THE Jesuits Policy To suppress MONARCHY Historically displayed. With their SPECIAL VOW Made to the POPE.  
Printed in the Year, 1669.   

BABEL: OR Monarchomachia Protestantium.  
NOt many years since, upon divulging of a Letter, written by Master Aldred, against the Match with Spain, and of that scandalous Libel against the Ambassador Count Gondamour; as also by the instigation of some Hot-spurs in their Pulpits; the people of London were much incensed to snarl and murmur even at the very name of Spain; and every Artificer presumed, like an Aristarchus, to censure the King for that Negotiation, as for an error of State, which might possibly cast the whole body of the Kingdom into a distemper. As if (forsooth) the King's affection to the Kingdom, and his own issue, had been unnaturally frozen, or that his judgement had failed him, and those Superior Planets of the Counsel had also lost their light, and erred in their course. Whereupon I was urged by divers of my good Friends, to write the Apology of that Action and Proceeding; because some of them had heard me deliver, at sundry times, not only a full Answer to all the Objections of the contrary faction, but also divers Reasons in defence thereof, founded, as they thought, upon very just and solid considerations.  
And truly, to speak what I think, the benefits which the Realm may reap by this match, are such, and so advantageous, as I wish it rather done, then disputed on. For first, it settleth a firm Peace between both the Kingdoms; which is a matter of greater importance, than they seem to apprehend, who so much oppose it. Secondly, Traffic will thereby be established and increased, when the Seas by a concurrence of both Kings, shall be scoured of Turks and Pirates. Thirdly, The Kingdom will be again stored with Treasure and Coin (provided we keep it locked up within our Four Seas, and not suffer so much of it to be offered daily to that Idol of Cambaia.) Fourthly, The Crown will be disengaged from a burdensome weight of Debts, and by consequence, the Subject likely to be much eased in matter of Contribution and Taxes. Add hereunto the renewing and confirmation of the ancient Treaties with the House and Dukes of Burgundy, which is not to be reckoned as a cipher in the business; and what it is to have so great a Monarch, as the King of Spain, a firm friend and ally, England very well knoweth. It is true, the Kingdom was never so full of Money, as it was by spoils and depredations, betwixt the years 1576. and 1590.; but how dear those purchases might have cost us, wise men saw, if God (who had determined to give the Crown of this Nation to her issue, who suffered both disgrace, and death here for his glory) had not made both Winds and Sea, at that time, to fight for England. Lastly, Virginia (a Colony of ours tenderly to be regarded) shall hereby settle her Staples and Mart, and advance their Trade by a much safer passage and intercourse with the Islands: But to me it is above all arguments, That this Match is so much for the Honour, Safety, and Commodity of Prince Charles, which every true Patriot, I conceive, is bound in conscience to further and advance.  
But thus we shall be said to leave Holland in the briars, an old and assured Friend, and of power upon all occasions to assist the Realm. God grant the Prince never stand in need of them. And for ourselves we may remember, how small furtherance, nay, rather how great hindrance they have been to the Traffic of this Realm; and what great losses and damage our Merchants have sustained by their means, in the Indies, Muscovy, and Greenland. I need not tell you, how chargeable a Neighbour they have been, nor how unsure a Friend, ever preferring France before England; and yet notwithstanding the Favours, which they may still receive at his Majesty's hand, are neither few nor small; if themselves by inconsiderate courses deserve not otherwise.  
But what cause do they pretend, who murmur so much against Spain? They object the Sin, the Curse, the disparagement to Match with a Catholic. Have they any reason for that? Yes: Because the Jews were not permitted to marry with the Ammonites, nor Religious persons with the profane. But that is an opinion, which relisheth too much of Judaisme, and the Talmud; the Bar is removed, we are now under the Law of Grace; both Jews and Gentiles, Circumcision and Uncircumcision, in Christ are united and made one, and incorporated into one Body, his Church. It is true, the Jews might not marry out of their Tribes, because the promise was made to Abraham and his Seed; therefore his Seed was not to be stained with impure blood, or a commixture of Paganism. But now, the promise being already performed, that Judicial Law is abrogated. Yea, say they, but still it showeth, that God is not well pleased, when his children mix with superstitious people. True: But who are the Superstitious? and of which side is the true Religion? We know that is a question, and will be. But this is out of question, That they are both of them Christians, both are Baptised into that blessed Name, both lay hold on the promises, on the Testaments, on the Gospel, both pray the same Pater Noster, both confess the same Creed; yea, both reverence the first Four general Counsels of the Church. Who indeed is the Catholic, is Filius Christi, of the surer side, by reason of the Mother Church, and of the elder House.  
But is it indeed so strange a thing, that a Protestant should marry a Catholic? not to speak here of Queen Elizabeth's Treaty with Mounsieur (which yet how far and fairly it was proceeded in, by both parties, 
Camd. in Elizab.  our famous Camden shows at large.) Did not Henry, King of Navarre, a Protestant, and the Protector of the Protestant Churches in France, marry with the French Kings Sister, a Catholic? 
Thuanus lib.  It was propter bonum publicum (as this is) for public tranquillity and peace sake; and therefore did the Elders and Consistory of Genevah so much as check or reprove him for it? nay, did they not allow it? The same King afterward matcheth his own Sister, an earnest Protestant, to the Duke of Lorraine, 
Thuanus lib.  who is known to be a Prince no less earnestly Catholic, and a Champion of the Catholic, Church in France. Nay, did not Lewis himself, the Prince of Conde, and Protector in chief of the Hugenot party, when time was, apprehend with great desire the overture of a marriage with Mary, 
Thuanus lib. Leslae. hist. Scot in Mariâ Stuartâ.  Queen of Scotland? and which certainly had taken effect, had not the Admiral, for his particular interests, laid blocks in his way. But above all others, it is memorable, and by us Englishmen not unfit to be considered, what a bloody quarrel it was made, 
goodwin's Annals, in Ed. 6.  that King Edward the Sixth, who was a Protestant King, and the first that ever was known in England, might not marry Queen Mary of Scotland, a Papist, as all the World knew; yet the Protector made it no scruple of Conscience, to pursue that business to the utmost hazard. Calvinism and Lutheranism, are themselves as opposite as the Antipodes, yet they entermarry frequently, and their issué bear witness thereof.  
Was it then tolerable in the Reformed Churches, and is it now intolerable with Spain? Or is there any particular cause of scrupulosity and fear in this overture, more than in those other? doth the State of the Kingdom, and fear of alterations, trouble them? that fear is vain. The Husband is head of the Wife, and though the Infanta be born in Familiâ Imperatrice, yet there is no Sovereignty invested in her, she can make no mutation of State, lest of all without consent of the State; and we have little cause to distrust her, having had such a precedent before of King Philip; who being king of England, yet neither did, nor could attempt of himself, any alteration. And if the English be sure to hold their Religion, it were neither Justice, nor Humanity, if she should be denied hers. There is no man of Honour would offend a Lady of her Dignity, for a difference that concerns her Soul, her Faith, her Devotion towards God. What then is the reason, why this Match seems so distasteful? Is the name, are the qualities of a Spaniard become so odious amongst us? Surely, ab initio non fuit sic, of old it was not so, it is neither an ancient quarrel, nor a natural impression in the English. In the time of Edward the Third, there was a firm and fixed amity between England and Portugal, and from that Lancaster of England the Kings of Portugal are descended. As for Castille, John of Gaunt married Constance, the Daughter of King Peter, by right of whom the Crown of Castille appertained unto him; and his Daughter Katherine was married afterward to Henry the Third, King of Castille; upon which Match, as appears yet in the Records of the Savoy, John of Gaunt resigning that Crown, the controversy ended; and the Kings of Spain, as flourishing Branches of the Tree and Stock of Lancaster, have ever since quietly possessed that Kingdom. So that Prince Charles by this Match is likely to warm his Bed again with some of his own Blood. I might add further, that King Henry the Seventh married his Son to King Ferdinand's Daughter, on purpose to continue the Succession of that amity. I might remember the Treaties of 1505. between King Henry the Seventh, and Philip of Austria, Son in Law to King Ferdinand, for the preservation and strengthening of that League: And how much the amity of England was esteemed, and how readily embraced by Charles the Fifth, Emperor and Grandchild of Ferdinand, appeareth very well by the Treaty Arctioris Amicitiae, in the year 1514. And by that renowned Treaty of Calais (the greatest Honour perhaps that ever was done to the English Crown,) and by the Treaty 1517. between Maximilian the Emperor, Charles King of Spain, and King Henry the Eighth; not to speak of the Treaties for intercourse in the years 1515. and 1520, nor of the Treaty at Cambray 1529. nor lastly, of that famous one 1542. Let it suffice, that by them all it is manifest, with what mutual, constant, and warm affections both Crowns, and both Kingdoms, entertained the strictest correspondence that could be; till the Schism of Henry the Eighth, and disgrace done to Queen Katherine, by that unhappy Divorce, and the Kings confederating with France, made the first breach: So as in those days we see, there was no such unkindness, no such hatred, no such Antipathy betwixt the two Nations. The first spark of difference between them broke out in Queen Mary's time, about the matter of Religion; no other pretext could be found, to make that breach which Wyatt desired. Yet neither is this the true, nor the sole motive of the grudge, which is now taken: There is an other imposthume, which will not be cured without lancing: The remembrance, the hatred ever since Eighty Eight, Manet altâ ment repostum, Sticks still in our Stomaches; and it is most true, Hinc illae lachrymae, from hence springs all our pain. Well; but let us be as indifferent as we can; let us consider, not only their attempts upon us, but the provocations, that is, the wrongs which we first did unto them. 
Strad. de bell. Belgic.  Let us remember the Money intercepted, which the King was sending unto D'Alva, the want whereof, at that time, hazarded well nigh the loss of all the netherlands Provinces, so lately reduced; 
Camd. in Elizab.  the assistance given to the Prince of Orange, by Gilbert, Morgan, and others; the first voyage of Sir Francis Drake; the sacking of Saint Domingo; the Protection of Holland by Leicester; the infinite Depredations, Letters of Mart executed to the infinite damage of the Spaniards; beside, the Philippics, the invectives which were in every Pulpit, the Ballads and Libels in every Press were provocations, such as Flesh and Blood would not endure in the meanest persons. I speak nothing at all of the Portugal voyage, nor of the surprise of Cales, nor of the Island voyage; but can any wise man think, That the King of Spain should not be sensible of such indignities? Was it not probable, nay, was it not equal, that he should send a fury to Kingsale, to revenge these wrongs?  
And yet notwithstanding this Hostility, when His Majesty came to the Crown, how friendly, yea, how quickly did the King of Spain alter his course, and send the Constable of Castille, as the Dove out of the Ark, to see if the Floods of Enmity were any whit fallen, and to seek Peace with an Olive branch in his hand, to establish a general Amnestia, or Perpetual Oblivion of all unkindness past, to bury all quarrels, and reconcile the two Crowns and Kingdoms into an everlasting Friendship. And surely, cursed will he be, that seeks to violate this Peace, and under colour of Religion to extirpate Charity and public concord. And I pray, what would be thought of the loyalty of that man, who should now set himself to trouble and exasperate men's minds with the old feuds and quarrels, which this Nation hath had with Scotland? But stay here, my Pen must intrude no further, without warrant, into the Labyrinth of this secret Council: I know not whether it be agreeable to the King's pleasure, or no; or fit matter for private Subjects to discourse upon. I know very well, how unsearchable the secrets of Princes are, in what an abyss they lie, and how much too deep to be sounded by every shallow discourser. I remember also, what Praying and Preaching here was against the Match of Queen Elizabeth with Mounsieur, a business of very like nature with this in hand, and declaimed against, upon the same pretended peril of Religion, alteration of Government, and what not? Yet it is very well known, That those of the Council, who did most oppose it, were men, which of all others, were thought to care least for Religion. Sir Philip Sidney indeed, (like a Noble and worthy Courtier, as he was) endeavoured by a short Treatise, to present unto Her Majesty the unfitness, disproportion, and inconveniencies of that Match, both in relation to Her Person, and the whole Realm; but he did it privately, and with discreet circumspection. Stubs, like an indiscreet and fiery Zealot, taking the question in hand, and prosecuting it in a way more likely to incense and corrupt the people, then to advise or inform the Queen; 
Cund. in Elizab.  his hand paid for his presumption. And though some of the greatest and wisest of the Council appeared very earnestly for it, as a thing which was likely to unite the whole Kingdom of France unto England, and would surely bring along with it the offer of the Netherlands, by the Prince of Orange, and the States, whereby England was like to become a petent Monarchy; yet was the whole Body of the Kingdom cast into much distemper and jealousies thereby: Some upon partiality and faction, others upon distrust of the practices of France; some for their own; some for their friends sinister ends and ambitions; as in this very case, I am persuaded, men are not a little possessed with the same diseases and humours. And if I did not well know the nature of the multitude (which is a Beast with many heads, and as mad brains) I should wonder, how they durst oppose the designs of their Sovereign, a Prince of so great Experience and Judgement, and who hath managed this business from the beginning with such wariness, caution, and prudence, as this great Conjunction cannot portend any other effects, than honour, comfort, and prosperity to the whole Nation. Is he not the fittest to judge in his own case? And his case being the case of the Commonwealth in general, if any private man shall arrogate to himself either more wisdom to amend what is already done, or pretend more affection to the State, or more providence to foresee and prevent inconveniences; certainly he must needs fall into the custody of the Court of Wards, till he recover himself. But having said this, I shall leave the whole matter as a deliberative still; and tell you in few words, what the occasion was of this Discourse, which followeth.  

The occasion of the following Discourse.  
THere met at a Merchant's House in London (where Merchants, for their Table and Hospitality, do worthily bear the Bell from all the Merchants in Europe) divers persons of quality, where being together in a Garden before Dinner, T. Aldreds' Letter, the Pamphlet aforesaid, and some strange reports of seditious practices from Amsterdam, were read, and discoursed upon. In the midst of all, comes in a fine Chaplain, belonging to a great person in England, and one that was of the Merchant's acquaintance; who hearing but a little of the discourse (which at that time was the common Table-talk of City and Country) with much vehemency he affirmed, the Match was likely to breed great troubles and mischief to the Kingdom; and that (forsooth) in regard, as well of the increase of Catholics within the Realm, which it would occasion, as also in regard of Spain, which he ignorantly called an ancient Enemy. Hereupon also he took occasion to rail bitterly against the Church of Rome, as the Seminary of all the commotions in Europe, and the contriver and plotter of all Treasons in England. And being resolved to show his Rhetoric in the Ruff, and to omit nothing, which might exasperate the company against Catholics, he alleged for examples, in thundering language, 
Heywards Reign of Edw. 6.  the death of King Edward the Sixth, (sillily enough that, you will say) the many conspiracies against Queen Elizabeth; bu● especially that horrible project of the Gunpowder Treason, which being undertaken only by a few desperate Malcontents, in justice might rather be buried with the offenders, then objected perpetually to innocent men, who do generally with great sorrow abhor the very memory of the fact, and were publicly acquitted thereof by the King himself in the next Parliament following. 
See the King's Speech in Parliament.  Besides this he urged, That Princes be disquieted, yea, endangered many times by Excommunications, Bulls, and other censures from the Pope, by the Catechisms and Doctrines of Jesuits; and that the Subjects of England are withdrawn by them from their obedience to their lawful Princes: Lastly, That they are a people so full of treacheries and disloyalty, as no Nation can show the like. He forgot nor, you must think, to arm himself with the authority of Doctor Morton, whose Maxim it was, That we may now as well expect a white Aethiopian, as a good Subject of that Religion. He produced a Book entitled, A discovery of Romish Doctrine in the case of Conspiracy and Treason; wherein, the Author playeth his master-prize against poor Catholics with equal malice and indiscretion, charging them with an infinity of scandalous accusations, able to drive men into despair of the King's Grace towards them, and to breed in His Majesty's Royal Heart an everlasting distrust of them. He urged Parson Whites rash and uncharitable judgement against them, That all their Religion was full of such Doctrines, as afforded Monsters of conspiracy against the State; that they teach men to murder Kings, to blow up Parliaments; and that since Bell's time, never was there such a ravenous Idol found, as are the Priests of the Seminaries. Ormerode also, that famous Picture-maker, was alleged in this heat, who by a great mistake, took upon him to condemn the singular and renowned Doctor Allen, as affirming, That Princes may be slain by their Subjects, from the Text, Numb. 25. At length he concluded all with that Rhetorical flourish of Monsicur Lewis Bailie in his Book of The Practice of Piety, pag. 783. which he produced with much ostentation, as if it alone had been enough to cast the whole Society of the Fathers into a fit of a Quartane: Jesuits and Priests, saith he, are sent to withdraw Subjects from their Allegiance, to move Invasion, and to kill Kings: If they be Saints, who be Scythians? Who are Cannibals, if they Catholics? This conclusion, for the art and wit of it, could not but deserve a plaudite; so the company went to Dinner, and after Dinner this fine Chaplain was gone in haste. Thereupon, some of the company, not so much taken with his Rhetoric, as were the rest, desired a Gentleman then present, who well understood the World, and was a freeman, not obliged to any particular order, furthen then as a Son of the Church, to deliver his opinion of the Ministers invective; which at last, upon their much importunity, he was persuaded to do, in such manner, as is here, with his leave, and particular information, represented to you.  
After some pause, Claudius accusat Maechos, quoth he, Catilina Cethegum. This is most ridiculous; who can endure to hear a Gracchus inveigh against Sedition? A man may perceive by the Prologue, That Protestants have set it down as a decree against Catholics, and labour to imprint it as an Eternal scandal in the hearts of the people; that Catholic Religion and Doctrine is dangerous to the State, an Enemy to Sovereignty, and therefore neither allowable nor tolerable in a well governed Monarchy. Now this being a matter of so great importance, as indeed it ought to be esteemed (for querelam Ecclesiae quilibet Catholicus facit suam, every good Catholic thinks himself injured, when the Church is wronged.) I will endeavour to sift out the truth, and show you, what is therein to be holden as matter of infallible v●rity; as well to justify them, viz. the Catholics, as to inform myself in a point, which I know hath made many good men in England to stagger much. And that I may not wander in my discourse, nor lead you up and down in a Labyrinth, I will show you first the true state of the Question to be argued, and the method in which it is most regularly propounded.  
First therefore we demand, Whether to be a Catholic, that is, one who professeth due reverence unto the Church of Rome, and to be a true Subject to his Prince and Country, be incompatible, or no? Secondly, If they be incompatible, whether this incompatibility, or repugnancy that is betwixt them, be general; that is, as unto all Principalities and States; or particular, that is, to some one, or to some few only? Thirdly, Whether it be so originally, and ever, or only casually; that is, at some particular time, or upon some particular jointure of affairs in State? Fourthly, Whether it be so simpliciter loquendo, and as malum in se; that is, whether the being a Catholic, be looked upon as a thing evil intrinsically, and in its own nature; or that it be only accidentally such, or made so by particular Statutes and Laws? Lastly, whether Lutheranism and Calvinism, be not more incompatible with Loyalty, more opposite and contradictory thereto, and that ab origine? To judge rightly betwixt Catholics and Protestants in this grand charge which we have in hand, it is necessary, that every one of these particulars be clearly considered and resolved; and so I oblige myself to do, at least to endeavour, before I end my discourse: But yet to pay Master Parson some thing in his own coin, I shall make bold to begin with the last Question first, and in lieu of his general, or rather hyperbolical accusations of our Doctrine, to return him double measure, both of Doctrine and Practice, in each kind, from his own men: That is, I will examine and declare obsignatis tabulis, and by evidence of fact, That the Treasons, Factions, Seditions, Tumults, which have so troubled all the Kingdoms of Europe, and filled Christendom with blood and calamity, for these hundred years last passed; have sprung not so much from any opinions or practices of Catholics, as from the opinions and practices of Protestants; and that the egg of this Cockatrice was not laid at Rome, nor Rheims, nor Douai, (as the World must be made to believe) but indeed, and very truth, at Wittenberg, at Smalcald, at Genevah. And this I shall do not Theologically, or like a Divine, (for I will not arrogate so much to myself) but Historically, sincerely, plainly, being one that desires to defend the Loyalty of Religions and Innocent men, rather than their Opinions and Doctrines, which they are best able to maintain themselves; and as a faithful relator of what myself have both known and seen, and learned the rest from others; of whose authority and credit in this kind, no just doubt can be made: Neither, shall I affect any rhetorical flourishes, or elegancy of stile in this discourse. Integrity and Truth (which I profess) appear always most gracious in their own unborrowed beauties; they need no paintings, no art, no colours. Come we then, by the Will of God, to our intended business.    


