch, that the Curious must be with their Bookseller once a day to see what new things are come out that morning: and most of these like Mushrooms, as they are hatched in one day or week at most, so they seldom survive another, and then like things antiquated and out of date, they are justly condemned for waste paper. So that by the constant recruits of these ill digested pieces, which are set off with all the advantages of specious Titles, men scarce know what to read; and many being drawn in by such charms, and finding afterwards by their ill choice much of their time misemployed, are too apt to conceive a prejudice against all Books. In short, Printing being now a Trade upon which a great many others depend; and the Stationers who manage it, looking no further than their present advantage, there is just ground given us to apprehend, that this ungoverned Licence of the Press may bring the next Age under as great an aversion for Books, as the former had curiosity about them.  
The world being thus overstocked in Authors, and most men thinking themselves imperfect in their profession till they make a shift to be in print, it may seem strange that here among us We contribute so little towards this general abuse, and are so far from this vanity, that like people bred long in the Country we have not confidence to appear in the crowd, even when we are invited to it; but suffer the Press to lie idle, as if we were resolved by our obstinate silence to let the world grow unacquainted with us, and after this manner to lose the reputation we once had for Learning and vivacity of Spirit.  
When Learning was restored, and men began to have a more refined taste of Books, our Nation produced some who did advance as early towards the ancient Purity of Writing as any other, the Italians only excepted. Hector Boethius if he had not been obscured by greater Lights that came after him, had passed for no ordinary man: It is true, his too much affecting to imitate Livy, put him often upon making long dull speeches in Councils and Armies; and the humour of that age being no less for believing and reporting extravagant things than the Heathens were, he almost outdoes Livy in relating unusual, if not incredible events: yet with all that alloy it cannot be denied that he writ as well as any of his Contemporaries. Next to Boethius comes Lesly, whose temper and way of writing are excellent, only his style, though in the main strokes it be good, yet in many places wants finishing, and is not altogether free from errors. Buchanan excelled not only all that went before him in his own Country, but had scarce his Equal in that Learned Age wherein he lived; he spent the first flame and rage of his fancy in Poetry, in which whether he did imitate Virgil in Heroics, Ovid in Elegiacks, Lucretius in writing Philosophy, Seneca in Tragedies, Martial in Epigrams, or Harace and Juvenal in Satyrs, he copied after those great Masters so perfectly, that nothing ever approached nearer the Original; and his Immortal Paraphrase on the Psalms doth show, that neither the constraint of a limited matter, the darkness of expression, nor the frequent returns of the same or the like phrases could confine or exhaust that vast Genius. At last, in his old age, when his thoughts were purified by long reflection and business, and a true judgement came in the room of one of the richest Fancies that ever▪ was, he wrote our History with such beauty of style, easiness of expression, and exactness in all its parts, that no Service nor Honour could have been done the Nation like it, had he ended so Noble a Work as he began and carried it on till King James the fifth's death: but being unhappily engaged in a Faction, and resentments working violently upon him, he suffered himself to be so strangely biased, that in the relations he gives of many of the transactions of his own time, he may rather pass for a Satirist than an Historian: Notwithstanding this great blemish, few durst venture to continue so elaborate a Work, or write of our Affairs after him; yet this must be said of Johnston, that nothing makes him so little considered as his coming after Buchanan. Dempster was like to have escaped me, who of all others shows the greatest zeal and industry in recovering every fragment of Antiquity, which may either help to illustrate the darker Ages of our Church, or raise the Glory of our Nation; but a strain of bigotry that runs through every Line of him, doth much weaken his Authority amongst us. In our own Language Drummond, if his inclinations to Poetry had not carried him too far in a florid way of writing, had been more deservedly valued: But Archbishop Spot swood by affecting the other extreme, and using an inimitable plainness of style, has something in him that is great, and takes highly with all discerning people.  
I only mention those who have done themselves and their Country credit bywriting of our own Affairs; for if with the two Barclays, whom France doth envy us, and the wonderful Creighton whom Italy cherished and admired as a second Picus, I should bring in those of our Nation that have been eminently Learned in their several Professions, they would make a pompous show: But I confess I can take no pleasure in numbering up our Glorious Ancestors, or in boasting of our past merits, being truly sensible how unhappy we have been of late. We meet with none of our refined Wits in the Courts abroad, nor of our Eminent Professors in their Universities to welcome us in our travels, as formerly; and the learned men we have at home will only be known for such to their friends in confidence, as if there were danger in their being discovered. And while the French and English by a fondness natural to most People, admire too much their own Writers; we seem to be without the reach of this temptation: for except one Noble Lawyer, whom his own Elegant Pen doth commend much beyond any thing I am able to say, and one Extraordinary Divine, who having gratefully sacrificed the first-fruits of his labours to his own Country, has since deserved of our Neighbours to be advanced amongst their choicest Historians; We have not, that I know of, any else whom we can with any reason admire. It may therefore be no improper part of a Preface, to consider what should bring us under such a scarcity of Writers, when all other Nations seem to be cloyed with too great abundance.  
I should be thought an ill Apologist for my Country, and a worse Arguer, to insist much upon the coldness of the Climate, or the barrenness of the soil, which have been the same in our most flourishing condition: But there are two things remarkable in our present Circumstances, which I shall presume to offer, as the true reasons of the decrease of Learned Writers amongst us: The one is, that Divines, who have in all Ages been the chief Preservers and Improvers of Knowledge, are here so unhappily distracted by the divisions now on foot, that they have no heart to undertake or advance any considerable design in Learning. When controversies arise that give occasion to great and solid debates, these quicken the industry of the contending Parties to discover such things as may be for the advantage of their cause: but as our differences are such as can never admit of a Learned Confutation, so there is no encouragement for any man to go about it who knows our present temper. For it is plain, that an obstinate resolution to continue the breach, scorns to yield to the strongest conviction of reason; yet this unaccountable Schism has raised so violent heats, and brought our Clergy under such contempt, that we cannot reasonably expect great things from them; and which is indeed more deplorable, men of better Genius's, seeing the difficulties with which they struggle, do follow other employments: so that if our condition be bad on this account in the present Age, it is like to be worse in the next. Besides, though great care has been taken in the Constitution of our Church to preserve the inferior Clergy from poverty; yet there are not those advantages of Books and privacy for encouraging extraordinary persons in their studies, with which other Nations abound.  
But that which beyond all other things has set us so far back in learning, is our having no more the great incitements, which a Courts residing among us would afford: We do indeed rejoice with our King that his Empire is so considerably enlarged by the accession of a double Crown; we acknowledge also with all grateful Duty, that our Princes indulgent tenderness for their Ancient and Native Kingdom ever since their departure, has made them careful to continue to us our former happiness in every thing save in their Royal presence. They have left their Revenue to circulate among us for the support of the Government, they have never given us up to the uneasy domination of Strangers, under which we sufficiently smarted in the short time of our Union with France; we have been admitted to a share in the best Offices of England and Ireland, and made no small part of our Prince's Court; and if of late for want of paying our attendance there, we are not so frequently advanced to high Stations, yet we are sensible that all the trusts, honours and advantages of our own Country remain entire in our hands, so that no additional Kingdom, no not Arragon itself, with all its high privileges, has less reason to complain.  
But after all this and much more that might be added of the Justice and Goodness of our three last Kings, which well deserve the enlargements of a Nobler Pen, we are still unhappy, because deprived by our Prince's absence of all the advantages that accrue to Learning from the nearness of a Court: We have no foreign Ministers among us, nor send we any beyond Sea, by which we might keep correspondence with the world abroad; strangers now have no occasion to come within our borders and we seem to be in all respects cut off from the Society of Mankind: We complain not of Nature for casting us into a corner of the world, into a lean soil, and a Climate remote from the Sun; it is our King's distance from us we more heartily lament than the Suns: His Ancestors benign influence made us easy under all the inconveniencies Nature exposed us to, and his person is a happiness which we envy our Neighbours much more than their southern situation. The chief reason then why we languish in Virtue, and the Muses grow barren among us, is, because of late we neither feel the dew, nor the warmth of Royal Patronage; for certainly nothing can give so effectual a check to great and aspiring minds, or keep them from that generous Contest, who shall deserve best of the Government by any Learned undertaking, as to see themselves almost without the reach both of the Prince's eye and of his hand.  
Of all this the following History gives us a signal instance. While Ferrara was happy in its Dukes and their Court, it was one of the Noblest places of Italy, Learning had such encouragement there, that not only the Natives saw their Interest in studying, but strangers from all places were attracted by the bounty of those Princes. When Rome did most shamefully neglect the Greek Professors, Ferrara and Florence cherished them, and to the glorious protection of the most Serene House of Esté, and that of Medici, Italy chiefly owed its increase of knowledge: But since by the Pope's unjust usurpation Ferrara is turned an accessary principality to that which is called St Peter's Patrimony, the world hears no more news from thence; that University which was formerly so Famous is seldom now mentioned, and the spirits of the Inhabitants are sunk with their City almost into rubbish.  
Having thus pointed at what a better Writer could more fully describe concerning the true causes of the decay of Learning amongst us, I now come to give an account of the Reasons and Design of my present undertaking. I observed that the English had taken care to furnish us by way of Translation with the general Histories of Countries, but lesser Principalities lay still neglected, tho' in such we often meet with curious and great transactions that are not commonly known. After I had therefore resolved to make some attempt of this kind, my acquaintance with Italian Authors inclined me most to Italy, which has always been the Theatre of the most memorable Actions; and there the Princes of Este presented themselves as best deserving my pains, in regard of the great influence they have had upon the Affairs of that Country for many Ages: but that which fully determined my choice was a hearty desire of making some small acknowledgement of the Honour which her Royal Highness the Duchess of Albany now does our Nation; and I had reason to believe that nothing could be more grateful to my Countrymen, or more suitable to the Veneration they have for her Highness, than an account of that Illustrious Race of Princes, of whom she is descended. I have affected the simplicity of an Historical style, which next to fidelity and exactness, I look on as the chief Ornament of such a Work. After perusing carefully all the Historians of the Family, I chiefly consulted Sigonius, Jovius and Guicciardin, and found some trouble in digesting my matter into so short a compass. If I am approved of by judicious or discerning persons, so that this Essay is favourably received, it will encourage me to go on with the second part, where together with what immediately relates to the Dukes of Modena, I shall take occasion to treat more largely than hitherto I have done, of what has passed of late in those parts; but if I have the luck to be little read, or much censured, as this is my first Essay, so it is like to be my last.   

THE CONTENTS.  

CHAP. I. THe Rise of the House of Esté, and the share it bore in the great Occurrences of Italy, during the Invasion of the Huns, Vandals, Alains, Herules, and Ostrogoths. Pag. 1  
CHAP. II. The progress of the Family under the Reign of the Lombard's. p. 12  
CHAP. III. The advancement of the Family under Charles the Great and his Successors, until the settlement of the Imperial Crown upon Otho the first. p. 22  
CHAP. IV. The most Remarkable Actions of the Counts of Esté from Otho the Great to Henry the third. p. 41  
CHAP. V. The most material passages of the Life of Azo the fifth, and of Matildis Countess of Esté. p. 58  
CHAP. VI An Account of what past, as well in the German as in the Italian branch of the Family from the death of Matildis, till Otho of Esté Duke of Brunswick was chosen Emperor: p. 87  
CHAP. VII. The irreconcilable differences of the Guelphs and Gibellins, with the Marquis of Esté's getting Ferrara, and the death of the most infamous Tyrant Actiolin, and of his Brother Albericus. p. 118  
CHAP. VIII. A continuation of the differences betwixt the Guelphs and Gibellins until the death of Rinaldus the second. p. 141  
CHAP. IX. A brief account of what passed in Lombardy from Opizo's advancement till that of Borsius the first Duke of Ferrara, and of the Council held at Ferrara, to unite the Greek and Latin Churches, under Eugenius the fourth; with several other memorable transactions. p. 161  
CHAP. X. The Life of Borsius the first Duke of Ferrara and Modena. p. 189  
CHAP. XI. The Life of Hercules the first, the second Duke of Ferrara, etc. p. 201  
CHAP. XII. The Life of Alphonsus the first, the third Duke of Ferrara. p. 213  
CHAP. XIII. The Life of Hercules the second, the fourth Duke of Ferrara. p. 226  
CHAP. XIV. The Life of Alphonsus the second, the fifth and last Duke of Ferrara. p. 233  
CHAP. XV. The pretended devolution of the Duchy of Ferrara, Clement the Eights manner of proceeding with Duke Caesar, and his retirement to Modena. p. 247  
Ristretto delle Ragioni che la Serenissima Casa d'Esté, etc. p. 267  
An Abstract of the Rights of the most Serene House of Esté, against the Apostolical Chamber in the time of Urban the 8th, by which it will appear, that Clement the Eights pretence for seizing upon Duke Caesar's Territories was most weak and unreasonable. p. 279    

ERRATA.  
PAge 26. line 1. read, could have been, p. 35. l. 19 r. Gisela, p. 43. l. 8. r. Otho, p. 44. l. 8. r. Almericus, p. 47. l. 23. r. formed so strong, p. 75. l. 18. r. afterwards have enjoyed, p. 93. l. 22. for and r. while, p. 96. l. 1. r. affecting, p. 103. l. 21. r. he having, p. 104. l. 22. for standing r. stood, p. 111. l. 19 r. to declare for, p. 124. l. 4. r. but that the, p. 124. l. 5. r. should not, p. 127. l. 28. r. his own ruin, p. 128. l. 8. r. Legate and Count Boniface, p. 129. l. 4. r. Marquis, p. 132. l. 17. r. to form, p. 138. l. 23. r. but being, p. 139. l. 20. for that r. until, l. 26. after injured r. was so great that, p. 139. l. 25. r. done to satisfy the vengeance, p. 160. l. 10. r. this as necessary to, p. 165. l. 25. for himself r. him, p. 168. l. 4. r. who was, p. 170. l. 13. r. Belluno, p. 170. l. 23. for coming r. came, p. 170. l. 25. r. and turned, p. 170. l. 26. for and put r. putting, p. 173. l. 17. r. Sforza, p. 184. l. 9 r. Saluzzo's, p. 191. l. 25. r. sat upon, p. 192. l. 1. r. who were placed, p. 200. l. 3. r. sick persons, p. 207. l. 23. r. King at Alexandria, p. 209. l. 25. r. Francis Rangoni, p. 214. l. 18. r. so prevented, p. 246. l. 14. after Court put a full point (.) l. 18. after Court deal (:) p. 258. l. 26. for decreed r. desired.   
THE HISTORY OF THE House of Esté.  

CHAP. I.  
The rise of the House of Esté, and the share it bore in the great Occurrences of Italy, during the Invasions of the Huns, Vandals, Alains, Herules, and Ostrogoths.  
NEAR the Euganean Hills, betwixt Verona and Padova, lies Esté, a place of some account with the Romans, but better known since their times for giving the denomination to the most illustrious Family of which I am now to treat. The Atii if we give credit to ancient Records, retired from Rome while yet a Republic, and settling here, laid the foundation of their future Greatness under the Emperor's long before the barbarous Nations attempted the Conquest of Italy. But lest by going too far back we be apt to mistake the way, where so few footsteps remain to direct us, I shall begin only about the middle of the fifth Century, whence the prospect downward is clearer; and do judge this sufficient to assert the antiquity of the House of Esté, without borrowing the help of doubtful conjectures to raise it higher.  
Anno Christi 452 The News of Atila's March towards Italy, made those who were most in danger, think of putting themselves in some posture of defence; and the general rendezvous being appointed at Padova, the first man that appeared there with any considerable Train, was Forestus of Esté, whose forwardness we find rewarded with the Command of the Forces sent to relieve Aquileia. In his March thither he put sixteen thousand Huns to flight, by whom Atila having notice of his approach, and guessing at his Design, did what he could to prevent him: But Forestus, animated by his former success, forced his passage through some part of the Army, and got safe into the City with the choicest of his Troops. His courage and vigilance at first disappointed Atila in all his attempts, till in a Sally, by the treachery of some of his Soldiers, he was drawn into an ambush, where it is believed he fell by Atila's own hand.  
His Son Acarinus equally concerned to defend his Country, and revenge Forestus' death, brought such supplies to the besieged as helped to delay the Fate of the City; but famine and the Besiegers obstinacy cutting off at length all hopes of deliverance, after a long and vigorous resistance they retired by night to Grado, where they were scarce well arrived, when the flames began to appear that in a few hours buried Aquileia in its Ashes, as a lasting Monument of Atila's cruelty.  
The next place of importance after Aquileia was Altinum, built upon the Brink of the Adriatic, which Atila presently gave order to block up: yet his great expedition could not keep Acarinus from supplying it with men and provision, nor from going thither in person to see that nothing were wanting for its defence: but finding all endeavours prove ineffectual, he got together what Boats and Shallops the neighbouring Villages afforded and conveyed the Inhabitants safe to the Islands of Boran, Mazorbo and Torcello, leaving the bare Walls to the mercy of the Conqueror who treated Altinum as he had done Aquileia.  
Those of Treviso, Padova, and Vicenza, not willing to trust Atila's clemency, nor yet in a condition to resist him, were advised by Acarinus to shelter themselves at Malamoco and several other little Islands near enough to be furnished with necessaries from the Land, and yet secure from the Huns attacks; and he himself perceiving how successful he had been in advising his Neighbours, thought it high time to provide for the safety of those who were more immediately under his care and protection, returning therefore to Esté before the Huns could reach it, he conducted his people to Palestrina, and Chiozza, near the mouth of the Po  
Every place afterwards yielding to Atila's victorious Army, the Country was soon overrun; and he loaded with the spoils of so many Cities, thought fit to go home, and disburden himself, resolving to return the next year; but a sudden Death occasioned, as some say, by poison; or as others, by drunkenness; put a stop to this torrent, freed Italy from the apprehension ofa second invasion, and the World from such a scourge of God's wrath as former Ages had not felt.  
This drew Acarinus back to Esté with thoughts to repair the Walls, had not fresh troubles diverted him. The Empress, full of resentment against Maximus for procuring the death of her Husband Valentinian the III. called in Genserick King of the Vandals, who waited only for such an invitation. Wherever the Vandals came they left greater marks of their cruelty than ever the Huns had done; the only comfort was, they made no long stay, but went back into afric, and in requital of the Empresses kindness carried her and her two Daughters with them as Trophies of their Victory.  
Italy had not time to breathe after such a terrible blow when the Alains who had hitherto contained themselves in France and Spain, crossed the Alps to seize upon what the Vandals Anno Christi 461 had left; the people therefore whom Acarinus had made retire unto the Islands of the Adriatic, finding things every day grow worse, chose rather to struggle with the inconveniences of those barren habitations than to be exposed to fresh dangers; and then did the repeated Calamities of Italy give the first beginnings to the City and Republic of Venice, which have since proved its greatest Ornament, as well as the maintainer of its Liberty: So that in this alone Italy must own itself sufficiently rewarded for what it then suffered, and all may here trace the admirable methods of Divine Providence, which made use of those barbarous Nations to raise this bulwark for after Ages against the encroaching greatness of the Ottoman Power, more formidable to Italy and to all Christendom than ever were Huns, Vandals or Alains.  
But to return to Acarinus, his merit was now too well known to be long without employment. Severianus the Emperor having raised an Army to chase away the Alains, made Richimer Commander in chief, and Acarinus General of the Horse, the next place in dignity and trust under him; and in this he did behave himself so well, that the success of that great battle near Bergamo, in which the King of the Alains was killed, his Army irrecoverably lost, and Italy thereby once more freed from slavery was chiefly due to Acarinus' conduct. Whereupon he was made Governor of all beyond the River Athesis, as the fittest person to guard the Frontiers against the barbarous Anno Christi 471 Nations which commonly made their inroads that way.  
All the rest of his life he enjoyed this great trust which few had either merit or courage to aspire to; at last Odoacer King of the Herules considering to what a weak pass the Empire was brought, ventured to tread the footsteps of the Alains, and found Acarinus ready to oppose him. After several skirmishes they came to a general Engagement, not far from Lode, where Acarinus, overpowered by number, and refusing to yield, sealed all his generous undertake for his Country with his life. He being killed, Odoacer met with little more resistance; but having taken Augustulus Prisoner, he became Master of Italy. And thus was the Western Empire utterly abolished, which by Foreign Invasions and Civil Broils had been in a languishing condition of a long time.  
Acarinus had two Wives, the former was Gardena Queen of Damascus, who accompanying Atila in his Expedition was persuaded to exchange her Crown for the Christian Religion. By her he had Atius, so named from his Family; and by a second Wife he had Constantius.  
Though Odoacer's Government proved more gentle than was expected, yet Atius (or Azo, a great name since in the House of Este) and his Brother Constantius, not thinking themselves secure, retired into Germany; and coming into the Court of Theodo Duke of Bavaria, had a reception from him full of respect and kindness, Anno Christi 481 which he afterwards confirmed by the Marriage of his Daughter to Azo.  
When Zeno was created Emperor of the East, as he was concerned for his Title to Italy, though not able to make it good, so being willing likewise to find employment for a Warlike Prince abroad, whom he looked upon as a dangerous Neighbour, he declared Theodorick King of the Ostrogoths his General against Odoacer. Theodorick clothed in this Expedition with the Emperor's Authority found many Friends, and none more zealous than Azo and Constantius. In the three several Battles where Odoacer was overthrown, and at the Siege of Ravenna, where he was glad to yield up a part of his Kingdom to save the rest. These two Brothers were eminently Anno Christi 491 serviceable to Theodorick; and as he had found them most active in his Establishment, so in his long and glorious Reign none shared deeper in his favour and bounty than both of them did.  
In the life of Azo we find little afterwards remarkable, but his Brother's last action, far surpassed all that he had formerly done. For when Theodatus imprisoned Amalasuntha Theodorick's Daughter, Constantius mindful of his obligations to that Family, Anno Christi 534 used all possible means for her escape; which the Tyrant suspecting, thought not himself secure till he put her to death. This did so affect Constantius, that he sent immediately to Justinian the Emperor to give him an account of the tragical end of the innocent Queen, and to implore his aid against the Murderer, assuring him of his and his friend's assistance, if he would espouse so just a cause. The Emperor embracing the invitation, invaded Italy, and Constantius who made good his promise, had the satisfaction to see Theodatus dethroned and killed. With much ado he escaped the fury of Vitiges, who looked upon him as the chief Author of this war, and lived not long enough to see the progress Anno Christi 539 Bellisarius made.  
Basilius' his Son, and Boniface his Cousin, who accompanied Bellisarius in his first expedition, were upon his being recalled in danger of falling into Totila's hands; nor do we hear any more of them till Narses came to accomplish what Bellisarius had twice begun. The reputation it seems of this General encouraged them to take Arms, for both of them assisted in that great battle where Totila was killed, and the Goths overthrown; and here Boniface fight valiantly upon the Head of the Auxiliary Troops received a wound of which he soon after died, leaving his Son Valerian with his Cousin Basilius, to help Narses in prosecuting this War, which ended in the extirpation of the Eastern Goths after Anno Christi 553 they had reigned above seventy two years in Italy.   

CHAP. II.  
The Progress of the Family under the Reign of the Lombard's.  
BAsilius and Valerian seeing Italy thus reunited to the Empire after so long a Train of miseries, were expecting to taste the fruits of peace and of Narses' bounty, when on a sudden the Lombard's, a people not yet known in the Western Parts of the World, threatened them with a Anno Christi 568 new Storm. Here the Greek and Latin Historians do much differ; for these in relating the cause of the Lombard's invasion fix it upon Narses, who after having recovered Italy to the Emperor, expected to receive a treatment suitable to his merit; but Justin the Second, governed by his Empress, as Justinian had been all along by Theodora, slighted the service which he could not sufficiently reward, and was so ill advised as to make known his displeasure against Narses before his return: whereupon Narses, as the Latins write, called in the Lombard's; but, grieved for what he had done, died before their arrival. The Greeks, who allow great weakness and ingratitude in the Emperor's carriage in suffering a General to be exposed to the affronts of his Empress and her Women, who had deserved so well the honour of a triumph, with every thing else that the Emperor could do in acknowledgement of his extraordinary merit; say nothing of his being privy to the Lombard's Design: but on the contrary highly extol the prudence, courage and piety of Narses, which certainly they would never have done, had they known his last action to be so black.  
Whoever they were that betrayed Italy to the Lombard's, we are sure Basilius and Valerian of Esté had no hand in it, they being the only persons who had the courage with a few Followers to stop Alboinus in his passage. In this they followed the example of their glorious Ancestor Forestus, but came short of his success; for their Forces bearing no proportion to the Lombard's in number, they were glad to give way to Alboinus' Fortune, and make the best terms for themselves and their Subjects they could. And as the Country which submitted to this Yoke has ever since been known by the name of Lombardy; so Italy upon the other side of the Apennin must have expected no better Fate, had not the Queen for being forced to drink out of her Father's Scull, seasonably revenged this barbarous affront by the death of her Husband Alboinus, before he could finish Anno Christi 574 his Conquest.  
Clephis, who succeeded him, was likewise killed after eighteen months' Reign, and the Lombard's, not agreeing upon a new choice, divided their whole Dominion among thirty of their chief Officers with the title of Dukes. Basilius and Valerian, glad to see them cantonized after this manner, got together a small Army, with which they fought Agisulphus Duke of Friuli, who narrowly escaped being made Prisoner upon the defeat of his Army. The neighbouring Dukes, of Trent, Bergamo and Brescia, alarmed at this success, and jealous of their growth, entered into a confederacy Anno Christi 585 jointly to oppose them in all their motions; this put a present stop to Basilius and Valerians proceedings.  
The Emperor Justin not able of himself to give the Lombard's great disturbance, took occasion from their late incursions into France, to engage that Nation against them; but the behaviour of the French in this action, did neither answer their forwardness nor the opinion the world had of them, for they scarce enduring one charge of the Lombard's, turned their backs, and left many of their Chief Officers dead upon the place: among the rest we find Valerian of Esté hear lost his life, fight for the Liberty of his Country, as his Father Boniface had done many years before in the War of Narses against the Goths.  
The Family having lost Valerian, Anno Christi 594 his Son succeeded him, before he was either by age or experience qualified to Govern; for Basilius by what we can learn, was then dead or unfit for action. Agisulphus Duke of Friuli mindful of the defeat given him by Valerian judged it now no hard matter to be revenged upon his Son. Montselice which belonged to the Family of Esté, and which of all the places in that part of Italy, could only boast of never having received a Lombard within its walls, was the prize he aimed at: but young Aldoardus Heir to Valerian's courage as well as his fortune, did so bravely defend it, that Agisulphus retired with confusion, leaving the place to the just owner.  
This Action which sufficed to have raised Aldoardus' reputation, was in a short time backed with many other proofs of his valour and conduct; at length Ariovaldus King of the Lombard's Anno Christi 626 (the Monarchy being again restored) knowing how to value Aldoardus' friendship satisfied him in all his pretensions; and further to unite Aldoardus to his Interests, gave him the Duke of Fruili's Daughter in marriage. Aldoardus by this means freed from the apprehension in which his Ancestors had lived ever since the first Invasion of the Goths, past the rest of his time in great tranquillity, and dying without Children left his Cousin Eribert heir to a plentiful fortune.  
All the Family of Esté had been Anno Christi 663 bred up in Arms except Eribert, whose inclinations suitable to his Education were all for peace. This the Lombard's well understood, and were ready to put the design in practice which they had been long hatching against him, but happily his death prevented Anno Christi 694 it, and made way for his Son Ernestus, who resolved not to part on so easy terms as his Father was like to have done, with what his Ancestors had purchased so dear: the Lombard's seeing the occasion lost, thought fit to compose all differences, and to renew with Ernestus the friendship formerly made with Aldoardus.  
About this time the Sclavonians Anno Christi 711 were formidable to all their Neighbours, infesting daily the Coasts of the Adriatic, and making incursions into Friuli with such numbers, that many were afraid it would in a short time come to a formed Invasion: The Lombard's had an Army sufficient to oppose them, but either because they had no person among them fitly qualified, or because the enterprise was so dangerous that all their Captains declined it: Ernestus was chosen General, and did discharge this great trust much to the satisfaction of those that employed him, for having beaten the Sclavonians in several battles, he brought them to the Lombard's terms.  
This success removed the Lombard's jealousies of a Foreign Power, yet while Ravenna had an Imperial Garrison under an Exarch, as an Evidence of the Emperor's Title to what they possessed, there wanted not matter for fears: here was kept a fire which though stifled at present might one day break out to their destruction; and therefore they thought their Arms could not be better employed than in reducing it; but Ernestus, instead of countenancing this design immediately declared for the Anno Christi 718 Emperor, and helped to defend Ravenna.  
Gregory the seconds bold Usurpation in pretending to free Italy from Anno Christi 726 any Sovereignty Leo Isaurus had over it, because that Emperor fiercely opposed the worship of Images, which Gregory was then introducing, proved more favourable to the Lombard's designs, for by this unjust sentence the Emperor's Ministers were cast out of most places, and that shadow of Authority left him, was quite lost, and they encouraged to undertake the siege of Ravenna the second time: But miscarrying again in their attempt, they set upon Rimini, which they had scarce well invested when a Venetian Army under the Conduct of Ernestus gave them battle, and after a hot dispute forced them to retire with great loss, leaving their King's Nephew prisoner to be led by Ernestus Anno Christi 740 in triumph to Venice.  
All these disappointments did more inflame the Lombard's against Ravenna, upon which the fate of Rimini and the other places under the Emperor depended. And Ernestus judging it the true interest of Italy that the Emperor should keep this Key to open a passage for his Army when ever the occasions of his Friends required it, did earnestly solicit the Pope to repeal the severe sentence he had passed, and to come to some accommodation with the Emperor, lest the Lombard's taking advantage of their difference, might e'er long become Masters of that Important place which hitherto had kept them from fastening their chains harder upon Italy. But no arguments how weighty soever, being able to work upon the Pope's obstinacy, unless the Emperor would consent to the erecting Images in Santa Sophia at Constantinople, as he himself had done in St Peter at Rome; Ernestus made haste to Ravenna, where the Lombard's were assembling themselves from all hands; nor did he ever abandon the place during its long and close Anno Christi 752 siege of almost three years, till an arrow from the Enemy's Camp killing him outright, opened a breach for them to enter upon the possession of what they had long toiled for.  
The fatal consequence of the Pope's unjust dealing with the Emperor, was the same that Ernestus had foretold; for the Lombard's being now absolute Masters, grew insupportable under King Astolphus; nor did any find their yoke heavier than the Popes, who well deserved it by cutting off that arm which was most likely to protect them, and it was remarkable, that God prolonged the injured Emperor's life, till he received the news of the Lombard's having sacked Rome, and in requital of Gregory the seconds favours, carried away all the Images of Saint Peter's Church, which his superstitious zeal had with excessive charge there placed. Nor is it to be doubted, but Leo's prejudice against Images was more confirmed when he perceived the hand of God visibly join with him in opposing them. After his death his Son Constantine Copronymus, though earnestly courted by the Pope, yet could never be brought to meddle with the affairs of Italy, being mindful of the ill usage Leo had met with; but France was more Anno Christi 755 easily wrought upon, and Pepin began the War with his Son Charles the Great, finished by the destruction of the Lombard Monarchy, renewing the Western Empire in himself and his family.   