Titulus Primus. LUTHERANISM; OR The Troubles in GERMANY.  
IN the year of our Lord, 1514. the whole Church of God enjoyed Peace, and her ancient Privileges; all Princes with great devotion were Nursing Fathers and Protectors of her; no Storm did trouble her, no Schism to break her Unity: There was an harmony, a good correspondence (as to matters of Faith and Religion) between the Church of Rome, and all the Princes and States of Christendom; and till then, neither in England, nor in any other Country of Europe, had there been such a Question ever disputed, viz. Whether a Catholic might not be a good Subject. In the year 1517. Martin Luther, an Augustine Friar, a man of a turbulent spirit, learned, but never counted any famous Clerk, was the first that broke this long and happy Peace. 
Surius in Chron. An. 1517.  This man unhappily interposing himself in the business of Indulgences, which were sent at that time by Pope Leo the Tenth into Germany, although it concerned not him further, than he made himself the Proctor and Advocate of his Order; yet having once begun to inveigh against the injury done to his fraternity, as he conceived, (for as much as the Preaching or publishing of those Pardons, was committed unto the Dominicans, and not to them, viz. the Augustinians, as had been usual before) he fell afterwards to tax the abuses and covetousness of the Collectors, and then to question even the authority of them, by whom those Collectors were nominated, and such a levy of money required in that nature. This was a popular and plausible Introduction, fit to win upon the vulgar, who can never well endure the pressure of Contributions, especially extraordinary, and where the covetousness or scandal of Officers gives any occasion of murmur. He quickly therefore found many favourers; but much more, when he began to exclaim against the ambition of Prelates, against the riot and disorders of Religious men, taxing some for Tyranny, some for Avarice, some for Idleness and Ignorance, all for corruption and abuses. In this manner he stood in arms, and, as it were, a challenger for some years, only against the defects of the Clergy, and without much danger: For divers good men at first conceived, That he only intended and sought Reformation of disorders, and restoring of Ecclesiastical Discipline, punishment of irregularities, and amendment of life. And this they did not without some cause: For Saint Hildegardis had foretold a storm to the Church for their sins; Savanarola a Dominican had awakened Italy with predictions of terror; and Friar Thomas of Guien prophesied a Vae, Vae, a scourge and desolation to Bourdeaux, an inundation of misery to France, and the whole World: All these not long before Luther's time.  
Who finding thus, Populo placere, quas fecisset, fabulas, that the sport, which he had begun, did take with the people (as novelty is ever welcome to the World) and that his actions and designs seemed generally to be applauded; that many of the best wits (especially such as had been bred in Erasmus his School, and were any way touched with his humour) were ready to second him; yea, perceiving that some of the greatest Princes in Germany were content, (though for other ends) not only to give him hearing, but encouragement also in his proceed; the man's ambitions and vain conceits of himself were infinitely raised above his first projects: Whereupon, as a man sick in his spirits, and of a fiery disease, he gins now to rage against, and to defame all Church Government, he abandons his Cloister, throws of his habit, breaks, yea, tramples upon his vows, renounceth all obedience to his Superior, Preacheth against the whole State of the Clergy, and especially against the Superiority of the Bishop of Rome (which was ever unto this time, held Sacred in matters Ecclesiastical) as against a Tyranny in the Church; persuading the people not to render any kind of obedience to them. The Pope himself (whom yet not long before, and since the beginning of the difference, he had honoured with the title of Christ's Vicar, and protested unto him very much humble Reverence and obedience) he now calls Sathanissimum Papam, Messire Asino: The Prelates he calls Blind guides, the Religious men Swine, Candles put under a Bushel, and what not? And why, think you, Preached he all this? Because (forsooth) otherwise the people should live in darkness still, in the shadow of death, still be fed and misled by ignorant and blind guides, still remain in ignorance, and in the Captivity of Babylon. This Prologue having gained him attentive Auditors, he gins the Tragedy, which was afterwards acted, as you shall hear, with such incredible Sedition and Tumults: His whole study was now bend to undermine the Church, and to abolish all Ecclesiastical order; which by consequence was of necessity to shake the Foundations, and hazard the State itself: Yea, this humour fed him with such vain and extravagant hopes, That he imagined to conquer the whole World, and to subdue the Pope himself, whom he was the first, that ever absolutely affirmed to be that Antichrist, Man of sin, and deceiver of the World, whom the Apostle mentioneth, 2 Thes. 2.  
He was the more encouraged in these proceed, for that now, 1519. Maximilian the Emperor was dead, whose power and wisdom he had great cause to dread, and that Charles the Fifth was chosen to succeed him; 
Surius in Chron.  a young Prince, not fully Twenty years of age; whom therefore he vainly hoped, he should be able to persuade to subdue the Pope's power, to keep his own Court at Rome, and make the Castle of Saint Angelo subject to his commands; and that by the assistance of such an Emperor, Martin should be able to reform the Church, and cast it into what mould he pleased; especially seeing John Frederick, the Elector and old Duke of Saxony, was already his sure Friend and Patron; who for his strength, riches, alliance, and other abilities, was far Superior to any other Prince of the Empire.  
Hereupon therefore fi●st of all, he proclaims, as it were, open war and defiance to all the Bishops and Ecclesiastical State of Germany, endeavouring, what he can, to weaken their authority, to abrogate their power; yea, to make them odious and contemptible to the whole World: Therefore in his Book entitled, C●ntra Statum Ecclesiae, 
Tom 2. oper. Latin. Jenae.  & falsò nominatum ordinem Episcoporum: He sends out a Bull against the said Bishops, in these words, Attendite vobis Episcoporum umbrae; Harken, saith he, or rather, Look to yourselves, ye Mock-Prelates, ye Bishops in show, or shape only; Doctor Luther intends to read you a lesson, which he thinks, will not be much pleasing to your tender ears; as indeed, it was not likely it should be. For after a short Exhortation, he gives advise, what his godly Auditory should do well to see performed, viz. To this horrible intent or purpose. Quicunque opem ferunt, bona, famam, sanguinem impendunt; Whosoever, saith he, will venture their Lives, their Estates, their Honour, and their Blood, in so Christian a work, as to root out and destroy all Bishops and Bishoprics (which are the Ministers of Satan) and to pluck up by the Roots, all their Authority and Jurisdiction in the World; Hi sunt dilecti filii Del, etc. These, yea, these, are the true children of God, and obey his Commandments. And again in his Book against Sylvester Prieras: 
Tom. 1. oper. Latin. Wittenberg.  Si fures furcâ, latrones gladio, haereticos igne tollimus. If, saith he, we dispatch common Felons with a halter, Malefactors at the block, and Heretics by fire. Cur non magis hos magistros perditionis; As for these sons, yea, masters of perdition; these Bishops, Cardinals, Popes, etc. Why should we not fall upon them with open force, and not cease, till we have bathed our hands in their blood? Was there ever such an Incendiary heard Preach? But, Objicient, saith he going on, periculum esse; Perhaps some body will be telling us, it may cause Tumults and Sedition in the common people: Tush, saith he, I answer, must the Word of God be prohibited, and the people perish for fear of Tumults? The two Mar-Prelates of England and Scotland were not possessed with such a spirit as this; and though they were mad enough, yet they came not up to such a height of fury. Let the Lawyers therefore judge, Brunus, Minsinger, Gail, whether this Sermon and Proclamation of Luther's, would not bear an Action of Sedition and Conspiracy; and whether it were consistent with the Laws and Peace of the Empire, any more than it was with the duty of a good man. For hereby was the people taught and encouraged (when they should be able) to pull down and destroy those principal Pillars in the State of Germany, viz. The Archbishops of Mentz, Colen and Triers, the Primate of Magdeburgh, the Archbishop and Prince of Saltzburgh, the great Master of Prussia, the Bishop of Wurtzburgh, Bambergh, and many others; who, beside their Spiritual Relations (which were so eminent in the Church) had also a voice and place in the Imperial Diet, and thereby a great influence and hand in the Government of Germany. Can this be avowed to be the act of a dutiful or loyal Subject of the E●pire? Do●h any Law, Reason, or Example warrant it in Civil Government? That a private man, himself a Subject, of himself alone, should attempt thus insolently against the chief Magistrates, and Princes of the Country where he lives? That a Sheep should presume to depose the Shepherds? And by such wicked suggestions, stir up Insurrections and Rebellion against persons of so eminent quality, both for Place and Calling? Nor did he ever cease, or give over these Preach, till out of Sax●ny, Hess, and Wittenberg, yea, generally out of all places, where his Seditious Doctrine prevailed, he had expulsed, or procured to be expulsed, the very name, as well as the Authority and Jurisdiction of Bishops.  
Neither stayed he here, but as fury and success lead him, proceeded further. 
Cochlaeus in act. Luther.  At Wittenberg he took upon him to burn, not only the Pope's Indulgences, Bulls, and such like, but even all the Canon Law itself, that he could but get into his hands. If you ask, by what warrant? He gives you none but his own Authority, his private spirit was Commi ●●on, and pretence of the Gospel (as he called it) all the Apology he could make for such pranks. An insufficient pretence certainly: For although it be true, That the Canon Law, for the most part of it, be originally nothing but the Constitutions of Popes at several times and occasions published, yet much of it is also the decrees of Counsels, Provincial, National, and Ecumenical, and all of it ratified by prescription, (which is Common Law) by general approbation and use of the Country, and by the Imperial Laws themselves; and therefore his audaciousness was intolerable, in giving so public an affront to the Government of Germany, as well Civil as Eccl●siastick: And the Laws themselves (how needless or inconvenient soever, this vain man could imagine them, yet) could not be lawfully and orderly suppressed in the Empire, but by the Authority of the Empire itself. But as he did thus presumptuously, and of his own head, abrogate (so far as he could) the Canon Laws; so did he vilify and despise the Civil Laws also, as shall be shown hereafter in due place; for as yet we must trace him in his extravagancies and furies against the Church.  
Having lost his own senses through pride, and overmuch confidence of himself, he was willing that all the World should be blind; therefore he endeavours to introduce Barbarism, and to put out the eyes of his almains; that in such state they might not be able to see, either his errors, or their own folly, to be so much abused and bewitched by a Sot. Universities must down; which because Cambridge and Oxford will not (perhaps) believe, I shall produce his own words in his Book against Ambrose Catharinus: Ad Evangelium funditùs evertendum, nec astutius, nec efficacius commentum, etc. The Devil, saith he, never invented a more cunning, and more pernicious means to root up utterly the Gospel of Christ, than the design of founding the Universities. And that no man should go about to colour or excuse this Paradox, by some favourable interpretation and sense, he seconds it with another elsewhere, full as absurd or worse: 
Lib. de abrog. Missâ.  For dissuading the people from sending their children to be bred up in the Universities, he passeth a sentence of condemnation on them in these words: Academias per idolum Mo●och figuratas puto. I am of opinion, saith he, that the Idol Moloch in old ●ime was a Type of these Universities: And therefore, that it was as unlawful for the people to send their children thither for breeding, as it was of old for the children of Israel to give of their sons to be consecrated unto that Idol, of which we read, Levit. 20.2, 3, 4. The reason he gives is like his assertion, Ex isto enim fumo: for out of the smoke, saith he, of these Universities do arise all those Locusts, which at this day possess the Chairs; that is, the places of Dignity and Honour in the Church. But why will the man have all Universities thus suppressed on the sudden? Is it because Catholic Religion and School-divinity was taught in them? that can hardly be thought. For why did he shut up the S●ho●l-doors at home, 
Cochlaeus in Act. Luther.  at Wittenberg, where he prevailed for many years together? Why did he neglect the teaching and educating of youth in his own Religion and Profession? Why did he forbid Aristotle, Tully, and other Authors to be read, who meddle not with Religion? 
Vlemberg. in vitâ ejus.  Why did Carolstad choose rather to go to Plough, then read a Lecture? Nay, his own Fidus Achates, Philip Melancthon in his Book called Didymus, commends Witcliff for a wiseman, Qui omnium primus vidit Academias ●sse Satanae Synagogas: Because he, forsooth, was the first that discovered the Christian Universities to be Synagogues of Satan. Well said Master Philip! in whom indeed so lose an assertion was the more to be wordr●d at, being himself otherwise so great a Scholar. But thus we see, what a spirit of confusion and giddiness possessed them at the beginning, and how uncertain they were all, what to hold or maintain: But above all others, 
Vlemberg. in vitâ Philippi.  this was true of Melancthon, who was indeed a very Academic, always Sceptical, inconstant and wavering; so as neither himself, nor his own party knew well, what he was: And for this opinion in particular against the Universities and Humane Learning, he retracted it in his Book Ad Waldenses, which Carolstad would never do; and therefore died very miserable and poor in the Country.  
You may perceive by this, that at the first rising of these men, and their Preaching of Reformation, the spirit (to which they pretended had not in many years perfectly illuminated them, nor cleared their judgement from many and stupid absurdities of Error, to which men of but common discretion are not usually Subject; which we may not a little wonder at, seeing men extraordinarily called by God (and such they would be thought to be;) as for example, the Prophets, Apostles, St. Paul, and others, were completely fitted for their work, from the first instant of their vocation. It appears also, what Luther's design was, viz. At three blows to have cut down three great Cedars of the Empire, The Clergy, the Canon Law, the Universities: For without Universities the Clergy could not well be educated, nor without Laws could they be governed; and so being necessarily chained together, he could not break the Link, without subverting all. Neither did he, as it is clear, seek a Reformation, but an Extirpation of them all together. And this I dare affirm, That all those hundred Gravamina presented unto the Emperor Charles at Noremberg, did not contain one quarter of the danger, mischief, and public calamity, which these three Articles would have brought upon Germany, could they have been executed to his mind. And yet behold a greater mischief followeth, if greater be possible; for I am now to lay down some few of his Positions of State, by which it shall appear yet further, what prodigious incivility, arrogance, and presumption was in the man; and to how great contempt and prejudice his proceed tended, not of Ecclesiastical Prelates, and persons only (whom he made it, as it were, matter of Conscience, and a part of his Gospel, to revile and slander) but of the Emperor himself, and the other Princes of Germany, yea, of all Princes, States, and Magistrates whatsoever, that stood in his way, and complied not with his strange and exorbitant courses. And to discover his spirit the better, you shall have a taste in the first place of his behaviour with King Henry the Eighth of England, a Prince at that time famous and renowned, as any in the World; and whom, but a little before, upon report of his disgust with Cardinal Wolsey, he had extremely flattered and bedaubed with praises: But now finding by some tartness in the King's answer, That it was but to build castles in the air, to expect any favour or countenance from him; the poor Friar runs presently mad with rage, and fowl language. The King is no longer now a King with him, 
Lib. count. Reg. Angliae.  but an evious mad fool, full of bastardy and baseness; he hath not a vein of Princely blood in all his body; he is a Basilisk, to whom this impudent Apostata denounceth damnation. A glorious King indeed, that lieth most stoutly, and like a King. Nay, He is a lying Fellow covered with the title of a King; not a King, but a Sacrilegious thief. Lastly, which is the height of all imaginable scurrility and rudeness, Jus mihi erit, Majestatem tuam stercore c●nspergere: If I were near you, saith he, I should make bold to dress such a Majesty as it deserves. The passage is so extremely fowl, that to render it otherwise; would both offend the Reader, and defile the Paper. I omit infinite more of the same stamp and slain, which the Reader, if he please to be further curious upon such a subject, may find gathered together by no less honourable a person then Sir Thomas Moor, Lord Chancellor of England in those times, and published by him in a Latin work of his against Luther, Printed at Louvain in the Year, 1566.  
Nor was his behaviour towards the Emperor himself and Princes of Germany, much better. He not only wrote a Book expressly with this title, 
Surius ad annum. 1521.  Against the Two Edicts of Caesar (which we must also know were Edicts legally published, and with consent of the other States and Princes of the Empire) but therein he openly chargeth the Emperor himself, and the other Princes with false play. Turpe est Caesarem ac Principes manifestis agere mendaciis. What a shame is it, saith he, that an Emperor and Princes should lie thus palpably. And in the same Book, of the same persons speaking, Deus mihi dedit negotium. It is God's will, saith he, that in this business I should not have to do with reasonable men; but, I see, these wild Beasts of Germany will murder me, if they can. And therefore more bitterly, maliciously, and traitorously afterwards, Oro cuncios pios Christianos. I beseech, saith he, all godly Christians, that they would only pray for these blind Princes, by whom God afflicteth them in his great wrath; but, saith he, let us not follow them by any means, let us not serve them in their Wars, nor give them any Contribution against the Turk: (For that was a thing either then in debate, or but lately consented to by the States of the Empire,) For the Turk, saith he, is a Prince ten times wiser, and more honest than they: And what good, I pray, can such fools expect against the Turk, who do themselves so horribly blaspheme and offend God? Will any man think this tolerable? but he proceeds. 
Art. 367.  In his Book against the Five hundred Articles, Quid ergo boni in rebus Divinis? What good, think we, saith he, can such impious and wicked Tyrants appoint in matter of Religion? Before they were fools, now they are Tyrants. And still he goeth on from worse to worse, that is, higher and higher, as it were, by degrees in his impudence. For in his Book De Saeculari potestate, concerning the Civil Magistrate, or the Powers of the World, He delivers his opinion of all Kings and Princes in general; and how he would have them esteemed, in these words, Scire debes, etc. You must know, saith he, that from the beginning of the world to this day, it hath ever been a rare thing to find a wise Prince; but more rare, to find one that was honest: For commonly they are the veriest fools and knaves in the world. And again, Quis nescit, etc. Who knows not, saith he, that Princes are like Venison in Heaven; very dainty and rare, it seems; scarce one of a thousand perhaps saved. This was the charity of the man towards Christian Princes in general; as for the Emperor himself, in his Book De bello contra Turcas, he expressly denieth him to be the head of Christendom, or so much as a difender of the Faith; and lest this might be capable of some tolerable sense, he explicates his meaning plainly in the reason which he giveth, Eos namque esse pessimos hosts; For, saith he, Emperors and Princes are commonly the greatest enemies, which Christianity, and the Faith have: Yea, in his Book Contrae Rusticos, against the Boors, (which was an occasion and subject, where, if ever he meant to do it, a man would think, he was obliged to favour Magistracy and Civil Dignities, yet even there) his Language is the same, or worse. Sciat●●, boni domini, Deum s●c procurare, quod subditi nec possunt, nec debent, etc. You must know, my good Lords, saith he, That G●d will have it so, that your Subjects neither can, nor will, nor ought any longer to endure your Tyrannical G vernments. Mark well that debent, they ought not, it was not put in for nothing, I warrant you. Those good men, the Boors, were not altogether, or too much to be discouraged by that Book of his, though titled against them; it having been from his Sermons and Doctrines commonly divulged, that they took the chief grounds of their Insurrection.  
Did ever man before him vent such seditious Paradoxes with impunity? Can such assertions as these come from the Spirit of God? Did ever any of the Prophets, Apostles, Martyrs, use such barbarous liberty of speech, against the worst of Nero's, Dioclesian's, julian's, that ever persecuted the Church? Did Elias speak thus to Ahab and Jezabel? and yet his flatterers commonly call him the Elias of Germany. St. Paul (if he had pleased to regard him) gave him a far better example, 
Acts 26.25.  using Festus the Roman Governor with much more reverence. And without all doubt, no true Christian zeal can be so irregular, so rude, so intemperately passionate and scurrilous. To revile, and speak evil of dignities, is the property of another spirit, than the Spirit of God, 
Judas 8.9.  or else Saint Judas deceives us. To give Caesar his Sovereign, and all the Princes of Germany the lie, although it were very insufferable, yet it may seem but a personal, or particular contempt; but to proclaim them all Savages, Fools, Knaves, Tyrants, and to say that the Turk was a wiser and honester man than any of them, in whose Government, as all the World knows, the Sacred Law of Christ our Saviour is wholly abrogated, and the blasphemous Dreams of a wretched Impostor set up, and maintained by force in stead thereof, and the Moral Law of God publicly and daily, by a contrary law of Mahomet, in many respects violated and broken, (to the great dishonour of God, indeed, and shame of Christendom,) is a Language so absurdly seditious and scandalous, as it can never be sufficiently detested. Then to give out to the world, and publish in Print, as it were in open scorn and contempt of all authority, That a wise and good Prince was as rarely found, as a black Swan; that commonly Kings and Princes be the most doting Fools, or wickedest Knaves in the World, and that they are such a Reprobate crew, as there is scarce a place in Heaven for them; what is it, but by such epithets and execrable boldness, to bring Majesty itself, and all Governments into contempt, to take the Crown from Prince's Heads, and to expose Magistracy, and the just preeminencies thereof (without which no Government could long subsist) to the malice, contempt, yea, fury too, of the meanest of the people.  
But you will say, perhaps, he used his own Princes with more respect; 
Something to be added here from Page 87. of the Book.  and all this was said to Catholic, that is, Popish Princes, and his Enemies. Well, admit it were so, that they were Popish Princes, yet were they Magistrates notwithstanding, and at least in as good capacity as Nero, and those others, 
Rom. 13.  to whom St. Paul commands every soul to pay obedience and honour; yet were they the Lieutenants of God upon earth, they had the Image (that is, the Authority) of God upon them; and for that Image sake, were to be used with due reverence. They had the Laws, the Customs, the Constitutions of the Empire on their side; they were not his Enemies, further than his irregularities and offences, together with their own duty, obliged them to be so. Neither is it true, that he used his own Princes of the House of Saxony much better. Surely, as for Duke George of Leipsig, his bitterness and incivility towards him was notorious, calling him, The Apostle of Satan, 
Surius Anno 1533.  Enemy of the Gospel, Murderer, Tyrant, and what not? Last of all styling him with a most scurrilous kind of contempt, Illustrissima inclementia vestra: Your most Illustrious Surliness. And as for the Prince Elector himself, his Grand Patron and Protector, old John Frederick, Duke of Saxony, it was not possible he should scape without some dirt in his face, as well as the rest. For whereas the Duke had granted Commission to certain persons, viz. unto John Psaumitz, a Nobleman, Jerome Schurffius, a Lawyer, Philip Melancthon, Hawbitz, and others, to make a visitation of Saxony (which, themselves had filled with disorders) Luther was much offended at this, and therefore when they returned their Commission, and made report of things, he took occasion to show his scorn and contempt of their proceed arrogantly enough: Trotz, quoth he, A fig for these visitors, they have done nothing; and all this, because himself was left out of the Commission: That was it which vexed his ambitious soul, so as he could not hold, but must discover himself in his very Sermons, Nescio quâ de causâ: I cannot tell, 
Serm. in Dominicâ Intravit.  saith he, why the Prince should neglect me in this business. But because he was neglected, see how he takes it, and what respect he professeth to the Orders agreed upon in that Visitation. 
Lib. count. Ambros. Catharin.  Si licet mihi decretales Papae; Is it lawful for me, saith he, for Christian liberties sake, not only to neglect, but to contemn and trample under my feet the Pope's Decrees, the Canons of Counsels, the Laws and Mandates of the Emperor himself, and of all Princes; Vestrasne res gestas, etc. And think you, saith he, I shall value your Orders so much, as to take them for Laws? No, I warrant you; himself must, and will be judge always, what is fit to be Law: Neither the Duke, nor his Commissioners, must prescribe rules to him, further than his own humour pleaseth. And therefore, whereas the Duke had once presumed to forbid him writing any thing against the Archbishop of Mentz, (because he being so great a Prelate, and a Prince Elector of the Empire, it might occasion some public disturbance,) speaking of this to Spalatinus, a famous Lutheran, 
Loc. Com. Class. 4. cap. 30.  and great friend of his; What saith he? Non feram, quod ais, non passurum principem, etc. I cannot endure, saith Luther, that you should say, The Prince will not suffer me to write against him of Mentz, nor that the public Peace should be broken; rather than this shall be, I will lose both thee, and the Prince too; 
Potius te & principem ipsum perdam.  (if I translate him well.) Si enim Creatori ejus Papae, etc. For, saith he, seeing I have resisted his Maker, the Pope, I will not surely submit now to his Creature. No, Spalatinus, no, that shall never be.  
And thus much of Luther's personal doctrine and spirit, by which you may sufficiently judge of the man, and perceive, how contrary they were, both of them (person and doctrine) unto the Peace and Established Government of the Empire. We are next to see what Tragedy followed this Prologue, and what effect such principles of Sedition as these had upon the people; which indeed was very answerable to them. For when as this Wild Boar in the Church of God (as he may be justly termed) had broken down the Pale of Order and Discipline, and the common people by his means had received such a pleasant new Gospel, as taught them, That they were exempted (now) from all Canons and Injunctions of the Church (made to restrain licentiousness and disorder;) That true Christians were freed from the Captivity of Babylon, that is, from all such Constitutions and Ceremonies, as they found burdensome, or less pleasing to themselves; That there was a more compendious way to Heaven lately found out, then had been formerly thought upon, that is to say, By Faith only, with freedom from merits, and all the burden of good works; That Rome was Babylon; That Bishops had seduced them for a long time together; That Religious men were Idolaters, and all Princes that favoured or protected them, Tyrants; That the Will of God was not to suffer the poor Commonalty any longer to bear so heavy a yoke and subjection under such oppressors; when, I say, the common people had well drunk in, and were become mad with these intoxicating doctrines of Sedition and Liberty, no long time passeth, but they rise in Arms, make Insurrections, and commit Outrages and Riots all the Countries over: Each man was a drum and firebrand to his Neighbour, every one gave alarm to other, to rise and root out so corrupt a Clergy, and depose such unworthy Princes. First of all, the Boors and Peasants in Germany run together and make havoc of all things in Swevia, Franconia, Alsatia, and in many of the Imperial Towns also: They in Franconia profess they take Arms to expel the Nobility out of Germany, and to cut down those Oaks of the Church, which stood in their way, viz. The Bishops, Archbishops, and other Prelates, to abolish the old Laws, and to establish others new in their stead. The heads of these tumults, and; as it were, Tribunes of the people, were chiefly Thomas Muncer, and Phifer his Comrade, with one Christopher Schaplerus. Muncer was a most audacious fellow, and, as some report, of a Priest, was become an Apostate: He had been formerly Scholar to Carolstad; 
Melancth. in Hist. Ana.  yet Melancthon confesseth, That he came also to Luther's Lectures; which is not improbable, seeing he acted some of his doctrines so much to the life. In Alsatia he first began to Preach against the Pope, yet dissented in many things from his Master's doctrine; because, as the Pope's Laws were too severe, so Luther's (even in his opinion) gave too much liberty. There he also first preached against Mass, and against the Baptising of Infants, because it was not expressly commanded in the Scriptures. There he taught, That Christ did not take flesh of the Virgin Mary; and that Magistrates did forfeit or lose all Authority, so often as they committed Mortal sin; and lastly, That the people (that is, 
Cent. 15. p 445.  such a rabble of the people as followed him tumultuously, and without any lawful order) might correct Princes when they offend. This fellow, to make his name and practices more reverenced by the people, pretended, as others did, extraordinary vocation from God; That what he did was by revelation and warrant of the Holy Ghost; that he had received from God the Sword of Gideon, cogere universum orbem, as the Centurists writ of him, thereby to compel the whole World, to acknowledge and set up the new Kingdom of Jesus Christ; to fight for Israel, and to depose Idolatrous Magistrates: And with such fantastical pretences as these, he made shift to draw into the Field infinite numbers of people of Franconia, by whose help he won by force the strong Town of Winspurgh, slew the Count Lodowick of Helphens●ein; and either killed, or captivated all the Noblemen of the Country, whom they could encounter. Besides, they sacked and destroyed all Church's, Monasteries, and Religious places, where they came; Insomuch, 
Surius Chron.  as Conradus Wimpin, and other Authors affirm, That in this only Circle of the Empire, they pillaged and spoiled near upon Three hundred Monasteries, Castles, and Forts; and yet these wretched people could pretend, they took arms for edification. Is it not likely they did so? At last for want of Victuals, and other necessaries (as multitude and fury are seldom provident) they were forced to divide their Camps; so some of them marched towards the Duchy of Wirtembergh, where by Truchses, General of the League of Swevia, they were all put to the Sword, or flight; yet very great numbers of them remained still in Franconia. Whereupon, because their tumults and proceed tended so manifestly to the destruction of all State, Laws, and Government whatsoever, at last John Frederick, Duke of S xony, (who had before connived at Mu●●ers P●eaching in Alstadt) his Uncle Duke George of Leipsig, together with the other Princes, (the Emperor himself being then in Spain) joined their forces, and at Franckhuisen made a bloody slaughter and execution of those Peasants in their Camp; where Muncer and Ph●fer, both, were taken prisoners and executed, and above a hundred thousand men lost their lives in these Tumults and Rebellion.  
Yet could not such a fearful warning as this absolutely quiet their spirits: For in Alsatia they made new uproars, and above Twenty thousand of th●m were slain by the Count Palatine, and Anthony, Duke of Lorraine. After this an other multitude of them put themselves in Arms at Petersheim, in the Territory of Worms, but were likewise defeated and put to the Sword. To conclude, no part of the Empire was perfectly clear from this plague of Conspiracy: For as the Boors in the Country, so in the Imperial Towns the common people would needs be reforming of Religion, and removing of such Magistrates, as did any way support the old. At Erford they degraded and committed all the Officers of the Town; at Frankford with more fury they spoilt the Churches, banished the Clergy, and put all the Authority and Government of the City into the hands of Twenty four Commoners; they created all inferior Magistrates new, made new Laws, expelled the old Senators, the whole Clergy, not without much threatening and terror; 
Surius in Chron.  they selected and set forth Forty and seven Articles out of Luther's new doctrine, which they decreed should be observed religiously, and professed by all men; they sent them also to their Brethren at Colen, and Mentz, who had attempted the like pranks there, standing in Arms, and being Masters of the several Cities for some days together; but in the end failed. In the Territory of the Bishop of Triers, one Francis Sicking, a private Lutheran, yet out of his zeal, and to comply, as some say, with the instigations of Bucer, and others, feared not to take up Arms, and to invade in hostile manner the Country of that Bishop; took by assault a strong place of the Princes own possession; marched with his Army up to the very Walls of Triers, with intention to besiege it: But as his cause was wicked, and undertaken without any just ground of War, so the success was answerable; his forces being suddenly compelled to retire, himself with many of his complices apprehended and attainted, and their Lands confiscate. Briefly, and to give you the sum of all these mischiefs under one view, This Inundation, and, as it were, First fury of these Reformers of Germany, was so general and violent, that all church-good whatsoever, where they came, became prey and booty to them; Cathedral Churches were broken down, and shamefully defaced; Monasteries ransacked and rob; Bishops and Bishoprics spoiled; as Magdeburgh for example, the Seat of the Primate of Germany, and a Prince of the Empire; Breme, Lu. ●ck, and no less than fourteen more beside: So as the Imperial Chamber at Spires was for a long time after much disquieted, and troubled with Actions, Petitions, and Complaints, about those spoils; the Emperor himself marvellously perplexed, how to procure a Cessation of these disorders, and to stop the Torrent of these Reformers: Neither could he do it effectually till many years after, viz. Anno 1544. when by an Edict he appointed Commissioners particularly to inquire in bona Ecclesiae invasa, after all church-good purloined. Till that time, himself had his hands full, and at some time more then enough to do, to make resistance against their fury, and to pacify the troubles, which continually grew upon him from these beginnings, as will hereafter more clearly appear. All which things are reported and testified to the World by Jo. Cochlaeus, 
Jo. Cochlaei Acta & Scripta Lutheri.  an Author beyond all exception, whose writings, out of which, most of this hath been taken, were published in Luther's life time, and never yet challenged by any man of false play. They are reported also generally by Pontanus, Hortensius, Surius, Mountford, Elorim. Raemundus; 
Flor. Raemundus de ortu & Progress. Heresium.  yea, by Sleydan himself, and others. And for myself, I can but protest to have used all sincerity in citing the evidence, which I had from so many worthy Witnesses: And that I do, as the Romans were wont to say in such cases, Ita me Jupiter, si sciens fallo; Let me not live, if I forge any thing, which I know to be otherwise.  
But it will be replied perhaps by some, that I do Luther wrong, to charge him with these Tumults, and the Insurrections of the Anabaptists; seeing that he vehemently reproved their proceed, gave them no encouragement at all, ever disliked those wild fantasies of Muncer, and his followers, ever Preached in defence of Magistrates and Civil Government: Thus pleadeth Doctor Bilson, and some others in his behalf; but their labour is like the washing of a Blackamoor, all they can do will not make him white: For let the World judge by what hath been said already, whether such Positions and Exhortations, as we have instanced in out of his own writings, vehemently delivered by him, and as greedily swallowed by the people, could be any thing else, but fire to this fuel. Let his Bull against the Clergy, his Invectives against all Ecclesiastical Persons and Orders, be well considered, and they will plainly appear to tend to nothing else. For what man is so senseless, that would not be moved to contemn Authority, and endeavour by all means to enfranchise himself, when he shall hear Preached by an Elias, a man whom he supposeth to be sent extraordinarily from God, to teach and reform the World, That Princes were Tyrants, Bishop's blind and false guides, Religious men Idolaters; and all the Powers of the World generally such, as by their corruptions and wickedness had forfeited their Authority; and that Christians had, and aught to enjoy, such a Charter of Liberty, as did exempt them in Conscience from all Humane Laws and Constitutions? I say, what man of sense can imagine, but the people fully persuaded of such maxims as these, from the mouth of such a Preacher, should not be always ready, and in a posture to rebel upon any occasion offered? And that Luther had taught them this, and much more in substance, is manifest, as I said, by what hath been alleged before; yet, as to that last particular, Of exemption in point of Conscience from Humane Laws, it may require a word or two more.  
Not to insist therefore any further upon that which Cochlaeus allegeth out of his First Book, 
Cochlae. in Miscel.  Exhort. ad Pacem, in these words, In saeculari regimine nihil amplius facitis: You Princes of the World, saith he, what do you else, but fleece and pillage your poor Subjects to their very skin, to maintain your pride, till they can bear no longer? Nor upon that which follows, Non sunt Rustici; They are not the Boors, but God Almighty h●mself, which is coming against ●hem for the● Tyranny: These s●all pass as pieces of his accustomed Malapertness with them, or, if it be possible, with some tolerable interpretation. But certainly that which follows, admits none. 
Cap. de Baptism.  In his Book, De captiv. B bylon. Ab omnibus hominum l●gibus, 〈◊〉. We are, saith he, freed from all Laws of men whatsoever, by virtue of th●t Christian Liberty, which is given us in Baptism. And in the same Book, 
Cap. de Matrim.  Scio nullam rempublicam, etc. I know, saith he, very well, there is never a Commonwealth in the World well governed by these Laws of men: And therefore concludes it to be, 
Cap. de Sac. Ord.  Turpe & iniquiter servile; A shameful thing, and a slavery unworthy of a Christian man who is free, to be subject to any Laws, but the Laws of God, and of Heaven. I know some men endeavour to put Interpretations even upon these Passages, to make them seem less scandalous. 
Respons. ad rat. 8. Campian.  Doctor Whitacre in particular telleth us, That Luther meant not, that men are so exempt from Humane Laws, as that every one ●ight do what he list; but that the Conscience of a Believer was free from all Humane Laws, in respect of Religion. As if to obey Magistrates, in obedience to the Will and Ordinance of God, as Magistracy is plainly, Rom. 13. and as we ought to do in all the obedience we give to them, 1 Pet. 2.13. were not matter and duty of Religion; As to do it for Public peace sake, and in regard of that Authority which they have by consent of men; and for our good, is an act of Morality or Civil Justice, due unto them upon the account of Natural Right and Human Reason, abstracting from the Law of God: or, as if, out of the case of scandal, peril, or some other such  considerations, a man might neglect, or not observe, the just Laws of men, at his pleasure, without offence against God; or lastly, as if to resist lawful Magistracy out of a man's private Authority, Passion, or Spleen, were not a thing contrary to Religion. But let Luther interpret himself, Dico itaque, neque Papa, neque Episcopus, etc. I say therefore, saith he, as Sir Thomas Moor citys him in his Latin work abovementioned, 
Lovan. 1566.  That neither the Pope, nor Bishops, nor any mortal man whatsoever, hath authority to lay the least syllable of command upon a Christian, unless it be by his own consent.  
Nor do we insist so much here, what studied or strange sense may possibly, perhaps, be put upon his words; but how they sound outwardly, and how they are apt to be understood by common people, who do not usually stand much pondering about words, but take them as they sound; especially when they sound Liberty, or any thing agreeable to their corrupt Passions and Humours, as these do. And that we may see his design did drive directly against the Laws themselves, and not only against such impertinent and imaginary niceties, which men might raise about the observing of them, in his Book Ad Nobilitat. German. he absolutely vilifies the Law itself, so far as to prefer the Turks Alcoran before it. Men say, saith he, there is no better Government in the World, then with the Turk, and yet he hath neither Canon nor Civil Law, only his Al●oran: But with us it is plain, there can be no worse Government found, then that which we have by the Canon and Civil Law: What did he mean, think we? What rule did he leave the people to be guided by, but their own Humours and Passions, who before had traduced the Princes themselves for Tyrants, for Oppressors; and now debaseth the Law (that is, the only rule by which the Princes pretended to govern) even beneath the Alcoran itself? 
Hospin. Hist. Sacram.  Add hereunto, that his own friends, and such as follow him in most things, do for this very reason charge him directly, To have been no small cause of the Wars in Germany; yea, 
Centur. 16. p. 16.  his own Osiander testifieth, That the Boors, who made such havoc for a while in Germany by their conspiracies, and especially against the Clergy, did not only pretend the Gospel, and the Liberty of the Gospel for their do, but did even appeal therein to Luther himself: Ad Lutheri judicium pr●vocaverant; They appealed, saith he, to Luther's judgement: Not to urge what Erasmus hath to this effect, 
Hyperaspist. advers. Lutherum.  nor what Menno Simonius, an Anabaptist, acknowledgeth in his Book De cruse Christi, Quàm sanguinolentas seditiones Lutherani, etc. What bloody Riots and Murders the Lutherans have committed, for some years past, to maintain the●r Doctrine? And as to that part of the Objection, that Luther did reprove, yea, writ against the Boors, it is the poorest fallacy of all: He did it, but how? With such calumniating and taxing of the Princes themselves, as they could be little secured by his writing, and the Boors as little discouraged. He did it, but when? When it was too late; when he could forbear no longer; when he found himself generally censured, and murmured at by the Nobility, and better sort of people, as an occasion at least, if not an Instrument and Fautor of those mischiefs. Lastly, He did it, but when? When he saw the Boors go down, that they were not likely to maintain their quarrel, nor to go through with their work; then indeed he left them in the Briers (wisely enough) though they appealed to him, though they used, yea, alleged his own Homilies and Sermons, for what they did, though they were all for Reformation, all for Liberty, all against the Church of Rome, and against Bishops, yea, and that their very word in the Field was Vivat Evangelium; Let the Gospel flourish▪  
Hitherto we have discoursed chiefly of Luther's doctrinal extravagancies, and touched upon the evil practices, or fruits thereof, only in such men, as either for the privateness and meanness of their condition (being all of them Boors, Peasants, and rude Country people) or for the unsuccessfulness of their designs are generally disclaimed: Such as neither Luther, nor any of his followers will readily own. I come now to give a further instance of the mischief, which the doctrine and do of this man brought upon Germany, in a business which was publicly owned, not by Luther only, but by many of the Princes themselves; who for the defence of his new Doctrine, and protection of his wretched person, bandied themselves against the Emperor, their Sovereign Lord, and against the general body of the Empire, of which they were both Members and Subjects, and by the Public Laws, whereof themselves in that relation ought to have been governed. The beginning, proceed, and issue of which confederacy was briefly thus.  