CHAP. III.  
The advancement of the Family under Charles the Great and his Successors, until the settlement of the Imperial Crown upon Otho the first.  
DUring Pepin's Invasion we find no mention of Henry the Son, or as some Writers will have him, the Grandchild of Ernestus; the only War I observe from Atila down to this time, in which we cannot prove, that any of the House of Esté had part. Seeing the Historians silence leaves us to our conjectures, it seems most probable that the unhappy death of Ernestus, and the incontroulable Power of the Lombard's after they got Ravenna, might keep Henry from engaging till he had a certain prospect of their ruin; and therefore when Charles the Great came, he first appeared upon the head of the Venetian Troops sent to assist the French against the Lombard's. Ernestus had been formerly their General at Rimini, which made them the more willing now to employ Henry: Nor could he decline so fair an occasion of being revenged upon the Lombard's.  
How well Henry behaved himself in this War, or how much his own merit, joined to that of his Family, made him regarded, can best be proved by Charles the Great's Bounty to him, after Desiderius King of the Lombard's was taken Prisoner, and the Army dismissed: For besides the confirmation Anno Christi 774 of what he formerly possessed, he had Treviso given him, the Country also of Scodosia, with the Title of Count, and his Son Berengarius was invited to Court, as the fittest place for his education.  
No sooner was the Emperor gone, but those who retained any kindness for the Lombard's began to hatch new Projects how to restore Adalgisius the Son of Desiderius to his Father's Throne. The great Contriver of this was Rodigaud Duke of Friuli, who being jealous of their placing Henry at Treviso upon the Skirts of his Country, as a Spy upon his actions, concluded that nothing could be done till he were dispatched; by the Duke's instigation then the factious Party in Treviso pretending the breach of some privileges, suddenly took Arms, killed Henry, imprisoned his Wife and Children, and forced those of his Train to leave the Town. Their success here gave encouragement to insurrections in other places; so that it was like to have broken out into an open Rebellion, had not the Emperors return confirmed his Authority, and given him occasion to inquire into the Authors of such practices.  
Rodigaud being found guilty of the Murder of Henry, lost his head, those of Treviso were severely dealt with, Henry's Wife and Children were set at liberty; and to secure the peace of that Country, Berengarius, Henry's Son, being high now in the Emperor's favour, was left in his Father's place, and did in every thing answer the good opinion the Emperor conceived of his zeal and fitness for his service.  
While Berengarius lived at the Emperor's Court, his winning carriage made him to be highly regarded by all, and particularly by Prince Lewis the Emperor's Son, who, succeeding Anno Christi 814 Charles the Great, invited Berengarius into France. At his arrival he found the purple had no way changed the Princes former inclinations; and after some stay at Court, an occasion was offered by which he was assured of the Emperor's confidence in him, and the Emperor likewise of his fidelity. Charles the Great had declared his Grandchild Bernard King of Italy, but he being young and ambitious, suffered himself to be persuaded by his Favourites, That the Imperial Crown did of right belong to him, as the Son of Lewis' Elder Brother. This, with the invitations sent him from the disaffected Party in France, did soon engage him in a War against his Uncle. Upon the News of Bernard's March towards France, the Emperor, who was jealous of most about him, gave the Command of his Army to Berengarius Count of Esté, who, without hazarding a Battle, being afraid of the treachery of his under Officers, who either were or easily could be corrupted, did so manage the business that King Bernard, disappointed of the French that were to join him, and abandoned by most of those he brought from Italy, was persuaded by Berengarius to come in person to the Emperor's Court, there to own his rashness, and to humble himself to his Uncle; But the barbarous usage he had, did much lessen the Glory of Berengarius' action: For the poor Prince, when he expected only a gentle rebuke, and leave to return home, was cast into a loathsome Prison, after Anno Christi 818 many indignities had his eyes put out, and died in three days, partly through pain, partly through anguish. Indeed his Fate was deplorable, being inconsiderately hurried upon his own ruin, when he had scarce completed the 19th year of his Age; and though the Emperor thought this instance of his severity upon his Nephew and his Followers, who were all treated after the same manner, did secure his Crown, yet he found by woeful experience that it irrecoverably lost him the affections of his people.  
Upon King Bernard's death the Emperor's Son Lotharius was sent into Italy, and because he was young and not acquainted with the customs of the Country. Berengarius by his Father's Order did accompany him thither, to advise him in all affairs of moment. Berengarius, proving more useful to the Emperor in Italy than he could be elsewhere, continued there several years; and by his credit ordered things as he pleased. Some sparks of jealousy afterwards appearing betwixt the Emperor and his Children, were industriously blown up into a Civil War by those who could never forgive King Bernard's death. Berengarius, ever true to the Emperor's interest, upon the first report of his danger made what haste he could towards him, yet came too late; for the Emperor was already stripped of his power, and confined to a Monastery, where they intended he should have passed the rest of his time in expiating by a rigid penance the Anno Christi 583 crimes he stood accused of.  
If they had dealt more gently with him, it is likely he had never been able to weather so violent a storm; but however strange it may seem, his being brought so very low was the occasion of his speedy re-establishment. For that popular fury which at first he could not withstand, was presently turned to compassion, and the Emperor again put in a condition to call his Sons to an account while they were at variance among themselves. We have reason to believe this unexpected change was not wrought without Berengarius: For we find he had no inclination to return again into Italy, where Lotharius governed, but spent the rest of his life at Court, had his share in those troubles which came thick upon the Emperor in his latter days, and died at Paris with the repute of one of the wisest and greatest Captains of his Anno Christi 840 Age. It was indeed his misfortune to be the chief Instrument in King Bernard's ruin, which if he had foreseen, no doubt he would have declined the employment.  
He left his Son Otho so young that he never appeared at the Court of Lotharius, who besides had no kindness for his Family; but when his Son Anno Christi 856 Lewis the Second came to the Empire, Otho got as much into his favour as Berengarius had done into that of Charles the Great, or of Lewis his Son. He had been trained up in Military Discipline under his Father, for which the Emperor made him General of the Horse; and this charge requiring his constant attendance at Court, the management of his affairs in Italy was left to his friends. He had the City and Territory of Commachio given him as a reward of his and his father's services done to the Imperial Crown; which is evident by the Grant from the Emperor yet to be seen among the ancient records of Esté. Nor doth this a little aggravate the injustice of Clement the 8th to the family of Esté, who seizing upon the Duchy of Ferrara in the Year 1598. upon a pretended devolution took from them at the same time the City of Commachio with its Territory, which they only owed to the Emperor's bounty, and to which the Pope or Church could not pretend any Title: but truly the carriage of Clement in this whole business was most illegal and tyrannical, as I question not, before I conclude this History, to make appear to all who are not highly partial.  
The Venetians who were ever jealous of their growing Neighbours, did what they could to keep Otho's Son Marinus from taking possession of Commachio; and failing in this employed fresh arts to thrust him out. Marinus heard of their practices, and had secret information that the Doge's Brother was to pass within a few miles of Commachio, in his way to Rome, to treat with the Pope about it: Marinus to prevent this, took a rash and injustifiable course; for having laid wait for the Ambassador, he brought him to the City, and made him there swear, that neither he nor his Brother should ever attempt any thing in prejudice of Commachio or of what belonged to his Father.  
The Venetians highly resenting the affront they here received in the person of the Ambassador, sent immediately their Navy against Commachio, which being ill provided, could not long hold out, Marinus retired first to Ferrara, then into France, where having given an account to his Father of what had happened, he soon after fell sick and died. But the Emperor concerned to make good to Otho Anno Christi 874 what he had given him, did by his Authority, compose the difference with the Venetians, saw him possessed of Commachio, and renewed the ancient friendship betwixt the Republic and the family of Esté.  
Whether Otho continued in the same station at Court, after the death of Lewis the second, we cannot certainly learn; but it is plain he lived to the latter end of the Reign of Carolus Crassus. He was married to Anno Christi 887 the Duke of Friuli's Daughter, by whom he had four Sons, two of which were Vbertus and Sigifred: the Saracens had long infested Italy, and never wanted encouragement from such as preferred the revenge of their private quarrels, to the weal of their Country. Most of the Cities put themselves under the protection of some person of courage and interest, which made Parma, and Luca choose Sigifred, they of Luca had suffered much of late by those Infidels, whom Albericus Marquis of Toscany had called in out of Malice to the Pope, upon condition they would not meddle with any of his Subjects; but as soon as Sigifred was engaged, both Luca and Parma found themselves as much out of danger, as those that belonged to Albericus did, and upon much more honourable terms owing their safety wholly to their General's courage, without making that base contract of freeing their own Estates at the charge of their Neighbours. Vbertus was Count of Esté and Commachio, the History of whose life the writers of that age, have thought fit to leave us in a few, yet so weighty words, that if there were extant a perfect Journal of his actions, we could not thence form a more glorious Panegyric or a completer Idea of his worth, he treated always his Subjects, say they with the same tenderness, as if they had been his Children, by which he did so gain upon their affections, that they were rather loath than afraid to offend him, and his discreet indulgence preserved his Authority more than severity could have done.  
Italy reaped no benefit by its union with France; the Imperial Crown had of late been set upon some Heads that did ill fit it: For the Race of Charles the Great was strangely degenerate, and almost spent; the late Emperor Carolus Crassus, who at first filled the Empire with the expectation of an extraordinary Prince, was afterwards laid aside for insufficiency, and brought so low as not to have a servant left him, nor any thing allowed for his maintenance except what flowed from the Bishop of Mentz's Charity. Arnulphus who came after him found more business in Germany than he could well deal with; and Lewis of Provence was making haste towards Pavia, nothing doubting the Conquest of Italy. Most of the Italians therefore being weary of a Foreign Yoke began to think of choosing a Prince of their own Nation, a blessing they had not enjoyed of many Ages. Vido Duke of Spoletum, and Berengarius Duke of Friuli both descended of Charles the Great by their Mothers, thought their quality equal, and their title better than that of Lewis, whom they forced to return into France, and agreed the matter so, that Vido should be Emperor, and Berengarius King of Italy. Vido miscarrying in his attempt fell Anno Christi 890 out with Berengarius, dispossessed him of all, and Berengarius, with some of his most trusty friends, among whom was Vbertus' Count of Esté, took Sanctuary at the Court of Arnulphus, whom he engaged in a War against Vido: At their coming into Italy they found Vido dead, and his Son Lambertus in his place; and after great variety of successes, and much bloodshed, Berengarius was again restored; but before he was settled, had new disturbance given him from Lewis of Provence, countenanced by Anno Christi 899 the Marquis of Tuscany, who could not endure to see any Italian greater than himself, and by the Marquis of Eporoedia, though he had married Giscla the Daughter of Berengarius. Notwithstanding all their endeavours Berengarius had the better, and made Lewis enter into a solemn vow, never to return more into Italy: Afterwards Lewis not valuing this oath, which he said was extorted, undertook a third invasion, in which his success did justly answer his perfidy; for being taken prisoner, according to the barbarous resentment of that Anno Christi 903 age, he had his eyes put out.  
Berengarius as soon as he was eased of the fears of so dangerous a Rival, disposed of what he could among his friends, and none had a larger share either in his bounty or affection than Vbertus, who never had deserted him in all his troubles. Vbertus by his last Will committed his Son Albertus to the King's care and protection, which thing succeeded happily to the Family; for Giscla the King's Daughter being divorced from the Marquis of Eporoedia her former husband, for his siding with Lewis of Provence, was given in marriage to Albertus.  
The ancient root of Esté was at this time conspicuous in its branches, Sigifred whom I mentioned before, was still alive, both loved and obeyed by those of Luca and Parma, which were grown considerable under his Government. Almericus Cousin German to Albertus was invited to Ferrara to be Rector, for so they named the Chief Magistrate in that City; but his equity in the decision of all their differences, and his zeal in uniting them in one common interest, prevailed upon them so far, that they soon abrogated the Office of Rector as too mean and precarious, and declared him their Prince. Giscla had also enriched the Family, with two Sons Hugo and Azo, and a Daughter, who was afterwards married to Petrus Candianus Dogé of Venice.  
Albertus' being thus happy in his Kinsmen, happy in his Offspring, and above all, in his Father in Law, lest the world in good time before the scene changed: For Berengarius after twenty years glorious reign was murdered Anno Christi 923 at Verona, and leaving no Male Issue, Berengarius, Giscla's Son by her former husband laid claim to his Grandfather's Crown. The Princes of Italy having no great Opinion of his merit, being unwilling likewise to submit to one of the same rank with themselves, called in Rodolphus King of Burgundy; presently weary of Rodolphys, they sent to Hugo of Arles, with whom Rodolphus adjusted all differences, by giving his Daughter Adeleidis to Lotharius Hugoes Son, and Anno Christi 948 to him resigned his pretensions to Italy. Lotharius proved but a weak Prince, and this put Berengarius again in a condition to dispute his Title, which he did to so good purpose, that getting the Power into his hands he left Lotharius only the empty name, nor did he ever rest till Lotharius was killed, and thereupon had himself created Emperor, and his Son Albertus King.  
He came to the Crown by the same difficult steps his Grandfather Berengarius the first had done, which made many hope he would imitate him in his Princely Virtues, and restore to Italy that Government which they were not sensible of while they enjoyed it. Yet his carriage presently discovered that he designed nothing less, seeing he neglected those whom the ties both of nature and gratitude ought to have made him regard. What in all outward appearance could have been more for the Interest of Hugo and Azo of Esté after their Grandfather's death than to have their Brother Emperor; but it proved much otherwise, for Berengarius, either jealous of Hugoes aspiring to the Crown, whom he knew to be popular and bold; or still angry when he reflected how much he and his Brother were caressed at Court in their Grandfather's time, took all occasions to slight and discountenance them. Hugo could hardly bear such ill usage, and just when his long-stifled anger was ready to break out, as fair an occasion of being revenged upon Berengarius presented itself as Hugo could have desired.  
Adeleidis the Wife of Lotharius, who by her excellent deportment had strangely insinuated herself into all people's affections, promised not to leave Italy in the condition whereunto Berengarius had brought it, and he knowing how little he was beloved, designed her for his Son Albertus, hoping by this means both to strengthen his interest, and keep her from any other match which might prove in the end fatal to him and his Family. But Adeleidis in her heart hated Berengarius as the Author of her husband's death, and rejected Albertus upon his Father's score. Berengarius resolving to gain by threats her, who was proof against all allurements, confined her first to Pavia, then to a more narrow prison, whence there was no hopes of deliverance but by consenting to a marriage with Albertus.  
Hugo who knew nothing to be more natural to Berengarius than cruelty, being sensible of the Queen's danger, whom he judged not likely to yield, generously ventured all to rescue her, and oblige Otho King of Germany, for whom Adeleidis was designed before her imprisonment. Having therefore got without suspicion into the Castle where she was kept in the midst of a Lake, by the help of a Priest, of whose fidelity and courage he had formerly experience, the Queen was let down out of a Window, and conveyed away in a Boat which lay ready for that purpose, into the next Wood, where she continued several days with Hugo, the Priest furnishing them with such entertainment as he could procure from the neighbouring Villages. Notice being given to Otho of the Queen's escape, his Army presently advanced towards Italy; and this put all in such a consternation, that Hugo and the Queen got without any further danger into the Castle of Cannossa, where Azo expected them.  
Otho having received his Queen Anno Christi 952 from the hands of Hugo her Deliverer, marched on towards Berengarius, whose tyranny had now rendered him so odious, that being deserted by all his friends, he delivered himself up Prisoner with his Son Albertus; and Otho without much trouble possessed himself of the Imperial Crown which has ever since continued in the Germane Nation. No reward seeming too great for the person to whom he owed his Queen, Hugo was made Governor of all that Country, which is now known by the name of the Duchy of Milan, the Duchy of Montferrat, Piedmont, and the territory of Genova, and Berengarius was carried Prisoner into Germany.   

CHAP. IU.  
The most remarkable actions of the Counts of Esté from Otho the Great to Henry the third.  
AFter a short confinement Berengarius had leave to return into Italy with the title of King, but much limited in his Authority, which he was too apt to abuse; scarce was he well settled when forgetful of the Emperor's clemency and his own engagements, being enraged at those who had helped to humble him, he behaved himself more cruelly than ever. Hugo whose splendid way of living did eclipse him, was the chief object of his wrath, but too powerful for him to meddle with. After Hugoes death he took occasion to fall out with his Brother Azo about their Mother Giscla's inheritance, and their difference ended in Azo's being turned out of all he had, and forced to fly for his life into Germany with his Anno Christi 960 Son, whence neither of them ever returned.  
With them must the family of Esté have perished, had not the hopeful Issue of Sigifred Prince of Parma supported it, Sigifred himself was dead; but his eldest Son Azo entering upon his Cousins desperate fortune in spite of the Tyrant maintained his right, and confirmed his younger brothers in theirs at Parma and Luca.  
The loud cries of Berengarius' oppression, and the complaints of such as every day fled from Italy, reaching the Emperor's ears, brought his Son Lodolphus with an Army from Germany against the Tyrant. Lodolphus being suddenly killed, Azo the third happening to be then in the Camp, was chosen General in the Prince's room. In this station he had not continued many days, when engaging the enemy he obtained a signal victory, and reduced several places to the Emperor's obedience. wherever he came the people crowded to welcome him as the deliverer of his Country, Piacenza and Regio desiring to live under his protection, presented him with their keys, many Cities being weary of their late sufferings, were making hast to free themselves from the yoke of Berengarius, who on the other hand was using all diligence to raise forces, and to put a stop to Azo's success. But Otho's appearing the second time with a strong Army after some few skirmishes rather than fights, took Berengarius prisoner, and sent him into Germany, there to endure perpetual imprisonment for the miseries he had brought upon his Native Country.  
Otho's occasions requiring his speedy return into Germany, he resolved to put the Government of Italy into sure hands; and none having deserved so well of him, nor being so able to do him service as Azo, he committed all to his trust, with the title of Vicar of Italy: This unlimited Power Anno Christi 970 Azo discreetly employed for the establishment of the Emperor's Authority, yet not without giving satisfaction to those he governed, by which he added greatly to the former lustre of his family.  
Azo left several Sons, the eldest was Albertus the second, Otho's chief Favourite, whom some of the Italian writers call Albertatius; the second was Thedaldus, whom the City of Ferrara mindful of its former happiness under a Prince of the house of Esté, chose in the place of Almaricus lately dead. After the death of his Father and Uncle he had likewise Regio, Parma and Luca, by which he laid the foundation of that Power and Riches which his Grandchild, the Countess Matildis so famous in the Histories of those times, did foully misimploy in setting up the Papal Authority against that of the Emperors; as we shall relate hereafter.  
The vast possessions fallen to Albertus by his Father's death might have invited him home, had he not been deeply engaged at the Emperor's Court. From the time of Charles the Great, the Family of Esté had been dignified with the title of Counts, which Otho changed into that of Marquis; and thinking he could never too well requite Hugoes kindness in rescuing Adeleidis from the hands of Berengarius, he gave his Daughter, by Adeleidis named Alda, in marriage to Albertus, with ten Castles in Lombardy, and the City of Friburgh in Germany.  
Upon the death of Otho the Great, dissensions arose about the Succession, for his Brother Henry of Bavaria trusting in his Interest, with the neighbour Princes, endeavoured to wrest the Imperial Crown from his Nephew Otho the second. But Albertus being zealous for the young Prince, engaged so many in his behalf, as made good the Justice of his Cause against the Usurper. This did beget him the irreconcilable hatred of Henry, which he little valued, while he was so fast united to the Emperor. Harald King of Denmark was one of those that declared for Henry, and brought an Army to the Fields to over-aw those who should offer to oppose him; but Albertus with the Emperor's Forces gave him such a blow, that all his threats ended in a peace with Otho upon very unequal terms.  
Things thus settled at home, Otho the second went to free Naples from the Saracens, whom the Greeks had called in; the flower of the Germane Nobility accompanied him in this Expedition; and Albertus hoping his absence might then be dispensed with, stopped in Lombardy to look into the concerns of his Family, which the Emperor's Affairs had made him long neglect. Otho gave the Saracens battle under the walls of Benevent, where by the treachery of the Romans his Army was overthrown, and he himself made his escape most miraculously after having been sometime, though unknown, in the enemy's hands. Albertus' having the news of the Emperor's defeat hasted towards him with what Troops he could raise, and came in time to help to reunite the Emperor's scattered Army, which thereupon made head against the Saracens when they least expected it; killed all that made any resistance, and then pursuing the advantage, never gave them time to breathe till they had chased them out of Naples; from thence had Otho the title of Saracenicus given him. At his return to Rome, he treated those who had betrayed him with the utmost severity, and was going on to see deeper every day into their indirect practices, when he was seized with a desperate fever which killed him in a few days.  
Otho the third came to the Crown so young, that Henry of Bavaria's ill success formerly did not discourage him from a second attempt; he had got the young Prince into his hands, pretending he was his Guardian, and that till he were of age none ought to question his Right to Govern. Albertus who well understood if Henry succeeded in this, so long as he lived, Otho was never like to enter upon the Government, showed no less concern now than he had done formerly for Otho the second. Others who remembered that he had been too hard for Henry, were encouraged to join, and formed a strong confederacy in defence of Otho, that Henry seeing the difficulty of the enterprise, with the doubtfulness of the success gave it over.  
Albertus' lived to see Otho the third in sure possession of the Crown which he had been so eminently instrumental in setting both upon his, and his Father's head. Never did any man promote the interest of Princes more than Albertus did that of the three Emperors under whom he lived, nor have we any ground to tax them of backwardness in acknowledging his merits. He was honoured with Otho the first's Daughter in marriage, under Otho the second, and Otho the third, he had the chief trusts of the Government committed to him, and had such a strange influence upon all their Counsels, that nothing but the assurance of his integrity could have justified their prudence in placing any man in so high a sphere.  
Alda brought him three Sons, the eldest was Hugo the second, who succeeded his Father, not only in his Possessions and Title, but which is a rare thing, in his Interest at Court. About this time Rome grew big with a new project of setting up an Italian Monarchy in opposition to the Emperors. The severity, or as some termed it, the cruelty of Otho Anno Christi 993 the second, made the Romans conceive an unalterable prejudice against his Family and his Nation, and those who expected to advance their fortunes by a change, did most carefully foment these humours. The great Engine which moved all was one Crescentius, who according to the character given him by the Italian Writers wanted none of the qualifications necessary for such an undertaking: Upon all occasions he did inveigh against the Emperor with equal boldness and eloquence, complaining how much his Countrymen's spirits were debased from those of their Ancestors, in suffering a dull phlegmatic People, and a Priest (the Germans he meant and the Pope) to keep the Mistress of the world thus in slavery. Being created Consul he endeavoured to retrieve some of the lost Power to that empty name, and began with the Pope whom he chased from Rome, that so he might order things as he pleased.  
Otho had notice of all that past; and judging it a business of too great consequence to be neglected, set forward towards Rome, accompanied by his Cousin the Marquis of Esté, and many of the Germane and Italian Nobility. In his march he had advice of the Pope's death, which made him create a Kinsman of his own, and a Germane, Pope, by the name of Gregory the fifth, whom he sent to Rome before him to see if they would acquiesce in his choice. Crescentius and the Romans to divert the present danger, received the new Pope with much outward respect, confessed their rashness in calling the Emperor's Authority in question, and readily promised entire submission for the future, though it soon appeared they intended nothing less: for scarce was the Emperor gone when the former project being again set on foot, Gregory was rejected as an Usurper; and John Bishop of Piacenza a Greek by Nation, friend to Crescentius, and the richest Prelate of Italy, placed in the Chair.  
Otho enraged at their proceedings made what preparation he could for a new Expedition, resolving not to be put off a second time with fair words; with the Germane Army, and the Troops that Hugo of Esté had raised in Italy, the Emperor invested Rome, which Crescentius having fortified, refused to deliver; but there being neither Provision nor Forces sufficient to hold out a long siege, the City was taken, and in it the new Pope, who had his eyes put out, his nose and ears cut off, and with his face backward, was afterwards carried upon an Ass round the City in triumph. Crescentius retired to the Castle of St Angelo, which he defended with such obstinacy, that the Emperor seemed glad to agree to what terms he would; but he was the more liberal in his promises, because he never designed to perform them: for Crescentius after having suffered many indignities in his person, was sentenced to end his life upon a Gibbet. He was a person of rare endowments, and might have deserved a more honourable death, had he employed himself in a better Cause. In short, Crescentius had truly the fate of all unsuccessful Traitors, to be infamous to Posterity for miscarrying in his attempt; but if his Fortune had boar any proportion to the greatness of his mind, we had found him ranked among the Worthies of Italy.  
All must own that Crescentius did not make good his promise to Otho; yet this could not vindicate Otho's breach of his Royal word, or secure him from the subtle contrivances of the Romans, who vowed the death of Crescentius should be revenged; and they had so ordered the matter, that when the Emperor fancied himself free from all danger, he must have fallen into their hands, had not his Cousin Hugo of Esté disappointed them, by conveying him away by night. The sense of so narrow a deliverance, with Hugoes great performances in this and the former expedition, made Otho Create him Marquis of Italy, a Title Anno Christi 1000 never given to any other. This rendered Hugo so conspicuous, that the Histories of those Times call him the Marquis without any further distinction, as we gather from Arnulphus of Milan, and Scafnaburgensis, and even down to the time of Villani and Dante; when they spoke of the Marquis, he of Esté is to be understood, as having a particular right to this Title above all the Families of Italy.  
Though Hugo had helped the Emperor to humble the Romans, and by discovering the Conspiracy against his person, seemed to have brought things to that hopeful pass, that there remained no further ground for fears; yet the restless attempts of Otho's enemies at length succeeded, for some Roman Gloves were presented him by Crescentius' widow, in which the richness of the perfume did cover such a deadly poison as killed him before his Physicians knew he was infected: this the ambitious Woman was said to have done, not so much upon her husband's account, as for the affront done to herself, whom the Emperor promised to marry, but afterwards changed his inclinations, which her haughty Spirit could not digest.  
Otho the third dying without Children, Henry of Bavaria came to the Crown, which his Father had so much coveted in the minority of the two late Emperors; and was as I have already mentioned, opposed in it by Albertus of Esté; nor did their quarrel end with their lives, but was entailed upon their Sons, as might be seen in Henry, who from the beginning discovered a dislike to Hugoes management of the affairs of Italy, and let drop some expressions that he designed to remove him from all Public Trust, as soon as he found himself settled. This preposterous resolution lost him Italy for some years, because Hugo having notice of it engaged his whole interest to exclude Henry and set up Ardoinus Marquis of Eporoedia, who supported likewise by most of the Nobility of Lombardy came without much opposition to be chosen King at Pavia. The success he had at his entry upon the Government against Henry's Army put him in peaceable possession of his Crown, the disturbances of Germany not allowing Henry to look any further at present. The only person Ardoinus could never gain was the Archbishop of Milan, who ceased not to solicit Henry till he brought the Germans again into Italy, and then did Ardoinus part with his Kingdom upon as easy terms as he had got it; and Hugo was fain to retire to the Greek Emperor's General in Naples, whither Henry pursued him, and took him prisoner with his three Sons.  
Henry having got Hugo and his Sons in his power, did beyond their expectation show a rare example of clemency; for when in them he might have extirpated the family, remembering his rash expressions had in a Anno Christi 1024 great measure occasioned their revolt, he generously restored Hugo to whatever he formerly possessed, renewed his Commission of Vicar of Italy, and dismissed his Sons with great expressions of kindness. Hugo to show himself worthy of the Emperor's confidence, did make it afterwards the whole study of his life to promote his Service, and effectually recovered him by his gentle Government the hearts of the Italian Nation, which the severity of Otho the second, and Otho the third had alienated. He lived to a great age, was universally lamented at his death, and proposed to posterity as the true pattern of a worthy Magistrate, who could advance the Prince's Authority, without invading the People's Rights.  
Azo the fourth succeeded him about the same time that Henry the second dying without Children, left the Imperial Crown to Conrard Duke of Franconia; who out of a particular value he had for Azo, promoted his match with Cunigunda the Duke of Anno Christi 1026 Bavaria's only Daughter. By her Azo had a Son called Welpho, who inheriting all his Grandfather the Duke of Bavaria's Territories, gave the first rise to the most Illustrious Family of Brumswick and Lunenburgh, which is thus descended of the Family of Esté. The Abbot of Vrspergh writes that the Original of that Family was from an Italian Marquis who married in Germany; and this Marquis, both the Records of Esté, and Aventinus in his History of Bavaria, prove to have been Azo Hugoes Son, of whom I now treat.  
Cunigunda died young, leaving this only Son Welpho; who was plentifully provided for in Germany: Afterwards Azo married, as some write, the Emperor Conrards' Daughter; as others, Anno Christi 1037 his Niece or his Grandchild, by whom he had several Children; the eldest was called Azo the fifth, after his own name, who if the Pope had not showed himself most unjust in the matter of his marriage with his Cousin the Countess Matildis, was in a fair way to have been one of the richest Princes of that age, as I shall now make appear, and hope to give the Reader some satisfaction in treating of Matildis, whose double Relation to the Family of Esté, both by Blood and Marriage, makes her naturally fall under our consideration in this place; and if I do enlarge, the great influence she had upon all the remarkable transactions of that age, seems to require it.   