Old John Frederick Elector, and Duke of Saxony, the Landsgrave of Hessen, with some others, already caught with the Liberty, and other advantages which they made of Luther's new doctrine, (besides an old and inveterate emulation in most of them against the House of Austria, which then was, and still is Imperial) first enter a League at Smalcald, which is a Town of Hessia upon the Frontiers of Saxony, only (as they pretended) for their own defence, and to maintain their Religion and Liberties against such men as would invade or persecute them. We must observe here first, That the Religion spoken of, was a Religion but then newly and privately taken up of themselves, contrary to that which was publicly received and acknowledged in the Empire; and by virtue, or rather pretext whereof, they were obliged to do, and suffer to be done many things, which were expressly contrary to the Constitutions of the Empire; which Constitutions, the Emperor, together with themselves, were by oath solemnly bound to observe, and see observed. In this League were also comprehended, the Duke of Wittenberg, and some of the Imperial Towns: They renewed it again at Franckfort, and after that again at Auspurgh, confirming it with a general and solemn Protestation of what their opinions were in matter of Religion; which Protestation being then exhibited unto the Emperor in their names, the Title, or Surname of Protestants, became thenceforward appropriate to that party. After this, viz. Anno 1536. Suspecting some opposition would be made against them by the Emperor, and other States of Germany, for such proceed, and not willing to be taken at unawares by him, they bring (viz. themselves first of all) an huge Army into the Field, commanded by the young Duke of Saxony, John Frederick (his Father being dead,) and the Landsgrave of Hessen, with resolution by force of Arms, to find or make themselves right, as they called it. The Duke of Wittenberg, the Imperial Towns, Auspurgh, Vlm, Strasburgh, and Franckfort, sent them aid. The Count Pala●ine of the Rhine had levied Two hundred horse for them, but upon better thoughts revoked them, when they were upon their march. The Duke of Brunswick and his sons, the Duke of Luneburgh, the young Marquis of Baden, the Prince of Anhalt, the Counts of Furstenburgh and Mansfield joined with them, either in person or power. 
Surius in Chron.  Their Army consisted of about Seventy thousand fight men, and among them Seven thousand and seven hundred at least were Horse; they had an hundred and twelve Cannon and Field pieces, with such an infinite quantity of all sorts of Provisions, as gave them an assured hope and confidence of Victory. The eyes of all Princes were upon this action; and Germany itself trembled in expectation of the event and success of such an Army prepared, as they saw, to swallow up the Emperor, (if they could) and to subvert the whole Government and Religion of the Empire; I mean that Religion and Government which was then established, and had stood so established many hundred years, before the Fathers or Grandfathers of any of those Princes, now in Arms to destroy it, were born. The Emperor had only God, and a just cause on his side; for his friends, those I mean, who openly and avowedly appeared for him, were few; viz. The King of the Romans, his Brother, the Duke of Bavaria, and the Duke of Cleve: For though Duke Maurice of Saxony followed him, yet in regard of his affinity with the Landsgrave, whose Son in law he was; as also for his Religion, being a Lutheran, he could not but be suspected. However, it pleased God, notwithstanding this huge Army of the Princes, that the Emperor became Master of the Field, with a most complete and signal Victory; yea, (which was an accident more rare) the two Generals (Saxony and Hessen, both of them) became prisoners, and their whole Army was defeated. The young Duke of Saxony (a person much honoured and pitied) had his life given him, with some connivance for his Religion; yet his impregnable Fort at Gotha was demolished, and the Electorate with all the Lands thereunto belonging, were bestowed by the Emperor upon Duke Maurice. The like mercy for life was showed the Landsgrave, who after some time, obtained his liberty also. The Duke of Wittenberg for Two hundred thousand ducats; and the Imperial Towns, partly with Money, and partly upon their humble Petitions and Submission, made their peace at last with the Emperor. And thus, by the good Providence of God, and happy conduct of Caesar, was the Empire preserved in Statu quo prius; the Electors Ecclesiastical and other Prelates, continued, and their Dignities maintained; whereas, in all probability, had the Princes prevailed, as they had already by the instigation of Luther, and such Preachers, swallowed the Revenues, extinguished, yea, wholly buried the Title, State, and Authority of Bishops in their own Provinces, so would they have done all the Empire over.  
Now as Greatness and Innovation seldom want Patrons, nor wit to colour their faults, so it must be confessed, there are some, who endeavour to excuse Luther and Lutheranism of the odiousness of this Action, yea, and the Action itself from the imputation of Rebellion. First of all Doctor Bilson affirmeth, 
Differences of Christian Subjects, etc.  That the Lawyers of Germany do in some cases permit resistance to be made against Caesar; but he names not one: Then he saith, The States of Germany are not absolutely subject to the Emperor, but only upon some conditions. Secondly, 
Centur. 16.  the Divines of Magdeburgh plead, That if the Magistrate pass the bounds of his Authority, and command things wicked and unlawful, he may well be resisted, and must not be obeyed. Thirdly, Sleydan saith, 
Lib. 19 fol. 263.  We may resist Caesar with good Conscience, when he intends the destruction of Religion and Liberty. Lastly, 
Consil. Evangel. Part. 1. p. 314▪  Philip Melancthon with great confidence gives Authority to the Inferior Magistrate, to alter Religion and overthrow Idolatry. So they all conclude the War lawful, both by God's Law and Man's: And this indeed is the substance of the Reasons, alleged by the Duke, and the Landsgrave, both when the League was first made at Smalcald, and when they first proclaimed War against the Emperor.  
But, as it is easy to perceive, these Doctor's Assertions do all of them suppose certain things, which ought first to be proved; as for example, 1. That Caesar passed the bounds of his Authority; for if he did not, it is clear, they passed theirs. 2. That he commanded things wicked and unlawful. 3. That he went about to destroy true Religion, and their Liberty: All these must be proved, before it be lawful to take Arms, and resist him, by their own confession. I demand therefore of them this Question, When Caesar or the Supreme Magistrate commandeth any thing to be done, which is not apparently contrary to the Laws of the Empire then in force, who shall be Censor, who shall Judge, whether Caesar passeth the bounds of his Authority? and whether the things which he commandeth be impious, or no? They answer, he absolutely sought to destroy their Religion and Liberties: But I reply, it hath been an old and usual stratagem of Satan, to oppose Religion against Religion, thereby to bring in Atheism, and leave us no Religion. Beside, making Lutheranism to be the only true Religion, and their Liberties to consist in the free profession of that, they take that for granted which Caesar both at Worms and Auspurgh made the greatest Question. So they argue not well, because they do not proceed ex concessis; yea, it is manifest, that when they did presume to set up a new Religion, they passed themselves the bounds of their Authority; and the World might judge Caesar a very simple Prince, if he should either change his own Religion, or tolerate theirs upon the bare credit of Luther's private opinion and spirit, or upon the bare Protestation of the Confederates. For were they competent Judges against the whole World? or can Religion be lawfully and orderly changed by Civil Magistrates only? and when neither a General Council, nor National Council hath decreed it, nor any Imperial Diet established it? may every Elector or Prince frame a new Religion for his own Province by Law, without consent of the Emperor and States? Give me an Instance, show me a Precedent, when any such Innovation was ever made in the Empire, without an Imperial Diet. Show me a Law, or some colour of Law, by which it might be done, or else confess, That the Princes taking up Arms against the Emperor was without Justice, and their quarrel without lawful ground. Beside, was it lawful for the Confederates to coin a new Religion, and maintain it by Arms, and was it not more lawful for the Emperor to defend the old, which was already received, and to reform them? The Boors took Arms upon the selfsame pretences, viz. For Religion and Liberty; yet the Princes with their own forces, and with no less Justice and Honour, subdued them. Why might not therefore Caesar compel the Confederates unto the same terms, as they did the Boors, viz. To exercise that Religion which was established, at least with à quousque, until a legal Reformation could be had, and to obey the Laws in force, and to keep the Peace of the Commonwealth? Doth the degree or dignity of the persons make the cause so different? I trow not. And for any designs of Caesar upon them, under colour of Religion, it cannot be made good: They were first in the Field; the Emperor had not any forces ready a long time after; yea, they pursued him with their Army, and compelled him to fortify himself: 
P. Avila, de bello Germanico  So that if men's Counsels may be guessed at by their actings, it is clear, they had rather designs upon him: And his  deal with all of them after the Victory, do more than refute such a calumny. But, saith Dr. Bilson, The Emperor is not absolutely to be obeyed by the States: It is no matter. He is to be obeyed in seeing the Laws and Constitutions of the Empire observed, and that is enough to justify his proceed in the case. How far he is absolute, and how far the Princes do owe fealty and homage to him, and obedience to the Public Constitutions of the Empire, their several Oaths taken at the Coronation of the one, and Investitures or Instalments of the other, do best show.  
But I will leave skirmishing and come to the main point. It is most certain, That Caesar did observe the Law, and that the Confederate Princes did violate both the Laws and Liberties of Germany. For what Prince soever stands Rectus in Curiâ, having the ancient and known Laws of the Kingdom on his side, must always be judged to hold a better plea than Subjects, who arm themselves against him illegally, disorderly, and by authority of their own private opinions only. At that time Caesar was bound by Law to extirpate Lutheranism, and to maintain the Pope's authority in Germany, as it was acknowledged in the other parts of Christendom, he was bound to maintain Catholic Religion, and the Immunities or Rights of the Church; so manifestly, that even their own Goldastus doth acknowledge it to be the Emperor's Oath so to do; which is not a new Oath neither: For the same in effect was taken long since by Carolus 4. Otho 1. and 3. and by Carolus Magnus, which is a prescription every way good and indisputable. The like profession also we find made by those ancient and religious Emperors, Theodosius, Gratian, Valentinian, Justinian, and others, both in the Code and Novel Constitutions. How therefore could the Emperor, either maintain or suffer any other Religion in the Empire, then that which he found already established, and allowed by all his Predecessors, declared by so many Counsels, continued so many Generations, ratified by all the Imperial Diets, and lastly, by his own Oath? Beside, did the Duke of Saxony, or the Landsgrave, when they were prisoners, ever plead the Law on their side? did they ever use any such argument, any such excuse? No; they submitted absolutely, and craved pardon for their lives, from his hands to whom they were forfeited; and how ridiculous also had the plea been? For shall the Duke of Saxony take arms for the defence of Lutheranism, and may not the Count Palatine of Rhine do the same in defence of Calvinism, which yet the Lu. herans will not endure? or an Halberstat for Epicurism? or a Muncer with his Boors for Anabaptism? and so by Anarchy, under pretence of Conscience and Liberties, rend in pieces the Empire, and open the Ports of Germany to the Turk. But to stop the mouth of Learned Ignorance, I will discover more particularly, and lay down the foundation of this great quarrel betwixt Caesar and the Confederate Princes, and the legal order and method of proceeding, which the Emperor constantly observed therein.  
In the year 1521. The Emperor conferred personally with Luther at Worms, and out of his special Grace and Benignity, further required the Archbishop of Triers, and the Elector of Brandenburg, to treat with him, and persuade him to Conformity; but perceiving him obstinate, and resolved not to submit himself to any due Authority, and finding that all his Course, Books, Sermons tended to nothing but Sedition, and making further divisions among the people; at last he made a Decree, with the general consent of the States, not to put him to death, such was his mercy, but to banish him the Empire, wherein was shown, as appeared afterward by the event, much more lenity then just providence. In which Decree, after the Causes and Reasons of such proceed at large declared and set down, he concludeth thus. Mandantes de eorundem Statuum consensu, sub crimine laesae Majestatis, etc. Commanding by and with consent of the said States, under pain of High Treason, and forfeiture of whatsoever, Lands, Principalities, Goods or Privileges holding of us, and of the Sacred Roman Empire; as also of Proscription, or our Imperial Ban to be ipso facto incurred, etc. That neither you, nor any any of you do presume to receive, maintain, or harbour the said Martin Luther, etc. And that ye burn all those his foresaid Heretical and Seditious Books. And this Edict was directed to all the Electors, Princes, Imperial Towns, and States. Now can you imagine, that the Duke of Saxony, or the Landsgrave, were exempted from this Edict? or that the Emperor had not as full power to call them to account for their contempt of it, as any inferior persons? or otherwise, that those Princes were the Ephori of Germany, and might curb the Emperor himself, if they saw cause? Then certainly the Emperor of Germany were but a poor shadow of an Emperor, a Titulus sine re indeed, a matter of nothing but empty Title, and it were true that which Bodin saith, that Imperium in Imperio quaerendum est; 
Jo. Bodin, de Rep.  A man might seek for an Emperor all the Empire over, and not find him: Which yet by his leave, is a gross error. Well! The Duke of Saxony, notwithstanding this Edict, would maintain and protect Luther; as he did at Als●at a Town of his own in Turingia; which place Luther with no small arrogance, or impiety rather, was wont to call his Pathmos; and in the mean time changed Religion, and established Lutheranism in all his own Dominions; and at Smalcald, as we said before, entered a League against the Emperor for maintenance of it.  
Which actions of the Duke, that you may understand how directly they are against Law and Justice, Andrew Gail that famous Lawyer shall tell you, 
Gailius de Pace public. c. 10. sect. 36.  Receptores bannitorum perinde puniantur, etc. The Receivors, saith he, of Outlaw's or Banished persons, are liable to the same punishment, that such people are; and Domini Praediorum, The Lords, saith he, of those places where they lurk, are bound to deliver them up; viz. To Justice. And again, Qui bannito commeatum & annonam suppeditat, He that supplieth an Outlaw with provision or victuals, is ordinarily judged as a receivor. 
Advers. Heres. lib. 1. c. 4.  Brunus shall also tell you, That in excommunicatis, qui bannitis; That the very entertainment of excommunicate and outlawed persons, is criminal and liable to punishment. If you suppose, that these Laws respected only inferior receivors, and that the Duke was free, hear what Gail saith again. Conditio Pacis publicae, 
Lib. 1. c. 1. sect. 9  etc. An Edict for the public Peace, obligeth all persons in the Empire of what state, condition or dignity soever, as well the Princes themselves, as the inferior pe●ple; yea, saith he, though it were published against some one or more of the Princes. The Duke therefore not obeying the Law, and knowing that the Emperor had oft written out of Spain, that the Edict of Worms should be executed, he aggravated his crime fearing the indignation of Caesar; and thereupon took up arms, and entered into the League, as hath been said. And yet notwithstanding after this League entered, such was the lenity of Caesar, that his Ambassador at Spires, in the year 1529. offered the Confederates most equal and moderate terms of accord, viz. No more than that utrinque ab omni injuriâ, etc. That henceforward both parties should abstain from doing injury to others, and from all offensive language or reviling each other; and that only offenders against this agreement should be banished. A man would think this were a reasonable offer from the Supreme Magistrate to the Inferiors, obnoxious both to him and the Law: Yet was it rejected by the Confederates. At Auspurgh again in the year 1530. the Emperor most graciously entertained the Duke, and received a Petition from him, with as much favour and indifferency as could stand with his honour: And there again revived his Ambassador's motion at Spires, that no further Innovations might be made, no more Books published, but that at least all things might abide in quiet State, till the Seventeenth of May ensuing: So much did his Imperial Majesty yield for Peace sake. And yet the Duke rejected his motion; which so much displeased the Emperor, that he forbore not to tell him, and the rest of the Leaguers, That if they obeyed not, they should repent it. And yet again, at Spires he laboured to have prevailed with them by fair means; but thither the Duke (being grown more jealous and fearful of Caesar) would not come. However by this course, which the Emperor constantly held towards them, you may see, how unwilling he was to disturb the Peace, or to begin the War; and how inexcusable they were, that rejected so often the offers of accommodation.  
But beside this, if I should relate the malice and contempt they used to him, you might well think they ought not to have expected the least degree of mercy from him, in case they should fall into his hands, as it happened they did. For in all their public Letters they vouchsafed him no other Title, than Charles of Gaunt, 
Surius in Chron.  usurping the name of Emperor; whereby they renounced all obedience to him, and so far as in them lay, deposed him: Which was an indignity the meanest Prince of them all, would not have accounted sufferable in his own person. I must not forget, that the Landsgrave did usually, both by Letters and Messages, with no little bravery and confidence assure the Princes, and Towns of the League, that within three months they would force Charles to fly out of Germany, and leave the Empire to them. But how then did their pretences hang together? that this League was made only se defendendo, and for their Lawful Protection? Surely they aimed at some thing more, when they talked of expelling the Emperor out of Germany. As they also did when they solicited the Kings of France, England, Denmark, the Hans Towns, and Swisseses, to join with them, and dishonourably abused him by many foul and infamous aspersions. It is true, France indeed, (though his enemy at that time) nobly denied them; Denmark lingered, expecting the success; neither was King Herry forward, though his great Counsellor, and Favourite, Cromwell, solicited their business diligently, and was so forward, as to promise an hundred thousand Crowns for their aid. At which time Doctor Thirlby, Bishop of Westminster, and Sir Philip Hobby, were the King's Ambassadors with the Emperor, and by that occasion witnesses of the whole Tragedy.  
And yet a little further, to disprove their proceed by Law: Let us remember first the Decree at Worms above mentioned, which as Gail the Lawyer hath told us, in the case of public Peace, obligeth all persons alike: Let us remember the Decree of Maximilian the First Emperor, about the year 1500. in these words, Consentientibus Statuum & Ordinum votis, etc. By the general consent of the Princes and States of the Empire, an Edict or Constitution was published necessary for public Peace, called in the Language of the Empire Landtfrieden. By which Constitution, Proscription or Banishment was adjudged to all such as disturbed the public Peace by force of Arms; 
Gailius de Pace. lib. 1. c. 14.  which Gail further explains to this sense. Omnia Bella, etc. All War, saith he, made without consent of the Prince, and Commission from him, upon private revenge or quarrel only, is adjudged unlawful. And Cap. 5. In crimen laesae Majestatis incurrit, etc. He commits high Treason, saith he, whosoever within the Empire raiseth Arms, but by the Emperor's Authority and Commission; because he usurps to himself, that which is the proper Prerogative Imperial. Yea, 
Lib. 1. tit. 190.  their own Goldastus confesseth it to be ancient Law, Nemo intra Imperii fines, etc. That no man presume to gather Soldiers within the bounds of the Empire, but by consent of the Prince of that respective Circle where he is; and that he give sufficient Caution to the State, that he intends not to attempt any thing against the Emperor, or against any of the States of the Empire. 
Tom. 2.  And in another place he allegeth a Decree of Ludovicus Pius, against the King of the Romans and his Confederates, as guilty of High Treason, for attempting against the Emperor. The like also of Henry the First, against Arnulphus, Duke of Baviere, who rebelled against him; and of Otho the First, against Ludolphus, King of the Romans; and lastly, of Maximilian the First, against Emicho, Earl of Lingen, whom he proclaimed Traitor, confiscated his Lands and Estate, and gave them to other Princes of the Empire, only for going to serve the French King in his Wars, though out of the Empire, contrary to his Proclamation. And as for the Imperial Towns, which confederated with these Princes, there is as little to be said for them: For it is a Maxim of Law, recorded by Gail, Vbi supra; that Civitatum Imperialium solus Imperator est dominus. That the Emperor only is Lord of the Imperial Cities, and not their several Magistrates: And that they pretended their Liberties in this case against the Emperor, to no purpose.  
And for Luther, who was the primum mobile, and chief wheel of all these motions; or rather the malus Genius, that Fury which agitated the people, and stirred them up to all these disorders, if the Princes and Towns were thus guilty, he could not be innocent. If the Flock did err, the Shepherd which led them, was to blame. I shall not here charge him again with any small faults, I will not accuse him of belying Caesar most impudently, when he wrote to his friend thus: Wormatiam ingressus sum. 
In Epist.  I entered Worms, saith he, at a time, when I knew that Caesar would not keep Faith with me. Nor of his traducing or vilifying that most Fundamental Constitution of the Empire in Aureâ Bullâ, making it one of the chief miracles which Antichrist was to work, viz. The translating of the Empire from the Greeks to the French, in the person of Carolus Magnus, 
Turesel. Epitome. lib. 6. p. 204.  which was done by Pope Leo the Third: Nor of his usurping upon the Emperor and Temporal Government, in those pretended Laws of his which he published, concerning the Public Exchequer; and how he would have Church-Lands and Abby-Lands to be disposed, when he and the Princes should be Masters of all. It shall be enough, that I say, He first counselled the Princes to take Arms, and oppose Caesar in his quarrel; and this Sleydan himself acknowledgeth. And that all his Preaching, and all his endeavours were to overthrow the Ecclesiastical Electors, whose Dignities and Estates being established by the Aureâ Bullâ, it was Treason, or Sedition in the highest degree so to do. The three Ecclesiastical Electors, are three Chancellors of the Empire, and in respect of their Regalities, immediately subject to the Emperor; so as there lieth no appeal from them to the Pope, but to the Emperor, and Chamber at Spires. Luther therefore contriving their ruin, attempted treacherously to pull the fairest Flowers out of the Imperial Crown. Neither could he effect the suppression of them, but he must undermine and endanger the State of the Temporal Electors also; who, as links of the same chain, must necessarily have fallen to the ground upon the dissolution of the other; for they had no other ground, nor could plead any other Charter for their Dignities and Immunities, than the ecclesiastics did.  