CHAP. V.  
The most material passages of the Life of Azo the fifth, and of Matildis Countess of Esté.  
THedaldus (whom I made mention of) a younger Brother of this Family, and Uncle to the great Hugo, had raised himself to vast wealth; this his Son Boniface did so much enlarge, that none in Italy came near him. He was called Marquis of Tuscany, and had Ferrara, Modena, Mantova, Regio, Parma and Luca, and upon his Marriage with Beatrix the Emperor Conrards' Daughter, he had Verona, and that which is since called the Patrimony of St Peter given him; all which after the death of his little Son Frederick fell to his Daughter Matildis, under the tuition of her Mother Beatrix.  
Beatrix being left so rich by Boniface, though her Father Conrard was dead, yet under her Brother, Henry the third did manage Italy as she pleased; but her disposing of herself and her Daughter Matildis to Godfrey Anno Christi 1053 Duke of Lorraine and his Son, without the Emperor's consent, justly offended him; seeing by this she gave footing in Italy to a Powerful Family, which might have given the Empire trouble if there had been any Issue by either marriage. Yet that which made Henry most jealous was lest these Princes should join with the Popes, who of late were become very troublesome; for taking advantage of the Emperor's absence, they did every day make some encroachments upon them: and were then come to that pass, that instead of allowing the Emperor's Prerogative in confirming them which had been always practised, Benedict the ninth took upon him to deprive Henry the third of his Right of Succession, and gave the Imperial Crown to Peter King of Hungary, upon condition he would depend upon him and his Successors.  
Henry to give a check to an Usurpation of so dangerous consequence, and likewise to remove the great scandal occasioned by three Popes, all Reigning at once, passed into Italy, called a Council at Rome, where Benedict the ninth, Sylvester the third, and Gregory the sixth being convicted of several Crimes, were all laid aside, and Clement the second chosen Pope; and for preventing such abuses, it was Decreed, That none should be admitted for the future, except such as the Emperor approved of; all that were present at the Council confirmed it by Oath; and during the rest of the Reign of Henry the third, this method of Election was observed: But Henry the fourth being left young under the Government of his Mother, the Romans when there was nothing to apprehend forgot their Oath, and made choice of Stephen the ninth, without consulting the Emperor: Soon after they openly declared, he was not to meddle either in the nomination or approbation of Popes; and this Doctrine never openly taught before, in a short time by the Empresses connivance, and the countenance it had from Matildis and her Mother, was so universally received, that Henry when he came of age, found his challenging it as a right the source of all his calamities.  
Matildis gave early proof of her blind attachment to the Pope, which her Husband (either to secure a party upon occasion against the Emperor, or to comply with Matildis' inclinations) did much encourage at first, and grew sensible of his folly in it too late, when he saw her forget not only her duty to her Sovereign the Emperor, but likewise to himself who was her husband.  
The person that bewitched Matildis was Hildibrand, afterwards Gregory the seventh, to whose Councils she gave herself up so entirely, that her Forces, her Money, and her Interests were all at his disposal. Hildibrand was of mean extraction, the Son (as Cranzius an accurate writer says) of a Smith, and designed for a Monk; but being more inclined to business than devotion, or a retired life, he abandoned the Cloister, and went to Rome, where his natural subtlety and ambition, masked with an appearance of virtue and a public spirit, raised him in a few years to such a pitch, that whatsoever Pope they chose without his consent, was soon dispatched; and even those whom he advanced, if they proved not for his purpose had no better luck, as Benno and other of their Writers inform us. By the means of one Brazutus his old acquaintance in the Magic School, no less than six Popes were poisoned in thirteen years. Every one could easily discern how well Matildis was like to thrive in such hands.  
The Pope that immediately preceded Hildibrand was Alexander the second, formerly Bishop of Luca, whom he had set up in opposition to the Emperor, but eased him of the trouble of governing; the Bishops therefore of Lombardy not longer able to see Henry's Authority thus contemned, the decree of their Council slighted, and their oath broken, persuaded the Emperor to call a Council at Basil, where Alexander was declared an Usurper, and Cadolus Bishop of Parma chosen Pope by the name of Honorius the second; most of the Prelates and Nobility of Lombardy accompanied Honorius in his journey to Rome; but Matildis at the head of an Army opposed him and the Emperor, in behalf of Alexander and Hildibrand. After many contests both parties agreeing to hold a Anno Christi 1063 Council at Mantova, the Emperor, though there present was betrayed; for Matildis by Hildibrands direction corrupting one part of the Council, and over-awing another in her own City, had Honorius cast, and Alexander confirmed: And Hildibrand not satisfied with the Pope's Authority, and his Revenue, procured a dose to be given Alexander to make way for himself.  
From one raised by such steps they could not but expect extraordinary things; at first he seemed to apprehend the Emperor's resentment of his illegal election, but Matildis offering to sacrifice Life and Fortune in his Cause, quickly removed his fears, and Anno Christi 1073 encouraged him to write to the Emperor in a style not used by his predecessors; nor was this all, he summoned him by his New Authority to appear personally at Rome, there to answer in a Synod to such Articles as were brought against him, threatening that if he refused to come, he would pass to the sentence of Excommunication. The divisions of Germany made the Emperor unwilling to come to a breach with the Pope, who he knew had made sure of Matildis; yet no reasonable condescension being able to satisfy Gregory, they advised the Emperor to take the start of him, and to assemble a Council at Worms to look first into Gregory's actions. At the opening of this Assembly, strange were the accusations brought in against Gregory, and none plainer than those of Hugo, one of his Cardinals, who presented Letters from Rome, signed by many persons of unsuspected integrity, showing at large his Crimes, both before and after his coming to the Papacy; and how the Election was carried for him by Matildis and her Guards, whose acclamations served him to better purpose, than the Votes of those who were to choose. All which being impartially examined and considered, Gregory, as the Abbot of Vrspergh relates, was declared an Usurper, an introducer of dangerous Novelties, and a person of a scandalous life that had no right to his dignity, and was no longer to be obeyed. The news being brought into Italy, several of the Lombard Bishops at Pavia confirmed what had passed at Worms.  
Matildis and Gregory all this while were very hard at work, she in raising Forces to defend the Pope, if any should attempt to dispossess him, and he in laying out her treasure among the Bishops, that things might pass against Henry, according to their minds in the Synod appointed at Rome. Little did they think that any durst have proclaimed the Decree of Worms in an Assembly composed of Gregory's own Creatures, and where he in person did preside, guarded by Matildis' troops: but one Roland a Priest of Parma coming boldly up, without paying him any respect, required him, in the name of the most Religious Emperor, and of the most Reverend Bishops of Italy, France, and Germany, to resign the Sacred Charge, into which by craft, simony, and other evil arts he had thrust himself: declaring that he was no true Shepherd, Father nor Pope, but a Thief, a Wolf, and a Tyrant: and while all were in a consternation to hear such words, Roland happily made his escape.  
Matildis was now become a widow by the death of the Duke of Lorain, and had indeed lived as such for several years past; her jealousy of the Duke's being no friend to Gregory made her afraid to be advised by him, or to allow him leave to meddle in her affairs; and her Husband upon the other hand seeing himself neglected and no gainer at all by his great Match, retired into his own Country full of trouble, and survived his Father but a few years. Gregory judging it against his interest to have Matildis married to any foreign Prince, in whom he could have no confidence, proposed to her Azo Marquis of Esté, who was the only person of all the Lombard's that had never countenanced Honorius the second, but adhered to Alexander and him: Matildis readily accepted of Gregory's choice of her Cousin for a Husband, nothing doubting but he would espouse the Pope's concerns as much as she had done; and Azo seemed glad likewise of so rich a purchase as he hoped Matildis might prove. Yet both parties were frustrated of their expectation, as we learn by what followed.  
But to return to the Synod at Rome, there Gregory carried things with a high hand, thundering the sentence of Excommunication against the Emperor and his followers, freeing his Subjects from their Allegiance, and exhorting the Princes to come to a new Election; nor did he stop here, but encouraged by the party he had made in Germany, declared he would meet a Synod at Augsburg, that what had passed at Rome against the Emperor might be confirmed there, as the Sentence of Worms against him had been confirmed in Italy. Great preparations were made for his journey, his affairs in his absence were recommended to the care of Matildis, who he knew would never fail him; and she with her Army intended to see him safe within the borders of Germany.  
The Emperor observing the ill effects these proceedings already had upon the factious party, durst not venture the issue of Gregory's journey, but resolved to prevent it by humbling himself to any terms; and thereupon with a small train posted towards Gregory, who was not yet got out of Italy.  
The Pope upon the first news of the Emperor's approach would trust himself no where but with Matildis in her strong Castle of Cannossa; upon better information, guessing at his errand by the meanness of his train, he flatly refused to see him, purposely that the Emperor might apply himself to Matildis, and become her debtor for his reconciliation; no intercession but hers could have obtained him the favour of access, which yet was clogged with such hard conditions as never were required of any Crowned head: And every one thought strange that Henry a proud and a warlike Prince, could be brought to prostitute his honour after this manner, and appear not so much like an humble supplicant as a criminal; a posture which ill became a Roman Emperor, and the first Potentate of Christendom.  
Nor was it less strange to see Matildis the Emperor's Cousin-German by her Mother, enriched by his and his Father's bounty, so easily to forget both the ties of Nature and gratitude, and to support the Pope in all these extravagancies. If she believed ill things of the Emperor while yet in Germany; and that he would not agree to any reasonable proposals, none can much wonder, who considers her information came only from the Pope; but to see him so ignominiously treated at her own house, and to approve of it, showed in her little sense of honour, and great want of discernment.  
It proved much otherwise with her Husband Azo, who hitherto had likewise been abused; but being an eye-witness of Gregory's insolence, he did afterwards serve the Emperor all he could; this cost him dear, for Gregory perceiving it, used arts to alienate the affections of Matildis from him, and then grounded a divorce upon their being within those degrees of consanguinity to which the Canons deny marriage. While Azo continued of Gregory's party this was never questioned, and being now of the Emperors, it was too late to hope for a dispensation.  
It seems strange that Baronius should be at so great pains to persuade the world, that Matildis was never married to Azo, when the strongest of his Arguments amount to no more than a few Chronological scruples which cannot weaken the testimony of so many approved Authors that writ before him. It is observed he had an excellent faculty of raising doubts, which would any wise make for his purpose, and it appears plainly in this, because he designs it to help Matildis to pass for a Virgin, but her marriage first to the Duke of Lorain, and afterwards to the Duke of Bavaria, leave no colour for this pretence: And if we give credit to the Histories of those times, though she had never been married, the freedom she was pleased to allow Gregory, put her out of the category of Virgins. How much would the Abbot of Vrspergh, Scaffnaburgensis, Benno, Lambertus and others, have pitied the ignorance, or rather partiality of our age, had they imagined Matildis was to be set up for either Virgin or Saint amongst us. But we cannot lay any blame upon them, who spared not to represent her to posterity in her true colours.  
The Emperor had no benefit by his submission, the Rebels in his absence having crowned Rodolphus Duke of Suevia King, whose Election Gregory confirmed, and thereby made the breach wider than ever. But though the Pope declared for the Usurper, heaven favoured the better Cause. Rodolphus was overcome in four several battles, and received a mortal wound in the last, together with the loss of his right hand, which being brought to him alittle before his death, he confessed God's Justice in the manner of his punishment, because with that hand he had signed the Oath of Allegiance to his Sovereign, and afterwards perfidiously lift it up against him. While Henry was employed to maintain his Right in Germany, Lombardy lay exposed to Matildis, who heavily persecuted the Loyal Party, especially Gilbertus, Archbishop of Ravenna, Chancellor of Italy, and the Emperor's best friend.  
A little before Rodolphus' death Henry called a Synod at Brixina in Bavaria, where thirty Bishops did again depose Gregory, and choose Gilbertus' Pope. Among the Crimes laid to Gregory's Charge, I cannot but observe two; the former is that of Heresy, as being one of Berengarius Disciples, and of the same Sentiments; but those of his party need not labour much to vindicate him in this particular, seeing none I presume will endeavour to bring Gregory the seventh in as a witness to the truth, or a forerunner of the Reformation. The Doctrine of Berengarius had stronger Pillars in all Ages to support it, than the Infallibility of such a Pope, under whose Patronage Truth itself might have been suspected; nor could Satan more effectually recommend an error to all wellmeaning men, than by procuring Gregory the seventh to oppose it. In a word, if Gregory really embraced this truth, no wonder if it then proved unsuccessful, God reserving it for better times, and for better instruments. The other Crime which they had better reason to fasten upon him, was his separating Wives from their Husbands; and in this undoubtedly they had an eye to Matildis, whom he had first parted from the Duke of Lorain, and afterwards most unjustly divorced from Azo of Esté, a thing really worthy of the cognizance of that Synod.  
Henry being now at leisure to call Matildis and Gregory to an account for their cruelty to his friends, and to see Clement the third Installed, bend his whole Forces against Italy, and Anno Christi 1084 notwithstanding all Matil is endeavours, went directly to Rome, nothing except Florence giving him any stop. Rome against which the chief design was laid, wanted neither provision nor troops, and Gregory was there in person performing all the parts of a good Officer during the siege. Upon the surrender of the City, he retired to the Castle St Angelo, & from thence to the Normans in Naples, whom he had engaged in his quarrel; but finding them in no condition to restore him, nor the Romans disposed to receive him again, who had for many years behaved himself so imperiously among them: and last of all, the passage for Matildis being so shut up by the Emperor's Forces, that she could not come to his assistance; trouble and anguish, when he saw he was thus deserted in his old age, occasioned a fever, which in a few days put a period to his life.  
He was Canonised after his death, as Baronius informs us in his Roman Martyrology; but whence they had the proofs, either of the sanctity of his life, or the miracles he wrought, we cannot guests. The Characters not only given him by his Contemporaries who writ of him, but by the Synods of Worms, Pavia, Mentzs and Brixina did little countenance this design; his apparent Miracles, if any such were alleged, did flow from the same source with those of the Egyptian Magicians, in whose studies he had spent some part of his youth, he pretended to the spirit of prophecy when he foretold the Emperor's death, of which he thought he had made sure; but his Instruments failing him, he was fain to save his credit by an equivocation: And to say no worse, their thrusting Gregory the seventh in among the Saints, gives us just ground to suspect their Catalogue is not so pure as it ought to be; and that all to whom they address themselves, are not in so happy a state as their mistaken superstition is willing to suppose.  
It was hoped Gregory's death would have calmed the storm, and that the Emperor might afterwards enjoy his Crown, and Clement the third his dignity without disturbance, if grief had killed Matildis at the same time as it was like to have done: But Gregory by his last Will recommending his party with much earnestness to her protection, the war and the Schism were continued.  
Welpho Duke of Bavaria and his Son of the same name, Rebels formerly with Rodolphus, began to sow new divisions in Germany; whereupon Vrban the second, the true, though not immediate successor of Hildibrand, judged the young Prince a person fitly qualified for a Husband to Matildis; and the match was quickly made up, where the parties both aimed at the same thing, that is, the Emperor's depression. This did further declare their great injustice to her former Husband, for Welpho was a Grandchild of the House of Esté, nearly related to Matildis as well as Azo, only there was no cause to suspect him of being in the Emperor's confidence: But such indirect courses were justly blasted, and Welpho reconciled after some time to Henry, by which he lost Matildis, whose love to her Husbands was always grounded upon their devotion to the Pope; he could not both be the Emperor's friend and Matildis Husband, and therefore a new pretence was found out for a divorce. A greater Title was designed for Matildis by the Greek Emperor, who sent an Ambassador to court her in his Name; but urban who could promise himself no good by sending her so far from home, dissuaded her from any such thoughts: And now her zeal growing with her years, no Title pleased her so well, as to hear herself every day called the Daughter of St Peter, the pillar of the Truth, and the Protectress of the Church: names invented by the Court of Rome, to gratify the humour of a bigoted Woman.  
There remained still one expedient to ruin the Emperor, which was to persuade his Son Conrard that he owed him no Duty, but that he might take up Arms against him, and seize upon the Crown, which his Father by being cut off from the Communion of the Church, had forfeited long ago. Thus did Vrban stir up a Rebellion more unnatural and black than any Gregory had attempted; and what the Pope's Words made lawful, Matildis Army made practicable: so Anno Christi 1094 that Conrard coming into Italy received the Crown, but justly was he punished with a short reign, for his usurping that which with honour and security by the course of Nature, he might e'er long have expected.  
Conrards' death did break all their measures, yet they could not despair while the Emperor had another Son, Vrban was dead, and Pascalis in his place who debauched Henry from his Anno Christi 1105 Duty, as much as his predecessor had done his elder Brother, and was assisted in it by some about the young Prince, whom Matildis had corrupted. A meeting of all the Emperor's enemies being held at Mentz, the Archbishops of Mentz and Collogue were sent to the Emperor to demand his Crown for his Son; the Emperor understanding the business for which they came, desired to know the reason why they proceeded so severely against him; it was answered, because he had made a Schism in the Church, had exposed Ecclesiastical dignities to sale, and had not observed the Canons in his choice of Bishops. To this the Emperor smartly replied, If you pretend I have sold Dignities, what had I, pray, from either of you for the Archbishoprics of Mentz and Collogne, the greatest and richest of Germany? You who turn accusers are best able to vindicate me, and aught to discountenance those who are guilty of Rebellion against me their Sovereign: Many other considerations he laid before them, but they still insisting, he desired at least a day might be appointed in which he should resign his Crown, that both for his honour and theirs, it might seem his own voluntary act: This reasonable request also was denied, and the Archbishop of Mentz most impudently coming up to him, snatched away his Crown, others by his example stripped him of his Purple, and the other marks of Royalty, and carried them to his Son, who was immediately declared King, and confirmed by the Pope's Legates. The Old Emperor retired to Liege: thither his Friends resorted from all hands to assist him in the recovery of his Crown; with these he gave battle to his Son's Army, and was at first successful: Yet money and large promises having corrupted his party, he was abandoned by all, and in despair and necessity was forced to make his application to the Bishop of Spire, that he might be received a petty Canon in a Church which he himself had there founded; but this small favour being also beyond example denied him, he died within a few days, leaving to posterity one of the greatest instances, perhaps that any age has afforded, of the inconstancy of worldly grandeur.  
Those who were much wedded to the Interests of Rome, could presently discover the immediate hand of Divine Providence, revenging in Henry's death the long persecution he had carried on against them, little reflecting that Gregory the sevenths dying outed of his dignity, and in a most forlorn condition several years before, gave no less advantage to the Emperor's party. Others therefore who were not biased made no such inference from thence, knowing if there were no surer arguments to direct men in their judgements than the undertakers success, the best causes might oftentimes suffer, and the most palpable usurpations be vindicated.  
The Pope and Matildis after they had compassed what they long designed, thought it now an easy matter to manage not only Italy but Germany also, and the young Prince as they pleased: All the grievances of their Party were to be redressed, and the pretended corruptions of the Clergy of Germany to be reform in a Synod at Augsburg, where the Pope the better to confirm his Authority among them, was to be present; but they were much disappointed in Henry the fifth, who as soon as he was settled in his Throne, began to discover a strong dislike to their proceedings with his Father, and as he heartily wished, he had no ways been accessary to them; so to atone his guilt, his whole thoughts were employed on maintaining the Dignity & Prerogatives of his Crown, which had been so much violated by the late Rebellion.  
There was little encouragement then for the Pope to appear at Augsburg where he was sure to be crossed in whatsoever he proposed; besides Henry had an Army in readiness to go into Italy, there to receive the Imperial Crown. It frighted Matildis to hear of his coming in this posture, yet dissembling her fears, she was the first when he passed the Alps who sent to welcome him: The Pope likewise with great expressions of confidence invited him to Rome, because he knew he could not hinder his coming thither. Upon the day appointed for his Coronation, the Archbishop of Milan, by whom according to the custom he had first been crowned King of Lombardy presented him to the Pope, who before he proceeded any further in the Ceremony, required him publicly to renounce all pretention to the collation or investiture of Ecclesiastical Dignities; this Henry flatly refused to do, telling him he would not be tied to any such conditions, and that he expected his Crown after the same manner that Charles the Great, and Lewis his Son had received it; the contest lasted several days, not without great heats, and threatenings on both hands, the Pope declaring upon Henry's refusal to comply, that he must come to his spiritual Arms; and Henry letting him understand that his Army was ready at a call; so that nothing could persuade Henry to depart from this generous resolution, not valuing the Pope's Arms so much as the Troops he had brought with him from Germany: at length the Pope was forced to yield that as a Right to the Son which had been denied his Father, and which Matildis and the former Popes had made the ground of all their wars. The Emperor prouder of retrieving this lost Prerogative than of the Imperial Crown returned to Germany, where the first thing he did, was to see his Father's body interred; a favour his enemy's malice had not thought fit to allow it.  
No wonder if it pierced Matildis to the heart to see all her encroachments upon the Emperor's power for so many years brought to nought in a moment, and the Papal Authority, which with so much cost, pains and danger she had highly advanced, now reduced to what she had found it in the beginning of Henry the fourth's reign, and all this by one whom Pascalis and she had helped to set up upon his Father's ruins; grief then and old age cast her into a languishing distemper which in the end proved mortal.  
She had all along designed, that not only the Popes, in whose times she lived, but their Successors also should reap the fruits of her bounty, which made her easily hearken to those who judged it the securest way to put the Church in possession of the best part of her territories, and that it must be a particular satisfaction to see her own will executed to prevent the trouble it might occasion after her death, and to hear the frequent Panegyrics of those who extolled her munificence, and whose interest it was so to do. By these insinuations they had already got into their hands that which is called the Patrimony of St Peter, with several Cities in Tuscany. And now lest upon Anno Christi 1115 her deathbed she should seem to abate of her wont zeal, she confirmed what was formerly granted, adding thereunto all the rest.  
I cannot find she was ever Canonised, but the best of their Pens have been employed to celebrate her Virtues, and her memory is still more precious among them than that of most of their Saints; of this urban the eighth in our own time, has given testimony by having her body, or what at least past for it, translated from a Church near Mantova to Rome where it lies buried in St Peter under a stately Monument erected 1635. at his charge, with an Inscription, which expresses both his value for her Piety and Virtue, and his gratitude for her protection and bounty; and if oftentimes both in speaking and writing of her they call her a Saint, it is no strange thing, if one consider the stile of the Country, according to what Philip the Comines observed in his passage through Milan; where wondering to read the name of one of their worst Dukes, with this glorious Epithet of Saint upon the front of a Convent, a Priest ingenuously told him, it was their custom to call all those Saints to whom they were much obliged. In this respect then, envy itself must allow, never any could lay juster claim to this title than Matildis, who deserved better of the Popes than any that went before her, or that hath been since her time: for let them amuse men as much as they list with pretended donations from Constantine, or from Charles the Great, it is plain, the Countess Matildis first set them up, and it is her whom Rome must chiefly thank, and others blame for the Pope's bearing such a figure since, among the Temporal Princes of Italy.  
The event did verify what was apprehended before, that Matildis actions would be called in question afterwards; for Henry the fifth declared he would not agree to what she had done, because she could not dispose of what came to her by her Mother Beatrix, but that by her death it returned to the Crown; and in truth there seemed to be a great deal of reason in what the Emperor alleged, seeing it was too much that she had abused while she lived, the power derived from his Ancestors, without entailing it for ever upon his enemies; the Pope on the other hand thought he had good right to what was left him, chiefly when it was strengthened with possession: and betwixt these two powerful Competitors, the Family of Esté, whose Title certainly was best, had the least share.   