Therefore, to draw towards a conclusion, concerning Luther and his practices, I shall add one instance more of intolerable iniquity and arrogance, 
Cochlae. in Miscel.  which Cochlaeus relates, either of Luther (as is most probable, for the Author appeared masked, and was Anonymus) or at least of some Lutheran, published upon these differences betwixt Caesar and the Princes. Atque ut ora eis obturem; And that I may stop their mouths for ever, saith he, they are to know, speaking of the Pope, Emperor, and other Prince's Catholic, That they are but Elective all of them, and that they may be deposed for their misgovernment, as hath been oftentimes done. This is very modest, in comparison of what follows; for having unto this Proposition added an Assumption, as full of calumnies and slanders, he concludes very Logically against Caesar thus: Hunc ego exactorem; Such an Oppressor and Tyrant, as this, such a Moabite, such a Phalaris, such a Nero to drive him out of the Country, to pull him out of his Throne, cannot but be a thing most acceptable to God. How justly therefore may that sage Counsel of Maecenas given to Augustus, be applied unto him, and those of his Gang; as the Historian relates it. 
Dio Cass. lib. hist. 52.  Eos, qui in divinis aliquid innovant, odio habe & coerce. They that introduce Innovations in the matters of Religion, detest, saith he, and be sure to restrain, not only for the sake of the gods (whose honour yet whosoever neglecteth, doth seldom advance himself much) but also for thy own: For such persons by bringing in of new opinions, and new customs concerning the gods, do very much disquiet the people, and make them desire change in the Affairs of State: Whence proceed Seditions, Conspiracies, Factions, and Tumults among them; all which, are things prejudicial to the Dignity of a Prince, and should be avoided. How true this is, Germany and these other parts of Christendom have been a sad example, for these hundred of years. And how justly it might be done, Luther himself will tell you as clearly as any man, if you consult him, when he is himself: For though he were a mad Doctor, yet he had his lucida intervalla, and could now and then discern Reason, especially when he declaimed against Sacramentaries and Anabaptists; for then the Magistrate must do his office, and no man must complain. Neque is Sectarius, 
Enarrat. in Psalm 82. Tom. 3. f. 488. Wittemb.  in quem animadvertitur per Magistratum, cogitur ad fidem. For, saith he, such a Sectary as is punished by the Civil Magistrate, is not compelled to the Faith, as they commonly pretend; but his impious and unsound Doctrine is suppressed, his blasphemous mouth stopped, and the danger of corrupting of better Christians, prevented. And therefore, Eat alias; Let him go, saith he, whether he will, let him go exercise his gifts among the Turks and Pagans, rather than abide here to corrupt Christians. And again, Nam ut saepe dixi: For as I have of●en told you, saith he, they that will live in any City, are bound to observe the Laws of the place; nor are they to be endured, who shall presume to do or speak any thing contrary thereunto: Yea, they may be stoned, as blasphemers were by the Law of Moses, and condemned, 
Indictâ causâ & in auditâ.  even without trial: And if such a course had been taken with Muncer, Carolstad, and the rest of that Rabble, in the beginning, when they first began to publish their opinions privately, and without any la●ful calling, we had seen much less calamity in Germany at this day. Thus sharply and truly, Luther against them. But how is this evil Servant condemned by his own mouth! For is it lawful, and the duty of the Civil Magistrate to punish and restrain the Preaching of new unsound Doctrines in Muncer, Carolstad, and the rest of them; and shall it not be permitted to Caesar, to take the like legal course with him, doing the same things? He must needs perish by his own breath, and by the verdict which he gives against his adversaries, he draweth an Indictment against himself; under which we leave him, and pass on, to see what pranks our Masters of the Reformation played, upon the like principles or pretences, in the other parts of Christendom.   

Titulus Secundus. CALVINISM: OR The Tumults in France.  
I Leave Germany, and launch out into an Ocean of as great miseries in France, and inquire there, whether Calvinism doth any better dispose people to obedience (which is our grand quaere) than Lutheranism did. The first founder of this Sect was Huldericus Zuinglius, whose followers Luther always called Sacramentaries, but now generally they have their title from Calvin; whose transcendency in evil, hath overshadowed the others glory, and is solely reverenced as the Patriarch and Architect of Genevah; that framed all her State and Discipline, and ordered the motions of her sphere with much art and policy. Luther was harsh and stern, using neither modesty nor good manners with men: Calvin was more cautelous and of a subtler spirit, appearing at first to the World in Humility, and covered with a Fox's skin. Luther was the first cause, but Calvin glorieth that he gave perfection to all. Both of them were vain glorious; both br●d in the Schools of Law and Contention; both special friends to the Flesh and to Pleasure, and neither of them commended much for Piety or Devotion. For the description of the Life and Conversation of Calvin, of his Nature, Behaviour, Diet, and general Epicurism, I refer you to one, that sat long by him to draw his Picture, and hath done it to the life. 
Hier. Bolsec vita Calvin.  It is Dr. Hierome Bolsec, one that was used to feel his pulse, and knew his humours. A man not hired, nor corrupted to do it; (as some have affirmed without any show of proof, only to weaken his testimony, and maintain the credit of their Cal●pha) and who in the beginning maketh a most serious, yea, Religious Protestation of Truth and Candour in the business. 
Baldwin Apolog.  Francis Baldwin, a man that lived long with Calvin, and knew well what blood ran in all his veins, concurreth with him: So doth Florimundus de Raemund, 
De ortu & progress Heresium.  a French Gentleman of eminent quality: Claudius de Saints, Bishop of Eureux, and others; not to mention any Lutherans. These have all left us lively Images of Calvin, and of his Successor at Genevah; the fine Mr. Theodore Beza, who could as easily usurp another man's Wife, 
Pantal. in vitâ ejus.  as an other man's Parish, and was ever more in Love, then in Charity, as they that knew him well, say. But I intent not to meddle here with their lives or virtues; nor yet with any of their School points and Doctrines, which I leave to the more learned to discuss. That which I shall insist upon here, shall be according to my principal purpose to deliver their seditious Paradoxes, and show unto the World, how much their new refined doctrine doth derogate from Royalty, and that sovereign Authority which belongeth unto a●l Kings, Princes, and States, rightly constituted; and how much it favoreth the worst of Governments, that is, Pure Democraty or Popularity. And I shall begin with Calvin, who goeth more slily and cunningly to work, nothing so rudely and bluntly as Luther.  
First therefore, for the reputation of his Consistory or Sanhedrim, at Genevah, he labours to debase Monarchy, and to prefer Aristocracy before it, Non id quidem per se; 
Instit. lib. 4. c. 20. sect. 10.  Not in itself (forsooth, as if he had been very tender of the Rights of Kings) but by reason of men's natural corruption. Quia rarissime contingit; Because it is seldom seen, saith he, that Princes can govern their Passions so well, or are so wise and prudent, as th●y aught to be, to uphold good Government. So he makes it a rare thing, to find a wise and moderate King; and so concludes from a general defect, which he supposeth in Kings, that it is best f●r many jointly, and not one alone absolutely to command. For, saith he, where many govern, one supplieth the defects of another, both in point of Counsel and Justice. This was his way (politic and plausible enough) to prepare the hearts of his people at Genevah to the Discipline, which he intended for th●m. For you must know, the Genevians had now ejected their Bishop, who was also their Sovereign Prince, and had been so ever since the time of Frederick the First. 
Bodin de Rep.  So that their Monarchy was newly changed into a popular State, yet governed Aristocratically; which Calvin therefore smooths unto the people by such Reasons, as it concerned him to do, this change being as the First-fruits of his new Gospel in that City. So having given this first blow to Monarchy (though therein he seems to forget, that himself was born at Noyon,) and finding himself safe at Genevah, he proceeds; and to prevent your objection in behalf of Monarchy, That Kings, have always grave and wise Counsellors to advise them, and to supply their defects, in case themselves be weak, he gives his resolution elsewhere. Kings, saith he, 
Comment. in Dan. 11.26.  make choice of such men for their Counsellors, as can best fit their humours and accommodate themselves to their appetites in the ways of cruelty and deceit. So he makes them little better by having Counsellors, and stains the reputation of Counsellors themselves with a scandal intolerable. 
Daniel.  But Chap. 2. v. 39 he is yet more passionate: They are, saith he, out of their wits, quite void of sense and understanding, who desire to live under Sovereign Monarchies; for it cannot be, but order and policy must decay, where one man holds such an extent of Government. Yea, Chap. 5. v. 25. Kings, saith he, oftentimes forget they are men, a●d of the same mould with others. They are styled Dei Gratia, but to what sense or purpose, save only to show, they acknowledge no Superior o● Earth? yet under colour of this, they will trample upon God with their feet; so that it is but an abuse and fallacy, when they are so styled. Which is a pretty descant, (is it not?) upon Dei Gratiâ; and therefore, Voila, saith he, See what the rage and madness of all Kings is, with whom it is an ordinary and common thing to exclude God from the Government of the W●rld. And this he writ, not in quality of a Statesman, but of a Divine; in that masterpiece of his, his Institutions: and in his Commentaries upon Scripture he delivereth these dangerous Positions, as matters of Doctrine and of Discipline, to be generally received by all; and makes a Nabuchadnezzar of all Kings: But rather out of his own spleen, than out of his Text, by his good leave. For to what purpose can such expressions tend, but to disgrace Sceptres, and to scandalise all Governments, that are not framed according to his own mould?  
And therefore, Chap. 6. v. 25. in Daniel, h● chargeth them directly. Darius, saith he, will condemn by his example all those that profess themselves at this day, Catholic Kings, Christian Kings, and Defenders of the Faith; and yet do, not only deface and bury all true Piety and Religion, but corrupt and deprave the whole worship of God. This indeed is work for the Cooper, not by a Mar-Prelate, but a Mar-Prince. The most Christian King must be new Catechised; he that is Catholic, must be taught a new by an Uncatholike, that is, a private spirit; and the Defender of the Faith, must have a new Faith given him to defend, by this great Prophet Calvin: And so by a new Model all the old Religion of the Church, and all the Laws of State concerning it, must be abolished. Thus doth Calvin presume to reform Kings and Government, and pretends to build an Ark (but it is of his own head) to save the World, having dreamt, that otherwise it must perish by a deluge of Ignorance, Impiety, and Superstition; of whom it may be truly said, Plusquam regnare videtur. He must be much more than a Prince himself, who thus presumes to play the Aristarchus, and censurer of Princes. And that he may not seem to come short of Luther his Predecessor, in any degree of immodesty, Les Rois (Chap. 6. v. 3, 4.) sont presque tous; These Kings, saith he, are in a manner all of them a company of Blockheads, and brutish persons; as wild and ungoverned as their Horses, preferring their Bawds and their Vices, above all things whatsoever. Yet did he write this in an age, when to say but truth, the Princes of Christendom were not so extremely debauched. Lewis the Twelfth, Francis the First, and Henry the Second of France, have left a better fame of themselves to Posterities, than this: So have Maximilian the First, and Charles the Fifth, Emperors in Germany. Henry ●he Eighth of England, degenerated only in his latter times, and not till he was corrupted by some principles of this Reforming Liberty: In his children, Edward the Sixth there was much hope at least, and in Queen Mary much virtue. In Scotland reigned James the Fifth, and two Maries, that might be canonised for their merits: And for Castille, and Portugal, their Kings never flourished more for Government, Greatness, increase of State, Plenty, Peace, then in those times. What could his meaning then be, to censure them all so much for stupidity and vice, but to breed a contempt of Kings, and to induce people, that live under Free States, to despise and hate them; and their own people to cast of their Government, and procure their Liberties at all adventures? especially under the cloak of Religion; for at this he driveth altogether, as knowing well, That in popular and tumultuary States he should prevail more, than where men of wisdom, and discerning judgements sit at the Helm. And as Zuinglius before him had found, That he could not induce Francis the First to favour him, so Calvin well perceived that Kings, and Dei grat●á, would be always blocks in his way. Therefore he is willing to remove them, so far as he can, out of the way, that they may not impeach the current of his Preaching; and to that end, tells them in plain terms, 
Dan. 6.22.  Abdicant se potestate; Princes deprive themselves of a●● power, when they oppose God; and it is better in such case to spit ●n the●r faces, then to obey them: Which irreverence yet he never learned from the example of any Apostle or Prophet. There is a respect due to the persons of Princes, even when they forget their office, if we be not much mistaken.  
Doctor Bilson labours much to save calvin's credit in this business with Princes, and to expound the words in some tolerable sense: 
Christian's subject to Antichrists Rebellion.  He says, Calvin speaketh not a word of depriving Princes, or resisting him with Arms. That by Abdicant see he means not, they lose their Crowns, but their power to command unlawful things (a fine gloss, they lose a power, which they never had) but in lawful things they retain their power still. The phrase Conspuere, he confesseth to be harsh, and that the comparison was urged by him in vehement words, yet is willing to excuse them. But as to the first plea, it is wholly impertinent, For what though he use not the words of deprivation and resistance, are therefore the words he useth, excusable? to speak too plainly had been to err too palpably, which stood not with Calvin's craftiness. Beside, what was daniel's defence, which he urgeth, it was only in Humility, Patience, and Prayer? It was not after the violent fashion of Genevah, he did not spit in Nebuchadonozors' face, nor tell him, he was unworthy to live. And for the second, Abdicant se, what means he that Kings do lose? not their Crowns, but only their Power to Command. Speak plain English, and be clear: You confess the King looseth his Power to Command, but you add obscurely in these things, meaning in matters of Religion; for so it must be understood, though you cast a cloak over the words, and cover the matter. But I desire to know, what is a King's Crown without power to command: He that teacheth, they lose their Royal Power, doth he not say as much as that they forfeit it? and if they forfeit it, who may challenge and take the forfeiture of such a Crown? But by such Lectures and Doctrines as these, doth not Calvin plainly enough arm the Subjects against the Prince, when they revolt for Religion? And is not this the very ground of all the Combustion, and Civil Wars in France? Yea, but in other things lawful, Princes retain their power. First, these are not calvin's words, but Doctor bilson's, who writes and lives under a Monarchy. Calvin's words are indifinite, Abdicant se potestate: They deprive themselves of the power they have, without exception or limitation; absolutely, not after a sort; in all things, not in some particular; for altogether, not for some time only, and then to be restored: For Princes, once dispossessed, seldom recover their hold again. Secondly, what Court or Magistrates shall take cognizance and determine, wherein Kings lose their power, and wherein not? who shall judge and decide the difference between the matters lawful and unlawful, that you speak of? Though, as I say, Calvin's own words import no such restriction at all; which doth plainly appear by his harsh phrase (as you call it) of spitting in his face, that is, to defy them openly, and to contemn them and their acts, according to your own interpretation. But this, you say, is far from Rebellion; true, but not from Treason. And therefore though he teach not the one, yet he may teach the other. Extenuate the words, as much as you can, yet they will be really heinous and seditious: For he that holdeth a King is not worthy to be, or to live among men, doth he not sufficiently excommunicate him from his Government? As for your Insurgunt contra Deum, it is a stolen and Arbitrary pretext, and serves only to make them odious under a feigned charge of impiety; it convinceth nothing but much impudence and malice in the objectors, who should first learn to be virtuous themselves, before they charge vice so freely upon others, especially Princes: A thing which they never yet were, in any kind, that the World knoweth. To conclude, this you grant in effect, That if the King of Babylon threatens Daniel with punishment, in case he will not worship his Idol; or the King of France commands his Subjects to obey the Laws, and communicate at the Altar of the Church, in both cases alike abdicant se potestate; the Kings lose their power, and Subjects ought not to obey them, but rather to spit in their faces. And this was the reason why Doctor Al●● objected it to Calvin, as seditious Doctrine; and Doctor Bilson well knoweth, that seditious Doctrines are not so dainty at Genevah. For there it was, that in hatred of th●ee Queen Maries of England and Scotland, that Calvin first set a broach that more than seditious Paradox against Gynocraty, or the Government of Women; and by instruction and example from him, Knox and Goodman afterward published their several Books of that subject. Look but upon the History of Scotland, Printed by Wautroller, Page 213. and you will find, that Knox Apologized for all his practices from the authority and judgement of Calvin, viz. That it was lawful for Subjects to reform Religion, when Princes will not.  
And that calvin's opinion in the point, may be yet more manifested, the practices of his darling and Scholar, Master Theodore Beza, must be considered; who perfectly understood his Doctrine, and did no less bravely put it in execution. In the Preface to his Translation of the New Testament, which he maketh to Queen Elizabeth, he writeth thus. Quo die (Scil. 19 Decemb.) Upon which day, 
Anno 1564.  saith he, two years' s●nce, the Nobility and Gentlemen of France, under the command of his Excellency, the Prince of Conde, being assisted with Your Majesty's Auxiliaries, and some others from the Princes of Germany, laid the first foundation of the true Reformed Religion in France, with their own blood. This, I hope, Master Bilson himself will confess to be Rebellion; yet Beza justifieth it openly, yea, glorieth, that himself was not an accessary, but a principal in the business. For after he had commended some other good services of this nature, which the Reforming Parties had done at Meaulx, Orleans, etc. He concludes, Id quod eò libentiùs testor; Which I speak, saith he, the more freely, because I myself, as it pleased God, was present at most of those Counsels and Actions. It is true, there be some that would excuse even this Action of Conde, and the Hugonots, pretending, it was not against the King, but against an evil Counsellor, and to deliver themselves from the oppression of one, who abused the King's youth: That same one was the Duke of Guise, who being himself a stranger, say they, and hating the Nobility of France, on purpose to oppress them of the Reformed Religion, and to set the Crown on his own head, in case the King should die, armed himself into the Field, etc. That thereupon the Nobles of France perceiving his malicious designs, viz. To murder and destroy so many innocents', took up Arms to defend themselves against such a Tyrant. That, for the Kings consent it was not to be expected, nor, as the case stood, much to be regarded, seeing he was in the hands of the Guises; and had neither age to discern, nor freedom to deny, nor power to execute the Law. Lastly, say some, Beza teacheth obedience to Magistrates in his Book De confess. fid. very largely, 
Cap. 5. Sect. 45.  and prescribeth no other remedy to private persons oppressed by a Tyrant, but prayers and tears to amend their lives. Touching the first point, the Apologists will seem confident, that this Battle of D●eux was neither against Law, nor the King; and yet afterward confess, that they understand not the Law of France▪ nor the Circumstances of the War. So they pretend certainty in a matter, wherein they have not Science; which is to beat themselves with their own weapon. But was indeed that War neither against the King, nor the Law? Assuredly against them both, as will appear by the Laws of Charles the Eighth, 1487. of Francis the First, 1532. of Francis the Second, 1560. at Fountain Bleau, which I shall cite hereafter in the case of Rochel and Montauban. Secondly, it is certain, that Battle was not in King Francis his time, but in the Reign of Charles the Ninth: And after the death of King Francis, all men not unacquainted with the proceed of that time, know full well, that the House of Guise did bear no sway at Court; the Duke was made, as it were, a stranger to the State, the Queen-Mother, the King of Navarre, and the Constable sat at the stern, and ruled all. Therefore it is not true, that the King was in captivity under the faction of Guise; nor true, that the Duke armed himself into the Field, for the Constable commanded in chief; he and the Marshal of Saint Andrews, were the King's Lieutenants, and had the King's Commissions to warrant what they did. The Duke of Guise lead only the Rear of the Army; 
Mons. Lanow's discourses Mons. Mauvissier. Comment.  and though it were his fortune to stand master of the Field, and to win the day, yet he had not any charge in the Battle, but only of his own Companies. Thirdly, Neither did the Princes of Bourbon take arms only to deliver themselves from the oppre sion of Guise: For if it were so, why did they not lay down, when they saw, not the Duke of Guise, but the Constable Montmorency coming against them, armed no less with the King's Authority, then with his Forces, to chastise them as Rebels. The Constable was a man, against whom they could pretend nothing; he was the Honour of the Admiral's House, the Admiral's Kinsman, and his great friend, especially when he was prisoner at Melun, by commandment of Henry the Second: He was now the King's Vicegerent in the Field, why did they not reverence him? yea, why did they themselves begin the fight? why did they first affront and assail the King's Army? This therefore is but matter of mere pretext; for Beza himself confesseth plainly, This Field was fought to restore or establish their pretended Religion. 