CHAP. VI  
An account of what passed as well in the German as in the Italian branch of the Family from the death of Matildis, till Otho of Esté Duke of Brumswick was chosen Emperor.  
HAving insisted more largely upon Matildis actions than so compendious a History will well bear, I return to her Family, which she like an unnatural branch, drawing sap from the root, and bestowing elsewhere, had almost destroyed. Her Husband Azo, though he could never well digest the trouble conceived upon his divorce, yet lived long after, and with his Brother Bertoldus did meet Henry the fifth at his arrival in Italy, and had by the means of his Kinsman Welpho Duke of Bavaria, Matildis last Husband, a reception full of respect and kindness. The Emperor was not then to learn how much Azo or his Family had suffered by adhering to his Father, and therefore enlarged his privileges, and gave him assurances of his protection; whether at that time he made known to the Emperor his just pretensions to a share of Matildis, Estate no History that I have seen doth satisfy me; but it appears Bertoldus' Son afterwards did highly resent his having no reparation made him, and thereupon took Arms against the Emperor.  
The concerns of the Family not dispensing with the absence of both Brothers, Azo after some days spent with the Emperor, took his leave, and returned to Esté. Bertoldus accompanied him to Rome, where he and Welpho were the persons who composed all differences, and made a perfect reconciliation betwixt the Emperor and the Pope, upon the promise made by the latter, not to meddle in the affairs of Germany, which he and his predecessors had for many years embroiled; this gave Bertoldus great credit, and raised him so high in the Emperor's confidence, that had not his Brother's death called him home, he must have gone into Germany; the rest of his life being spent in governing his people, gives no great occasion to the Historians to mention him, only we find at his death he left his Son Rinaldus very Anno Christi 1137 young, who afterwards proved so great a General in the Wars of Milan against Frederick Barbarossa.  
The other branch of the Family of Esté raised to infinite riches and power in Germany, calls us thither till Rinaldus comes of age, and if it be at all to be called a digression, yet I presume it will be no unpleasant one to the Reader: Henry of Esté Duke of Bavaria married the Daughter of Lotharius the third, who succeeded Henry the fifth, and after the death of his Father in Law made war upon Conrard the third, for violating the Agreement made with him at his Coronation; Conrard to ease himself of some part of the burden of the War, required the assistance of the Princes of the Empire in a Diet assembled for this purpose, in which he bitterly inveighed against Henry, yet contrary to his design, gave ample testimony both of the antiquity and greatness of the Family, as his Harangue still extant shows; he makes Henry an Upstart in Germany his great Grandfather, being the first that settled there, but at the same time he owns him to be of the blood of Esté, descended of the Ancient Roman Family of the Atii, swelled, as he says, with the Names and Titles of his Ancestors, he puts the Princes in mind of the treachery of Henry's Ancestor Hugo, who stirred up Ardoinus Marquis of Eporoedia against Henry the second: and last of all, he charges him with a design of overturning the Ancient Constitutions of Germany, complaining that his Interest there joined to that of his kindred in Italy was too like to effect it.  
Henry's death gave him not leave to vindicate himself and his Family from Conrards' aspersions, but his Brother Welpho did it in another Assembly to the satisfaction of all there present, that his Great Grandfather was a stranger in Germany, being of the blood of Esté, and of the Illustrious Family of the Atii, he was not, he said, ashamed to own; but they all knew he was a Germane by his Great Grandmother, and that by her he inherited the rich Duchy of Bavaria: That Hugo of Esté had countenanced Ardoinus was true, but the Emperor's resolution to ruin him, had put him upon that course to prevent it, and that after their reconciliation no man did ever more faithfully or successfully promote the Emperor's Service: And lastly, Conrards' accusation of their going about to subvert the Laws of Germany, he retorts upon himself for the unjust sentence passed against his Brother Henry and himself, by which they were deprived of all they possessed: He gives warning to all the Princes to look to themselves, and hoped if they did not join with him in so Just a Cause, that at least they would approve of his taking Arms for the recovery of his Dutchies from Conrard, whom he looked upon as the real subverter of the Ancient Laws of Germany.  
The War then begun by Henry against Conrard, but being intermitted by his death, it was renewed by Gwelfo, and kindled such a flame in Germany, as rivers of blood could scarce quench; the Nation was divided betwixt them, though not equally, for all the Princes that consented to the forfeiture of the Dutchies of Bavaria and Saxony were engaged in honour to assist Conrard, and such as enjoyed the fruits of it could do no less. Some few of the Princes who had declared against Conrards' severe proceedings with Henry, and the greatest part of the Bavarians did join with Gwelfo: And what he wanted in Germany was made up from abroad, for Roger King of Sicily supplied him with vast sums of money, which drew foreign troops to his Service, and four of the Princes of the house of Esté raised what forces Anno Christi 1145 they could for him in Italy.  
Some Writers make those famous factions of Gwelves and Gibellins which first appeared in Germany, and for many ages rend Italy to have had their rise from this War, those who were with the Emperor being called Gibellins from Giblinga, the place of Conrards' Nativity; and the others Gwelves from Gwelfo, the head of their Party: And though most will have the original of these names to be of more ancient date, yet all must agree that they then began to be generally used to distinguish the Imperialists from the Bavarians; and afterwards in the wars of Italy, by Gwelves were understood such as favoured the Pope.  
Gwelfo's Army was in the progress of the War so weakened, that not able to keep the field he went to Winbergh whither Conrard pursued him, and shut him up so close, that the best terms he could obtain was, that he with his followers should continue prisoners of War, and the place was to be exposed to sack; but Gwelfo's Princess who was there with her Husband, made it her humble suit to Conrard, that she with the Ladies of her Court might first be permitted to retire without any other baggage than what they themselves could carry; this request being readily granted, they took their Husbands upon their backs, declaring as they passed through the Camp, that these were the only Jewels they desired to secure from Conrard and his Army; this generous act of the Princess and her Ladies did so surprise and please the Emperor, that he would see his word made good, and thereupon not only pardoned but was reconciled to Gwelfo, giving him back some part of his Brother's inheritance: Gwelfo afterwards accompanied Conrard in his expedition to the Holy Land, which the treachery of the Greeks rendered insuccessfull; at his return he made ready an Army to go into Italy to receive the Imperial Crown, and designed to carry Gwelfo with him, of whose company he seemed to be very fond, because he durst not leave him behind; but his journey being put off by his sickness, he lived not to receive that honour, and though he left a Son, yet his Nephew Frederick Barbarossa succeeded him.  
Frederick's first work was to cement all the breaches of Germany, which he did with so much equity and discretion, that he gave satisfaction to all parties. His Mother was of the House of Bavaria, and this made him willing to restore that Duchy to the Son of Henry, and to his Uncle Gwelfo he gave all that the Emperors had recovered of Matildis Estate; which I confess was a doing right in some measure to the house of Esté, but not to that part of it that had suffered most by her.  
This brings us back to Italy, which we shall now find the chief Scene of Affairs, and Rinaldus of Esté of age to be the chief Actor, for whose sake we must give a more particular account of things, as they then stood when Frederick came thither.  
The long absence of an Emperor had brought Affairs into great disorder, especially in Lombardy, where every City formed itself into a sort of Republic; and dissensions naturally arising betwixt them, there was no person that had either Authority to determine their differences, or power to see his determinations received. The City of Milan affected the Dominion over all the rest, had already made some submit, and was every day encroaching upon others with an insupportable insolence. Many complaints were brought to the Emperor from most of the neighbour Cities, declaring, that they must submit to the Queen of Lombardy, for so Milan styled herself, unless they had his protection. The Emperor promised to make what hast he could towards them, and to put an end to all their quarrels. When he came to the Lago di Garda near Verona, he received the compliments of the Italian Princes; amongst others were Boniface, Fulco, Opizo and Albertus of Esté his Kinsmen by his Mother who had all conferred on them special marks of his favour: But we find nothing of Rinaldus the Chief of the Family, who it is thought absented himself, being highly disgusted that Matildis Estate should be settled by Frederick upon the Germane Line. The Emperor having rebuked those of Milan and Tortona for their late carriage, and required them to make reparation for the injuries done their neighbours, went towards Rome, and being Anno Christi 1155 Crowned Emperor by Adrian the fourth he returned into Germany.  
Fresh troubles in Italy called him soon back, but as his presence converted all their Rebellion into Humility and Duty; so his being reconciled upon too easy terms to Milan and Brescia, the authors of discord encouraged them to renew their practices when he was gone; and for Adrian if we honour him for his Country, as being of our neighbour-nation of England, we must condemn him for his malice against this great Emperor in fomenting their Rebellion. When Frederick came to Italy the third time, Milan and Brescia had several other Towns joined to them, and stood out a long siege; yet before he left them, they were made to accept of what conditions he pleased to impose, which yet were much more gentle than they, especially Milan did deserve, after having twice abused his clemency.  
About this time Adrian the fourth dying, the Election of two Popes, Alexander the third, and Victor the fourth occasioned a new Schism more dangerous than any of the former: both writ to the Emperor then besieging Crema, to confirm their Election; but he out of pure zeal for the peace of the Church refusing to declare for either, called a Council at Pavia, where they were summoned to appear to have their Cause heard and determined by their Brethren the Bishops. Victor came thither at the day appointed, but Alexander continued at Rome; whereupon the Council offended at his contempt, and judging his not appearance to flow from a diffidence in his Cause, gave it in favour of Victor, whom the Emperor did then confirm, and sent Letters to the Kings of France, England and Spain, to give an account of what was there concluded.  
Alexander was excommunicated by Victor at Pavia, Frederick and Victor by Alexander at Rome, and the parties being now irreconcilable, Alexander sent a Legate to those of Milan to declare them absolved from the Oaths they had lately sworn, and not obliged to make good the Articles which necessity had extorted from them. Milan and the Confederate Cities took Arms immediately, and resolving to carry on a form War against the Emperor, invited Rinaldus Marquis of Esté to be their General, who thinking himself injured and neglected by Frederick, did too readily undertake the Patronage of so unjust a Cause.  
The Emperor judging his Army too weak to deal with so many, gave order for New Levies in Germany, which were finished, and sent with great expedition to Italy, the Kings likewise of Bohemia, Denmark and Norway came in person to his assistance with their choicest troops, so that when all his forces were united he had no less than seventy thousand Foot, and forty thousand Horse; the Confederates likewise had made great preparations, Rinaldus of Esté their General brought six thousand Foot, and four thousand Horse, Brescia, Bergamo Piacenza, Verona, Vicenza, Padova and Bologna, sent the numbers agreed on; the general review was made at Milan, where according to most of the Italian Writers, they were fifty thousand men well armed; the very first night the Emperor sat down before Milan Rinaldus ordered a sally at four several gates, which put the Imperial Army into such confusion, that the enemy was like to have dispossessed them of their Camp.  
Rinaldus perceiving the Confederate Army to dwindle away insensibly, partly by Famine, and partly by Sickness, occasioned by their being shut up so close in the hottest season of the year, called a Council of War, where it was resolved, That all should be in readiness next morning to bring the business to an issue; the whole Army being accordingly assembled in the great Market place, Rinaldus led them out into the Imperial Camp a little before noon, where falling in upon the Danes and Norvegians that were secure and unfit for action, by reason of the great heat, he did so great execution, that no persuasion could make them continue the siege longer, and their marching off did so dishearten the rest, that the Emperor thought best to follow them; Rinaldus pursued him in his retreat, but the Emperor not able to bear this affront, and considering his Army to be still the more numerous, offered him battle; Rinaldus to make up the disproportion in the number by the advantage of the ground, posted himself upon a hill, dividing his Army into four parts; he gave the Van towards the plain to his Son Azo and Torrisedi Governor of Verona, the Milan Troops were placed at some distance behind, those of Bergamo, Brescia and Piacenza had the top of the hill, and the General himself retired to the other side out of the enemy's view.  
The King of Bohemia commanded one Wing of the Imperial Army, the Kings of Denmark and Norway another; Frederick with the Duke of Bavaria stood in the middle.  
The King of Bohemia's Wing began the fight about noon with Azo and Torrisedi, and for a long time it was doubtful to which Party victory inclined, till the King being wounded and carried back to the Camp half dead, his men retired in disorder: Azo encouraged by this, and seconded by the Troops of Milan, bore all down before him till he came to the main Body, where the Emperor with his Germane Horse sustained his charge, killed those who led the Troops of Milan, and took Azo prisoner. They upon the top of the hill who hitherto had no occasion to act, seeing the rest in distress marched briskly down to their assistance; and while the Imperialists bent their Forces that way, thinking the whole Confederate Army was now engaged, Rinaldus came with such violence upon their Rear, that they presently gave ground and marched off, with his own hand he took the Imperial Standard, and followed the Emperor so close, that he was obliged to the darkness of the night for his escape; but the news of his Sons being carried off prisoner did much abate the joy of his success; nor could any arguments prevail on the Emperor to give him up so long as his Father lived. It is believed, if this advantage had been pursued, the Emperor's Affairs in Italy might soon have been brought to a weak pass; but the Confederate Troops, as if they had already done enough, went all home to their own Cities to receive the applause and carresses of their friends, and could never again be united. Rinaldus also gave up his Commission, not willing to exasperate the Emperor while he had such an Hostage from his Family; nor could the Emperor make sure any other ways of one who did so unjustly head the Confederates, that had so often violated their Duty, and failed in their promises to their Prince.  
Frederick had been always hitherto Victorious, and now his Fortune seemed to decline, having after this manner besieged Milan several months to little purpose, and at last retired with so great loss; but this blow did rather hasten his success, for being doubtful what course to take, the news was brought him of the Confederates being gone, and this encouraged him to return to the siege of Milan sooner than they expected; the City seeing itself abandoned sent to capitulate with the Emperor, but he absolutely refused to agree to any terms, telling them that he expected to enter at a breach in their Walls as a Conqueror, and to treat them accordingly; whereupon trusting to his Clemency their Gates were opened; the Emperor then mindful how perfidiously they had dealt with him, commanded all the Inhabitants to depart within three days, and the City to be razed to the ground; and upon the fourth day after, he entered at a breach with his whole Army to see his Sentence put in execution; the neighbour Cities were forward enough to revenge the injuries received in pulling down each a part; the wretched Inhabitants standing without the Walls to express their sorrow in cries and tears when they saw the deplorable fall of the City: Novara pulled down one quarter, Cremona another, Como a third, and Lode a fourth, Churches and Convents, Hospitals and Palaces, without respect Anno Christi 1162 were thrown down, nothing except two small Chapels of all that stately City was left standing; the very Broglio or great Marketplace was sowed with Salt: And thus Milan which had long aspired to the Sovereignty of Lombardy, and which for its largeness, its beauty, and the number as well as riches of its Citizens began to emulate Rome, felt in a few days this terrible desolation, as a just reward of its insolence to its Neighbours, and of its perfidy to an indulgent Prince, who had already three several times pardoned its rebellion.  
The destruction of Milan, the submission of all the other Cities, and the changing the Ancient Magistrates into Imperial Podesta's seemed to secure the Peace of Italy for many years: Yet the haughty carriage of these new Ministers in the Emperor's absence, and the Arts of Pope Alexander drew on in a short time a fresh Rebellion: they wanted only a Head, and knew by former experience, that none could either do them credit or service like Rinaldus, but his tenderness for his Son was such, that no persuasions could engage him again.  
If Rinaldus of Esté's denying to join with the Confederates, did at first retard their motions, the baseness of Henry of Bavaria, one of the same Family did afterwards spoil the Emperor's Affairs, when he was in a fair way to reduce all; he was the Emperor's Cousin, and had been restored to the greatest part of his Father's Dominions at the same time that his Uncle Guelpho had those of Matildis given him in Italy: Yet upon a vain scruple arising from Alexander's Excommunication he left him when he had most occasion for him and his Troops. The Emperor went after him to persuade him to return, but no arguments nor condescension in the Emperor could work upon an obstinate humour, cloaked with a pretence to conscience: Nor was it only the loss of him and his followers, for his example was like to draw others away; so that the Emperor perceiving the ill disposition of his Army infected by the very air of that rebellious Country, sent to Alexander to procure his reconciliation; this he obtained indeed, but upon such terms, that it is hard to say, whether Alexander the third, or Gregory the seventh treated an Emperor with most insolence; what Gregory did at the Castle of Cannossa only with Matildis, Alexander may be said to have done solemnly in the face of the whole Senate and people of Venice.  
The Emperor finding his kindness to Henry of Bavaria so little considered, turned him out of all, and Henry who had married a Daughter of England, fled thither for protection, where he stayed, till by that King's intercession the Dutchies of Brunswick and Lunenburgh were restored to him by the Emperor; in this his former greatness was indeed much impaired, yet still he continued in the first rank of Germane Princes, which figure his successors have ever since sustained to the great honour of the Family of Esté from which they are sprung.  
Two years before died Rinaldus the most popular Prince, and the greatest General of the Italian Nation Anno Christi 1175 in that time. Wherever he appeared his reputation brought an Army together, and he had been successful in all his undertake, but the badness of the Cause he all along espoused did much lessen the glory of his actions. The latter part of his life affords nothing remarkable besides the taking Rovigo, because the Emperor knowing his restless spirit, would never part with his Son, by whose confinement he was sure to bind Rinaldus to his good behaviour.  
When the Emperor had the news of Rinaldus' death, he called to him Azo, showed him how much his Father had been his Enemy, how ill Henry of Bavaria had requited his favours, and how both being his near Kinsmen had been consequently most of all persons obliged to promote his service and honour: Yet that the former had been a great Instrument in the Rebellion of Milan, the latter of his unseasonable accommodation with the Pope; but that the world might see he had no design to destroy their Family, nor to revenge the Father's guilt upon the Son from whom better returns might be expected, he freely dismissed him, that he might go and enjoy what Rinaldus had left, adding thereunto the Government of Milan granted formerly by Otho the Great to his Ancestor Hugo. Azo's unexpected advancement gave great joy to those who wished well to his House, but he died before he could express his sense of the Emperor's Generosity, and left this as a debt upon his Cousin Opizo who succeeded him.  
Opizo's rise did beget great emulation in the breasts of two powerful Neighbours, and the most dangerous Enemies the Family of Esté ever dealt with, Salinguerra Taurellus of Ferrara, and Actiolinus of Onara, who had married Rinaldus' Daughter: the former was a man of extraordinary parts, the latter a stout Captain, and both of them were inflamed with ambition, which Opizo's greatness seemed to check; Salinguerra possessed the people of Ferrara with an Opinion that the Marquis of Esté designed their ruin, whereupon they came to acts of hostility with his Subjects without further examining the business. Actiolinus raising a Title by his Wife to Anno Christi 1184 Rovigo seized upon it, agreeing with Salinguerra to join Forces in case the Marquis proved too hard for either; the difference with Ferrara was soon made up, when it appeared that Salinguerra had created this misunderstanding, only to compass his own ends: And as ill grounded jealousy when dissolved, makes sometimes way for the most lasting friendship; so the Marquis, and those of Ferrara were hereby provoked to mutual offices of kindness and confidence, the Marquis to confute Salinguerras calumnies did effectually intercede with Henry the sixth in behalf of Ferrara to retrieve some privileges, which that City's undutiful carriage to his Father had lost: And this friendly act did so affect them, that they never ceased till the Marquis sent his Son Azo to live among them: And from that instant we may date the house of Esté's taking sure footing in Ferrara, which afterwards proved so happy under its influence. Actiolinus was more obstinate, refusing to restore Rovigo till Henry the sixth interposed his Authority. Actiolinus afterwards to secure the Emperor's favour, and to strengthen his party against the Marquis, declared himself Head of the Gibellin Faction, which obliged Opizo to take upon him the protection of the Guelphs.  
These Germane Factions began in Italy during Frederick's War with Alexander the third, and were by the sowers of Sedition improved to that degree under Frederick the second, that they divided the whole Nation, they put all the Families at variance with one another, and the Cities into Civil Wars within themselves; and if any were indifferent in their judgement, for their own security they were forced to declare themselves of either Party. Sometimes one Brother would be a Gibellin, that is, for the Emperor, and the other a Guelph for the Pope; and thereupon forgetting all the ties of Nature, would mortally hate and persecute one another; robberies, assassinations, and all sorts of violence and revenge were allowed against those of the contrary Faction: and the breach being once made was too like to continue, seeing the ways of uniting them were cut off, no man could expect reparation by Justice which lay dead; and the Families of one Faction could hardly be persuaded to match with those of the other: Their public meetings did for the most part end in quarrels, and in the streets they used to point at one another as Traitors or Renegadoes. Nor was the long duration less strange than the violence of these Factions, for though the flame did not always burn with equal fury, being sometimes stifled several years, and then breaking out again; yet it lasted almost four hundred years (from Frederick Barbarossa's time till the Reign of Charles the fifth) before it was quite extinct. Upon strict enquiry I find the better sort can still tell which Families were Guelphs, and which Gibellins in several places, but they have now laid aside all rancour or malice upon this score.  
Actiolinus was now grown a very nneasie Neighbour: with an Army of Padovans he went towards Vicenza and Verona, pillaging and burning all where he came, the People of Verona did in this straight cast their eyes upon Azo Opizo's Son, who with such as followed him from Ferrara and Esté fought Actiolin near Bachilio, and took five hundred of his Party prisoners. It is probable Azo was chiefly employed in this service, because Opizo did then lie ill, and died a few days after.  
This early proof of Azo the sevenths' valour seemed to presage great happiness under his Government, Anno Christi 1193 which made them receive him at Esté upon his return with extraordinary expressions of joy; and there he continued some time till his friends at Ferrara troubled to lose the only person that could curb Salinguerra, found a charm to bring him back. His Wife the Count of Savoy's Daughter, by whom he had several Children, was lately dead; they therefore proposed to him a match with a Lady of their City, who for riches and interest exceeded, all that lived in those parts; her Uncle was the Chief Magistrate, and the much richest Nobleman of Ferrara, who besides what he had there, was also Hereditary Governor of the Mark of Ancona, to all which having no Issue, his Niece was to succeed. This was too advantageous a proffer for Azo to neglect, and Salinguerras endeavouring to hinder it, did bring it on the sooner; they were married privately, and afterwards received by the Magistrates and People of Ferrara at their coming thither, with all the formalities of Princes.  
Salinguerra highly enraged went to the Emperor who was then in Sicily, with heavy Articles against Azo; first, that he designed to make himself absolute Master of all the Cities near him, as he had already done of Ferrara, and that with his ambition he discovered a hatred to the Emperor and his Government: Secondly, that he could not forbear to express his resentment of their Families having lost the Dutchies of Bavaria and Saxony; and thirdly, that of all his Ancestors he did most extol Rinaldus, whom it was plain he intended to imitate by making himself Head of the Guelphs his Majesty's professed enemies. These words of Salinguerra, set out with all the advantage of Eloquence, of which he was a great Master, did so work upon Henry the sixth, that it was thought, if he had lived to come back it would have gone ill with Azo.  
In the Election of a New Emperor Germany was divided betwixt Philip Henry's Brother, and Otho of Esté Duke of Brunswick a Nephew of England, nor could the matter be accommodated till Otho marrying Philip's Daughter waved his pretensions to the Crown at present, upon condition he should enjoy it after his Fathers-in-law death. Salinguerra at his return from Sicily renewed his Confederacy against the Marquis by marrying the Daughter of Actiolinus while Azo retired to Esté upon the death of his Wife. No Anno Christi 1200 sooner was he gone but Salinguerra began to bear sway after his old manner, and not content to be absolute at home by his Father in Laws means he got to be Podestá of Verona.  
Every one could easily guests what Actiolinus and he aimed at, but none in Verona had the courage to oppose them, except Count Boniface, who told the people plainly, they were hasting towards slavery, and that the only way to save them, was, to seek to the Marquis of Esté's protection: Most agreeing with the Count's motion, they sent to Azo, who marched thither, encountered Actiolinus and Salinguerra in the Marketplace, took the former prisoner, while the other escaped; and restored the City to its Ancient Freedom. Upon advice that many were fled to Pescera, he went and besieged the place, and upon its surrender dismissed the Common Soldiers, but sent the Officers prisoners to Esté, with those that were taken at Verona, he set Actiolinus at liberty upon his bare promise, not to give any disturbance afterwards to him or his friends. The news of Azo's success drew all whom Salinguerra banished to his Party, with whom going directly to Ferrara he chased Salinguerra and his adherents thence, and put the Government into the hands of his own friends, promising his assistance upon the least notice of Salinguerras being about to attempt any thing.  
Next year was yet more favourable Anno Christi 1209 to the House of Esté by the advancement of Otho to the Imperial Crown. In his journey towards Rome he was met by Azo and his Sons near Verona, whom he received and treated as his Kinsmen, he composed their differences with Actiolinus and Salinguerra, and desired that for his sake all the prisoners at Esté might be set at liberty. The Marquis continued with him till the Ceremony of his Coronation was over, and then that the Family might reap some advantage as well as honour by his digninity, he gave to Azo the Principality of Verona, together with the final appeal of the Province, and likewise the Government of the Mark of Ancona, with several Castles belonging to Vicenza: Where among the motives inducing the Emperor hereunto, express mention is made of their kindred, as appears by the Grant yet extant.   

CHAP. VII.  
The irreconcilable differences of the Guelphs and Gibbellins, with the Marquis of Esté's getting Ferrara, and the death of the most infamous Tyrant Actiolin, and of his Brother Albericus.  
THe Crown was not well settled upon Otho's head when Innocent the third gave it away to Frederick the second, pretending that Otho had broke his Coronation Oath, and forfeited his Dignity by invading the Dominions of Frederick, and of the Church: Whether the Pope were more injust in setting Otho up to oppose Philip, or in degrading him now to advance Frederick, whom he himself had formerly injured, I leave to others to decide. But plain it is, that no Apology can be made for Azo's behaviour in this juncture, seeing he who had so lately been owned for Otho's Kinsman, and had received so fresh marks of his favour, was the most forward of all the Nobility of Lombardy to countenance the Pope's sentence, and declare for Frederick. By his means were Otho's Garrisons turned out of most of the Cities of Tuscany; and so great was his zeal for the Cause, and so entirely did the party confide in him, that he had the young Prince committed to his trust till he got safe into Germany: This rendered him still more considerable among the Guelphs, who were become too strong for the other Party by Otho's depression; but while they were projecting how to model the Government of Lombardy after their own way, Azo's death broke all their measures.  
Salinguerra hoping to find in his Son Aldobrandinus a person easy to deal with, would not stand to the treaty made with Azo a little before his death, complaining that he had been overreached in it; besides, he considered, if the Marquis once got Modena and Regio into his hands, as he was like to do, with what grief he must from the Walls of Ferrara see himself surrounded on every side with the Territories of the House of Esté, and therefore made what haste he could to come to a breach before he were in a manner shut up at home. Notice being given to the Marquis of Salinguerras intentions, he sent to Bologna the guaranty of the Peace bebetwixt Salinguerra and his Father, to demand their assistance; they who knew Salinguerra to be a man of a restless temper, that observed no agreement longer than it made for his advantage, joined with the Marquis, and marched towards Ferrara, which they took without great resistance; and Salinguerra retired to a Castle belonging to Modena, from whence by frequent excursions he did greatly annoy the other Party; but perceiving them resolved to have the place, he engaged Bologna to intercede with the Marquis, that upon surrender he might have leave to return to Ferrara with solemn protestations, that he would give him no further disturbance.  
The difference with Salinguerra was the sooner made up, because the danger Esté was in by Actiolin and the Padovans called for speedy relief from the Marquis, who just got back in time to save it. A Party in the Mark of Ancona commanded by the Count of Celano declared anew for Otho, pillaging and burning every place that would not join with them. Aldobrandinus, to whom that Government did of right belong, though the Counts of Celano always disputed it, went thither, fought Otho's Party, killed the Count, for which Innocent gave him the Title of Marquis of Ancona; and having thus in a short time humbled Salinguerra, raised the siege of Esté, and recovered his Authority in the Mark: He died suddenly in the flower of his age, not without suspicion of poison given him by one of his Servants, whom the Count of Celano's Brother had corrupted: Anno Christi 1216 he left two Daughters, whom we shall mention hereafter.  
The Enemies of the Family of Esté got nothing by Aldobrandin's death, his Brother Azo the eighth, or as some will have him the ninth who succeeded him, being a person for his skill both in the Arts of Peace and War, well qualified for those difficult times. The first thing he did after quelling an Insurrection in Ancona, was to settle at Ferrara, that so he might have an eye upon Salinguerras motions, whom he knew ready to take advantage of every change, and Salinguerras Opinion of Azo kept them several years on good terms; but the flame that was smothered and not extinct, did too easily break out again; and now all began to declare themselves openly Guelphs or Gibellins. Salinguerra being gone Podestá to Mantova, the Guelphs in a popular tumult pulled down his Palace, destroyed his fine Gardens, broke his Statues in pieces, and made havoc of every thing they met with. This news did so incense him, that coming upon them unexpected, he killed every Guelph he found, and by the help of the Gibellins forced the Marquis to leave the City to his mercy. This Civil War which none can deny Azo's Party began, did for three years' plague Ferrara; sometimes the Marquis and the Guelphs had the better, sometimes none were to be seen but Gibellins; those that prevailed were sure to pull down all the good houses that belonged to the other Party; so that at last the City lay in a heap of rubbish, and of thirty two Steeples that were in it when Salinguerra went to Mantova, not one was left standing.  
The Marquis assisted by Verona and Padova shut Salinguerra so close up within Ferrara, that he seemed willing to come to any accommodation; but when Count Boniface upon his Invitation went in to treat with him, most perfidiously he kept him prisoner, telling him withal, that as Azo was obliged to the Troops of Verona for the advantage he now had, so he expected his own terms before he parted with him. Azo's tenderness for Count Boniface whom he judged in great danger, made him yield to such things as Salinguerra durst never otherwise have proposed; for it was agreed, that all the Gibellins banished by the Marquis as well as the Guelphs by Salinguerra, should have leave to return, and be again possessed of their Estates, and of the grounds where their houses had stood, for very few of them were left entire, that all places and trusts should be divided betwixt them, that Salinguerra should continue at Ferrara, but the Marquis might not come thither above twice a year, and then he was to leave most of his train without the Gates, and to stay only a few days. This Peace beyond all men's expectation lasted fifteen years, which helped much to repair the ruins of the City.  
About this time Actiolinus, the declared head of the Gibellins, after having long glutted himself with blood, cruelty and oppression, renounced the world to dedicate the ruins of his old age to a Monastic life, leaving a Son of the same name, who carried on the divisions of Italy, and Anno Christi 1226 out-vied him in all manner of wickedness. Salinguerra could not expect to better himself by falling out again with the Marquis; yet that he might one day or other make work for him, he underhand employed all his interest to get Actiolin the younger created Podestá of Verona, by which that Party was much strengthened.  
If things went ill with the Guelphs where Actiolinus and Salinguerra were in Authority, the Gibellins made as great complaints of their hard usage in Ancona, where the Marquis being absolute Master, was much encouraged in his severities by Honorius the third, and Gregory the ninth; the latter seeing Frederick engaged in the Holy War thought to seize upon the Kingdom of Naples, and communicating his Design to Azo, found him too ready to engage in it; nor could any thing but the Emperor's speedy return have prevented them.  
No wonder if Frederick were much offended with the Pope and Azo's proceedings, and they conscious of their guilt armed the Guelphs, lest the Emperor should attempt any thing against them, which made Actiolinus and his Party not think themselves secure, unless they were in the same posture; so that for a long time in formed Armies they lay in wait for one another, and put a stop not only to all manner of Trade, which much impoverished Corporations, but also to agriculture, upon which a Famine was like to ensue: Both Parties being at length tired out, and their brutal fury in some measure spent, first a cessation of Arms, than a Peace was concluded and sealed with the marriage of Actiolins Niece to Rinaldus Azo's Son.  
Andrew the second of Hungary in his return from Rome was entertained by Azo at Esté, where charmed with the beauty of Beatrix, Aldobrandin's Daughter, and her Uncle's Magnificence, he demanded her in Marriage, and Azo consenting to it, she was sent after him into Hungary with a Noble Train; a few months after Andrew died leaving the Queen with Child, and she apprehending herself in danger from the next Heir of the Crown, retired to her Friends in Italy, where she was brought to bed of Anno Christi 1237 Stephen, Father to Andrew the third King of Hungary. Her younger Sister Alexina was married to Albert Duke of Brunswick.  
The Peace betwixt Azo and Actiolin at best signified little, seeing their acts of hostility were scarce ever discontinued; but Gregory the ninth, taking occasion to quarrel with the Emperor for refusing to go again into Syria, brought things to a worse pass than before: they had drawn the Guelphs and Gibellins into bodies, openly defying one another; the Emperor upon his Excommunication was marching towards Rome; and Salinguerra was entering upon the last and most Tragical Act of his Life, which I must not pass in silence.  
The Venetians required a certain acknowledgement for all goods carried up the Pó to Ferrara, which Salinguerra was not willing to pay; and their ships being sent to lie at the mouth of the River to hinder any thing to enter, Salinguerra with what Boats he could make came upon them, and after a sharp dispute had the better, taking some, which he brought to Ferrara as Trophies of his Victory over the Venetian Navy. The Republic not able to digest this affront, joined with the Guelphs to be revenged upon Salinguerra, who suspecting some design upon the City did hasten his ruin by commanding all of that Faction to be gone, and receiving Germans in their place.  
This was declared to be a plain breach of the Treaty with Azo, who thereupon being chosen General against him, went towards Ferrara in the beginning of February, accompanied by the Dogé of Venice, the Pope's Legate Boniface, and many of the Chief Nobility of those parts; Salinguerra made for four months a stout resistance, till Provisions beginning to fail, without any prospect of supply, the Land Army having destroyed the Harvest; the Venetian Navy blocked up the River, and the Germans growing mutinous, Hugo Rambertus, a man of great Authority, did in the name of the City desire him to make peace with Azo. Salinguerra had no disposition towards it, yet yielded to Hugoes importunity, and upon the Generals, the Dogés and the Legates promise, that he should be permitted to return safe into the City, ventured out into the Enemy's Camp to treat.  
The Legate was for seizing immediately upon Salinguerra, pretending that no faith was to be kept to one that had broken his so often, but the Marquis would by no means agree to it, at last it was concerted among them, that leaving the General in the Camp with the Army, the rest should accompany him safe into the Town to make good their word, and there make him prisoner; and while Salinguerra entertained them at a sumptuous Banquet he was laid hold upon, clapped in chains, and sent in a Galley to Venice, where he died soon after in the eightieth year of his age. This we must say of Salinguerra, that no man ever took more pains to bring trouble upon himself, nor used greater address to be disintangled: Most of his actions show how little he was obliged to Fortune, though much to Nature, being of a graceful person, affable, bold, eloquent and bountiful, all which helped to make him popular; but those blessings were overbalanced by cruelty, dissimulation and ambition; that at last he had hard measure cannot be denied; yet his treacherous carriage to others made his fall the less pitied.  
Salinguerras death brought the Marquis a sufficient reward for all the pains and danger undergon in behalf of Ferrara, the whole City in a body, with the Bishop, declaring him their Prince, to whom they were willing to commit their Lives and Fortunes, without tying him to any other Rules of Government than what his Prudence and Goodness should judge most for the City's advantage. The Venetians for the charge and trouble they had been at in this Expedition, were allowed to settle a Magistrate there, whose Authority in all their Councils was for some time great, but after a few years limited by the Marquis to such things as immediately concerned the Republic. The Pope's Legate also took upon him to confirm in his Masters Name the City's choice of the Marquis▪ which at first appeared no more than a matter of Ceremony, but was strangely made use of afterwards to prove the Pope's Title to that City. This Azo's Successors found by sad experience, when allowed only to be feudatary Princes, they were at last forced to part with that to the Church, which they owed to the people's Free Choice; and in truth it was a high piece of injustice, by them called subtlety, for the Pope to pretend to give away what was not his own, that so he might call it back at his pleasure.  
Actiolin had with grief beheld the fall of Salinguerra, and the ruin of his Party in Ferrara, by the advancement of the Marquis, which he prevented as long as he could, and waited only for an occasion to do mischief, which always comes too soon. Gregory the ninth, Azo's best friend being dead, the Emperor's Arms threatening the Guelphs, and the Marquis being employed at Ferrara, Actiolin upon a sudden falls into his Countries of Esté and Rovigo, made prey of whatever was worth carrying away, burned the rest with the villages, and killed without respect to sex or age, all the persons he met with, and returned to Padova which had for some time groaned under his yoke. The Marquis with his Army went thither and sat down before it, knowing how much Actiolin was hated; but this cost many of the Padovan Nobility dear; for being suspected to have encouraged the Marquis in this attempt, without further proof, they were by the Tyrant's order most barbarously murdered. To relate all the particulars that past betwixt Actiolin Anno Christi 1246 and the Marquis, were to give an entire History for many years of the Guelphs and Gibellins of Lombardy, who acted nothing remarkable but in their presence, or by their direction; I advise the Reader then, who desires to be informed of the most remarkable passages of several years, till we come towards Actiolin's death, form within himself Ideas of the greatest confusion, murders and villainies pacticable, and in these look back upon the deplorable state of Italy in that time.  
Conrard after the death of the Emperor Frederick caused some to poison Rinaldus Azo's Son, who had been many years kept prisoner in the Kingdom of Naples; but his Son Opizo escaped to his Grandfather with the news of Rinaldus' death. It was no strange thing that Conrard should deal thus with the Son of his greatest Enemy, if it be true which is reported, that he helped to dispatch the Emperor his Father; and this may in a great part excuse his Brother Manfred for poisoning him.  
Manfred did Arm mightily in Naples, and encouraged Actiolin to do the same in Lombardy: his Neighbours to whom he was grown terrible without any other Army than his constant train, knew what they might expect, if the Gibellins were brought together under such a General; this made the Venetians, the Pope, and the Anno Christi 1256 Marquis of Ferrara enter into a strict Confederacy against Actiolin; and that Forces might be raised with the more expedition, it was declared a Croisado, and plenary indulgences were granted at Bologna, Ferrara and other places through which the Pope's Legate past, to such as should engage in so pious a War; and indeed Actiolin had so laid aside all sentiments of humanity, that at Padova where he did most reside few days passed without instances of signal cruelty, to be only banished, though with the loss of Estate, was thought no small favour, for by this means life was secured, which no innocence could do at home; his fury oftentimes broke out against those who thought themselves most his favourites, and who had really deserved best of him: In a word, all within his reach, and he had then a long arm, did tremble under the apprehension of his wrath.  
Actiolin upon the news of the Confederates march, and of their design upon Padova, not willing to meet them, nor judging it for his reputation to be besieged there, left the place with a good Garrison to his Nephew, and went in person to besiege Mantova, as if he had apprehended no danger behind him; but this act of vanity lost him Padova, which having made a short and a faint resistance was taken by assault: Most of the Inhabitants, instead of seeking for lurking places, as is usual upon such occasions, run to meet the Marquis and Legate at their entry, falling down at their feet, ready to adore them, as sent from God, to deliver their City from so horrid a Tyrant; and then walking before in a Solemn Procession to the Great Church, with a good heart they sung Te Deum. From the Church they went to the prisons, freeing fifteen hundred from their chains in one place, six hundred in another, besides many Women of quality, who had not seen the light, nor their friends, nor known how things went in the world for several years. Upon the surrender of the Castle, the whole City run to see that place of which next to hell they were most afraid, it having been of a long time the infamous Theatre of Actiolins cruelty: Upon search, in the Dungeons above four hundred and sixty persons were found so pined away with hunger, and covered with filth, that none present could know them, either by their voices or countenances, though afterwards most of them proved to be Padovans. The great number and variety of Instruments of torment, with the heaps of dead bodies that filled the corners of those loathsome apartments, did strike the beholders with amazement. And indeed as other great Men delight in stately Palaces, and fine Gardens, Actiolin's whole study was employed in those hellish Inventions; his prison was a Labyrinth in which he commanded the person who presented him the Model to be shut first up to see if it were so ingeniously contrived as he pretended; and it is certain, as many thousands ended their days in it, so neither the unhappy contriver, nor any other ever found the way out, to come and give the world an account of it, till the Marquis and the Legate got thither.  
While Padova was expressing its joy for so unexpected a deliverance, it went ill with the poor Padovans at Verona, Actiolin happened to arrive from the siege of Mantova at the same time with this unwelcome news; and the poor Messenger who innocently reported it was by his order immediately put to death; but it being in a few hours confirmed by many of his Officers who had made their escape, Actiolin commanded his Army to be lodged within the City, and the Gates to be shut up, and all the Padovans who were there, either under confinement, or soldiers in the Army, or Officers of his House to be apprehended and killed; and so punctually was he obeyed by his Guards, and the other Ministers of his Cruelty, that in a week's time, of eleven thousand only twenty eight remained alive.  
Having offered up such a bloody sacrifice to his wrath, as hardly any History can parallel, he marched towards Padova, but finding it was not to be recovered at his return to Verona, those twenty eight, whom in regard of the singular services done him, he had formerly exempted from the common butchery, were all hanged in the Market place. Then joining with Pallavicino and some other Gibellins, he beat the Legates Army, took himself prisoner, and got into Brescia almost upon as easy terms as the Marquis and the Legate had Padova: But his allowing no share in the Conquest to those who assisted him, made Pallavicino go over to the Marquis for whom the honour of ruining Actiolin was reserved; for while he was attempting no less than the Conquest of Milan, the Marquis and Pallavicino gave him battle, and having the advantage, they so pursued it, that Actiolin with five horse only endeavouring to recover Bergamo, was over-taken before he got thither, and so fell into their hands alive.  
When the Soldiers heard Actiolin was taken, they crowded to behold the Monster, whom they fancied not to be shaped like other men, it being a constant tradition among the Common People, that a Devil clothed with a body, supplied his pretended Father's place when he was begotten; many of them calling to mind, how much he had made them suffer in their persons, in their estates, or in their friends, could scarce by the General's Authority be contained from offering him violence: but he being recommended to Pallavicino's care he was conveyed first to his tent, afterwards to Soncino, where giving little sign of sorrow for the rivers of innocent blood he had split, and obstinately refusing to have his wounds searched, or to eat or drink enough to keep him alive, he thus helped to dispatch himself; nor could his greatest enemies have wished him to fall by a more polluted hand.  
The joy for Actiolin's death was soon allayed by the actions of Albericus his Brother in whom he seemed still to live. His cruelties at Treviso, and other parts of the Mark called for a new Croisado, of which the Marquis was again declared General: Albericus had strongly fortified the Castle of St Zeno, and provided it with all necessaries, resolving to make it his last refuge, and thither he now retired with his Treasure, his Family, and a few of his most trusty Friends, who helped him to keep it out so long beyond expectation, that the besiegers engaged, that all in the place should be set at liberty, except Albericus and his Family, who were to be given up, which being accordingly done, the vengeance of such as he had injured, he was brought with his Wife, his six Sons, and his two Daughters into the middle of the Camp, where, first, the Sons, in his and their Mother's presence had their legs and arms cut off and thrown at their Parents, their bodies were hewed in pieces and carried as relics to the poor disconsolate Widows whom Albericus had deprived of their Husbands much after the same manner before he left Treviso. His Wife and his two Daughters, whose innocence and beauty deserved a better fate, were fastened to stakes and burnt alive; and Albericus in the last place being tied to a Horse tail, was dragged about the Camp, and all that would, had leave with hot pincers to tear out his flesh, and what remained of his Carcase became a prey to the Wolves of the next wood. After this dreadful manner was the Family of Onara extirpated, which had for several Ages aimed at an Absolute Dominion over that part of Italy: but the insupportable tyranny of the two Actiolin's and Albericus drew the wrath of Heaven and Earth upon them, and has made their memory odious to all posterity.   