Vbi supra.  Fourthly, Neither is it true, that the Duke of Guise is a stranger in France. Is he a stranger in France, who is descended clearly from the Stock and Line of Charlemaign, who is no stranger in France, I wis? Is he a stranger in France, who is a Peer of France, and Cousin-german to the Prince of Conde, their Protector? whose own Mother was Antonietta, Princess of Bourbon? whose Ancestors have enjoyed the greatest Offices and Honours in the Court of France? Neither, may we forget the great services they have done for the Crown of France, at Rome, at Metz, Verdun, Theonville, and at Calais especially, in a time when all Fran●e was in mourning, and distress too, for the loss which Monsieur the Admiral had received at St. Quintin's. Lastly, that dream, viz. That the Duke should aspire to the Crown, is the pitifullest of all, a mere fable taken out of the Legend of Lorraine, and other Libels of that time. For how many Walls of Brass were betwixt him and it? The King himself young, his Brothers younger; their Mother living, the King of Navarre their trusty and Noble Friend, with the whole Nobility of France, as they themselves acknowledge: Was it not then a likely object for such a Strangers pretensions?  
It being then apparently false, That the King was in the hands, that is, under the power of Guise; let us consider the last Proposition, viz. That the King's Commission, which the Constable had, and the Prince wanted, and fought against at the Battle of Dreux, was not much to be regarded, because at that time the King had neither age to discern, nor liberty to deny, etc. As for Liberty, it is answered already. And for age, what if the King wanted age naturally, in his politic capacity he did not. We are to know, a King hath two bodies, or his person may be considered under a double capacity, that of Nature, and that of Policy. His Body politic, as it never dieth, so it is never defective of Authority or Direction. The acts of the Body politic be not abated by the Natural body's access: The Body politic is not disabled to govern by the nonage of the natural. See 26. Lib. Assis. Placit. 24. where, by Justice Thorps' judgement, the gift of a King is not defeated by his nonage. In the Book of Assis. tit. droit. placit. 24. Anno 6. Ed. 3. for a Writ of Right brought by Edward the Third, of a Manor, as Heir to Richard the First, the exception of nonage against the King was not admitted. For though the Natural body dieth, yet the Body politic (which magnifieth and advanceth the quality of the Natural) is not said to die. So 4. Eliz, The Leases of the Duchy made by Edward the Sixth, were resolved by all the Judges to be good, though made in the King's minority. So though the King's Body natural, cannot discern or judge, yet that disableth not the King, that the acts of his Minority ordered by his Counsel and the Regent, should be of no validity; which their own Hottoman in his France-Gallia might have taught them. And let them resolve us, whether the Counsel and State of England would take it well, if a Catholic should affirm (as he might do, much more truly,) that the change of Religion made by Edward the Sixth, was not warrantable, being done in his Minority, and when he had neither age to discern what he did, nor liberty to discern any thing to the Protector, and Northumberland, in whose hands he was. If you approve not this Argument, why do you disallow the same plea for the Authority of the King of France? was the age of the one a Bar in Law, and not in the other? or was the one an absolute King, and not the other? was King Edward's consent sufficient to authorise his Uncle's do, and was King Charles his consent insufficient, and nothing worth to authorise the Constable with his Army to pursue and punish their Army of Rebels? Beza's opinion therefore In confess. fid. is much contrary to what he alloweth and commendeth here. For if there be no other remedy, but preces and lachrymae for private persons against the oppressions of a Tyrant, he betrayed the Admiral and the Prince very foully, to bring them into the fields of Dreux, to fight against the King for Religion. Doctor Bilson hath taken up somewhere one notable singularity to excuse the Prince of Conde, viz. That he was not an absolute Subject of France, ought not simple subjection to the Crown; Ergo, might lawfully do something more than others. But it argueth such a gross ignorance in the Laws of France, and in the state of that Prince, that it deserveth more to be pitied, then answered. Neither could it help the Admiral, who had no other Protection then that of his Sword, nor Privilege, but from his new Religion.  
But because that smooth profession of Beza above mentioned, is so much insisted on, and cunningly used, as it were, to cast a mist before the eyes of an unwary Reader, it will be necessary to clear that business a little further, by letting you see the man himself in more proper colours, as in relation to this point. First, therefore read his Positions and Catechism of Seditions, viz. That Book of his called Vindiciae contra Tyrannos: There acting the part of Junius Brutus (a Noble Roman indeed, but great enemy of Kings) he propounds in the first place this Question, Whether Subjects be bound to obey their Kings, when they command contrary unto God's Law, and resolveth presently, Pag. 22. We must obey Kings for God's sake, when they obey God: But otherwise, Pag. 24. we are absolved; For as the Vassal, saith he, looseth his Fief or Lordship, if he commit Felony; so doth the King lose his Right, and his Realm also, viz. By commanding contrary unto God's Law: Which considering that God's Law is only as they themselves shall think good to interpret it, is dangerous enough. But Pag. 65. he is more notable. Conspiracy, saith he, is go●d or ill, according as the end is, at which it aimeth: Which is a most pernicious Maxim, and a Doctrine fit for nothing but to encourage Ruvillac, Poltrot, or some such villainous assassinate to his desperate work, or to be a buckler to the Conspirators at Ambois. So Pag. 66. The Magistrates, saith he, or any one part of the Realm may resist the King, being an Idolater, as Lobna revolted from Joram, when he forsook God. And Pag. 132. The Government of the Kingdom is not given to the King alone, but also to the Officers of the Realm. And again, Pag. 103. The Kings of France, saith he, Spain and England, are crowned, and put, as it were, into possession of their charge by the States, Peers, and Lords, which represent the people. And Pag. 199. There is a stipulation in all Kingdoms Hereditary: As in France, when the King is crowned, the Bishops of Beauvois and Loan ask the people, if they desire and command, This man shall be King. What if they do? it is no argument, that the people do therefore choose him to be King (for his Kingdom is confessed already to be Hereditary, and so the Succession determined by Law;) much less that they make him such. It is an acceptation only, not an election; a declaration of their willing Subjection, Obedience, and Fidelity towards him, and nothing else, as you may be well informed out of Francis Rosselets Ceremonies at the Consecration or Inauguration of the Kings of France. Was there ever an Assembly of Estates held to consecrate or elect a King of France? or do the Kings of France count the time of their Reign from their Inauguration only, and not from their entrance? was not Charles the Seventh bookful Eight years' King of France, before he was crowned, as the French Historians themselves report? 
Gaguin. Giles.  or think you, that the Peers are Ephori? No, they are Pares inter se, but not Companions to the King. They are not States, as in Holland, to rule and direct all Affairs: For in France and England all the Authority depends upon the Kings; and what is the State, but the Authority of the Prince? Who only by his Letters Patents createth Peers, disposeth all Offices, giveth all Honours, receiveth all Homages in chief, as being the sole Fountain from whence springeth both Nobility and Authority: And he that would either restrain this Sovereignty within any narrower bounds, or communicate it to others, makes no difference between the Crown of a King, and the Berrette of a Duke of Venice. Many other Maxims and Rules he hath of this nature, fit for nothing but to introduce Anarchy, and confusion in the World; most of them false, all of them dangerous: Vails only to cover the ugly faces of Sedition and Treason; because in their proper shapes, no man living can abide to see them.  
I might here travel, and weary you further, with as much good stuff out of his Book De Jure Magistratus; for his it is, as most men think, or else Hottomans, who was his Comrade. But I shall leave them both; for indeed they touch the string of Sovereignty with too rough a hand; yea, rather they strain to break it, if they could, by such gross and misinterpretable Paradoxes; as when they say, The States are above the King; that is, the Body above the Head: As if any man could seriously make it a question, whether people should be commanded by the Master, or by some of their fellow-servants, by the Subject, or by the Sovereign, by the Prince of Conde, and the Admiral, or by their Lawful King and Sovereign, King Charles. And therefore had King Philip good reason to cut off the head of that Justice of Arragon, upon a just occasion, and to teach the people by example, what the true meaning was of Nos qui podemos tanto come vos. All which Paradoxes, it were easy to refel, but that I have undertaken only to discover, and not to combat: And because they are both learnedly and piously confuted already by Barclay, Baurican, and Blackwood. Only by the way I shall desire you to observe, how politicly they go to work. They profess not openly and absolutely any desire to change the State, or to depose Kings. But this they do, They labour by insinuation, first to breed some dislike of Monarches in the minds of people, and to show how inconvenient it is, for such an infinite multitude and variety of people to depend upon the Edicts of one man. This being done, they know it is then easy, and they may much better advance the authority of inferior Magistrates; and by them, emboldened by such degrees to contest at last, and jar with their Superiors, under a pretence of Reforming abuses, and pulling down Idolatry, they become able to pull down Kings themselves, and to levelly the Creators; that is to say, the chief Authors, and origin of all lawful Power exercised in their respective Kingdoms, with the most inferior Creatures themselves, upon whom it should be exercised. And after this, they are sure, their Consistories and Elders must rule all, be Judges both of Clergy and Law, Council and King: They must be henceforward the only Rabbis, and from their only Sanbedrim or Genevian Consistory, must the Oracles of all Government be fetched both for Church and Kingdom. Neither can I forget how irreverently Eusebius Philadelphus' (viz. Master Theodore Beza disguised) used his Sovereign King Charles in his other Book of Reveille Matin, where usually he calls the King Tyrant, and of his name, Charles Valois, makes this Anagram Chasseur Desloyal, that is, neither more nor less, Perfidious Hunter, or Persecutor, choose you whether. Read his rhymes and scandalous reproaches of the Queen-Mother, himself being a fugitive, for more crimes than one, deservedly most infamous. Peruse the Forty Articles recorded in that Book, for the better advancing of seditious Government: For example, Art. 25. All Generals and Commanders in chief, must observe the Ecclesiastical Discipline ordained by their Synods. Art. 40. They are bound never to disarm, so long as their Religion is persecuted (as they call it) by the King. This is the patience of those Saints: But what is become of their Preces & lachrymae in the mean time? That pretending to reform the World, are so little masters of their own Passions. But in Article fourteen and fifteen, their spirits and designs appear in their bravery, aiming at no less, than the utter overthrow of the King; and extirpation of the whole family of Valois, as any man may perceive that reads them. These were those Holy Articles of Bearn, Anno 1574. so much talked of over all France, coined with Beza's own stamp, and at Melion dispersed, and communicated to their inferior Mosques, all the Kingdom over, to the intent, as they expressly avowed, That they might make war more strongly against their Enemies, (who were no other but the King, and whole State of France,) and ●ill it should please God, say they, to turn the heart of the Tyrant; that is, of the French King, their Natural and Lawful Sovereign. About the same time also was framed and published by their Emissaries, that libellous life of Catharine de Medici's Queen-Mother, Franco-Gallia, the Tocsan of Massacreurs, together with that fine-piece mentioned b●fore, called the Legend of Lorraine. For this is very observable, and it is an honour which the House of Guise hath had a long time, that no man ever professed himself an Enemy to the Church of God in France, but he was likewise at deadly feud with them.  
All which proceed were so notorious and unexcusable in those times, that even their fellow Protestants here in England; those, I mean, of better note and more moderated judgement do acknowledge them with dislike. The Protestants of the French Church, saith Doctor Sutcliff, 
Answ: to a Lib. suppl.  for thirty years together taught violent Reformation by the Nobility, people, and private persons. And again, Beza, saith he, in his Book De jure Magistratus, doth arm the Subject against the Prince, and in effect overthroweth the Authority of Christian Kings and Magistrates. And the Book Vindiciae contra Tyrannos gives power, saith he, not only to resist, but to kill the King, if he impugn Gods true Religion. The same also is affirmed by the late Archbishop of Canterbury, Doctor Bancroft, in the Survey of Discipline, but most copiously and at large in the Book of Dangerous Positions, especially about Pag. 192. & seq. To these I may add Francis Baldwin, a famous Lawyer of France, who lived a long time with Calvin at Genevah, and knew all their proceed very well. Mirabar, saith he, 
Respons. ultim. ad Jo. Calvin.  I wondered a long while, whether your fiery Apostle (viz. Theodore Beza) would tend, who in his Sermons here so much extolled that fact of the Levites running up and down the Tents of Israel, 
Exod. 32.  and slaying every man his Brother that had committed Idolatry: But I hear now, that yourself are not much satisfied with such Ministers. And again, Pag. 128. Leviora sunt isia, All this is nothing, saith he, in comparison of that which follows. For now men make war even upon the dead; The Statues, the Sepulchers, the very bones and bodies of Martyrs, Princes, etc. scape not their barbarous hands; Cities are sacked, Churches rob and spoiled, etc. Which Beza is so far from excusing, that he justifieth them rather, and professeth to his Friend Christopher Thret●●s, 
Epist. 40. , That for his part he hath no thoughts of peace, that is, that if such outrages and villainies should cease, Nisi de ellatis host●bus, until the enemy's (so he calls the King's Army, and all the Catholics of France with them) be totally subdued. But we ought not to wonder at it: It is Morbus innatus, to all Sacramentaries, a disease bred in their bones, that is, in the very vitals and entrails of their cause, to be seditious, and dangerous to their Princes. Zuinglius, their Patriarch, first taught them the Lesson, who Tom. 1. of his works, Art. 2. delivers this for an Oracle, viz. That Reges quandò perfidè & extra regulam Christi egerint, etc. When Kings break Faith with their people, and do otherwise then the rule of Christ directs them (which rule themselves will only interpret.) Possunt cum Deo deponi; They may be deposed with right good Conscience. Doctor Bilson is here again entangled, and troubles himself and his Reader not a little to find some Apology for this Paradox. I undertake not, saith he, first, To defend each man's several opinion: Wisely spoken. Secondly, They may be deposed, saith he, when they advance ungodliness, as Saul was. May they so? where is the Samuel, the Prophet extraordinarily, and on purpose sent from God, that shall do it? may the people do it? No, saith he, blushing, or afraid to affirm that, and therefore seems to leave it as a privilege, or a matter reserved to the judgement of the Elders. But Zuinglius himself deals more plainly, and tells you, Art. 42. and 43. who shall do it. Cum suffragiis & consensu totius aut majoris, etc. When, saith he, such a Tyrant is deposed by consent of all, or the major part of the people, it is well done, and as God would have it. Therefore in his Epistle to Conradus Sonnius, 
Lib. 4. p. 868.  he professeth, That obedience or respect, is due unto Caesar, only upon condition, viz. That he permits them entire Liberty of Religion; which yet is more than the Lutherans themselves, their pretended Brethren, will do: Otherwise, saith he, it should be sin in them, and make them guilty before God to obey him. Thus boldly doth a Minister of Sedition take upon him to determine, whether, and upon what terms a Sovereign Prince, yea, the supreme and chief of all Christian Princes, shall either hold his Dignity, or be dethroned. If Caesar will be wise, and advised by them, they will obey; otherwise, they not only may with Justice, but are obliged to take a course with him. To which end, and that they might be ready, when time and opportunity should serve their turn, to put such Doctrine in execution, in his Epistle to them of ulm, 
Lib. 4. p. 196.  one of the Imperial, or free Cities of Germany, as they are called; he adviseth the fraternity of Ministers there, very properly, viz. That they remember by little and little, warily, and by degrees, Detrahere personam Imperio Romano, etc. To pull of this vizor of the Roman Empire from their Auditory, and make them see, what a folly it is for them to acknowledge a Roman Empire in the midst of Germany, which is not regarded at Rome itself. Can there be a project devised more wretchedly dangerous and disloyal, than this, against the Emperor? O the depths of Heretical malice and treachery! They must do it, not suddenly, not openly, not all at once, (for that were to spoil all,) but sensim, paulatim, prudentèr, now a little, and then a little, as the people shall appear capable of such Counsels, and the poison of Rebellious suggestions shall be most likely to be received, and to work upon them. Certainly a most plain and full discovery of the Reforming Design; and by it the Princes and all States of Europe may see, what they are to expect from that sort of people, when they have once given them power enough to pull their Superiors down.  
Having thus declared the Principles and Apliorisms of this great Triumvirate of the French Church, viz. Zuinglius, Calvin, and Beza, those Ecclesiastical Tribunes of the people, and Ringleaders of Rebellion; I am now to make it appear also ex effectis, or by the evident practice of such principles, That Genevah is, and hath been a School of Rebellion to all these parts of Christendom, and a Seminary in particular of all the Civil Wars in France. Neither shall I blot their names with any false aspersions: For as their practice is the best Commentary of their Positions and Writings; so it is the best trial of their Loyalty, and can give in best evidence, whether they be (as they will yet pretend, and seem to be) good Patriots, and faithful Subjects. I shall show both their first beginnings, progress, and continuance, at this present time; and this so much as may be, in a method, ordering their disorderly crimes under these general heads, viz. First, Their Conspiracies against the King: Secondly, Their Battles fought against the King's Armies and Officers: And thirdly, Their horrible Outrages and Villainies committed, incomparable for cruelty, and incredible for disloyalty.  
The first of their Conspiracies taken notice of, was that of Ambois; there they began the Scene of their Tragedy, on this manner. At an Assembly they had at Nantes, in the year 1560. certain of the Calvinists conspired among themselves to seize the King's person, and surprise the Court; to apprehend the two principal of the Guises, upon an accusation, That they sought to invade and possess themselves of the Crown, and thereby to ruin the Princes of the Blood, and to suppress Religion. This being secretly, yet upon great deliberation concluded by them in the Month of January, was to be executed the Tenth of March following, at Blois. The chief of the Conspiracy was Godfrey de Barry, surnamed the Renaudy: By this man it was imparted to the Prince of Conde, who disliked it not, but only wished it could be executed in some form of Law. While they stood thus at Demurrer, the business happened to be strangely, and beside all their expectation discovered; first, by a Secretary of the Cardinal of Lorrains, afterward by more perfect Intelligence and Information from Cardinal Granvellan, out of the Low Countries. Whereupon the King suddenly removing to Ambois, the Conspirators were disappointed, both of time and place; so as the forces which they had levied and appointed for that exploit, wandered up and down for some while without any Commander in Chief appearing, and were in a short space after, most of them apprehended and gathered up by the Duke of Nemours his Troops; among others there were taken, the Baron of Castelnau, and Monsieur Pardillan. 
Mons. Castelnau Comment.  Renaudy the General was slain, and some others executed. The Duke of Guise, in the mean time, providently took order for the safety of the King, and the Court, and so assured himself of the person of the Prince of Conde, that he had not power to attempt any thing to their prejudice. He was afterwards committed upon this business, yea, condemned to lose his head: Yet nevertheless, Charles the Ninth, upon some politic Reasons of State, and because he was so near a Kinsman, and a Prince of the Blood, not only gave him enlargement, but, for his honour, and to assure his fidelity the more, if that had been possible, he acquitted him also, and declared him innocent of the Conspiracy. This was the first attempt of the Calvinists for Religion, and Bonum Publicum. Their second should have been executed at Meaulx upon the person of Charles the Ninth, in the year 1567. But by the noble service of the Duke of Nemours, and of the Swissers, the King, though with some difficulty, escaped. Their purpose was here, as before, to have possessed themselves of the King's person, and of the Duke of Anjou his Brother, to have put the Queen-Mother with some others marked out, to death: but, as I said, by the valour and fidelity of the Duke of Nemours, with the aid of the Swissers, they recovered Paris by a sudden flight in the night, and so were all saved: Only the Cardinal of Lorraine (a person, whom they principally desired to entrap) was forced to take another way, yet he made shift to get privately to Rheims, and there died. A third was at St. Germane in lay against both King and Queen-Mother; for which, although only Mole and Coconas lost their heads, through the ill management of the business; yet were there so many heads and hands both, engaged in it, That it was matter of great trouble, disquiet, and danger unto France, for a long time after. And this only of their Conspiracies, or of such Treacherous designs, as never went further than Intention.  