CHAP. VIII.  
A continuation of the differences betwixt the Guelphs and Gibellins until the death of Rinaldus the second.  
THe loss of Actiolin to the Gibellins was repaired in Mastinus Scaliger, who coming to be Created Podestá of Verona, declared himself head of that Party; Most of the Italian Writers make Mastinus of a very mean extraction, raised to great riches under Actiolin, and now to the chief trust in the City, which was so managed by him, that he and his Offspring continued Absolute Princes there for above a hundred years, till their Ambition and Insolence provoked their Neighbours to arm to their ruin. The first thing Mastinus undertook was to chase away Count Boniface and the Guelphs; but they going to Ferrara made known the danger their Party was in from such a growing enemy, and Actiolin's creature, and easily engaged the Marquis to assist them, but Mastinus upon their approach, not thinking himself able yet to deal with him who had so lately ruined Actiolin and his Family agreed to restore the Count, and those he had banished, and kept himself afterwards within the terms of moderation, as long as the Marquis lived.  
The support the Gibellins had from Manfred made Vrban the fourth who was a Frenchman offer the Crown of Naples to Charles Count of Anjou, a Brother of France, which he accepted the more willingly, because he was much encouraged by the assurances that were given him from the Marquis and the Guelphs of Lombardy, but while preparations were making on all hands, the Marquis died much lamented by his Party: He had been wonderfully successful in most of his attempts, though he had to do with the greatest men of that Age, and that often times upon very unequal terms; he cannot be much taxed, either with cruelty or breach of promise, yet he wanted not his frailties, only the wickedness of his Rival Actiolin both helped to cover them, and render his virtues the more conspicuous. And upon the whole matter it must be acknowledged he was engaged in the worst Party, seeing the Gibellins Cause, how ill soever they managed it, was much the justest, they maintained the Emperor's undoubted Rights, which the Guelphs pretended the Pope's Spiritual Arms had cut off.  
Azo leaving his Grandchild Opizo too young to undertake the Government, the Bishop of Ferrara under a pretence of the danger of the times that required a Prince able to protect them, would have come to a new Choice; but such was the respect the City generally had for the Family of Esté, that the Bishop's practices served only to make them the more watchful in preserving Opizo's right. In this Mantova, Padova, and the Neighbour places encouraged them, offering their assistance if required towards Opizo's establishment; and the Turcii a powerful Family, who with most vigour withstood the Bishop, were appointed Guardians during the young Prince's minority.  
Clement the fourth, no less an enemy to Manfred than Vrban his Predecessor, sent to Charles of Anjou to make haste if he expected the Crown designed him, and finding the most decent, the most effectual, and withal the cheapest way for the Church to make war was by Croisadoes, where a red Cross, and a plenary indulgence which cost nothing, made the good men of those days fight more desperately than any pay. The War against Manfred was declared a Holy and a meritorious Expedition, and none in Lombardy promoted it more than Opizo, or rather his Guardians: The issue of all was, Charles and the worst Cause prevailed, Manfred losing Anno Christi 1266 his Crown with his Life under the Walls of Benevent.  
The Gibellins only hope was placed in Conrardin, Manfreds' Nephew, and the Grandchild of Frederick the second, whose journey into Italy Mastinus Scaliger, Prince now of Verona, did as earnestly solicit as the Marquis did formerly that of Charles. Conrardin came and passed most of the winter with Scaliger consulting about the method of carrying on the war while Opizo's Guardians, and the Guelphs, nothing frighted by the enemy's nearness, raised what Troops they could for Charles: Early in the spring both Parties appeared in the field, but the fate that pursued Barbarossa's Family soon overtook Conrardin. The Germans and Gibellins were beat, the poor Prince made prisoner, and in the eighteenth year of his age sentenced by Charles, not without the Pope's privacy and direction, to die as a common traitor by the hand of an Executioner for endeavouring to recover what of right did belong to him.  
The Guardians resigning the Government to Opizo now of age, he by his strict Union with Charles covered himself from all the storms Mastinus Scaliger, and the Gibellins raised. It is true, the extinction of Barbarossa's Family in Conrardin had brought them so low, that for some time they durst scarce own the name or the quarrel, however they wanted not ways to continue the division, and Mastinus kept them in hopes of great things under a new Emperor; but when application was made to Rodolphus Count of Hapsburgh, the first of the House of Austria that had the Imperial Crown, no arguments could work upon him to come into Italy, or to intrigue himself at all in the concerns of that Nation so fatal to his Predecessors, whom, he said, he could trace going thither, but could meet with no footsteps of their return: from him as Sigonius, and the best Writers observe, Italy may date its liberty, seeing any City could purchase of Rodolphus what Government it pleased; though if we look narrowly into this thing, it proved rather a changing Masters than any true liberty, and in many places a losing the protection of an Emperor to be under the lash of some petty Tyrant, it made way for the greatness of the Church, established the French, and in general, it fared worse with Italy afterwards, though in some places they fell into gentle hands, as happily Modena and Regio did when joined with Ferrara under the same Prince.  
The Church was soon sensible how little it had got by exchanging Germane for French, who seeing themselves once fixed in Italy, could not be satisfied, unless they had the spiritual power likewise; and according to the vanity natural to most people in prosperity, but in a peculiar manner to the French, they talked of nothing but a French Pope, a French Consistory, and to have all new modelled in their way. This made Nicolaus the third a proud Italian of the House of Ursini who hated and contemned all Tramontani, and particularly the French, vigorously bestir himself against Charles, and the first that found the ill effects of his displeasure was Opizo, against whom he armed Albertus Scaliger, and the Gibellins, that Anno Christi 1276 by this means he might weaken the King's Party in Lombardy, which Opizo kept up. We have not the particulars of the War betwixt Scaliger and the Marquis, only it is to be supposed it went not ill with Opizo, because the Articles of the Peace afterwards concluded are most favourable to him.  
After the Peace was made up betwixt Opizo and Scaliger, the Pope's Arts, and the insolence of the French drew sudden ruin upon them in Sicily; for Peter King of Arragon married to Manfreds' Daughter, coming thither with his Navy, the Sicilians, as it was before agreed on, at the hour of Vespers fell upon the French in all parts of the Kingdom, and without compassion or respect, massacred Men, Women and Children, and presently Peter with his Spaniards landing, took possession of the Kingdom.  
The Pope's hatred against Charles, and Peter's success did not a little help to set up the Gibellins again, who began in several places to return upon the Guelphs the ill usage they had lately met with: But Opizo bore no Anno Christi 1286 share in those disturbances, having made a Peace to his mind, and married the Prince of Verona's Daughter, and now he was so far from taking pleasure in heading a Faction, that for the future he resolved to put on the person of an Umpire, and to use his Authority in composing differences among his Neighbours. For his honour he was the first man that thought of employing himself this way, because the animosities they had been bred up to from their Infancy, had so heated and soured their tempers, that their whole study was how to ruin one another, looking upon this as the only method to secure themselves. Yet Opizo showed the world, that as he could put off those Principles his Grandfather had infused in him, so by his means others could be brought to righter apprehensions of things, and differences be made up betwixt Families which were judged absolutely irreconcilable.  
An instance of this he gave at Milan, where he brought several Families which had long lived in open defiance to an entire friendship; and scarce was he got back to Ferrara, when Ambassadors from Modena and Regio, came to declare him their Prince: The Emperor likewise approving of this choice, confirmed to Opizo, and his Successors, the perpetual Principality of those Cities, which continue to this day in their Allegiance to the House of Esté, and have in these latter Times given signal marks of their fidelity to their Princes, beyond most people of Lombardy.  
So great were the distractions of Modena, and Regio, when they chose Opizo for their Prince, that it was thought strange they could ever be brought to agree in any thing; yet the Opinion both parties had of his worth and justice, made them not only unanimous in choosing him, but likewise in submitting all their differences to his determination, and his Prudence and Authority soon put an end to them: This was the last remarkable passage of Opizo's life, for at his return to Ferrara he died. He was a prudent and a fortunate Prince, had in his youth showed both resolution and conduct in several erterprises; but the latter part of his life was still the most glorious, and he got also more in a few years by promoting the peace of Italy, than his Grandfather had done all his time by fomenting their unnatural divisions.  
He left three Sons, the eldest was Azo the ninth, whom the French in Naples highly caressed, knowing his friendship to be necessary for the support of their interest in Lombardy: But the Padovans were like to have given him much trouble by setting up his younger Brother Aldobrandin, had not the Patriarch of Aquileia adjusted the matter before it broke out into an open war. The City of Parma had more respect for Azo, and resolved to follow the example of Modena and Regio; but Bologna did so deal with the Gibellins, that they could not be brought to consent to it. This ill office the Marquis did much resent, and thereupon began a war with Bologna, which lasted a Anno Christi 1297 long time, and was prosecuted by him with such heat, that Bologna sensible of the danger, sent to the Pope and the Florentines, to intercede with the Marquis for a peace. The Families of Visconti and Torriani had long divided Milan, either of them affecting the Sovereignty by the ruin of the other; at last by the favour of the Emperor Henry the seventh, who began again to meddle with the affairs of Italy, neglected by his predecessors for almost sixty years, Visconti not only prevailed but grew on a sudden so powerful, that he was like to swallow up all near him; the Cities of Pavia, Vergelli, Novara, Cremona, Crema and Bergamo, apprehending themselves most in danger, did with the Marquis of Ferrara, Montferrat, and Saluzzo, enter into a confederacy to pull Visconti down; and Azo being declared their General, did so successfully manage the war, that Visconti was soon humbled, and might have been brought low enough, had the League continued. After the conclusion of the Peace, Beatrix, Azo's Sister was contracted to Galliazo, Visconti's Son, and the marriage solemnised at Milan with such magnificence as Italy had not seen of late years.  
Visconti being a little depressed, Azo was absolutely the greatest Prince of Lombardy; for besides Ferrara, Modena, Regio, Rovigo, Commachio, with several other places of less note, all his own, Bergamo, Cremona, Crema, and Pavia lived under his protection, and were ready at a call: This made Charles the second, King of Naples, willingly hearken to a match betwixt the Marquis and his youngest Daughter, having married her three elder Sisters to two Kings, and the first Prince of the blood in France: Such an Alliance we must allow was highly for the honour of the House of Esté, but proved unhappy in its consequences; for the Neighbours grew jealous of Azo, as they had formerly been of Visconti, and it was given out that the King of Naples and he designed to Conquer, and then to divide Italy betwixt them; that Azo was to have all upon this side, and the King all beyond the Appenin. Scaliger therefore of Verona, with those of Mantova, Parma and Bologna, by the Pope's means declare war against the Marquis, and Regio narrowly escaped being taken by those of Parma, as Modena, likewise by those of Bologna, and both places after some time fell into their hands by the treachery of a few disaffected Inhabitants, who by night opened the Gates for the Enemy to enter at.  
The loss of two Cities gave not so much discouragement to Azo, as the revolt of his Brother, with others of Anno Christi 1308 his Subjects, which made him doubtful whom to trust; but the seasonable arrival of his Father in Laws troops from Naples, and of some from the Swisses, together with seven hundred Catalonian Horse did remove his fears, and put his affairs in so good a posture, that it is believed, it would have gone hard with his Enemies, if he had lived to finish that Campagne.  
No wonder if Francis who durst rebel against his Brother, did dispute the Title with his Son Friscus after his death; but it seems there was a Will either found or feigned, in which Azo had declared him his Successor; by this and the Legate of Bologna's help, he raised a tumult against Friscus, got possession of the City of Ferrara, and was by the Magistrates and People saluted Marquis. The Castle whither Friscus retired had a Venetian Garrison, and made a stout resistance, till Friscus seeing things desperate, stole away by night to Venice where he died, and left the Garrison to the mercy of the Legate, who caused the eyes of all the Venetians to be pulled out: Francis likewise had little reason to brag of his Conquest, for the Legate assuming the whole Authority, sent him to reside at Rovigo, where by his order he was soon after murdered.  
The Pope, first by countenancing, and then by murdering this ambitious Prince got Ferrara to himself; but such wicked practices did so alienate the hearts of the People, that to preserve it from the Emperor he was advised to consign it into Robert King of Naples hands: Robert, though Brother to Beatrix Azo's Wife, kept it more by the strength of the Garrison than the affections of the Inhabitants who retained an inward reverence and passion for the injured Princes of Esté, and waited but for an occasion to express it. One day it happened that the Governor in his anger gave a blow to a Gentleman of Ferrara, of which he died; whereupon in an instant all were in Arms, and he with the Garrison, with much ado got to the Castle, which was ill provided to hold out long: The news came immediately to Rovigo, where Azo the Son of Francis and his Cousin German Rinaldus, Aldobrandin's Son then lived, who while they were resolving with their friends what course to take, a solemn invitation from the City of Ferrara, removed the fears of their not being welcome, and determined them in their resolutions, so that they began their journey thither next morning: Upon advice of their approach, all, besides those who were actually employed in the siege of the Castle went out to meet them, accompanying them first to the Church, then to the Palace, without the least disturbance; the Garrison in a day or two came to capitulate, and were dismissed with their Governor; and the City in a grateful remembrance of so unexpected a delivery, kept every fifth of August a day of Thanksgiving, so long as there was a Marquis or Duke of Anno Christi 1317 Ferrara.  
The joy for the Prince's Restauration was doubly allayed; first, by the death of Azo, to whom Rinaldus Aldobrandin's Son succeeded, then by the Popes procedure which could not have been more violent if Rinaldus had been accessary to his Uncle's death, whom the Legate murdered, or had been guilty of Usurpation in accepting his own, he was presently excommunicated, and his Subjects commanded in thirty days, under the like pain, to cast off Rinaldus and his Ministers, and receive the Popes: But neither in Prince nor People did the Pope meet with that compliance he expected, for Rinaldus could not be so easily frighted from what he was sure he had so good a right to, and the Citizens instead of rejecting him, did by an humble Address entreat him, that he would not abandon nor give them up who had been so faithful to his Ancestors, and so ready to shake off the Church's yoke to return to their Allegiance, assuring him, that no threats nor allurements should ever debauch them from their Duty to their Natural Prince. Immediately Ambassadors were dispatched to their Neighbours, with an account of the Pope's dealings, and the resolutions of Rinaldus, and Galleazo of Milan, Canis Scaliger of Verona, with the great Castrucius of Luca, and the banished Florentines enter into a League for the defence of the Marquis of Ferrara, in case the Pope should proceed any further in his unjust pretences. But after many attempts for several years to little purpose the Pope took off the sentence which he had so rashly and unjustly pronounced against Rinaldus, and confirmed whatever was done at Ferrara during the interdict. Anno Christi 1327  
A short time discovered the Pope's Peace with the Marquis of Ferrara, and his Brothers was intended only to disarm them, that so he might the better fall upon the City: In order to it the Legate of Bologna made great preparations, and notice being given to the adjacent places of Romagna, to be in readiness, the whole business was carried on so closely, that the Legate invested Ferrara with an Army of thirty thousand men before the Marquis suspected his design: Every Gentleman of Ferrara showed as much concern as the Marquis could to disappoint the Pope, who had so treacherously surprised them: and the place, though ill provided, held out by this means beyond expectation, till the thing being blazed abroad, Visconti from Milan, Gonzaga from Mantova, Scaliger from Verona, without exception of Guelphs or Gibellins in this common danger sent Forces to relieve it. The Marquis having private information of their approach, went out by night, leaving the place to his Brother Opizo, with Order to make a Salley at such a time as he with the Confederates should advance towards the Enemy's Camp; which being accordingly performed, the Pope's Army was unexpectedly beset upon all hands, and received such a total overthrow, that very few escaped being killed or taken prisoners.  
The Marquis upon his return, according to the custom of that age, after any signal military performance, was solemnly Knighted with his Brothers by Taurisanus, the most reputed Captain of the City: This sort of Knighthood they judged so honourable, that the greatest Princes were willing to receive it from the hands of their own Subjects; an instance of this we meet with in Francis the first, who thought it worth the while to send for the complete Chevalier de Bayon, one of his Generals in Italy to be Knighted by him, as if he looked upon this to make him somewhat more a Gentleman than the Crown of France did.  
Not long after died Rinaldus, and Modena which he had besieged many months, fell into his Brother Opizo's hands: To grace his first entry upon the Government, this City having deprived itself for above thirty years of the protection of the House of Esté, tossed from one Master to another, could never find rest till it took sanctuary there again.   

CHAP. IX.  
A brief account of what passed in Lombardy from Opizo's advancement till that of Borsius the first Duke of Ferrara, and of the Council held at Ferrara, to unite the Greek and Latin Churches under Eugenius the fourth; with several other memorable transactions.  
NOthing is more entertaining than the History of the ebbings and flow of the Ruling Families of Lombardy in those days; when any one of them grew too Great the rest combined to levelly it. Thus it had lately fared with the Families of Esté and Visconti, as I observed; and now Scaliger was to have his turn, being the only object of their jealousy: for besides Verona he had ten more Cities under him, kept five thousand Germans constantly in pay, affected the Title of King of Lombardy, and was grown intolerably insolent. The first that began with him were the two Republics of Venice and Florence; afterwards Visconti, the Marquis of Ferrara, and Gonzaga agreed to enter into the League, both that they might be sharers in the Conquest, and thereby keep the Republics from enriching themselves too much, and likewise when they thought fit might stop the current before Scaliger were utterly ruined. In a short time Scaliger lost seven of his Cities, which were divided among the conquerors. But the Florentines, for all their subtlety, and contempt of the Lombard's were outwitted by the Venetians and Visconti, and had scarce enough allowed them to defray the charges of the War: the Hostages for performance of the Articles of the Peace were consigned by all Parties into the hands of the Marquis, who towards the latter end behaved himself more like a Mediator than an Enemy to Scaliger.  
Azo of Correggio not being able to keep Parma sold it to Opizo, and the City itself, willingly came under a Prince of Esté, having found itself so happy when Governed by that Family four hundred years before; the people at Opizo's arrival to express Anno Christi 1347 their affection to their new Master, strengthened his Title, by choosing him anew: but after some time the Marquis perceiving how Visconti and Gonzaga both lay in wait for it, how uneasy a thing it would be for him to keep it, there being no Communication betwixt this and his other Cities, and how at best he must resolve to entail a War upon his Posterity with these Princes, was persuaded to part with it upon the same terms that he bought it.  
Opizo past the rest of his time in great tranquillity, and having outlived all his Brothers, left at his death seven Sons very young; this encouraged his Nephew Francis that was supported by Visconti, whose Niece he had married, to make an attempt upon Ferrara; but Aldobrandin the second, though he was not then above seventeen years of age, and had none of his Family fit to advise him, yet behaved himself so well, and found the Nobility so faithful, that Francis seeing no likelihood of compassing what he designed retired to Milan, and never afterwards offered to give him the least disturbance.  
The Wars betwixt the Republics of Venice and Genova engaged most of the Princes of Lombardy in their quarrel, Visconti declared for Genova, and contributed largely towards the charge; Aldobrandin, Scaliger and Carrara of Padova were for the Venetians. Visconti not knowing well how to come at the Venetians, resolved to set upon their Confederates, and by the help of Bologna laid siege to Modena, which was looked upon as the easiest enterprise; but young Aldobrandin with thirty thousand Anno Christi 1356 men entering into Visconti's Territories called him home to defend his own Country before he could take the City. His grief for being thus treated by so young a Captain hastened his death; and soon after him died Aldobrandin, the most hopeful Prince of Italy, being but in the flower of his age.  
When Nicolaus Aldobrandin's younger Brother found Barnabas Visconti like to be as troublesome as his Father, he offered to the Legate of Bologna, to Gonzaga & to Scaliger, whose Daughter he married to concur in keeping a standing Army as the best expedient to bridle his ambition, by which Barnabas was so highly provoked, that the first thing he undertook was to invade the Marquis' Country: Nicolaus having secret advice of his design, made himself ready, and gave Barnabas such a brisk reception, that many of his men being killed, and several of the Nobility of Milan taken prisoners, he with the rest made a shameful retreat. Barnabas then seemed willing to hearken to a Peace, offering to refer all their differences to the Emperor Charles the fourth, nor could he have wished for a more favourable Umpire than him whose Grandfather had first set up the Visconti at Milan, who had himself made his Father Visconti Vicar of Italy, and who had lately expressed great kindness for himself; yet upon second thoughts, Barnabas concluded it not so well for him to make Peace with Nicolaus, till his lost honour were in some measure repaired, which made him prepare another Army against the Marquis; but the Emperor taking it ill to have the business first referred to him, and then to have Barnabas think of revenging himself, deprived him of the Title of Vicar, and of all other Imperial Privileges, forbidding any of the Vassals of the Anno Christi 1365 Empire to assist or countenance him. Barnabas to wave this storm accepted of what terms were proposed him.  
This Peace it was hoped might have lasted a long time, but Barnabas still in his heart hated Nicolaus as the occasion of the Emperor's being displeased with him; and Nicolaus could never be well reconciled to Barnabas, while he kept Regio, which of right belonged to him: so that no wonder if both parties watched only for an opportunity of falling out. After many and great disputes too tedious to be set down, Nicolaus recovered Regio that had long been Anno Christi 1374 out of the Family, and then was he contented to stand upon his own defence: The most he did was to balance all Parties when either of them grew too strong; but he chiefly employed himself in deciding their differences, by which he got a great Name, and never wanted business, the Venetians and Carrara of Padova, the Cities of Bologna and Florence, with several others freely submitted themselves to his arbitration.  
When Nicolaus had spent many years in this desirable station, Galleazo Visconti fell upon the Scaligers, chased away the Father, killed the Son, and took Verona. It troubled Nicolaus to see the Family out of which he had married a Wife, ruined in an instant, and to see Visconti, for whom of all other he had the least kindness, so great a gainer by it; he solicited hotly the Princes and Free Cities of Lombardy to take Arms against Galleazo, and brought them almost to a resolution; but his sudden Anno Christi 1387 death, and the fate of the House of Scaliger made all endeavours to save it ineffectual.  
Nicolaus left but one Son, who entering into a Religious Order, resigned all to his Cousin Albertus; Galleazo was now too great for Albertus to oppose, which made him side with Galleazo, that so if he got nothing by the ruin of Scaliger, he might at least save himself, that was most likely to suffer next. This League they termed everlasting, though as the motives upon which it was made, seemed to promise no such thing; so neither did it prove such in the issue: for as soon as Galleazo was engaged in a War with Florence, his new Subjects of Verona and Padova revolted, and threatened to fall upon the Marquis, unless he would join with them. Albertus' being afterwards at leisure founded the University of Ferrara, whither his bounty drew some of the chief Professors in all Arts and Sciences, amongst others Salicetus that most famed Civilian; but when he thought to have dedicated the rest of his time, and no small part of his Revenue to the Muses, his sudden death deprived the Learned of the best Patron of that age.  
By his Will he recommended his Son Nicolaus, being yet a Child, to the tuition and care of the chief Families of Ferrara, ordering, that by turns they should have the administration of Affairs till he came of age, that so all having some share in the Government, they might the more heartily espouse their young Prince's interest. Most thought it a thing not practicable for so many persons, sometimes to sit at the Helm, and then to return to their private stations, and to own the Superiority of those whom they had lately commanded: But for several years this course did wonderfully succeed, none while in Authority, showing any other ambition than that of discharging their trust faithfully; and in compliance to the Orders left by Albertus, giving up their Commissions at the time limited, with the same cheerfulness that at first they received them. During the Prince's minority, Azo the Son of Francis, and a Grandchild of the Family of Visconti, did by open force, as well as by poison, and other wicked practices, attempt the death of Nicolaus, till happily he was taken and kept prisoner, notwithstanding the endeavours used by those of Milan for his enlargement. The obligation of being Anno Christi 1396 always in Arms upon Azo's account, put the Government to so great charge, that a considerable sum was borrowed of the Venetians, and Rovigo given them in pledge for it. By this Republics means a match was concluded betwixt Nicolaus and the Daughter of Francis Carrara, who now next to Visconti was the most powerful Prince of those parts, he being then absolute Master of Verona, Vicenza, Bellimo, Feltry and Padova, most of which came to his Family, first by the depression, and afterwards by the ruin of the Scaligers.  
The Plague about this time breaking out in Ferrara, many of the Nobility retired to their Country-houses; Carrara who had no liking to the Government settled there by Albertus coming thither with a Train, that might rather have passed for an Army; he turned out the Nobility, and put the Prince and the City into the hands of his Subjects and Favourites. Nicolaus fell ill soon after, and if he had died, no doubt Carrara had kept that City; but upon his recovery, being jealous of his Father in Law's ill intentions, he dismissed the Padovans, and made use of those who had formerly served him.  
The designs of John Galleazo, lately Created Duke of Milan by Wensislaus the Emperor, tended plainly to the subversion of Lombardy; Bologna by the slaughter of the Bentivoglios was fallen to him; he had likewise Perugia and several other places upon that hand; and if he had lived a few months longer, Florence could not have saved itself. His death encouraged the Pope and others to enter into a War with his Son, a Legate being sent to Ferrara to declare Nicolaus General of the Church; but the Duchess Dowager of Milan afraid of what might follow upon such a Combination, made earnest suit for Peace, which she bought with the loss of Bologna, Perugia and Asizi.  
The friendship betwixt the Venetians and Carrara ending in a bloody War, both Parties courted Nicolaus, who at first was persuaded to declare for his Father in Law; but foreseeing his ill management of Affairs, and his obstinacy in refusing to yield up a little to secure the rest, must at length ruin him, he made Peace with the Venetians, and Carrara having lost Verona, Vicenza, Feltry and Bellimo, and being besieged at Padova, was betrayed and delivered into the hands of his Enemies, who carrying him prisoner to Venice, with his two Sons, put him there to death: His Offspring are yet at Padova, and of late have been glad to be admitted among the Gentlemen of that Republic, which put their Ancestors out of the Rank of Princes, in Anno Christi 1406 which they had lived almost ninety years. It was the fall of Carrara which made the Venetians first considerable upon the Terra firma.  
Regio was now in the hands of Ottobon of Parma, who resolved never to be at Peace with the House of Esté, till he had likewise Modena; but Nicolaus joining with the Duke of Milan, and other Princes, procured Ottobon to be declared a disturber of the Peace of Lombardy, and his Country to be exposed to all that bore him any malice. For an Insurrection at Parma, Ottobon hanged sixty five of the Chief Citizens; and dangers threatening him both at home and from abroad, he seemed willing to give satisfaction to Nicolaus whom he had most injured, and appointed a Conference with him, hoping by this means to have an opportunity to kill Nicolaus: Advice being brought to Nicolaus of Ottobon's design, he came to the place well guarded, and leaving his men at some distance, as Ottobon also did his, both with a few trusty friends came together to discourse the business: Franciscus Sforza afterwards Duke of Milan, being there with Nicolaus, and observing some of Ottobons' followers cast themselves into a certain figure, which they were to do before they fell on, prevented them, by laying hold upon Ottobon, and seconded by others, killed him outright; all his party deserting him besides his Brother and one other Officer. Since Actiolins time there had not been a more cruel Tyrant than Ottobon, yet they advised Nicolaus to satisfy the world by a public Declaration, that what he did was in his own defence; nothing but this being able to vindicate the kill any man after such a manner.  
While the Marquis lay before Regio, an Ambassador from Venice arrived in the Camp to give him notice that the rest of Ottobons' Family being fled thither, as to the sanctuary of the oppressed, they sent to offer their mediation, expecting he would proceed no further. Nicolaus thought it a little hard to be required, not to meddle with what belonged to his Family; yet not being willing to come to a rupture suddenly with Venice, he endeavoured to gain time in returning a smooth and ambiguous answer, and in a few days had both Regio and Parma delivered him. When the Venetians understood this, they wisely declined meddling any further in so desperate a business, withdrawing their protection from Ottobon's friends, and owning the Marquis for their Confederate; this Nicolaus took so kindly, that he never ceased, till by his mediation the Peace was made up betwixt the Emperor Sigismond and the Republic, and the Articles signed at Ferrara. Anno Christi 1416  
The Emperor was troubled to see the Church rend by so many Popes at one time, and thereupon assembled the Council of Constance, where Benedict the thirteenth, Gregory the twelfth, and John the twenty fourth were deposed; and Martin the fifth chosen, and the new Pope in his return from Germany to Rome passing by Ferrara, was with all his train sumptuously treated by the Marquis, whom in the name of the Princes of Italy he thanked for the Peace concluded by his means, betwixt the Emperor and the Venetians, and for his constant forwardness in promoting the public good: Parma growing troublesome to him, he sold it to the Duke of Milan, who at the same time renounced all his pretensions to Regio. It was thought that Lombardy was then sufficiently purged from all seeds of discord; when Philip Duke of Milan's seizing upon Genova, and threatening Florence, gave a fresh alarm, the Venetians offered the Florentines their assistance; but Nicolaus though jealous of the Duke's greatness could not be engaged till they declared him General, and by their Ambassador sent him St Mark's Banner, with an unlimited Commission: after several battles, the Duke having already lost Brescia, and being in a fair way to lose more, Nicolaus at the Pope's request proposed a Peace, Anno Christi 1427 which all parties by their Ambassadors agreed to at Ferrara. The Duke of Milan not being able to bear the loss of Brescia, without ever dismissing his Army, fell more hotly upon the Venetians than before, yet with no better success, for after much treasure spent to no purpose; instead of having the first Peace confirmed with the loss only of Brescia, by this he was obliged to give up also Bergamo.  
Who could have imagined, that after having thus smarted, the Duke should have come to another breach; but the natural inconstancy of that Prince, the ill grounded opinion he had of his own sufficiency, and the flatteries of those about him, who when ever he miscarried, pretended he was betrayed, never suffered him to live at ease; the Venetians on the other hand, understanding perfectly with whom they had to deal, seemed to be afraid of his Power, that so they might hasten a rupture, being sure always to gain somewhat by falling out with the Duke of Milan: How hard a task than had the Marquis Anno Christi 1436 to keep the balance even, betwixt two so unequal parties, which yet he did all his time? This made his Friendship to be valued both by the Pope and the Emperor Sigismond, who honoured him with a Visit in his return from Rome, was treated at a rate suitable to his greatness, and at his departure, he confirmed by a new Grant to the Marquis and his Posterity, his Title to Modena, Regio, and the other places, which he held of the Empire.  
From the design then a foot to Unite the Greek and Latin Churches, I must beg leave of my Reader to give a short account in the first place of their differences, which were both about some speculative points; as that of the Procession of the Holy Ghost, and also about Rituals, as the Consecrating leavened or unleavened Bread; but that which chiefly made the breach so wide, was the Contest about Supremacy. The Pope's pretensions to Universal Jurisdiction over all Christian Churches, are too well known to be much enlarged on. Upon the other hand, the Greeks only allowed them to be Patriarches of the West, and said that the rise of their Dignity was not from the pretended Succession to St Peter, but from Rome's being then the Metropolis of the Roman Empire, which clearly appeared by what followed upon the translation of the Imperial Seat to Byzantium; the Bishop of that See, being declared in two of the first four General Councils Equal in all things to the Bishops of Rome, excepting only Precedency; because Constantinople was New Rome, expressing by this what Opinion they had of the Rights old Rome then enjoyed, seeing they did not ascribe them to a Divine Original, but to the Dignity of the City. Upon this great disputes arose betwixt the Bishops of those Sees, while the one would not acknowledge a Superior, nor the other an Equal; the Popes endeavoured to engage in their behalf the Patriarches of Alexandria and of Antioch, as ancienter than those of Constantinople, to whom they were not to yield the precedency. From the days of the most learned Photius these unhappy differences settled in a form Schism, and gave no small advantage to the Saracens and Turks over the Eastern Christians, in whose ruin the Popes seemed but little concerned.  
An Union betwixt the Churches had been long desired, and Eugenius the fourth, Martin's Successor finding in this a plausible pretence to ruin the Council of Basil then assembled, called another at Ferrara, where he knew he had a friend in Nicolaus, and invited the Greeks with large promises thither. Nor could the Pope have wished for a more favourable conjuncture, seeing the danger of the two Eastern Empires of Constantinople and Trapezond, that were ready to be swallowed up by the Turk, made them, in hopes of assistance from Italy, willing to come to any accommodation. The Emperor of Constantinople, John Palaeologus, to promote the business, resolved to be there in person; and Nicolaus upon his arrival at Venice, went thither to welcome him, had him lodged in the Palace of Esté, and then returned to Ferrara to make ready for his reception. The Emperor being accompanied by his Brother Demetrius, Despot of the Morea, the Ambassador of Trapezond, and the most considerable Bishops of Greece, in all seven hundred, were met by Nicolaus, and a Noble Equipage at some distance from Ferrara: The Emperor was conducted directly to the Pope, who to show him, as they pretended, an extraordinary mark of respect, would not suffer him to kneel, but embraced him in his arms with great expressions of kindness; afterwards Nicolaus brought the Emperor to an apartment richly furnished for him in the Palace, called Paradise, where he received the Compliments of the Cardinals, and other Chief Prelates.  
The Patriarch of Constantinople who stayed at Venice till he had an account of the Emperor's reception, came to Ferrara a few days after, but refused a public Audience of the Pope, because he would not observe the Formalities required, and all disputes about Precedency being waved as much as possible, they held the first Session with great solemnity. Here was an occasion for Nicolaus to show his hospitality, and the splendour of his Court; and to do him justice, though but a private Prince, he came much nearer the Magnificence of the Great Constantine in his entertainments, than the Fathers of this Council did those of Nice in the purity of their Doctrine, or in the sanctity of their lives: There was never a Spiridion, nor a Paphnutius in this Assembly, and scarce an Athanasius, unless in Marcus Bishop of Ephesus, who boldly defended his Church against the Errors of Rome; but on the other hand, there were more than one Eusebius of Nicomedia, and in Bessarion no ill Image of Eusebius of Caesarea in his behaviour, but the true reverse in his change, which unhappily was for the worse: after fifteen Sessions the pretended fears of a Plague, and really that of the War betwixt the Venetians and the Duke of Milan, who favoured the Council of Basil, made the Pope translate his to Florence, where he carried things as he pleased. But the servile compliance of the Greeks merely upon a prospect of interest did afterwards appear, when being disappointed of their expectations at their return home most of them anathematised what they had subscribed in Italy. Bessarion and Isidorus only of all the Greeks charmed with the dignity of Cardinals, and foreseeing the approaching ruin of their Country, continued in the Communion of the Church of Rome.  
The Venetians in the beginning of this War with the Duke of Milan, gave the Marquis back Rovigo without requiring the sum borrowed upon it; but besides this, there were other motives to persuade the Marquis to befriend them, for the Duke by the valour and conduct of his General Francis Sforza, was like to repair all his former losses, and to wrest the terra firma out of the Venetians hands. Nicolaus knowing well the Duke's temper found ways to sow the seeds of jealousy betwixt him and his General, which in a short time brought Sforza over to the Venetians, Anno Christi 1446 and with him the Duke's Fortune. The siege of Brescia was presently relieved, Verona recovered, and the Duke's New General Picininus beaten. The Duke was sensible of his folly in disobliging Sforza, and agreed to give him his Daughter in marriage, recommending the management of the business to Nicolaus, who made up the match betwixt Sforza and the Lady, and the Peace betwixt the Duke her Father and the Republic: This was the last remarkable action of Nicolaus' life, for going to visit the Duke of Milan he died there, and in him did Italy lose the wisest Prince it had bred of many ages; he came short both of the Venetians and the Duke of Milan in power, but by turning the scale always towards the party for which he declared, he raised himself as it were above both, his riches he employed in living splendidly, and had entertained two Emperors, and three Popes, besides many other Princes at his Court; his two Sons by the Marquis of Saluzza's Daughter, Hercules and Sigismond, being yet but Children, he left the Government to Leonel, to whose Mother it was believed he never was married.  
Leonels' first Wife of the House of Gonzaga being dead, and he raised to a higher station, Alphonsus' King of Naples accepted of him for his Son in Law; and Leonel sent his Brother Borsius with the Venetian Galleys, to conduct the Princess to Venice, where the Doge and Senate took occasion to express their respect to King Alphonsus, and the Marquis in the great state with which they received her. When she entered into the territories of Ferrara, the whole Gentry a horseback, with the Ladies in rich Coaches, made such an appearance, that the Prince of Callabria her Brother, who came to see her safe with her Husband seemed equally pleased and surprised with the splendour of the Court of Ferrara: The Prince in his return home was accompanied by Hercules and Sigismond, recommended by Leonel to the King of Naples, at whose Court, he said, his Father upon his deathbed desired they should be bred; but many thought it an honourable and secure sort of banishment, while they were kept at a King's Court indeed, yet still under the eye of Leonel's Father in Law.  
The Pope, the King of Naples, the Duke of Milan, the Venetians and Florentines being all in War, Leonel in imitation of his Father, observed a perfect Neutrality; and as soon as the Parties were disposed for Peace, offered his Mediation which they accepted, and sent their Plenipotentiaries to Ferrara: This, with the many Treaties held there in the time of the former Marquis made Platina and Sabellicus term Ferrara the House of Peace, or as we find it in some Letters, the Venerable Temple of the Quiet and Liberty of Italy. While Leonel and the Plenipotentiaries were at work, the death of Philip Duke of Milan, in whom the Race of the Visconti failed, put a stop to their proceedings; the Duke leaving things in that confusion, as if he had designed to entail upon Lombardy the divisions which he had all his life fomented.  
The City of Milan weary of so Absolute a Government inclined to form itself into a Republic, several other places were given up to the Neighbour Princes, Leonel out of his kindness to Sforza had given him notice of the Duke's death when it was kept secret; and now Pavia and other places which sent to him, desiring to be received into his protection, he turned over to Sforza, endeavouring to get for his friend what he had not courage to take for himself. It is certain if Nicolaus had been alive he had ordered things more for the advantage of the House of Esté; but Leonel was not so well known, and every one could see that his love for Peace, or rather for ease, did ill fit him for a New Conquest.  
The Venetians were of a much different temper, who having so fair an invitation to enlarge their Dominions upon the terra firma, pretended that the Duke dying their declared Enemy, they might seize upon what they could. Sforza by his Wife could set up no Title to the Duchy, she being a Bastard, yet desirous to put in for a share, offered to be General of Milan against all who had any design upon it, and under this plausible pretence questioned not to advance himself, which he did. The Duchess Dowager knowing Forza's ambition, endeavoured to cross him all she could, and threatened to call in Savoy and France to oppose him; but the Venetians jealous of France countenanced Sforza, though afterwards they were sorry to see him become so soon Duke of Milan, and their gains so small by so considerable a change: they solicited therefore Leonel to engage the King of Naples in a War with the New Duke, which he was not forward to meddle in, having helped to raise Sforza to that greatness; and while these designs were a foot, Leonel died with the reputation rather of a good than an active Prince.  
He was a great Patron of Letters, for besides the Learned Men, whom he kept always about him, and who had plentiful provisions in his University, Theodorus Gaza, Georgius Trapezuntius, Laurentius Valla, and several others at Rome found the effects of his bounty, and much did such persons stand in need afterwards of so good a support in the time of Paul the second, and of Sixtus the fourth, especially of the latter, to whom Theodorus Gaza presenting a Book with a fine Dedication, after having bestowed what money his poverty could spare in the neatness of the binding, the Pope's liberality to him scarce amounted to that charge. But Rome was then what an Ingenious French Writer observes of it under a certain Heathen Emperor, when one pitiful Cook had a larger allowance than fifteen excellent Orators: For it is certain, that if those who fled from Constantinople and other places, with the ruins of the Greek Learning, had not found a true friend in their Country man Bessarion, never sufficiently to be commended upon this score, they had as good have stayed in the Seraglio, as have come to the Vatican: They could have but starved there, and so they might at the Court of Sixtus, if the Greek Cardinal, and some other generous persons, such as the Princes of Esté, and the House of Medici, had not contributed towards their maintenance.   

CHAP. X.  
The Life of Borsius the first Duke of Ferrara and Modena.  
LEonel was no sooner dead, but the Magistrates came to Borsius his Brother to salute him Marquis, who though he made some difficulty at first upon the account of his Brother Hercules, whose right it certainly was; yet they soon wrought upon him to accept of the Government for some time, and when he was once in possession, all parties appeared so well satisfied, that there were no thoughts of removing him while he lived. In his Youth he had been bred up in Arms, had made several Campagnes in the Venetian Army under Sforza, and also in the Milanese Army had behaved himself so well, that many thought that Duke having no Sons, designed to have adopted him. The City of Luca hearing of Leonels' death took Arms, and seized upon some Castles belonging to Modena; but the Troops dispatched thither by Borsius, soon recovered them, and he was going in person to besiege Luca, when the Florentines at the request of that City made up the business, giving full reparation to the Marquis for all the damages received.  
This success discouraged others from giving Borsius any further trouble, and he seeing the occasion his Brother had of getting more by the Duke of Milan's death now lost, resolved to enjoy what he possessed, and in his way of living to tread his Father's footsteps. Frederick the third in his passage to Rome was invited by Borsius to Ferrara, and treated there for a week most magnificently with all his Train, consisting of above two thousand persons; he presented the Emperor at his departure with forty of the finest Horses of Italy, besides other rarities, the Germane Princes also and Nobility every one according to his Quality carried away some token of the Marquis' generosity. Anno Christi 1452  
The Emperor wonderfully taken with the Noble Nature of Borsius, resolved to advance him to the Dignity of a Duke, which was done at his return in this manner; a large Theatre being erected in the middle of the Piaza before the Palace, and upon it a Throne of Cloth of Gold, the Emperor in his Imperial Robes, with the Crown which the Pope had set upon his head some days before, came thither, and being placed in his Throne, the King of Hungary sitting upon his right hand, and the Count of Tirol his Cousin, or as some Writers say, the Duke of Austria, upon his left; besides many Italian and Germane Princes placed according to their Quality: Borsius being richly apparelled, and attended by four hundred Gentlemen, dressed all in the same manner, began his Cavalcade at the old Castle, and rid from thence towards the Piaza, three of the Chief Officers of his Court carrying large Banners before him; the first of which had the Imperial Eagle, with the Arms of the House of Esté, in a field verd, and immediately after them a Gentleman with a naked Sword; when they came near the Theatre and saw the Throne, all lighted, and Borsius advancing towards the Throne, kneeled before it, and had his Ducal Robes put on by the Emperor, who delivered him the first Banner for the Earldom of Rovigo, the second for the Duchy of Modena and Regio, the third with the naked Sword, as a Badge of his Absolute Authority, and then declared him Duke of Modena, and Regio, and Earl of Rovigo, making him take his place by the King of Hungary: whereupon all the Princes and Ambassadors came to the Duke to Compliment him: The Emperor in his Patent expressly mentions his doing now the same Honour to the House of Esté, which Frederick the second had done about two hundred years before, to that branch of it that settled in Germany, meaning the Dukes of Lunenburgh and Brunswick; he gave the Family a new Coat of Arms, and leave to seal with white wax, a punctilio much observed among the Princes of Italy. The Ceremony being over, they returned to the Palace where the Emperor was treated according to the Solemnity of the occasion; and having stayed some days longer went for Germany, Frederick and all his Court being fully satisfied that this great honour was well placed upon Borsius.  
Sforza was now more considerable than ever the late Duke of Milan had been, for though he had not enlarged his Dominions, yet being the greatest Captain of his age, and one who had raised himself to this height merely by his virtue, he made all Italy sensible of the Power of Milan under such a Duke. Some, as the Florentines, were glad at any rate to buy his friendship, others who could not be threatened, as the King of Naples and the Venetians entered into a Confederacy against him, and the lesser Powers according to their inclinations sided with either, and so divided Italy, only Borsius having no prospect of advantage by declaring, resolved to continue in peace well armed, and to give or refuse passage to their Troops as he should judge most convenient. It is plain Sforza and the Venetians fought for no less prize than the Sovereignty of Lombardy, the ruin of either party, as the case then stood, making it sure for the other: And it was remarked to the great scandal of Christianity, how that very day in which Mahomet seized upon the Imperial City of Constantinople, their armies were hotly engaged, being both of one Religion, and of one Nation. If instead of sheathing their Swords in one another's sides, the common interest of Christendom had happily united them under such a General as Sforza, they might have saved that City and Greece from bondage, and so far at least have checked the insolence of this young Tyrant, that he durst never have landed Forces in Italy to take Otranto as afterwards he did.  
Upon the news of the loss of Constantinople, the Pope dispatched Legates to Naples, Venice and Milan, conjuring those Princes to take pity on the dangerous state of Italy; that so composing all differences, they might make Head against the Common Enemy, and join with Scanderbag the King of Epirus, whom all allowed to be the best General against the Turks that any age had produced. Borsius was thought the most proper person to promote so good a work, and to him the King of Naples immediately sent the terms he was willing to treat on: the Venetians likewise being apprehensive of the Turks above all others, gave him encouragement to go on in it. Borsius' Interest in the Duke of Milan made him not fear any stop there, and so warmly did he follow the business, that the peace was soon concluded: all expected in the next place a Confederacy against the Turk, which the death of Nicolaus the fifth retarded. His successor Callistus indeed appeared very earnest in it at first, but having got into his hands what money he could, the design was let fall.  
Pius the second, formerly Aeneas Silvius set the same design again a Anno Christi 1459 foot, but could bring it to nothing, till the heat of the War of Naples, invaded by the French, was a little over; and then going towards Mantova, where he had called a Council, he visited Borsius, and stayed with him twelve days, consulting about so great an undertaking, for the Pope knew his Prudence and Interest could much advance it: and so well was he satisfied in discoursing the matter with Borsius, that he declared he would Create him Duke of Ferrara, as the Emperor had done of Modena some years before. At Mantova mighty projects were laid, and afterwards some Forces raised, but all vanished with the Pope's death, and the Duke's additional Title was reserved for Paul the second to bestow.  
The Duke's Brothers whom Leonel had sent to Naples were grown weary of that Court. Ferdinand by joining a Spaniard in Commission with Hercules in the Government of Apulia, and by not treating him upon other occasions suitably to his birth and merits, had so highly disobliged him, that he and the Prince of Taranto, with several discontented Barons, took part with the French; wherefore Borsius seeing Hercules in danger, and Sigismond discountenanced, sent for them home, and that it might appear he had not the least jealousy of either, the one was made Governor of Modena, the other of Regio. The Emperor Frederick coming again into Italy, could not pass that way without visiting Borsius, as he likewise did in his return; and to say no more, was both times treated at a rate peculiar to Borsius.  
The French afterwards sent to Anno Christi 1470 Borsius to make known their resolution of invading Naples again, being encouraged in it by Paul the second; but the Duke, though he had no kindness for Ferdinand, yet instead of giving any assurances to France, sent to the Pope to represent to him the unreasonableness of the thing, how little he could expect from the French, how much he would disturb the quiet of Italy, by calling them in, and disoblige all the Princes, and that it would much better become him to consult the common safety of Christendom, and the quiet of Italy, by employing such restless Princes against the Turk. The Pope being taken with the Duke's freedom, invited him after some time to Rome, and made good what Pius had promised, by Creating Borsius Duke of Ferrara: This new Title he did not long enjoy, for falling sick, in a few days after his return he died.  
Borsius was a just, a splendid, and a bountiful Prince: every day he used to walk in the Outer Court of his Palace, there to hear whatsoever complaints were brought him; if he observed any that had not the confidence to come, he called to them, and by his affable carriage encouraged them to speak; oftentimes both parties appearing, he presently came to a determination, and where the business was difficult, he would be sure first to ask the Opinion of those about him; and in this he took such a particular pleasure, that he often said it was the chief work of Princes to be ready to examine and redress the grievances of the meanest of their Subjects; the rest of his time he spent in hunting, in hawking, and in Horse-matches, his Stables being the best furnished of any in Italy: His constant habit was rich Brocade, and the same he allowed to all his Buffoons, of whom his Court, according to the humour of that age was full; one of them called Gonella of Ferrara had so great a Name, that every witty saying, and brisk repartee was fathered upon him, and he was talked of in all the Courts of Italy. The hospitality, and bounty of Borsius was yet beyond all the rest; whoever came within the Court might eat or drink what they pleased, Officers still being in readiness to treat them according to their quality: the names of all the poor in the City were written down, their wants plentifully relieved, and portions given by the Duke with their Daughters in marriage: such persons were likewise desired to give notice of their condition, and had Physic, and other necessaries accordingly sent them. Every Christmas day, the Treasury being opened, Borsius came thither in person, and called all to whom he or his Officers owed any thing, to receive their money; which being done, as seldom it was then to do, what remained he divided with his own hands among the Gentlemen of his Court: In one word, such was the bounty of his Nature, that there could scarce be given an instance of his ever having refused what any asked him. These Princely Virtues made his Subjects heartily love him, and the love of his Subjects was of all things most proper to recommend him to strangers; the Duke of Milan and the Venetians, who differed in most things, agreed in their good Opinion of Borsius. His Family after him bore the honourable badge of the value the Emperor and Pope had for him; and as if all this had been too little, or as somewhat of partiality had been in it, because proceeding from those of his own Country, or of his own Religion, a great Mahometan Prince, the Sultan of Egypt, by an Embassy and rich Presents sent to Borsius a little before his death, did demonstrate, that his reputation was too large to be confined within Italy, or indeed within Europe.   

CHAP. XI.  
The Life of Hercules the first, the second Duke of Ferrara, etc.  
THe Mother of Hercules upon her Husband's death, and Leonels' advancement, retired to the Marquis of Saluzzo's, with a vow, that she would never see Ferrara till her Son were in possession of his Right. Many melancholy years had she spent while her Son lived in an honourable sort of banishment at the Court of Naples: his returning home safe, which she scarce expected, and his Brothers treating him with much kindness, did a little raise her languishing spirits; but now hearing that Borsius was dead, and the injury done Hercules in some measure repaired by the accession of a higher Title, she with unexpressible joy made haste towards Ferrara, where being scarce well arrived, she had the comfort to see her other Son Sigismond return from Naples with the King's Daughter for a Duchess to Hercules, and to Crown her with all worldly happiness, the next year brought her a Grandchild Alphonsus, Heir to the Dutchies of Ferrara and Modena.  
After all the troubles Hercules met with, and his late establishment in what was undoubtedly his at his Father's death, Nicolaus, Leonels' Son, who never durst mutter while Borsius lived, had now the impudence to disturb his quiet: He was a Grandchild of the House of Mantova, and wanted not those at Ferrara, who upon the least success were ready to declare for him: this encouraged him with what Forces he could make to come by water from Mantova, when the Duke seemed most secure, and being brought safe by night with his men into the chief street of Ferrara, he beat the Drums early in the morning for those of his party to take Arms; but seeing none offering to join with him, the Guns playing from the Castle upon his Soldiers, and men beginning to appear in arms about the Palace Gate, he made haste to get away, and was taken in his retreat: the Duke inclined to save him, but those who knew his temper, being of another mind, he was formally condemned and beheaded with the Chief of his Followers; the rest of the Prisoners were to be set at liberty, only a truehearted Germane who had lived long with Nicolaus, and deserved a more fortunate Master, when he saw his dead body, refusing the benefit of the Duke's pardon, died the most gloriously of any in that quarrel. Two days after a Gentleman brought the Duke the names of all in Ferrara that were privy to the late design; but Hercules without ever opening the paper burned it in the Gentleman's presence, telling him he intended to punish no more upon that account; that he would gladly have pardoned his Cousin Nicolaus, if it could any ways have consisted with his safety; that he desired not to know who had been his Enemies, lest he were thereby tempted to bear them a grudge; and that he would not have such think he knew them, lest it might occasion a jealousy of his being less tender of them than of the rest of his Subjects.  
Sixtus the fourth who succeeded Paul, designing to exalt his Nephews at any rate, and hoping if he could make sure of julian, and Laurence of Medici, Florence might easily be seized upon, procured the one to be murdered at Church before the very Altar, and the other to be desperately wounded, and as they thought killed: But the blackness of the action put the whole City into such a fury, that none of the Conspirators, no not the Archbishop of Pisa escaped, being hanged from the Palace windows, only the Pope's Nephew, against whom the Evidence was not so clear, they shut up in prison. The Pope grieved for the disappointment, as likewise for the Archbishops ignominious death, and the imprisonment of his Nephew, made ready the arms of the Church, and those of the King of Naples against the Florentines; but they who were not to be threatened, neither by his Excommunication, nor the King's Troops, out of their Liberty and the Justice of their Cause, had assistance from Venice and Milan with the Duke of Ferrara for their General: The War was carried on but faintly in the Pope's behalf by the Duke of Calabria, and a Peace at length was concluded betwixt Ferdinand King of Naples and Florence, the Pope having lost his honour without reaping any advantage by this Anno Christi 1479 wicked enterprise.  
Some disputes arising about the Confines of Rovigo, neither the Duke of Ferrara's proffering to refer the matter in contest to any two Princes, nor Ferdinand King of Naples, and john Galeazo Duke of Milan's endeavouring an accommodation by their Ambassadors, could keep the Venetians from a War with him, the Pope they were sure of, because he hated the Duke since the war of Florence; but Galeazo and Ferdinand declared for him, and Frederick Duke of Urbin, esteemed the greatest Captain of Italy after the death of Francis of Milan, undertook the Conduct of his Army: The Venetians at first went on furiously, because their Forces were much more numerous than the Dukes, and the Pope denied passage to the Troops of Naples; but Mathias King of Hungary, who had married the Duchess of Ferrara's Sister, and Ferdinand of Spain her Cousin, never gave over soliciting till the Pope broke with the Venetians, and then the Duke of Calabria having leave with his Army to march towards Lombardy, things went better with the Duke: and after several Campaignes', both parties being almost tired, acts of hostility came insensibly to cease, a more dangerous war for Italy then breaking out.  
Galeazo's Son of the same name being now Duke of Milan, and married Anno Christi 1489 to the Duke of Calabria's Daughter, his Uncle Lewis Sforza kept all the Power in his hands, much to the grief of the young Duchess, who was more impatient than her Husband, so that she never rested till she engaged her Father to write to Lewis to resign the Government to his Nephew that was then of age, threatening that in case he refused he would see reason done to his Son-in-Law. Lewis, that he might find employment elsewhere for Alphonsus, invited Charles the eighth to the Conquest of Naples, to which he could make a specious Title, and the King being young, stout and ambitious, to say no worse, was easily engaged. What Lewis did, all thought to be by the advice of the Duke of Ferrara, whose Daughter Beatrix he had married: for the Duke, though he appeared not much in it, yet went with Lewis to meet the King of Alexandria. This Expedition is so exactly set down by Guiccardin, one of the best of the Modern Writers, that it will save all who come after him the pains of enlarging upon it; but in short, there are few instances of a Kingdom Conquered in less time, or with less resistance: wherever Charles came the Gates were opened, and the Magistrates ready to salute him King; and at Naples he was welcomed as Emperor of the East: whether this were to gratify a vanity they observed in the French, as Alexander the sixth had done before at Rome; or if Charles and his Officers really gave out that he designed to pass unto Greece against the Turk I shall not determine; but too true it is, that this empty Title given him at Naples, cost many thousand Christians in and about Constantinople their lives: for Bajazet the Father of Selym seemed jealous of some such design, and of their being privy to it. The King's great success frighted the Princes of Italy into a Confederacy to cut him and his Army off in his return, and no person was so forward in this as Lewis Sforza who had brought him in; but the Duke of Ferrara, tho' he had only complemented the King, stood more upon his Honour, and could by no persuasions be brought to the field against him: The Confederate Army trusting in its number, which was four to one, stopped the King near the River Taro, where he bravely fought his passage, and got safe into the Duke of Savoy's Territories.  
The Duke of Orleans, afterwards Lewis the twelfth, kept Novara, whither the Confederate Army marched to be revenged on him for the King's escape; but there was no getting the place, till by the Duke of Ferrara's mediation honourable Articles were granted the French: First, that in lieu of Novara, Sforza should pay the Duke of Orleans a considerable sum of money. Secondly, that neither he nor the Venetians should assist the house of Arragon in Naples; and in case the Venetians did, that then Sforza should be obliged to make war upon them: and for the performance of these Articles, the Castle of Genova was consigned into the Mediators hands, who sent Francis Raugoni one of the chief Gentlemen of Modena, to take possession of it, and to continue his Government there.  
After the death of Charles the 8th, Lewis the twelfth, being mindful of Forza's treachery, and encouraged by the Venetians invaded Milan; and notwithstanding the endeavours of Maximilian the Emperor, and the great diversion given the Venetians by the Turks, whom Sforza had stirred up against them, Sforza lost Anno Christi 1500 Milan, and was carried prisoner to France, there to end his days in a melancholy dungeon. The Duke of Ferrara not knowing how to meddle betwixt the King that was his Friend, and Sforza to whom he was so nearly related, had observed in this War a perfect neutrality; but when the French Troops marched again to the Conquest of Naples, none was more forward than the Duke to assist them. The Great Gonsalvo, Ferdinand of Castile's General, being then in Sicily, they fatally advised Lewis to secure his friendship by allowing him a share, which being agreed to, the division of the Kingdom betwixt them cost more time than the Conquest: for what opposition could two such powerful Princes meet with from Frederick, whom his Subjects hated and contemned. But Naples was too narrow to satisfy both the French and the Spaniards: and Gonsalvo was a man of such unlimited ambition, that a Controversy began about a small parcel of Ground, to which both parties pretended, and which nothing but Arms could decide. In this the French had so ill success, that they were suddenly beat out of all, Gonsalvo with the Spaniards becoming then sole Masters of the Kingdom of Naples, which they have kept ever since.  
About this time died Hercules Duke of Ferrara, whose life doth represent to us Fortune in all her different aspects; he was born the undoubted Heir of one of the richest Princes of Italy, was left young by his Father, which made him come the later to his Estate after the death of two Brothers: Many storms did he weather both in the Court and Wars of Naples, his own Courage and the King's Malice exposing him to every danger, till at length he changed parties. At his return from thence he lived for some time a Subject in his own Principality, being glad to be a Governor of one of his Cities under his Brother. But the latter part of his life made a fair reparation for the former, no Prince of Italy being more valued or courted than Hercules; that very King of Naples, who hated him so much, sent to proffer him his Daughter in marriage, by whom he left a hopeful Issue: the Kings of Castille and Hungary when he was in danger by his War with Venice, gave testimony how much they were concerned to support him: Henry the seventh of England complemented him with the Order of the Garter; and three several Kings of France sought his Friendship as necessary for the advancement of their interest upon the other side of the Alps.   