To inform you of their open and actual Rebellions in the Field, where they sought by force of Arms, and with the Sword in their hands, to compel the King to grant them what Liberty and Terms of Pacification they liked; we are first to call again to mind, that so famous, and indeed furious Battle upon the Plains of Dreux, of which Beza formerly boasted, That the foundations of Reformed Religion in France were first laid, and as it were, consecrated therein. Let us remember also the Battle of Saint Dennis, the Battle of Jarnac, the Battle of Coutras, the Battle of Moncontour, together with the besiedging of Rouen; and how much, and Noble Blood was spilt in all these Actions. At Rouen the King of Navarre lost his life; at Saint Dennis the Constable was slain; at Jarnaec the Prince of Conde; and at Contras the Noble Duke of Joyeuse ended his days. Tho Fields are yet stained, France was let-blood too prodigally, and strangers brought in, as Surgeons to lance her wounds, who have left behind them, greater cause of Lamentation, than Remembrance. At Moncentour, where the Admiral stood alone, as the sole Champion of the Reformed Churches. The Missa-pulta testified what their quarrel was, which by Beza's devise was advanced as a Basilisk, to beat down the Royal Standard of France, and the Labarum or Cross of Constantine.  
Now as concerning the outrages, assassinations, and other mischiefs done and committed by these spirits of Reformation, yet pretending nevertheless to be altogether innocent of Blood and Murder: Pol●rot in this Calendar must have the first place, for killing the Duke of Guise, who was the King's Lieutenant General at that time, so basely and treacherously as he did; confessing, it afterward before the Queen-Mother, and avouching that Beza had both counselled and encouraged him to the Action. After him, we may remember how the Protestants in Valentia used Signeut de la Motte Gondrin, the King's Lieutenant in Dauphin, who had assured them, in case they would live peaceably and quietly with the Catholics, he would bring none of the King's Soldiers upon them; yet notwithstanding this, they assembled forces of their own privately, surprised La Motte, and hung him up instantly in cold blood, without any provocation, save only of their own malice; to show their contempt of the King, and scorn of his Officers among them: Which was a villainy not sufferable in any Commonwealth, especially where such favour and connivance had been offered, but immediately before. We may remember the Conspiracy of Simon May, a man induced by the same spirit, and instructed out of the same School, to kill the Queen-Mother, and Henry the Third: But his purpose being discovered, he was apprehended, and had his desert. Neither can the business be excused or shifted off with any colours; himself confessed it, and accused Seigneur de la Tour, and Monsieur d' Avantigny, two Gentlemen of good parentage, yet birds of a Feather, to have been hi● Counsellors and Abettors in the Plot: Whereupon they were both of them apprehended, but afterward released by His Majesty for private reasons, not being willing, as some thought at that time, to search too deep into the wound, either for the men engaged in it, or the matter itself; yet this was not all. They proceed much further, and seize upon the Kings own Rents and Revenues; they coin money, and surprise, either by fraud or force of Arms, the chief Cities of the Realm, Orleans, Troyes, Poitiers, Tours, etc. putting in Garrisons and Governors of their own party, and for their own ends. They deliver one of the Keys of France into the custody and command of Foreigners: All which were attempts of the Highest Treason that could be, and usurpations of the Prerogative Royal, being done without colour of Commission, or Warrant from the King, and contrary to his express Will and the Law. 
Lib. des Financ. de France.  Nicholas Froumenteau, a Minister of the new Edition, confesseth, That in Dauphin, only the Army of the Huguenots killed Two hundred fifty and six Priests, and One hundred and twelve Monks and Friars, burned Nine hundred Towns and Villages. And yet what a pitiful tale do the Calvinists, and others, tell of a Massacre at Vassy, by the Duke of Guise, as if no cruelty had been comparable to that? Which yet indeed was nothing at all in comparison of these, and was done without the Duke's consent; as not only Monsieur Chasteauneuf in his Commentaries, but also Thuanus, 
Thuan. Historian. lib. 29.  who was a man never suspected to be of the Guisian Faction, do expressly avouch: Yea, the blood that was drawn from the Duke himself, labouring to have appeased the fray at the beginning, was the cause, that some quantity more was drawn from those Hugonots, by the Duke's servants, than otherwise there needed to have been. No, it was a toy and a trifle in respect of those outrageous excessive carnages of Montbrison, of Mornas, and many other places acted by the Hugonots. But such was the calamity of those times, They which most justly deserved, and unjustly complained against persecution, did persecute their Neighbour's most unjustly and tyrannically. Let the world, and all indifferent men judge by this. In these Civil Wars there were no less then. Twenty thousand Churches destroyed by Protestants: and yet these men were born, as they say, to edify the Church. Is it not likely? Can Mahomet himself edify better? or was his Koran, and Turkish Superstition set up any other way, then by the power of a Tyrant's Sword, and pulling down of Christian Churches? I shall not commend any Act of Cruelty in whomsoever, yet let men that are impartial, consider, how they can justly blame Charles the Ninth, King of France, for his proceed against this sort of people at Paris, and some other places, in the year 1572. The Admiral, being the principal Instrument and mover of all those Seditions and Troubles, which for a long time had disquieted France, and endangered so much the very life and person of the King, the Queen Mother, and other of the Princes, who can wonder, if his Majesty at last were compelled to use a mean extraordinary and somewhat rough, for the cutting off such a Pestilent Member with his Complices, who did nothing, but Gangren-like, perpetually corrupt and endanger the whole body of his State, yea and often threatened the Head itself. 'Tis well known, he was come to such height at this time, that he Reigned in France, as it were some Petty King in a Commonwealth, merely through the assistance of such people as had, by his Means and Solicitation chief, revolted from their Lawful and Natural Sovereign; he maintained in France an open War against the King and Crown of France, he Solicited and called in strangers to his aid, levied Contributions, exacted Tributes, coined Money, seized the King's Revenues, invaded his Towns, contemned all his Laws; yea what actions of Sovereignity did he not usurp & exercise, in contempt of his Sovereign? For which, having been first proclaimed Traitor in the year 1569. he afterward met with the punishment, which both he and his, had most justly deserved, though the way of Execution was very extraordinary indeed, and hath no excuse, but necessity.  
But perhaps you are ready to say, This age hath reform those errors, such violences, as were formerly used, are now ceased, and that, at present more charitable, mild, and civil proceed are held by the Hugonots. It is not so; They have the same principles, and the same spirits still, which upon occasion they are not slow to manifest: And to make this more plain, I shall give you a relation of the true state and condition of those reformed Churches (as they call themselves) in France at this very time, viz. Anno 1621. wherein, not to trouble you with any thing concerning the infinite troubles & great charges, which they forced their Sovereign Lewis 13. to be at, and endure all the last Summer and Winter; nor concerning their Garboils at Tours; nor the practices of the Rochellers to have put a Garrison of Six thousand men into Saumur, on purpose to have given work to the King's Army thereabouts, and to hinder their March to Montauban; nor concerning their revolt and disloyal practices at Gergeau, standing out against the Count St. Paul Governor of the Province of Orleans; and at Sancer, against the Prince of Conde: not to exaggerate the Treacheries and Conspiracies of Vattevile in Normandy, which yet were so plainly proved by his own Papers and Instructions intercepted, that the Duke of Longueville was compelled thereupon to disarm those of Deep, Rouen, and Caen, to prevent danger, and fearing, lest they should join with Vattevile; I say, omitting all these, which yet were actions and passages, wherein much malignity and undutifulness to their Sovereign was apparent, I shall begin only with the business of St. Jean d' Angely, which held out a long time, and refused submission, Notwithstanding the King in person demanded it of them, and that Monsieur Soubize, Commander of the place for the Hugonots, were Summoned to render the Town, or to stand to the Peril and Attaint of Treason; yet they contemned all, and held it out to the very last point, that they had any hopes of help left them. At Montauban how was his Majesty defied and despited, as it were, to His Face? continuing in person at the Siege thereof for a long time together, with an Army of Noble and most Expert Soldiers, many of whom (men of Eminent Desert and Dignity) were lost in that service, especially the two Brothers the Duke of Mayenne, and the Marquis of Villars, who were generally lamented. And to draw the King's eyes the more upon them, it is said by some, They had set upon their Gates this insolent Motto, viz. Roy sans foy, Ville sans peur, importing, that the King had no Faith nor the Towns no fear. Yea so obstinate were they in their resolution of disobedience, that for the present, they forced His Majesty upon advice, to defer their merited punishment, and to raise the Siege: Whereupon the Insolent Burghers, after the King's Army was departed, lead the whole Clergy of the Town, as it were, in Triumph, using them with many scornful indignities, for which they smarted, not undeservedly, the year following. In Montpellier and Languedoc the Hugonots deprived Monsieur Chastillon of all his Governments, by a pretended Sentence of their Consistory, which is very observable; and razed at the least Six and thirty Parish Churches, and Chapels there. Nor do they usurp only upon the Royalties of the King (though that be too much) they are as bold, where they prevail, with the Inheritances and Estates of Private persons. At Privas they would not suffer the Viscount l' Estrainge to enjoy his Lordship of that place, only because he was a Catholic: They put him out of his own Castle at Lake, whereof the Marshal Momorency had but lately given him possession, and give it to Brison one of their own fraternity, upon a pretence that it belonged to him: yet was it none of the Towns of assurance, nor comprised in the list at Brewet in the year 1598. neither would they permit the King's Justices, delegated thither to compound controversies, so much as to hear Mass, though private, or to have any exercise of their Religion.  
What Society or Commonwealth can stand, if upon pretence of Religion, such petulant usurpers as these, may disseise Right-owners of their Estate at pleasure, and hold whatsoever they get, upon a pretence, that it is for the use and security of some Confederate Gospelers? But what cause have they to riot thus upon their Neighbours, and Fellow-subjects? The King is content, they should quietly enjoy what is theirs, yea and securly use the liberty of their Religion. Will not this content them? Should not Catholics, in all reason and equity, enjoy the same? Yet will they not live peaceably themselves, Notwithstanding such royal Favour, nor Converse peaceably with Catholics. They obey not the King's Laws for all this, not, I mean, in Temporal Affairs, wherein he only pretends to command them. At Saint Jean d' Angely the King assured them, he would protect all those of the reformed Religion in France, that would obey him, and observe his Edicts. He promised and performed n● less to Mall●ret, who was sent to him, as Deputy from the Assembly of Lower Guienne: He did the like to the Duke of ●removille Son in Law to Monsieur Bovillon, who came to that siege tendering his service, and protesting obedience to His Majesty; was not the Government of Saumur that so famous, and considerable a place, given by His Majesty to the Count de Sault, Grandchild of the Duke Desdiguieres, though he were known to be of the Reformed Religion? Did he not long before, viz. in the year 1615. answer the Petition of the Hugonots, That he meant not by his Oath at Consecration (which was for the Repressing of Heresies) to comprehend therein, Those His Subjects of the Reformed Religion, who would live obediently under his Laws and Authority? And how graciously the King dealt with Rochel, all the world knoweth; how willing was he rather to regain and reduce it, then to destroy it? How much and often did His Majesty employ Monsieur the Duke Desdiguieres to persuade them to conformity and obedience? How much and often did he (the said Duke) solicit them accordingly by Letters, to return to their duty, proposing them Articles, which all the world, but themselves would have thought reasonable? Yet the Deputies Chalas, and Favas, obstinately refused them, till it was too late: What can a King do more than seek the winning of his Subjects, so far as 'tis possible, by fair and gracious means? Yet see the recompense, which His Majesty found from such Spirits: It was no other, than a long and frivolous Declaration published against his proceed, wherein, instead of acknowledging their own Crimes, they tax His Majesty of much injustice, persecution, and I know not what other designs, which they charge him to prosecute by the counsel and inducement of certain persons, that were Fnemies of the State, as they said, and of their Religion, the Cankerworm of it.  
To discover and disprove the vanity of which pretences, I shall search ab origine, and deliver you the true causes of the Kings proceed against these Malcontents; and how great reason, or necessity rather, he had by Arms to maintain his Royal Authority, which they by Arms sought either to contemn or usurp: that is, wherefore he was constrained at Myort to proclaim Rochel and all their Adherents Rebels against him, and guilty of treason. First it appears by the Edict of Nantes, Art. 77. That King Henry the Fourth had discharged the Protestants from holding any Assemblies General or Provincial; likewise from all Unions and Leagues, and from holding of any Counsel, or Decreeing and Establishing any Acts by them: Likewise Art. 82. from holding any Correspondencies or Intelligences without the Realm: Yea Art. 32. They might not hold any Synods Provincial, without the King's Licence. All which Articles they also promised to observe; but, as all France and the world knoweth, have broken them every one. And not only so, but they have intruded upon the State itself, taking and fortifying places of assurance, without any Warrant from the King,; and contrary to an express order set down in August, in the year 1612. whereby it evidently appeareth, to be of the King's Royal favour and goodness to assign them places of surety, and not for them to choose, or usurp where they please. Add to this their notable presumption, and disobedience shown, in labouring so much to introduce the reformed Churches of Bearne, and to annex them to those of France by an Act of Union (as they called it) both Spiritual and Temporal, passed at Rochel in the year 1617. In which business they were so confident, That they did not only justify their pretended act by Apology, but promised all possible assistance to Bearn; yea, and bound themselves by Oath, First, To observe and execute whatsoev●r was determined in that Assembly; Secondly, To venture their Lives and Estates in maintenance thereof; and thirdly, Not to reveal or make known any Propositions, Advices, or Resolutions taken or made in that Assembly, unto any person whatsoever, no not to the King himself. All which was done by them, not only irregularly, and without Law, but most contemptuously also; in as much as they well know, that the King of France had sent to all the Provinces, and expressly forbade that Union; yea, and had made a Decree of his Council to the contrary. Besides, how they used Regnard, whom the King had sent into Bearn as his Commissioner about the Church Goods, and what disorders they committed at Paw against him, is scarce credible. Not to speak any thing of their Assembly holden at Loudun, with most obstinate disobedience to the King's command. At Grenoble the King was content, and gave them leave to hold an Assembly; but that all the World might see, what a factious and froward spirit governed them, they refuse the place, and by their own authority assemble at N●smes. At Chastelrault and Saumur the King suffered them to Assemble, only to choose two Deputies, who were to remain at Court, and receive the King's Orders concerning them, and to exhibit from time to time their own Plaints and Grievances, as occasion should be: Contrary to this they make an Act of Union there also, and take the same Oath, which the Confederate Catholics, then in Arms, had not long before taken; yet with this difference, That whereas the Catholics protest their service to His Majesty, so long as he continued Catholic; which was to oblige him to no more, than his Oath and the Interest of His Royal Office required of him, so long as he lived: These Hugonots protest theirs only on this condition, viz. Le Sovereign Empire de Dieu demeurant tousiours en son entier; that is to say in effect, So far as may stand with their duty to God: Which, whosoever knows, what a Huguenot thinks is his duty to God, will confess to be a restriction of an equivocal and perilous signification to a King of France. And so they did plainly show, sending presently after to the Camp at Sansay, and offering to join with those Frenchmen, who had taken arms to oppose the King's marriage. And not only this, but they established in each Province of France, a Council of their own to hear Affairs, and to take notice, what the Order and Government of the Country was; yea, and importunately urged to have Counsellors in the Parliament at Paris. Lastly, to show in one Act, as in a Mirror, the height of their Presumption and Treason, in the year 1621. at Rochel, out of their own only authority and arrogance, they divide the Provinces of France into Seven Synods, which they call Circles, adding Bearn for the Eighth. And having formerly resolved to have War with the King, and to make good their actings by force of Arms; in this Assembly now they make Orders for the Government of their Army; they choose a General and Officers for every Circle, (which what other thing was it, but to Cantonize France? 
Art. 35. ) They Decree, That no Treaty, nor Truce should be made without this Assembly. They Order, That this pretended General Assembly of theirs, in respect of the great charge, which they must necessarily undergo, should arrest all the King's Rents, and Money due for Tails, Aids, Gabels, etc. They appoint Officers for collecting the same. Art. 36. They order the seizing and letting to Farm of all Goods Ecclesiastical, and profits of Churches, Revenues of Parsonages, etc. Art. 41. They take the same order for all the profits of the Admiralty. And when all was done, the Articles are every one of them signed by their Precedent Combart very solemnly; yea, as foul as their fault was, and beyond all colour of excuse; yet there is nothing pretended in the business, but Justice and Loyalty, and His Majesty's service: All is covered with that false mantle of Religion, and Public good. But wisely, and truly, was it long since observed by the Orator, 
Tully.  Totius injustitiae nulla capitalior, etc. Of all injustice, saith he, none is more odious and abominable, then where men act their villainies under a vizard, and pretence of good.  
I for my part shall not insist much here upon the opinion of the Civilians, what a Sect is, what meetings of people are justly called Conventicles, and declared to be against the Prince, and the ancient Laws; nor how Faction and Conspiracy are defined by the Lawyers, and when they fall within the compass of Treason; as conceiving it matter, though not altogether impertinent to my subject, yet something more than I have undertaken. For this therefore, I refer you to Farina●ius, Part. 4. to Decius, Lib. 7. c. 7, 20. to Bossius, to Gigas, and others, who can with greater authority resolve you. I shall only allege the Municipal and Common Laws of France in such cases, which heretofore have used to be a rule, and bridle of Justice, and to be able to keep men in awe. In the year therefore 1477. this Decree or Law was made by Lewis the Eleventh, King of France; viz. All Treaties against the King's Person, or his Estate, or against the Realm, are declared to be Treason: Which was revived, or a new Law enacted to the same purpose and effect, by Charles the Eighth, in the year 1487. and in the year 1532. by Francis the First; in the year 1560. by Francis the Second at Fontainbleau; and by Henry the Second, in the year 1556. All men were forbidden to bear Arms, or to hold any particular Intelligences, Counsels, or Assemblies for Conference, but in Town houses, or public places. By Henry the Third, at Bloys, in the year 1579. prohibition was made against the assembling or gathering of any Troops, upon occasion or pretence of private quarrels; or to enter into any such kind of Association. It was also Enacted, That to hold intelligence, to make Leagues offensive, or to have participation with such, either within or without France; to levy Soldiers without the King's Licence, should be judged and deemed High Treason, and offenders herein to be holden as disturbers of the State. All which Laws are set down in the Code of Henry the Third, Printed at Paris, 1597. And all the Lawyers of France affirm the same; viz. Francis Rogueau des droicts Royaux. Bodin de Repub. Le grand Coustumier, and others. And surely with great reason: For, as without Order there can be no Peace, so without Justice no Society. And Calvinists in this respect, differ not at all from the worst of Anabaptists, if they refuse submission to the Superior Magistrate, and to the Law. Magistrates, as King Josaphat saith, 2. Paralip. 19 Non hominis, sed Dei exercent judicium; Do execute the judgement, not of man, but of God. And verily it cannot be denied, but that this seditious Sect and Doctrine of Calvinism hath cast the State of France into a very desperate disease, under which it laboureth at present, and such as may seem to require more than an Aesculapius, to give it perfect cure. For as much as neither the Majesty of their King, nor the Forces of his Armies, nor the Wisdom of his Council, and Parliaments, nor the Authority of the Estates so often assembled, nor the Obedience due to Justice, nor their own Peace and Safety, together with that of the whole Kingdom, can move a few desperate Outlaws, sheltering in Montauban, and Rochel, to yield up themselves and their Arms to the King, and to seek from His Royal Grace and Favor that Peace which all other his dutiful Subjects, even of their own Tribe and Profession elsewhere, do securely enjoy.   

Titulus Tertius. KNOXISM: OR The Troubles in SCOTLAND.  