CHAP. XII.  
The Life of Alphonsus the first, the third Duke of Ferrara.  
Hercules' had four Sons, Alphonsus who succeeded him, Hippolytus the former of the two famous Cardinals of Esté of that name, Ferdinand and Sigismond; Alphonsus was twice married in his Father's time, first to the Daughter of john Galeazo Duke of Milan when he was very young; and when she died, a Match by Lewis the twelfth's means was made up betwixt him and Lucretia Borgia Pope Alexander the sixth's Daughter, the King designing by this to unite the Duke with Caesar Borgia, and both to himself. The first remarkable action we meet with in Alphonsus after his Father's death, Caesar Borgia being then ruined, was his defending Bologna for julius the second, and his defeating Bentivoglio, from whom the Pope had lately taken that City, and recommended it to the Duke. Not long after was the League of Cambray concluded, where Alphonsus joined with the Emperor, the Pope, the Kings of France and Spain, to take the terra firma from the Venetians.  
The King of France began the War, and gave the Venetian Army, which was commanded, or rather divided by two Generals of quite different tempers, so great an overthrow, that the other Confederates did thereupon make the more haste. The Venetians seeing themselves in no condition to defend their Subjects, wisely made a virtue of necessity, and allowed them the liberty to make the best terms they could with the Enemy, and so prevent their ruin: for they presumed, and upon good grounds, that this instance of their tenderness, would invite them home to their ancient Masters as soon as the storm was over: being attacked then on all hands, nothing except Treviso was left them in a short time, and the Duke of Ferrara for his share was once in possession of Rovigo, la Badia, with Monfelice, Esté, and other places which formerly belonged to his Family. Besides the places he had taken, the Pope declared him the General of the Church, which made the Venetians discharge their whole fury upon him both by Sea and Land; but such was their ill success in every enterprise, that their very Navy became a prey to him that had no ships: for having chained them up by night within the mouth of the River where they thought themselves secure, he burned some, took others, and returned to Ferrara in a sort of Naval Triumph upon one of their Chief Galleys. Anno Christi 1510  
The sole hope now left the Venetians was to break a League in which so many Princes of different, or rather incompatible Interests were united; and this they found no hard matter, Julius being willing not only to take off his censures, but also to fall out with France, and to help to chase Lewis out of Italy, if they would give him the places in Romagna, which by the League were designed for him. It was not now time for the Venetians to stand at any thing, and therefore they readily acquiesced to the Pope's proposals, and he sent to the Duke of Ferrara to acquaint him with what he had done, and to desire him to forbear any further acts of hostility against the Republic; but the Duke excused himself, saying that he could not in honour nor in conscience abandon those with whom he was in Confederacy. Julius taking this excuse for a direct upbraiding himself with what he had done, excommunicated the Duke immediately, sent Orders to Romagna to seize upon what places he possessed there, and exhorted the Venetians to fall upon him to revenge his and their quarrel: the Duke in a short time lost Rovigo, all the Polecine, Monfelice and Esté on the one hand; and upon the other hand, all the places of Romagna, and which grieved him most, Modena and Sassuolo, with several Castles near him: his only comfort was, he knew, that if he had pleased to make honour and conscience truckle to Interest, he might have been a saver. But never resolving to steer by this compass, nor to follow the precedent given him by P. julius, he waited for better times, till he could fairly recover what he had unjustly lost.  
Never was Pope freer of his thunders than julius, who seeing his success against Alphonsus, took his aim a little higher, at Lewis the twelfth, deprived him of his Title of the most Christian King, and of his Crown, and exposed his Territoris as a prey to those that could take them; but though his lightning did shine, it was not felt in France, otherwise than in provoking the good King to Vow, and to publish his Vow also in his coin, That he would destroy Babylon, meaning Rome. The King of Castille sent an Army to assist the Pope and the Venetians, which made Lewis likewise reinforce his Troops under a new General Gaston de Foix, Duke of Nemours, to him he particularly recommended the concerns of the Duke of Ferrara, whom of all the Italians he had found the most trusty Confederate, and the French Army then lying in Romagna, the Duke recovered his places from julius. Gaston was impatient till he gave the Enemy battle, which he did near Ravenna: the Duke commanded that part where the Artillery was planted, and they observed he used it with such advantage, that it helped greatly to obtain the victory. When the Enemies main body was routed, and their Officers gone, in a little action fitter for some young Captain than a General, Gaston was unhappily killed, and by his death he made that day remarkable above all others, that a victory may be too dear bought with the loss of a General: for from that hour the French Arms declined in Italy, and did every day lose ground, leaving those at last, whom they had beaten, in possession of what they fought for. There being now no French Army in the field, the Duke inclined to an accommodation with the Pope, Fabricius Colonna whom he had taken prisoner at Ravenna, and had used with great civility, and dismissed without any ransom, promising to procure it upon equal terms; the Duke had an invitation from julius to Rome, with assurances, that he should find a reception answerable to Colonna's promise, as indeed he did, being immediately absolved from all his censures; but when they came to treat, such unreasonable demands were made, that he chose rather to venture all than agree to them, and the Pope seeing his resolution designed to keep him there: Colonna who was the occasion of the Duke's coming, thought his honour now so much at stake, that not valuing the Pope's indignation, he brought the Duke from Rome by night in spite of the Guards, and committed him to the care of his Cousin Prosper Colonna, who with great Address in the midst of the noise of his escape brought him safe through the Pope's Territories.  
The Pope being upon this more enraged than ever, did, contrary to his promise, send to the Duke of Urbin, and his other Officers to get what they could before the Duke's return; most of the Duke's Subjects looked upon him now as irrecoverably lost, not only the places in Romagna, but also Regio, Brescello and Carpi yielded, so that little remained to him upon that hand, and all concluded that it must have ended in his utter ruin, had not God happily put an end to the life of Julius.  
The person in the whole College next to his Brother Hippolytus whom the Duke could have wished to succeed julius, was john Cardinal of Medici, who in the former reign had secretly favoured him, and found ways when employed as Legate in those parts to decline the executing the Pope's violent resolutions against him. Upon the joyful news of this Cardinal's election, who is known by the name of Leo the tenth, the Duke went immediately to Rome, and came in time to be absolved anew, and to carry St Peter's Standard, as great Confalonier, or General of the Church at the inauguration of Leo, who promised to restore whatever julius had taken from him; but in a little time he was so strangely altered, that far from the least performance, he watched every opportunity to take from the Duke what was left him. Upon a report of his being dead, Leo ordered his Troops to march that way, and when it proved a mistake, he did endeavour to excuse it, as if his design had been to secure the Duchy for Prince Hercules, the Duke's eldest Son. His ill intentions were more plainly discovered two years after, for he hired one Rodolphus a Captain Anno Christi 1520 in the Duke's Guards to kill him; but the Captain by good luck had neither the courage to go through with what he had undertaken, nor yet to deny it. In short, the Duke was much disappointed in Leo, who could never be brought to make good his promise till Francis the first, who succeeded Lewis the twelfth, being well satisfied that all the Duke of Ferrara's sufferings, proceeded from his constant adhering to the French Interest, did refuse to enter into any treaty with the Pope, unless the Duke were comprehended in it.  
After Leo's death no Prince complemented Adrian the sixth with so noble an Embassy, as the Duke of Ferrara did, who upon the Pope's arrival at Rome, sent his Son Hercules thither attended by many of his chief Nobility: the young Prince was then but fourteen years of age, yet having his audience of Adrian before the Consistory, he harangued so finely, and with so good a Grace, that the Pope embraced him with tears, and having asked him several questions in Latin, found him so much a Master of that Language, his answers so pertinent and lively, and in his whole behaviour a modest assurance so fitted to his age and quality; that Adrian declared before all the Cardinals, that he must grant the Duke of Ferrara whatever he demanded by such an Extraordinary Ambassador. Lueretia the Mother of Hercules being dead, there lived a young Gentlewoman at Ferrara, called Laura Enstochia sufficiently qualified every way for a Princess, except in her birth; her person, her air, but above all, her wit did so charm the Duke, that after having sometime Courted her, she came to be his third Duchess, and brought him two Sons, Alphonsus and Alphonsinus.  
Much were the Duke and the Prince grieved for the death of so friendly a Pope as Adrian, when they perceived that Clement the seventh began to renew the practices of Leo, offering the Emperor great sums of money to have Modena and Regio given to himself and his Family; but the Emperor being unwilling to advance the House of Medici by an act of injustice to that of Esté, would not hearken to the proposal, though the Pope's bounty to his Ministers who were to further it, had drained the Apostolical Chamber: this disappointment which cost Clement so dear, helped to hasten his unhappy breach with the Emperor, by which Rome was exposed to the most barbarous usage it had met with since the Goths and Vandals sacked it, and he himself imprisoned in the Castle St Angelo by the Duke of Bourbon's Army: Duke Alphonsus instead of insulting over his Enemy's misery, was as forward as any to contribute towards his releasement, and at Ferrara was a League of most of the Christian Princes concluded against the Emperor to this very intent.  
No man questioned but the Duke in this action had for ever secured to himself an interest in Clement, who by his Legate offered to renounce all his pretensions upon Modena and Regio, and to renew the investiture of Ferrara as soon as she should be set at liberty; yet all was presently forgot; and the only advantage the Duke had by this League was the match then made up betwixt his Son Hercules and Renata, Lewis the twelfths' younger Daughter, who proved the most excellent Princess in all respects that ever Italy saw.  
Amongst other things, Clement had promised upon the death of Cardinal Gonzaga, the Bishopric of Modena to the Duke's second Son Hippolytus; but it was given away to a Son of one of the Emperor's Chief Favourites, purposely that the Duke by disputing the business might draw upon himself the Emperor's Indignation, if not his Arms: Other subtle Arts were used by Clement to ruin the Duke's Interest at that Court, yet to no effect, for when Charles the fifth came to Bologna, the Duke did fully satisfy him of the Justice of his proceedings with Clement; and the Pope's pretensions upon Modena, with the Anno Christi 1530 Dukes Title, being referred by both parties to the Emperor, sentence was afterwards past in the Duke's favour, and Orders sent to the Imperial Governor there, to deliver him up the City much to the grief of Clement, who taxed the Emperor with great partiality for one of the justest decisions that ever Prince made.  
Some time after the restitution of Modena, the Princess Renata was brought to bed of Alphonsus the second, the fifth and last Duke of Ferrara; and Clement the seventh died, who had made it the whole business of his reign to create himself and others trouble in heaping up riches for the House of Medici.  
Upon the Election of Paul the third, Prince Hercules designed to go in person to compliment him; but while things were preparing for his journey, the Duke his Father fell ill and died. Alphonsus was a just and a valiant Prince. He had been hardly dealt with by three several Popes, julius the second, Leo the tenth, and Clement the seventh: Yet neither threatenings nor promises could ever make him break his word, or abandon the French, though this constancy was several times like to have cost him his Duchy. In all his troubles he countenanced men that were Eminent in any profession, and none more than his Subject and Citizen the great Ariosto, who at the Duke's instance was by Charles the fifth solemnly Crowned with Bays at Mantova, as a second Virgil, for his Orlando Furioso. Before his death he disintangled himself from all his troubles, and left things in good order to Hercules the second, having likewise provided the Sons of the last Duchess with large Revenues and independent Jurisdictions.   

CHAP. XIII.  
The Life of Hercules the second, the fourth Duke of Ferrara.  
Hercules' considering how welcome an Ambassador he had been from his Father to Adrian the sixth, resolved still to pay that respect in person to Paul the third, which he was to have done in his Father's name. When he came to Rome the Pope received him with much kindness, absolved him and his Territories from all manner of Censures, renounced what pretensions the late Popes made to Modena, and granted him the Investiture of the Duchy of Ferrara; from thence he went to Naples to see the Emperor, and to thank him for the Justice done in his Father's differences with Clement; at his return he found his Duchess safely delivered of a young Princess, named Lucretia, who afterwards married the brave Francis Maria Duke of Urbin; and the next year she brought him a second Son, called Lewis after his Grandfather the King of France. Amidst all these blessings he narrowly escaped being assassinated by a Gentleman of his Court, who had of late born him a grudge; the design being discovered the Gentleman fled to Venice, where by the Senate's Order he was taken, put in chains, and sent to Ferrara to be beheaded for his villainous intention; but the Duke in remembrance of their ancient friendship, remitted the punishment, being satisfied only to secure himself, by condemning the Criminal to a perpetual imprisonment.  
His Brother Hippolytus being already Archbishop of Milan, and one of the richest Abbots of France, had a Cardinal's Cap given him; his promotion was welcome to those that remembered the late Cardinal his Uncle, so celebrated in the Court of Rome for his profuse liberality: nor did the Nephew disappoint their expectations, Anno Christi 1540 for as in riches he was equal to the former; so was he also in that greatness of mind, which put no restraint to his bounty. And as his Uncle's Palace had been in Leo the tenth, Adrian the sixth, and Clement the seventh's reigns; so now his was the sanctuary of all distressed Gentlemen, and poor Virtuoso's: And to complete the parallel, the same imputation lay upon both, of having no deep impressions of Religion; for that cursed leaven of Atheism that poisoned Leo the tenth's Court, had not a little infected these two Princes, whose irreverent and light expressions in matters of the highest importance, are not yet forgot. The Duke behaved himself much better, in making rigid Laws against all such as were convicted of blasphemous words, or of scoffing at things sacred, proposing rewards to the discoverers.  
The Pope going to Parma to put his Son Peter in possession of that Duchy came to visit the Duke at Ferrara, where nothing was left undone that could express his respect towards a Pope, who had showed so much kindness to the Family. I have seen a long description of the manner of his Reception, of his Entertainment, of the Balls and Comedies acted by the young Princes, and the Chief Ladies of the Court, with the mutual presents that past at their departure, which though in themselves truly great, yet can have no place in so compendious a relation: That which seems more remarkable, is, the honour the Duke did to Alphonsus his younger Brother, by his Father's last Duchess, who being married to the Duke of Vrbin's Sister, the Duke with a great part of his Court, accompanied him to Pesaro to bring home his Princess, and she was received at Ferrara, as if she had been his own Duchess.  
Paul being dead, and Julius the third chosen, in several places of Italy they discovered some inclinations to the Reformed Religion, and no where more than at the Court of Anno Christi 1550 Ferrara, especially among those who attended on the Duchess, and there were shrewd suspicions that the Duchess did inwardly favour that persuasion: for professing herself a great lover of Learned Men, and all such being welcome to her, under this mask several Eminent Protestants, among the rest Calvin had free access and opportunity to confirm her in her favourable Opinion of them: the Duke being informed of these things, was advised to bring in the Jesuits, who then began to have a vogue for their zeal and subtlety in supporting the declining Religion; and no sooner were they settled, but great alterations followed at Court; the former freedom in Conversation could no longer be allowed, the French servants were on a sudden dismissed, strangers were forbid coming thither, the poor Duchess was confined to a few rooms in the Castle, and had new Servants put about her; and the young Princesses, as if in great danger with their Mother, were sent to a Monastery, there to be instructed anew by the Nuns, who were to receive directions from these good Fathers.  
After Julius the third, Paul the fourth, whom Hippolytus by his Interest advanced, falling out with Philip the second of Spain, engaged France in his quarrel: the Duke of Ferrara was declared General of the French Arms in Italy, as likewise of the Church; but he declining the Employment, it was given to his Son Alphonsus, who was well known at the Court of France, and high in the esteem of Henry the second: The Duke's refusal while his Son accepted the Command, signified nothing to Philip, who laboured hard to make a breach betwixt him and the Venetians; but they not being disposed then to enter into a War in the Spanish Quarrel, excused themselves, pretending that the Duke's being a Gentleman of Venice, and a member of their great Council, he must first forfeit that privilege before they could so far disown him as to come to a War. The great overthrow the French received at St Quintin, put the Duke and all that party in Italy in some apprehensions; but the Victory not being pursued, a Peace was some time after concluded betwixt the two Crowns, and then died Hercules the fourth Duke of Ferrara in the fiftieth year of his age. In his youth he had been the most hopeful Prince of Italy for all manner of accomplishments: After his Father's death he lived in peace, governed his Subjects with great gentleness, no Prince ever was readier to pardon injuries, or to oblige every person about him; the expense of his Court being great, and his Subjects slow in granting new Subsidies, he did much anticipate his Revenue, by borrowing money upon several branches of it, in which his Subjects did not think fit to concern themselves, seeing it only emptied his Exchequer, and made the Government uneasy for his Successor.   

CHAP. XIV.  
The Life of Alphonsus the second, the fifth and last Duke of Ferrara.  
AN Express was immediately dispatched by the Duchess to her Son Alphonsus then at the Court of France, who making what hast he could to Marseilles, took ship, and had a quick passage to Legorn, where Cosmus Duke of Florence with many of the Toscan Nobility were ready to welcome him, and saw him safe in his own Territories. Near Modena his Uncle Alphonsus, and the whole Gentry of that Country received him; and at Ferrara he made a public entry, passing through five triumphal Arches erected at the City's charge. Next morning was the death of Hercules the second published, Alphonsus by sound of Trumpet was proclaimed Duke, the Sceptre and Sword delivered to him by the Chief Magistrate upon his knees; and an Oath of Allegiance taken by him to the new Duke, in the name of all the people: the Duke also according to the usual form, swearing he would be a Just Prince, and consult the Common Interest of his Subjects. Which solemnity being over, Alphonsus made his Father's Funeral Rites be performed with great decency; and then he sent Francis one of the Princes of Esté to Florence to bring home his Duchess that Duke's Daughter. According Anno Christi 1560 to the account I have seen, nothing could be more magnificent than the train she brought along with her, and the manner of her reception at Ferrara.  
The Duchess Dowager having no comfort in her stay in Italy after her Husband's death, returned to her Native Country, from which she had been so many years absent; and left all Ferrara, except the Jesuits, in tears for the loss of so incomparable a Princess. The Gentry when she first came thither, considering her as Lewis the twelfth's Daughter, bred up in the most glorious Court of Christendom, where Princes of the blood, especially the King's Children could not have too much respect paid them, expected to be kept at a greater distance now than they had been under the former Duchess'; but on the contrary, access to her was so easy, her conversation so free, and her whole deportment so modest, that had she been the Daughter of a little Duke of Saluzzo, or an Eustochia Laura raised by her virtue, she could not have taken less state upon her: All the Learned found the good efeffects of her Patronage, and were as liberal in setting out her Virtues, as she could be towards their support: The Poor and the Sick were sure of relief, and Orphans of care and protection. So that in the whole City of Ferrara there was scarce a person, that could not show some instance of that unlimited goodness which had so long time diffused itself upon all her subjects without missing rich or poor.  
Prince Lewis after his return from France, whither he went to accompany the Duchess his Mother, was created Cardinal; and while the joy of his promotion filled the Court with Balls and Banquets, the death of the Duchess Lucretia changed the scene: she had lived but fourteen months with her Husband, and had left him childless; yet this was in some measure repaired by the birth of Caesar the Son of Alphonsus, and Julia of Urbin in whom the Duke could not want a Successor.  
Cardinal Hippolytus had been Legate in France, and returning thence with the Cardinal of Lorraine, and many French and Italian Noblemen, they were all treated at his Nephew's Court, where at the same time there happened to be several other Princes; and than it was that Hippolytus playing at Cards, with a vast sum at stake, and all the good Cards in his hand, made a hard shift to lose, whispering to one of his Confidents, who seeing his hand seemed surprised, that he was more a Gentleman than to win so much money of strangers at the Court of Ferrara; but if he had such luck in France or at Rome, he knew how to make the best of it.  
The Duke was easily reconciled to a second marriage, when the Emperor Maximilian proffered him the Princess Barbara his Daughter; the Cardinal Lewis went to meet her at Trent, and brought her to Ferrara with all the state that either the Princes of Esté, or that City could show upon so solemn an occasion. The War in Hungary growing hot with the Turk, Maximilian invited the Christian Princes to his assistance, and thither went the Duke of Ferrara with fifteen hundred Horse, having sent the Officers of his Household before with the Baggage: soon after their arrival in the Imperial Army, Soliman's death put an end to the War. This Expedition was very chargeable to the Duke, for besides the length of the march, he had three hundred Gentlemen clothed in Velvet richly embroidered, with Servants all in the same Livery; the rest also were so finely accoutered, that they seemed rather designed for a Cavalcade than an Army; his zeal however and his magnificence in this great appearance was so much taken notice of, that some years after they named him in Poland among the Princes who were Candidates for that Crown; and it was thought, if Maximilian had not in vain designed it for himself, he might have carried it for his Son in Law the Duke of Ferrara.  
The Duke having no concerns at Rome for three or four reigns, which therefore I pass in silence, spent his time in entertaining all the Princes that came that way, and in diverting himself. Great complaints were brought him of the Country people's Anno Christi 1570 spoiling his Game at a distance from the Court, which made all the penal Laws against such abuses be renewed; but they continuing still to transgress, trusting either that they should not be discovered, or if they were, that the Duke would not be rigid, a more effectual course was found out: for several high-way-men being sentenced for other crimes to die, were ordered to be hanged up in those fields, some with Partridges, some with Pheasants, some with Hares about their legs, the Duke's Officers giving out that they were put to death for killing such. This so frighted the people, that never was Game in Italy so preserved, as in the Country about Ferrara; but withal it did beget in them such an Opinion of the Duke's cruelty, that they could never afterwards be brought to have a hearty kindness for him: and though others who were privy to the thing, laboured to disabuse them, yet it was now sunk too deep to be removed.  
The Duchess Barbara being dead, the Duke was again married to a Daughter of Mantova; but there being no hopes of Children by any, he began to look upon Caesar, the Son Anno Christi 1580 of his Uncle Alphonsus, as most likely now to succeed him: with this prospect he procured a marriage for him with the Great Duke's Daughter, and made him larger appointments than formerly. Sixtus Quintus being lately chosen Pope, Caesar by the Duke's advice went to Rome, whence he returned very well satisfied: soon after died Lewis the Cardinal to the great grief of the Duke his Brother, and this grief was not digested when he had news from Blois of the fatal deaths of the Duke and Cardinal of Guise, whose Mother was the Duke's Eldest Sister.  
Italy had been a considerable time without War, but the Banditoes were now grown more terrible than any Enemy; especially in Romagna, where listing themselves in three Companies, above six hundred in all, they put the whole Country under Contribution, they had the impudence to erect Judicatures, try men for their Lives, give Passports, and Commissions, impose Taxes, and to act by a Sovereign Power they had assumed to themselves; they mocked all Princes, especially the Pope, upon whom they lay heaviest; and when ever those of Religious Orders were brought before them, they would have them fall down and worship them: If any Town failed to send them what they required, within a few days it was sure to smart for it; for they being all desperate Banditoes well armed, there was no resisting them, till upon grievous complaints of their cruelty, the Duke sent Count Montecuculi, with some other good Officers, and several Companies well provided with ammunition, who in two months' time killed the Chief of them, and dissipated the rest, of whom few escaped, the whole Country rising upon them.  
The Duke being grieved at the loss of his Brother, and of his Nephews, as also to see himself decay apace Anno Christi 1590. without Children, sent to the Emperor's Court to renew the investiture of the Duchy of Modena and Regio to himself and his Cousin Caesar; which was accordingly done without any difficulty: at Rome he was not so fairly dealt with, but put off with empty excuses from time to time, and the Pope's dying before the business could be brought to an Issue, in the next reign he was obliged to begin again. When he heard of the Election of Clement the eighth, he did not question, but he was fallen into good hands, Clement's Father, having raised himself by the bounty of the late Duke, and of his Uncle Hippolytus, not only from a low but from a necessitous condition, as Clement had always owned while a Cardinal; but now being Pope he grew more reserved in his acknowledgements, yet upon every occasion expressed a most particular zeal for the House of Esté: The Duke trusting in his kindness, and foreseeing his own death at hand, made his last Will, by which he declared his Cousin Prince Caesar his Heir; three or four days after he was taken ill of a fever, in which at first there appeared no danger, but the malignity of the distemper discovering itself, and Nature being quite spent, he called to him Prince Caesar, made his Will be opened, and read in the presence of many of the Nobility, recommended his particular Friends and Servants to his Cousin's care; exhorted him to be a Just Prince, and the Nobility to continue dutiful and obedient as he had ever found them; and then died with great composure of mind. He was tall of stature and well proportioned, Anno Christi 1597 of a fresh complexion, and a cheerful countenance; and besides the ordinary traits of a good face, had according to the observation of one that knew him, some thing of Majesty proper to the House of Esté; which challenged an awful Reverence as well as Love from all that beheld him: They were disappointed who expected treasures at his death, and no wonder, for the constant charge of his Court, with the extraordinary charities he did in time of Famine, gave a full account of his Revenue. The Court of Ferrara, though very ancient, yet may be said to have received its first Lustre from the Marquis Nicolaus, before Eugenius the fourth kept his Council there. Leonel did endeavour to imitate his Father; but Borsius his second Son, and the first Duke, raised things to a higher pitch, and became famous all Europe over for the greatness in which he lived. Hercules the first, with his Duchess Leonora of Arragon, added every thing that was Gentile at the Court of Naples, making Ferrara not only a Court fit for Gentlemen, as it was in the time of Borsius who lived single, but for Ladies also: under Alphonsus the first, notwithstanding his constant War, nothing of the former state was lost. And when Hercules the second brought his Duchess Renata from France, the alterations she made were much for the better: But the late Duke did yet outdo those that went before him, rendering his Court an Epitome of whatever was fine or great in France, Germany or Italy. Princes came long journeys on purpose to see it, and by all their confessions, though some Courts might be greater, yet none in other respects did come near that of Ferrara.  
Nor was it an empty show; for with that noble entertainment such as Italy has not since seen for strangers of all qualities, some thousands of poor had their daily maintenance thence: The young Gentlemen of Quality were at such an age received into the number of the Duke's Pages, and bred up to all manner of exercise beyond any Academy of the world; and owing their Education to their Prince, for the most part they dedicated their lives to his service, either being entertained as Officers of his Household, as Captains of his Guards, as Governors of his Castles; or employed as Ministers in foreign Courts, where the Ambassadors of Ferrara in their Equipage and behaviour gave strangers some notion of the place from whence they came. None of the Duke's Subjects that excelled in any thing needed go to a foreign Court for want of encouragement at home; and Cavalier Guarini the Author of Pastor Fido, who rashly engaged himself to the Duke of Savoy, much repent him of his change, but could not a-again be restored to his Country, or to the favour of his Prince, who thought himself affronted by his departure. The loss of Guarini was sufficiently repaired in the great Torquato Tasso a Neapolitan born, who in his distress, as he himself owns, found shelter at Ferrara: There it was that he composed his Gierusalemme Liberata, esteemed to be absolutely the best Heroic Poem of all the Moderns.  
The happy influence a Virtuous Court has upon all near it, was here apparent: for the whole City resembled a great University: Academics being erected for Painting, Music, Poetry, Mathematics, and the like in every corner; the very Monasteries and Nunneries turned Seminaries of Virtue, and most Citizens consulting the capacity and genius of their Children spared no charge in breeding them to what one day they hoped might advance their fortunes in the Court they little imagined this envied felicity was so near a period, that Alphonsus the second was to be the last Duke of Ferrara, or that the Court: of Esté was to be removed to another City; while they having no Prince either to reward their Virtue or redress their grievances, were to be left to the mercy of Ministers, that bought their places at Rome, and came thither only to reimburse themselves at Ferrara's cost.   

CHAP. XV.  
The pretended devolution of the Duchy of Ferrara, Clement the eighths' manner of proceeding with Duke Caesar, and his retirement to Modena.  
WHen the death of Alphonsus was known at Rome, it was presently given out there, that the Duchy of Ferrara came by devolution to the Pope, because the present Duke's Father the Son of Alphonsus the first, was not as they falsely pretended at Rome, begot in lawful wedlock, nor Laura Eustochia whom we upon good grounds call Alphonsus' third Duchess, ever married to him: That which gave the rise to this report was the familiarity observed betwixt the Duke and this Lady before they owned a marriage, and their having been married privately without any of the formalities observed by Princes upon such occasions. This Alphonsus did to humour his Son Hercules by his former Duchess, who had no kindness for the Lady Laura; and therefore he gave too much way afterwards to this false report, being angry likewise with her Sons, his younger Brothers, because his greatness was impaired by the loss of the Lands, and independent Jurisdictions bestowed upon them by Alphonsus. But to clear a matter of such importance, and to do Justice to one of the most Illustrious Races in the world, I have at the end of this History set down in Italian and English what was offered in writing to urban the eighth by the present Duke of Modena's Grandfather Francis the first, who if he had lived was likely enough to have made good his Title to Ferrara by his Sword, as well as his Pen; being the stoutest Prince, and greatest Captain of Italy in our age. To the Dukes own words then as of unquestionable Authority, I refer the Impartial Reader, not doubting but they will satisfy others as much as they did myself.  
The death of Alphonsus the second being published, and the whole Magistracy, Nobility and Representatives of the People being assembled, the Judge of the twelve Savii, after having condoled the loss of the late Duke, commanded his Will to be read openly; and then according to the ancient custom of that City, asked them if they were not willing to have Don Caesar of Esté the Grandchild of Alphonsus the first, and the Testators Cousin German, for their Prince, to which all did answer in the affirmative, and with great acclamations of joy declared Caesar Duke of Ferrara, etc. Next morning in a solemn manner they came to the Palace to pay their homage to their New Duke, who sitting upon a Throne in his Ducal habit, received them, and the Judge of the Savii kneeling before the Throne, did in the name of all the rest deliver him the Sword and Sceptre: Then Caesar with his Ducal Crown upon his head coming out of his Palace, and taking Horse in the great Piazza, having the Ambassador of Florence upon his right hand, and the Judge of the Savii upon his left, the Marquis of Bentivoglio, carrying the naked Sword before him, began his Cavalcade through the City: all the streets as he passed, echoing, with Long live Caesar Duke of Ferrara; the Cavalcade ended at the great Church, where after High Mass, the Judge did administer him his Coronation Oath, and then Te Deum being sung, he returned to his Palace.  
The solemnity being over, the Duke resolved in Council to dispatch Ambassadors to the Pope, the Emperor, the Kings of France and Spain, to the Republics of Venice and Genova, and to the rest of the Princes of Italy, with an account of what had passed: For these Embassies the Chief of the Nobility were designed, but afterwards he found his mistake too late, when that to compliment foreign Princes, he deprived himself of those persons, who for their Loyalty and Interest could have done him better service at home in so critical a conjuncture.  
Advice being brought to Rome of the Duke's Coronation, Clement the eighth, without expecting the Ambassadors arrival, gave order for a Monitory to be immediately issued out, requiring the Duke within fourteen days to render an account at Rome of the reasons of his proceedings. The Duke by an express to his Ambassador, endeavoured to divert the Pope from this violent course, by suspending his Monitory, or at least by granting him longer time in a matter of that consequence; offering moreover to refer the whole difference betwixt him and the Pope, either to the King of Spain, or any other Prince, whom Clement should think fit to pitch upon: Most persons thought the Pope would readily have complied with so reasonable a proposal, which yet he could by no means be brought to hearken to, but dismissed the Ambassador without any hopes of an accommodation.  
After the Ambassadors departure, the Pope called a Consistory, that he might have the advice of his Cardinals, before he proceeded further in what concerned the Apostolical Sea so near; there the Cardinals did much differ in their Opinions, some by a faint compliance with what they judged the Pope enelined to, were for his going on immediately, both with his spiritual and temporal arms against the Duke; others looked upon this as a method not so suitable to the Apostolical See, where nothing of precipitancy ought to take place; and therefore gave their judgement that his Holiness was never to have recourse to such severe remedies, till such time as it appeared the Duke was not to be wrought upon by gentler means. But those who understood what fair proffers were made by the Ambassador of Ferrara, did disapprove of violent courses at any rate; being of opinion, that the Pope had better wave his pretensions to Ferrara, than by excommunicating the Duke, to enter into a War, and so kindle a fire in Italy which would not easily be quenched: they urged that the City of Ferrara was well fortified and peopled, and that no Princes were ever more beloved of their Subjects than those of Esté, whom undoubtedly they would not easily be brought to part with. Besides they had reason to believe the Duke had made sure of his Allies, and of all those who were already jealous of the Pope's greatness; whereas on the contrary, they could think of none among all the Princes of Italy, that would declare in favour of the Pope.  
The Pope seeing the Cardinals so much divided broke up the Consistory without coming to any resolution; but while he was doubtful within himself, whether it were better to proceed in his undertaking, or to give it quite over, one of the Cardinals having obtained a private Audience, told him, that notwithstanding all the difficulties proposed in the Consistory, yet if his Holiness would vouchsafe to follow his advice, Ferrara should undoubtedly fall into his hands without putting him to much expense, either of money or of blood. I confess, says he, the City of Ferrara is strong and well peopled, and that the Prince is there generally beloved more than any where else in Italy, which perhaps may discourage your Holiness from making good your Title; yet I question not but by the discreet management of some person of credit and interest at that Court, in whom you may confide, many of the Duke's friends may be gained, his most secret Councils revealed, and the City itself made glad to receive your Holiness. We know, says the Cardinal, how Ferrara abounds with Nobility, whose Fortunes are narrower than their minds, and who cannot all expect preferment at that Court; besides there are questionless some there, as about all Courts, who are angry with the Government, not thinking themselves considered according to their merits. Upon such ambitious and discontented spirits large promises made in your Holinesses name, will be sure to work, such must be made sensible of the happy exchange from a private Prince to a Pope, in whose power it is to reward the Virtuous, and those who deserve his favour, with the highest dignities, subjects are capable of; and how those who are immediately under the Church, have much the advantage of all others in their pretensions at Rome. And when the person, says the Cardinal thus employed can show his Authority for what he promises under your Holinesses hand and seal, they will strive to outdo one another in their zeal to promote your service.  
The Pope did heartily approve of this project, and as soon as the Cardinal was gone, the French Ambassador came to assure the Pope in his Master's Name, That he was resolved to declare for him, and to fall upon those who should appear in the behalf of the Duke of Ferrara. Henry the fourth renouncing the Reformed Religion, had reconciled himself to Rome some time before, and thought this a fit occasion to express his unfeigned zeal for the Church, which many still questioned: But truly his abandoning thus the House of Esté, which had for many ages adhered so steadfastly to the Interests of France, did little raise his reputation any where, except at Rome; nor doth this deserve to be recorded by Posterity among those Heroic Actions, which have got him the Name of Henry the Great. In short, the Cardinal's subtle advice seconded by the hopes of assistance from France confirmed Clement in his former resolution of setting all expedients a foot to turn Duke Caesar out of Ferrara.  
The Duke renewed his instances, either to have the matter in contest referred to the King of Spain, or at least to have a competent time allowed him to sum up his reasons, in which he was confident, not only to satisfy all indifferent persons, but even the Pope himself; but at Rome it was resolved, that neither reference nor reasons should now take place; and that the Duke, for not complying with the Monitory, though it required of him things impossible, was forthwith to be excommunicated. That the excommunication might give the smarter blow, Colonels and Officers were named, and Forces raised to go against the Duke: there was also a great deal of money coined with the Arms of Aldobrandin upon the one side; and upon the other was a small ship tossed by the waves, and St Peter sitting at the Helm, with this Motto in Latin, Non praevalebunt, They shall not prevail.  
The Duke being informed of all that passed publicly, but ignorant of the secret practices against him, dispatched immediately a famous Civilian to Rome, who undertook to satisfy such as the Pope should appoint to hear him: First, that the Princes of Esté never held Ferrara of the Church as a feudal City, by proving which he removed one of the chief pillars of its pretended devolution. Secondly, that Alphonsus the first, Duke Caesar's Grandfather, was married to the Lady Laura Eustochia, of which he brought most unquestionable testimonies; and this removed the other objection against the Duke's person: but the Excommunication being now drawn up, and the Forces already upon their march, there was nothing more to be done by way of Treaty; so that the Duke was at length forced to have recourse to his Arms for maintaining the Justice of his Cause: having therefore called the Magistrates, and the Chief of the Nobility together, he gave them an account what endeavours he had used, though unsuccessfully to sweeten the Pope, and prevent a rupture, that now being necessitated to take Arms in his own defence, he hoped all of them would concur, and not suffer the Princes of Esté, under whose auspicious Government, they and their Ancestors had for many ages enjoyed so great privileges, to be violently and unjustly thrust out of their Native Country; then the method of carrying on the War being set down, every one seemed cheerfully to undertake some part of the charge and danger, tho' in effect, the Pope's Emissaries had already laid the train according to the Cardinal's project; and the Duke had now no greater Enemies than some of those who were most in his confidence.  
Upon the news of the Excommunications being published at Rome, and sent by the Army towards Lombardy; the Duke sent once more to Clement, expostulating about his ill usage, and entreating him to consider how hard it was to hasten so severe a sentence, without first allowing time and appointing Judges (as he had most earnestly decreed) to hear his reasons. And, last of all, he modestly laid before him how little it would be for the honour of the Apostolical See for his Holiness to proceed after this manner in an affair wholly temporal, wherein he himself was both Judge and Party, which made the Duke still hope, that upon cooler thoughts he would think fit to put a stop to the Sentence before it were published in Lombardy.  
The Excommunication notwithstanding all the Duke's endeavours, being published at Bologna, and elsewhere, order was given to keep strict watch at all the Gates of the City, where every person who entered was to be examined and searched, lest it should be brought to Ferrara, and affixed by night upon the great Church: and people being now in a general consternation, betwixt the news of the Sentence which was expressed in the most dreadful terms, and of the Pope's Army, which was advancing towards them, Father Palma a Jesuit, with the wont assurance of those of his Order, demanded Audience of the Duke, and after having made a grave discourse, like a Divine, of the great danger of being cut off from the Communion of the Church, and of forfeiting all those privileges that Christians enjoy, he put on the person of a Statesman, and showed the Duke how unreasonable it was for him to think of resisting the Papal Power, with which few Kings were able to grapple; he put him in mind that he had not to do with him who bore St Peter Keyes only, but also his Sword; that the Pope was no inconsiderable Prince in what immediately belonged to the Church; and that besides this, he had a party in all other Prince's Dominions and Courts, and could never be supposed to want assistance from abroad more than other Princes could reasonably promise themselves, and therefore upon the whole matter, after great protestations of kindness for his Highness, and his most serene Family, he conjured him, not to stand out, concluding that the circumstances in which the Duke then was, obliged him to follow his advice, because those whom he most trusted were ready upon occasion to betray him: that there was a design also upon his other Dominions, and that he was sure the Pope wanted not friends at Ferrara, who, if the business were not soon accommodated, would at length compass their ends in the Duke's ruin.  
When Palma was gone, the Duke began to reflect upon what he had said, especially upon the latter part of his discourse, which he thought was not to be slighted, having reason to believe, that none knew more of the designs afoot against him, than that good Father and the rest of his Order. Whereupon growing jealous, lest Modena and Regio might be lost, while he laboured in vain to preserve Ferrara, a sudden resolution was taken to part with it, and the Duchess of Urbin was forthwith employed to go and treat with the Pope's Nephew, Cardinal Aldobrandin. The Articles were too soon agreed on, but might have been much more for the Duke's advantage, had he pitched upon another Plenipotentiary than the Duchess, who most palpably sacrificed his concerns to secure her own. The Duke having according to the agreement resigned the Government into the hands of the Magistrates, and sent the Prince his Son hostage to Bologna for the performance of the other Articles, made what haste he could to retire to Modena, for he now began to hate Ferrara, and that upon good grounds: Don Mario Farnese sent thither by the Cardinal, having plainly showed him, that all his secrets had been revealed, and the manner of seizing on his Dominions concerted by many of those about him, as Letters there produced under their hands and seals did testify, and that the City was to have been delivered to the Pope's Army within a few days, had not the Duke prevented them by a voluntary surrender.  
Nothing can excuse Caesar's parting with his Duchy upon so easy terms, but the evident danger he saw himself in of being betrayed by his own Subjects, who expected great things under a New Government: Yet we must not brand all of them with this black mark of perfidy, as is too common upon such occasions: A few traitors may bring an undeserved blot upon the Nobility and Gentry of a whole Nation, which in general abhors such hellish practices; of which we had too signal an instance, in the never enough detested delivery of our late Sovereign of blessed memory, where the crime of a few was charged on our whole Nation: And the same harsh opinion might we have of those of Ferrara, that others have rashly entertained of us, did not our unjust sufferings put me in mind to vindicate them: the most considerable then among the Nobility, and indeed the greatest part did behave themselves both dutifully and faithfully towards the Duke; and foreseeing the misery which was like to ensue upon the loss of their Prince, took their leave of him with unfeigned expressions of sorrow, and most them out of love to the injured House of Esté, would have forsaken with a good heart their Native Country, and settled at Modena, could they have carried their Estates along with them.  
After this manner was the flourishing City of Ferrara lost, I may almost say, ruined; that very night Duke Caesar departed, five thousand of the Inhabitants, who depended upon the Court, wanted bread; in a few months many of the shops were shut up, and the Tradesmen forced to go into other Cities, not being longer able to maintain their Families there, the Nobility found their condition very comfortless, and those who had betrayed the Duke in hopes of preferment were justly disappointed of their expectations: the New Government with new Customs and heavy Taxes, brought in strangers into most of the good Offices which the Natives enjoyed under their Dukes; so that even those who were most for a change, if they had foreseen what was to come, would all, as one man, have sacrificed their lives in the Duke's defence. Modena upon the other hand growing every day more populous and rich, became soon sensible of the benefit of a Court, for what was raised by Taxes seemed rather lent, being repaid oftentimes with interest by the Duke's expenses among them: besides the Nobility who formerly gave their attendance at Ferrara spent all their Rents now at home; so that in a few years the Inhabitants were double in number to what they had been before the Courts coming thither: But it was observed, that of sixty thousand persons whom the Duke left at Ferrara, after some years there was scarce half the number to be found there, and at present (as I was credibly informed upon the place) they cannot reckon twelve thousand, and of these no inconsiderable parts are Jews; some Lanes of that melancholy City are utterly forsaken, most of the Palaces are ruinous, and the chief street so little frequented, that grass appears in many places. In a word, there are few instances of Cities, which without suffering by any long siege, or extraordinary casualty have decayed faster than Ferrara has done in little more than fourscore years since its Union to the Church.   


Ristretto delle Ragioni che la Serenissima Casa d'Esté ha colla Camera Apostolica fatto all tempo d'Urbano 8vo, dove si mostrera che fossae insufficient è Lontano della Ragione il pretesto di Clement 8vo d'occupare li stati del Duca Caesare.  
IL pretesto del occupazione hebbe per fondamento la morte del Duca Alfonso 2 do, pretendendosi che lo stato di Ferrara fosse devoluto alla sede Apostolica per Linea finita, e che l'Duca Cesare Cugino ed Erede deal defunto non potesse esserne capace come nato di padre non legittimo, essendo Don Alfonso Figlio, del Duca Alfonso 1 more è di D. Laura Eustochia fra li quali adducevasi non essere seguita la necessaria validita del matrimonio.  
Lusingato damn quest' apparenza di ragione Clement 8o allora pontefice, s'indusse a procedere non solo con monitorii e censure contra la persona del Duca Cesare, ma a muovere l'armé a condurre a danni di lui Eserciti numerosi ed a procurargli con occulte negoziazioni ogni maggiore pregiudizio anche negl altristati che dal sagro Romano Imperio unicament riconnosceva: di modo che l'Duca Cesare per non poter resistere a si potente auversario; mosso da giusta temenza, rilascio il possesso di quel stato nella maniera che fece.  
Che Don Alfonso, Padre del Duca Cesare fosse legitimo pe'l matrimonio seguito poi fra il Duca Alfonso 1 more suo Padre, e D. Laura Eustochia sua Madre, le pruove susseguenti assai chiarament lo dimostrano.  
La Testimonianza degl'Historici, della cui fede in casi simili suole e dée farsi grande stima e capitale quando particularment son molti, non ammette dubitazione alcuna nel matrimonio; E vaglia il vero come puo credersi che le pen di tanti e cosi celebri scrittori avessero co'l pregiudizio della loro gloria cospirato alla publicazione di cosa notoriament falsa, mentre potevano contanta facilitá essere convinti di Bugia. Ne dée supporrsi che per adulazione overo per promuovere la propria fortunanel migliorare la condizione degl'altri condescendessere a mentire, essendo in quel tempo lontanissimo il caso di questa successione per essere allora vivi i quatro figli dell altra Moglie Lucretia Borgia.  
Fra Leandro Alberti nella sua descrizione d'Italia trattando della Romagnuola, e parlando d'Alfonso 1 more, cosi precisamente ragiona, Vxores habuit tres, 1 mam Annam Galleatii Forzae Mediolani Ducis filiam, inde Lucretiam Alexand. 6 ti Pontificis Maximi, ex qua Liberos Mares 4. sustulit, Herculem 2 dum, Hypolitum qui postea Cardinalis, Franciscum & Alexandrum, deinde Lucretia mortua, duxit Lauram Ferrariensem obscurae quidem originis, sed accerrimi ingenii, maximaeque prudentiae faeminam, ex qua duos Alphonsos creavit. Parole chiarissime e che pruovano non solo il matrimonio ma i figlioli che n'ebbe, uno dé quale fu Don Alfonso di cui presentamente si famenzione. Lo Scrittore era Frate, era suddito della Chiesa, e contemporaneo del Duca Alfonso, poteva sapere la verita del fatto, e quando pure lafoy passione havesse havuta forza di muover le egli, e credibile che non a favore, ma contra il matrimonio havesse scritto.  
Il Giovio non solo persona Excellentissima, ma Vescovo, Coetaneo anco egli del prefato Duca, e pienament informato degl interessi de' prencipi, ragionando di D. Laura dice, Verum eam probis pudicisque moribus, & statae formae dignitate ad genium respondentem, & à foelici foecunditate commendatam, legitimae uxoris loco habuit, & geminos ex ea filios de nomine suo Alphonsos appellavit: dal che chiarament si comprende che'l Duca Alfonso dopo lacquisto de i due figlioli firato delle singulari virtú di D. Laura lafoy press per Moglie.  
Marco Guazzo nella cronica de suoi tempi, chiama ancor egli Moglie d'Alfonso Laura Ferrarese Donna d'umile sangue, ma per prudenza ed ingegno molto nobile. Lo stesso testificano il Sansovino nella storia delle famiglie illustri d'Italia, ed Andrea Teut Autore Francese nelle vite degli huomini illustri, lib. 5. cap. 53. E finalment Marc Antonio Guarini Ferrarese, e però partiale della chiesa, e che scrisse tant anni dopo lóccupazione di Ferrara, onde con molta ragione poteva dubitare dell indignazione del Papa; Forzato della verita, conferma il medesimo nel suo compendio storico delle chiese e luogi pii di Ferrara.  
Awl suprad debt Autorità s'aggiunge anco quella di Federico Scotto Dottore di chiarissimo nome, e che scrisse ancor egli assai vicino a dettis tempi, perch volendo pruovare, Cons. 4. num. 17, e 18. Tom. 2. lib. 3. i un prencipe puo donare a sua Moglie, porta per essempio le donazioni fat a D. Laura quando fu sposata dal Duca Alfonso, con quest parole, Exemplum ponerem in donamentis missis ab Alphonso 1 more, Deuce Ferrariae, D. Laurae tertiae ejus uxori, & filiae Beretarii ab illo ductae causa voti adimplendi.  
Ne della fede degli storici dissentono le deposizioni, che tutta via si conservano a perpetua memoria di molti testimoni esaminati in forma autentica; onde conchiudament si provova una publica voce e fama del matrimonio di cui si parla, e tal'vn e ch'arriva a deporre d'avere con gl'ócchi propri veduta D. Laura ricevere dallo stesso Duca onori e trattamenti propri di Moglie. Aggeungono ch ella godeva le prerogative che ad una prencipessa solament potevano convenirsi, vegnendo communemente onorata non solo da i sudditi, ma anche da i prencipi forrestieri, ed essendo da tutti chiamata di casa d'Esté, cognome del quale s intitolava anch'ella sempre in tutte le scritture publiche e private, come pure oggi appare per un infinità di'strumenti authentici, privilegi, ordini, lettere, mandati, e simili.  
Servivasi del sigillo coll'arma de' prencipi d'Esté ne suoi ordini e lettere, parlava in noi; era solita d'andare per la citta con Gentilhuomini avanti, e dame in carrozza dietro: per espressione di quella fortuna favorevole, che dal umile sua condizione l'aveva sublimata a quello stato di grandezza portava, scolpito nella sua carrozza un sole con motto, Quia fecit mihi magna qui potens est; e ' l Duca suo marito alludendo allo stesso fe battere moneta delle quali moltissime si veggono pure oggidi con un salvatore a sedere ed una Donna a suoi piedi colle parole, Fides tua salvam te fecit; segno manifestissimo ch'l aveva essaltata al supremo grado dimoglie. Ella dopo la morte del marito vesti per tutto ' l tempo che sopravisse abiti Vedovili, e che non avurebbe fatto, se tale non fosse stata. Dagl'Onori e dalle prerogative che'lla bebbe in vita, passono i Testimoni suddettis alle dimostrazioni che in morte le furono fat, e dicono, ch'l Duca Alfonso secundo e'l Cardinale Luigi suo Fratello col segnito di tutta la Corte l'accompagnarono publicament alla sepoltura, Onorando il Duca quel funerale col corrotto, e l'Cardinale col abito solito a portarsi per la morte de' parenti. La Corte tutta vesti da duolo, e furono conform all uso, esposte alarm di detta signora in quartate con quelle de'prencipi d'Esté, una delle quale riconnosciuta da i Medesimi Testimoni tutta via si conserva. Onori tale Dimostrazioni di questa sort a qual altro potevano competere ch'ad una moglie del Duca? e come mai Alfonso secundo e'l Cardinale Luigi prencipi chi nel portamento loro tennero sempre stile e manner proporzionate alla condizione loro, haurebbono tollerato non che cooperato colla propria assistenza che in forma somigliante, ella fosse tratata quando per una Prencipessa della casa loro non lavessero effettivamenti riconnosciuta.  
Sonoci finalment due strumenti Autentici e Legalizzati, che Sgombrano ogni nube di difficulta essendo massimamente rogati in Ferrara, luno del 1550. e l'altro del 1551. Le precise parole per quello che tocca il punto del matrimonio sono linfrascritte concordi ed uniformi.  
Illustrissima D na D. Laura Eustochia, Vxor quondam Illustrissimi & Excellentissimi Ducis Alphonsi Ferrariae, Mutinae & Regii Ducis, etc. Epur viveva di que ' giorni Ercole secundo, chi mal affetto, come si sa, a D. Laura ed a suoi figlioli, non aurebbe permesso ch' ella con titoli somiglianti fosse in scrittura publica falsamente Onorata.  
E con suddettis confrontasi un altro strumento antico che dice.  
Illustrissima & Excellentissima D. Laura Estensis, Relicta quondam Illustrissimi & Excellentissimi Principis Alphonsi felicis memoriae Ducis Ferrariae, etc. Riflettasi per conchiusionedel present articolo che qui si tratta di negozio antico, nel quale sammettono non solo le pruove conchiudenti, ma le cogietturali e presuntive ancora, come sono quest, e tanto piu che non si cerca adesso la verita del matrimonio per lo matrimonio stesso, ma solo per legitimare la successione ne posteri, nel qual caso tanto piu facilment si ricevono le pruove le piu Leggieri. Ne di poca considerazione e, che'l matrimonio suddetto fosse celebrato prima del Concilio di Trento, per che non vi ricercavano tante solennitá, e le provizioni fatte in quella santissima radunanza, furono per regolare i matrimoni futuri non i passati, come piu volte da piu supremi Tribunali e stato di chiarato, ne mancherebbe lo strumento Principale del Matrimonio del quale fu Rogato Gio. Battista Sarachi Notario Ferrarese: Equesto ed alter scritture concernenti lafoy stessa materia non fossero state tolte dal Duca Ercole, per auversione che teneva (come s' è toccato di sopra) a i Duoi Alfonsi suoi fratelli, cagionata dal essere questi figli d'un altra Madre, e dal vedere che l'Duca Alfonso Commun Padre gl'amava con parzialita d'affetto ed aveva loro assegnati per cio Feudi Liberi ed independenti e rendite di non ordinaria conseguenza. Restanci non dimeno per Giudizio divino tant alter pruove ancora che bastano per svelare la verita.  
Anzi a quest ragioni indotta la Maestà di Ferdinando secundo Imperatore, ed informato che Don Alfonso fu verament legitimato per lo Matrimonio susseguito, non solo dichiarò vana la fama publicata in contrario da person mal affette, ma concesse anche l'Investitura a me, degli stati Imperiali non come a semplice successore del Duca Alfonso secundo, ma come a Prencipe chiamato e compreso nell'antiche investiture de miei progenitori.  
E perch non paia che sua Maestà senza le dovute precedenti ponderazioni si movesse a cio, accompagna la sua dichiarazione college infrascritte formali parole, animóque bene deliberato & sano, & maturo accedente consilio.  
Restando dunque provato il matrimonio per la fede di tanti storici, per la Testimonianza d'un cosi accreditato Giurisconsulto, per la deposizione di Testimoni per essere stata D. Laura trattata sempre come moglie del Duca in vita, ed in morte per titoli, sottoscrizioni, sigilli, arm, vestiti, e finalment per dichiarazione dell Imperatore; vine di necessaria conseguenza abbattuto il pretesto del caso di Ferrara, perch provato il matrimonio non puo rivocarsi in dubbio che i figlivoli legitimati per mezzo d'esso non sieno realmente legitimi, e per cio capaci della successione di qual si voglia stato.   

An Abstract of the Rights of the most Serene House of Esté, against the Apostolical Chamber in the time of Urban the 8th, by which it will appear, that Clement the Eighths' pretence for seizing upon Duke Caesar's Territories was most weak and unreasonable.  
THe pretence for the seizure was grounded upon the death of Duke Alphonsus the second, it being alleged that the Duchy of Ferrara was fallen into the Apostolical See by the failing of the Line; and that Duke Caesar, Cousin and Heir to the late Duke, could not succeed, as born of a Father not lawfully begot, Don Alphonsus being the Son of Duke Alphonsus the first, and the Lady Laura Eustochia, betwixt whom they pretended that there did not pass the necessary tye of marriage.  
Clement the eighth who was then Pope, being deceived by this shadow of reason, took upon him to proceed against the person of Duke Caesar, not only by monitories and censures, but also by making War, by bringing numerous Armies against him; and by subtle practices, working him also what mischief he could in his other Territories, which he held of none but the Sacred Roman Empire: insomuch that Duke Caesar not being able to deal with so powerful an Adversary, and being moved with a just fear, parted with the possession of that Duchy as he did.  
That Don Alphonsus the Father of Duke Caesar was legitimate by the marriage which followed betwixt Duke Alphonsus the first his Father, and the Lady Laura Eustochia his Mother, the following proofs make most evident.  
The testimony of Historians (whose credit in such cases we use, and ought highly to value and regard, particularly when they are many) leave no ground to doubt of the Marriage: and to speak the truth, how can it be imagined that the pens of so many, and of so famous Writers, should; to the prejudice of their reputation, have conspired to publish a thing notoriously false, while they could so easily have been convicted of a lie? Nor is it to be supposed that out of flattery, or a design to promote their own fortunes, by bettering other men's condition, they would have condescended to publish a falsehood, seeing there was not at that time the least appearance of this succession, the four Sons of the former Duchess Lucretia Borgia being then alive.  
Leander Albertus in his description of Italy treating of Romagnola, and speaking of Alphonsus the first, uses these very words, He had three Wives, first, Arm Daughter to Galleazo Sforza Duke of Milan; then Lucretia Pope Alexander the sixth's Daughter, by whom he had four Sons, Hercules the second, Hippolytus afterwards a Cardinal, Francis and Alexander; in the third place, Lucretia being dead, he married Laura of Ferrara, a woman of mean Parentage indeed, but of most quick parts and extraordinary prudence, by whom he begot two Alphonsus'. Words most plain, and which prove not only the Marriage, but also the Sons he had, one of whom was Alphonsus that we now mention. This Writer was a Friar, a Subject of the Church, and Contemporary with Duke Alphonsus: he had occasion to be informed of the truth of the business; and if passion could at all have byassed him, it is to be believed he would not have written for the Marriage, but against it.  
Jovius, who was not only a most rare. Person, but a Bishop, Contemporary likewise to the above named Duke, and perfectly well versed in the concerns of Princes, discoursing of the Lady Laura, says, But she being of a virtuous and chaste behaviour, and in her beauty answerable to her parts, and being happily recommended by her fruitfulness, he had her for his lawful Wife, and had by her two Sons, both of whom after his own Name he called Alphonsus. By which we clearly understand, that Duke Alphonsus after he had got two Sons by her, being charmed with the singular Virtue of the Lady Laura, took her for his Wife.  
Marcus Guazzo in his Annals of those Times, calls the Lady Laura of Ferrara Duke Alphonsus' Wife, a woman of low Extraction, but for her Prudence and Parts truly Noble; both Sansovinus in his History of the Illustrious Families of Italy, and Andrew Teut a French Author in his Lives of the Illustrious Men, lib. 5. cap. 53. do testify the same: And finally Marcus Antonius Guarini of Ferrara, though he was a great friend to the Church, and writ so long after the seizure of Ferrara, that he had reason to doubt of his incurring the Pope's indignation; yet being constrained by truth, he confirms the same in his Historical Compend of the Churches, and pious places of Ferrara.  
To the abovementioned Authorities we must likewise add that of Frederick Scot, a Doctor of great reputation, and that writ also near those Times, who while he endeavours to prove, Cons. 4. numb. 17, and 18. Tom. 2. lib. 3. That a Prince may make presents to his Wife, brings for an instance the presents made to the Lady Laura when she was married to Duke Alphonsus in these very words, I could give an example in the Presents sent by Alphonsus the first, Duke of Ferrara to the Lady Laura his third Wife, and the Daughter of Beretarius whom the Duke married in performance of his vow.  
Nor do the depositions of many Witnesses that were examined in a legal manner since the loss of Ferrara, and which are still kept on record, differ from the Historians Testimony: From whence a public report and fame of the marriage we speak of is evidently proved, and some there were ready to take oath that they had seen the Lady Laura treated by the Duke himself with that honour and respect which are only due to a Wife: to this they add that she enjoyed Prerogatives which were suitable to none but a Princess: she was generally respected as such, not only by her Subjects, but likewise by foreign Princes, and was by all treated with the name of the House of Esté; which surname she always took in all public and private writings, as doth still appear by an infinite number of Authentic Instruments, Privileges, Orders, Letters, Commissions, and the like.  
She made use of a Seal with the Arms of the Princes of Esté in her Orders and Letters, she spoke in the plural number [We:] It was her custom when she went abroad to have Gentlemen before, and Ladies in Coach behind her. And as an expression of that favourable fortune, which from her low Condition had exalted her to that pitch of greatness, she had engraved upon her Coach a Sun with this Motto, For he who is great has magnified me: and the Duke her Husband alluding to the same, had Money coined, of which very many pieces are still to be seen, where our Saviour is sitting, and a woman at his feet, with these words, Thy faith hath made thee whole; which was a most manifest sign that he had exalted her to the eminent station of a Wife. All the time she survived her Husband she went in the habit of a widow, which she had not done, had she not been one. From the Honours and Prerogatives she enjoyed in her life, the said witnesses pass to the respects which were paid her at her death; and they aver, that Duke Alphonsus the second, and Cardinal Lewis his Brother, with a train of the whole Court did solemnly accompany her to the place of burial, the Duke honouring the Funeral with mourning, and the Cardinal with the clothes which such Princes use to wear upon the death of their Relations. The whole Court put on mourning, and as the custom is, they did hang out the Arms of the said Lady quartered with those of the Princes of Esté, one of which, according to the testimony of the same witnesses is still preserved: To whom else could honours and respects of this kind agree, but to the Duke's Wife? and how could ever Duke Alphonsus and Cardinal Lewis who were Princes, that in their carriage observed always a state and carriage suitable to their quality, ever have suffered, much less contributed by their presence towards her being treated after this manner, if they had not really owned her for a Princess of their Family?  
Finally, there are two Authentic Instruments verified by all the forms of Law, which remove all manner of difficulty, and were with great earnestness required and made by a Notary in Ferrara, the one in the year 1550, and the other in 1551. The very words for what concerns the marriage do agree and are the same, as they are here set down.  
The most Illustrious Lady, the Lady Laura Eustochia, Wife of the most Illustrious and Excellent Duke Alphonsus, late Duke of Ferrara, Modena and Regio, etc. And yet Hercules the second was then alive, who having no kindness, as every one knows, for the Lady Laura and her Sons, would never have suffered that she should have been falsely honoured in public writings with such like Titles as these.  
And with those abovementioned there is another ancient Instrument, which agrees with it thus:  
The most Illustrious and most Excellent Lady Laura of Esté, relict of the late most Illustrious and Excellent Prince Alphonsus of blessed memory Duke of Ferrara, etc. being personally present. To conclude the matter now in hand, we must consider that here we treat of a business of some antiquity, in which not only evident proofs, but likewise presumptive and conjectural ones, such as these are, must be allowed; and the rather, because we do not inquire now into the truth of the marriage for the marriage itself, but only to make the Succession Legitimate for posterity, in which case slighter proofs may be the better admitted. Nor is it of small moment, that the said marriage was solemnised before the Council of Trent, because then so many formalities were not required, and the Orders that were made in that most holy assembly, were for regulating future marriages, and not those that were passed, as it has been often declared in several Supreme Judicatures, nor would the Original Instrument of the marriage be wanting, which was required and made by John Baptista Sarachi a Notary in Ferrara, if this and other papers relating to the same affair had not been withdrawn by Duke Hercules for the grudge he bore (as we have already hinted) to the two Alphonsus' his Brothers, both upon the account of their being the Sons of another Mother, and because he observed that his and their Father Duke Alphonsus loved them so very tenderly, and thereupon granted them free and independent Feuds, and considerable Revenues: Nevertheless by Divine Providence, so many proofs still remain as are sufficient to discover the truth.  
Moreover his Imperial Majesty Ferdinand the second being wrought upon by these motives, and informed that Don Alphonsus was really legitimate by the Marriage that followed, not only declared the report which was given out to the contrary by ill affected persons, to be vain, but did grant also the Investiture of the Imperial Territories to me, not as the Successor simply of Duke Alphonsus the second, but as to a Prince named and comprehended in the ancient Investitures of my Progenitors.  
And that it may not appear his Majesty was moved to do this without having first weighed well the business, he accompanies his Declaration with the very words that follow, that he declared this, having deliberated well upon it, and having taken sound and mature advice about it.  
The Marriage being then proved by the credit of so many Historians, by the testimony of so famous a Lawyer, by the deposition of Witnesses, that the Lady Laura was always treated as the Duke's Wife during her Life, and at her Death, by Titles, Subscriptions, Seals, Arms, Habit; and lastly, by the Emperor's Declaration: It necessarily follows then, that the pretence of the devolution of Ferrara is overthrown, because the Marriage being thus proved, it cannot be questioned but the Children who are by this means Legitimate, are really lawful, and therefore capable of succeeding to any estate whatsoever.   
FINIS.