BUt perhaps this Fiery Zeal of the Rabbins of Genevah, if it were transplanted into some colder Climate; as for example, into Scotland, it would cool somewhat, and be found of a better temper. Not one jot better. Calum, non animum, mutant: It is to change air only, not complexion. Their spirits, that come from thence, are too much fixed upon mischief, to be easily dispersed; much less to be sublimated unto true goodness and virtue. As experience hath shown, in the example of an infamous Empirick sent from Genevah thither, whose practices have inflamed the whole Body of that Kingdom, and filled it with so much irregular Zeal, and abundance of ill Humours, as thereby hath grown a Pleurisy of Troubles in that State, which hath cost much blood, and is not perfectly cured to this day. The Authors of the Tumults and Alterations in Scotland, with the Actors also, were as violent as Whirlwinds; they blew down all that stood in their way, even Royalty and the Crown itself. John Knox, Goodman, Gilby, and Buchanan, were the principal Instruments of the Work, and emissaries of Master Calvin; yet bravely seconded by Master David Fergersson (a Learned Shoemaker, but Minister at Dundee,) by Master Coverdale, Willox, Rous, Harriot, and Montgomery. Victrix Legio, a man may well say, Et Novatores strenui. Men of invincible obstinacy in their way, and as perfect Innovators, as could be desired. All of them Ministers, and of such Saltpetre Spirits, as were fit to blow up, and put into Combustion any Nation in the World. By these was the Church of Scotland Reform, according to the Standard of Genevah, and the Platform of those Elders. Knox was their Nehemia's, but far unlike him, both in proceed and qualities; yet he pretended to act his part: How properly and piously his Countryman will best inform you, 
Langius vitâ Joh. Knoxi.  who wrote of his virtues. Buchanan was ever a rude and slovenly Swiss, of a presumptuous audacity, and by nature factious. He was one of them, that in the time of James the Fifth, at Edinburgh, did solemnly in Lent eat the Paschal Lamb; and being convicted of that Judaisme (a business which the King himself examined) his Companions were condemned and burnt for the Heresy; but he himself escaped, and fled over into other countries', as a man reserved to be a scourge to his own. But to discern their spirits clearly, and to judge of their peaceableness, patience, sanctity, etc. which yet they so much pretended, we must first read their Theorems, and by the Maxims of their Doctrine, we shall find them Doctors extraordinary indeed, and such as were scarce to be matched again in the whole World, for the business which they came about.  
I shall begin with Knox first, who in his Book to the Nobility and people of Scotland, instructs them thus in the point we treat of, viz. Of obedience to Princes, and Loyalty, Neque promissum, neque juramentum obligare potest, etc. Neither promise, saith he, nor oath can oblige any man to obey, or give assistance unto Tyrants, against God. It is true; no man saith that they can, when the Tyrant expressly commandeth, that which God expressly forbiddeth; but that is not the case: All the World knoweth, in the sense of Knox and Genevah there is much pretended to be against God, which is not at all forbidden by God. And when a Christian Prince commands nothing, but what his Office and the Laws of his Kingdom do require him to command, certainly we may not so hastily presume it to be against God; some better Authority must declare it to be so, than the bare opinion of a Knox, or a Buchanan. So in his History of Scotland, Princes, saith he, may be deposed by the people, if they be Tyrants against God and his Truth; and their Subjects are free from their Oaths and Obedience. Secondly, Goodman his Companion and Fellow Boutefeu sings to the same tune out of Exodus, 
Goodm. de obedientiâ.  in a Book which teacheth any thing, more than what the title promiseth. Toti populo hoc onus incumbit, etc. This is a duty, saith he, which lieth upon all the people in general, to see that Idolaters be punished, whosoever, or how great soever they be, none must be excepted, neither King, nor Queen, nor the Emperor himself. This is his Homily; If Governors fall from God (and still we must remember, what it is to fall from God in his sense) ad furcas abripiant, away with them, God requires it of the people, that they fall upon them, and Hang them up instantly. Most excellent Consistorian Doctrine verily! such Spirits, and such Preachers deserve the countenance of the State. Neither is Buchanan much behind in such grave and wholesome Counsels. 
Buchan. de jure regn. apud Scotos. p. 61.  For first he tells you, that the people is above the King, and of greater Authority than he. If he means this of the people Collectively taken, and Legally represented; albeit it were true, yet is it not any way pertinent to his purpose; for never did he, nor any of his reforming brethren beyond the Seas, act any thing by the Authority of the people in that sense: if he means, as he must do, of the people dispersedly, and rising, in tumults here and there of their own heads, it is apparently seditious, and destructive of all Governments whatsoever. After he hath said this, and that the people may bestow the Crown at their pleasure (notwithstanding that the Law ordereth the descent thereof in a particular and certain succession) he falls at last into a Dialogue worth your observing. They hold, saith he, meaning Royalists, that Kings must be obeyed good or bad. It is blasphemy to affirm that, saith Buchanan. But, God placeth often times evil Kings, say the Royalists: So doth he oft private men to kill them, says Buchanan. But in 1 Tim. we are commanded to pray for Princes, say they. So are we commanded to pray for Thiefs, saith he. But say the Royalists, S. Paul commands obedience to Princes. Saint Paul wrote so, saith Buchanan, in the infancy of the Church; if he lived now, he would write otherwise. It hath been said, that nullum magnum ingenium sine aliquâ mixturâ insaniae, These great high-soaring wits have commonly some tincture of frenzy following them. Buchanan in his time was counted for such, a great wit; but questionless had he been perfectly sound, he could never have let slip such a Hysteron-proteron, as this is, from his Pen; he would never have set the Cart thus before the Horse, the people above the King, arming them to kill their Princes, under any undeclared, unjudged pretence of Tyranny; For when such a thing is done without justice and public order, what can be more impious and abominable? yet Kn●x not only justyfieth it, but could be content, there were public rewards appointed for such Assassinates, 
Histor. of Scotland. p. 372.  and Murderers of Tyrants, as he calls them, which there are for such as kill Wolves. So far doth the zeal and light of their new Gospel carry them. The sword of Gideon is now in their hands, and all are Midianites, Moabites, and Enemies of God that stand in their way. But I pray thee good Reader what is Anarchy, Sedition, Treason, if this be order or good government?  
I shall not need to trouble you further with instances of Doctrine: The book of Dangerous positions, etc. gives a general Sentence, that such Divinity as this, is not holden by Knox and Buchanan alone, but generally, saith he, for aught I can perceive by the chief Consistorians beyond the Seas. He means the Presbyterian Divines, Calvin, Beza, and the rest of their Gang; whose opinions have been but too much reverenced here in England, since the year 1570. and it would be very unhappy, that such shops of sedition, as their Consistories be, should be ever set up, or opened: here Whittingham in his Preface to Goodman's Book of Obedience, testifieth from Genevah, that it had been allowed, and much commended by the chief Divines of that place. Calvin himself Epist. 105. to Knox doth applaud his practices, and encourage him to proceed. buchanan's works passed for a long time as currant in Scotland, as if they had been Printed Cum privilegio; till the King at last found it necessary to prohibit them. So we see, it was not Goodman alone, nor Knox alone, but the whole Congregation of Presbyterians, that defended such dangerous Paradoxes; and not in one Country, but generally where they were admitted; not lately or newly, but originally and from the beginning of their sect. Yea their Genevah Bibles pretend to prove it from 2 Chron. 15.16. where they allow the deposing of Queen Maacha, by her son King Asa, for Idolatry. But it is an example, which by no violence they can use, will be fitted to their purpose. For first it was done, not by private persons, 
Mark that.  but by Asa the King. Secondly, not by the King alone, but with the full consent, yea, Covenant of all the people, V 13. and not contrary, but according to the express Law, Deut. 13.9. What is this to private persons, or the people tumultuously running together against their Princes, and killing them not only without any public order or authority acknowledged, but even contrary to the Laws established, and while the Princes themselves are doing nothing, but what the Laws established and their Office oblige them to do? Such practices as these are not allowed at Douai; nor are there any such notes to be found in the Rhemists' Testament. 
Leslaeus Hist. lib. 10.  The Bishop of Ross chargeth them, but Knox especially, that in his Sermons he bitterly inveighed against ●he Nobility, Quod Jesabelem illam ●x medio non sust●lerunt, etc. because ●hey were slow in removing that Jezabel (so he calls the Queen Regent of Scotland) either from the Go●rnment, or out of the World: For ●t is not certain, which he meaneth, ●nd the phrase, as his Spirit, inclines to the worse. And therefore, because the Nobility, as it seems, would make no more haste, they begin the Reformation themselves, ●iz. He and thirty more of his company; first of all, by surprising ●he Castle of Saint Andrews, and ●urdering of the Cardinal Betun. This was in the year 1546. The Queen hereupon summoning him ●o appear, and answer for such outrages, he refused; she proclaims ●im Traitor, he contemns her Proclamation; and having secured himself at Saint johnston's from any danger of apprehension by the Queen's Officers, who sought him, he was so far from relenting, or showing any respect to the Queen Regent, that at the same time he persuades the Burgesses of the place, viz. Saint johnston's, and of Dundee, to suppress the Friaries, to pull down Images in the Churches, and overthrow the Abbeys of Stone, and Saint Andrews: Which they did, keeping Forces in the Field two months together, taking the Coining Irons into their custody, and proceeded so uncontrollably, and without resistance in their disordrous courses, that it even broke the heart of that Noble and Religious Queen Regent to see it. After whose death, in the year 1560. (the Queen being then in France) by the instigation and procurement of Knox, it was enacted, as a Law perpetual and fundamental in the State, That Catholic Religion should be abolished, and that whosoever defended the Pope's Authority in Scotland, should be banished, and that all former Acts to the contrary should be repealed. This was pretended to be done by the three Estates; but the Queen's Commission could not be shown, nor any consent of hers to confirm such Acts; beside the opposition which the Clergy or State Ecclesiastical generally made against such proceed, 
See Jo. Leslaeus hist. of Scotland.  not only in the Parliament or Convention of States, where they happened to be overborne, but all the Kingdom over. Therefore to make that seem good by a colour of Law, which was at first begun by mere Faction and Violence, some years after; viz. Anno 1567. and after the deposition, or rather unjust and forced Resignation of their lawful Sovereign the Queen, they procure an other Parliament to be called (the Earl Murray being then Regent, and the King scarce out of his Cradle) which confirms the Acts of the Parliament, 1560. 
Cap. 9  and prescribes an oath to be taken by all succeeding Kings, to maintain the Religion than received (to which as yet no King had ever consented) and establisheth the Confession of that Church. The Queen provoked with their many and insufferable indignities, had, before this time, sent for some French Forces into Scotland to oppose them: But this they take so ill, and the Preachers of new Doctrine in all parts of the Kingdom, improve the occasion so much to her disadvantage, and to the further incensing of the people, that at last, they not only make shift to exclude her from all Government, putting her in condition of a private person, but dishonour her beside with most capital and criminous Accusations; yea; and cast her into prison, not without great danger of her life. Beza (that Tibullus of Genevah) instigating and encouraging them much thereunto, who is pleased in his Reformed Zeal and Eloquence to call her Medea, Athaliah, and what not? Nullum ejus sceleribus nomen, etc. The Good Man, it seems, could not find words bad enough to express her guiltiness; and yet how well is it known, he had store of them always at command; and how maliciously he pleaded against her, while she was prisoner in England, only out of hatred to the House of Lorraine, appears abundantly in his Book called Reveille-Matin.  
I confess, generally 'tis better to bury old quarrels, then to renew their memory; yet to justify the Innocent, and to detect perfectly the evil practices of these men, I cannot forbear to insist a while on this Subject, and to declare more particularly, what inducements they pretended, for such exorbitant courses. They accused the Queen of procuring the death of her Husband, the Lord Henry Darley, out of a desire and intention to marry Bothwel, who was principal in the murder. Therefore say they, for zeal to Justice, for the Honour of the Realm, and satisfaction to Foreign Nations, it is necessary, that she be under restraint, till she clear herself from the imputation of such heinous crimes. These were their Accusations and pretences. But touching the Murder it was very unlike to be true; and certainly required manifest proofs, if ever any cause did. Her Sex was not fit for such a Butchery; and her nature known to be too Royal, to harbour such dishonourable Treachery: though she had some just cause of offence against him. If she had desired to put him to death, he was her Subject, and she might have done it, openly, legally, and by course of Justice. He had been of the Confederacy for the kill of David Riza her Secretary; his own Dagger was found in his Body. The Earl Morton being fled into England upon that offence, he presumed to revoke him, and call him home without th● Queen's knowledge or allowance. Neither was he Loyal to the Queen in respect of Conjugal affection and duty; his offensiveness in that kind was very notorious and scandalous to all the Court, and occasion of much disquiet and difference betwixt the Queen and him; and from whence their common Adversaries took advantage, in a short time, to ruin them both: What then is the proof of such a crime? what evidence bring they to convince her guilty of the Fact? First they object, that Douglas, Earl Bothwels man, was executed for it. True. And that it was he, that brought a Box of Letters of the Queens to Bothwel, which he had received of Sir James Balfoor at Edinburgh to carry to his Master; by which Letters intercepted, their juggle and practices (viz. of the Queen and Bothwel) were discovered. It is answered, Lies have commonly one Leg short; and so 'tis here. For is it probable, that either the Queen, or the Earl should repose such confidence, and so great secrets in a man, that was known to be at the devotion of a contrary Faction, as Sir James Balfoor was? Is it likely she would at all send such a Packet, which she knew contained matter of great Peril, but of no consequence at all to herself? For she directs them to be burnt, and might have done that herself well enough without the labour of sending them to him. Beside, the Queen ever denied those Letters to be hers, though her hand had been counterfeited to them; neither was there Superscription, Endorsement, Seal, Date, or any thing else, that might possibly discover more clearly, whose they were, or from whom coming. Her hand was only Subscribed, the Letters themselves of another Character; and truly it is not probable, that in a business of so great privacy, she should require the State of a Secretary, and that of some Stranger too? for had it been the hand of any of her ordinary amanuensis, the case had been clear, and a discovery would have been easily made. Neither could he, who delivered them, ever be found out to discover the Pack; and Douglass, who was the man accused to carry them, protested at his death, that he never knew of any such Letters. Lastly, supposing that she had indeed sent them, yet was there no express proof of any unlawful act, attempt, or practise to charge her with. Suppose she had desired to have her husband murdered: doubtless it had been a great offence against God, and odious to all men; but was it a sufficient cause for her own Subjects to take Arms against her, and to depose her? Was not David in a like case, in the business of Vriah and Bathshebah? Yet he forfeited not his Crown. Saint John Baptist reproved Herod for his Adultery, yet did neither exhort nor counsel the people to deprive him of his Dignity, though he were both a stranger of Idumaea, and an usurper. Edward the fourth of England was not deposed for keeping another man's Wife, though he committed a great sin; Nor Henry eighth for cutting off the Heads of so many of his own Wives, and committing as great sins, Spectante populo, in the view of his Kingdom and of all the world. Surely these Bou●efeux, while they presume to punish their Kings for sin, without any good authority or proof, do precipitate themselves unhappily into far greater. Zeal in them is like a Sword in a mad man's hand, dangerous to himself and others. But to the matter; What other probabilities did they produce against her? Many, She mourned faintly for his death, which is a sign, she was weary of his life. She acquitted Bothwel for his death, and did not punish him, as he deserved, Ergo, let her die. But what a Nugipoliloquides is this Buchanan? are such conjectural presumptions, as these, matter of evidence sufficient to depose Princes? As for her Mourning and the Funerals, His Body was Embalmed, and laid by James the fifth her Father; the Lord Tracquaire, Justice Clerk and others attended the Corpse; indeed most of the Counsel being Protestants, the Catholic Ceremonies were not permitted: and in Scotland it is not the custom to reserve the Corpse Forty days. Nor was it decent, that the Queen herself should have been there personally mourning, as a Subject: therefore she mourned privately, as his Sovereign and Wife; which she did so long, that her Counsel, and Physicians both were forced to dissuade her from it, and to cease. All which Sir Henry Killigrew might witness, who was sent from England to condole and comfort her. What could be required more of a Wife?  
But as concerning Earl Bothwel and the Marriage following, herein the juggling of Murray and his faction was most admirable, and worthy to be known. For First, was not Bothwel acquitted for this crime by his Peers? was not Murray himself, (who best knew the Plot) together with the Lord Lindsey, Sempil, and other adherents, principal to procure his purgation? The Queen did not acquit him out of her own affection, or will only, but by their advice and Counsel, who were the chief Pilots of the State, at that time. Nay, did not the same parties Murray, Sempil, etc. procure others of the Nobles to join with them, and solicited the Queen to Marry Bothwel, pretending it necessary for her to take such a Husband, to defend her in troublesome times; yea did they not in some manner force her to it? and by their Handwriting to Bothwel, did they not bind themselves to obey him, in case he would marry her? did not they themselves, viz. Murray, Sempil and the rest, (in order to this) procure the Divorce of Bothwel from his first Wife, sister to the Earl of Huntly? and are thereby most clearly convinced of double dealing? But what follows? The charge of the Murder. And of this the Lord Harris accused Murray himself, viz. that at Craigmillar, he, Morton, and Bothwel did consult, conspire, and determine the King's death; for the effecting whereof Indentures were there drawn and subscribed by them. And to convince it more evidently, Pourry, Paris, and Hay, who were all three Executed for the Murder, confessed at their death, and called God to witness, that those two (Murray and Morton) were the principal contrivers of it. The like did John Hepburn, Bothwels' servant, at his Execution for the same Fact; protesting that he had seen the Articles and Writings drawn to that purpose, as we said. To blind the world therefore a little, Murray and Morton take up Arms upon a pretence to apprehend Bothwel, and send out ships to pursue him at Sea, whom themselves had sent away; yea had sent the Lord Grange on purpose to him, to advise and will him for his own safety, to be gone, promising, that no body should pursue him: as indeed none did very hastily: for he stayed after this no less than two Months in Scotland, viz. until Murray was returned out of France. Then of necessity he must be gone; otherwise by his stay, or their taking him, they would be all betrayed themselves: So he finding himself over-reach't by his Associates in the Conspiracy, and being as sure to be overpowered by them, if he should abide it, was content at last to withdraw, and be offered up as a Sacrifice to the censure of the world for their purgation. This therefore was the Texture and sum of the Plot concerning the death of the Lord Darley Husband to the Queen, and the Queen's Marriage of Bothwel. These two Catilines (Murray who was the Queen's base Brother, and Morton) caused the King to be slain, using Bothwels consent and assistance in it; which Bothwel they persuade afterward to Marry the Queen, and deal as effectually with the Queen, that she should be willing to Marry Bothwel: and this on purpose, that they might have ground hereby to ruin them both, and possess themselves of the government; as in a short time they did, upon a colourable, though feigned, accusation brought against them, viz. against the Queen and Bothwel, as conspirators and contrivers of the King's death. 'tis well known, the Earl Murray never truly loved the Lord Darley. He was once in Arms and in the field to have killed him; and thereupon fl●d into England. After this he persuaded the Lord Darley to give his consent to the Murdering of David Riza the Queen's Secretary; in which action a Pistol was also set to the Queen's Belly, being then great with Child, to terrify her, and, if it could have been, to procure her Micsarrying: but the Lord Darley, having obtained the Queen's pardon for this, yet fearing lest Murray should inform Her Majesty concerning him, further than he liked, he resolves with himself to kill Murray; but first, out of I know not what reason, discovers his intention to the Queen, whom he supposed to be very much incensed against Murray; but she utterly disliked the business, and would not endure him to speak of it: which coming afterwards to Murrays knowledge, as he had before practised to estrang the Queen from her Husband, and offered to procure her a Divorce from him, (which she also utterly condemned,) so now he resolves to make away him viz. the Lord Darl●y, and to that end Plots with the Earls Morton and Bothwel, as hath been said, yet himself cunningly, to divert suspicion, and that he might be thought absolutely innocent in the business, when as now all things were agreed upon, withdraws himself, from the Court first, and then goes into France, a little before the Murder was committed. All which passages, being indeed the most intricate maze of Treachery (one of them) that ever was devised by wicked men, were made to appear plain enough unto Queen Elizabeth's Commissioners at York, as is manifest by Sir Ralph Sadlers Notes concerning that business, which I have seen; but afterward more clear than the Sun, at the Trial and Execution of the Earl Morton. 
Surius. Chron.  For Murray had met with vengeance before; having been Pistolled by a man of his own profession, as he road in the Street at Edinburgh, about the year 1570.  
Yet upon such false and treacherous Foundations as these, do they ground all their disloyal proceed and hard usage of the Queen's Majesty their natural Sovereign afterward, viz. That which they used towards her at Carbery hill, their slanderous Libels, their imprisoning her at Lough-Levin; and their Act of Parliament for her deposition, as appeareth by the words of the Statute. Lastly the resignation of her Crown; which yet they stoutly affirmed at York, to have been voluntary and of her own seeking. But whether it were so or no, their course of proceeding will best manifest. For first, themselves had drawn up the form of Resignation, before she understood any thing of it. Then Athol, Liddington and the rest send Sir Robert Melvin to her, to signify from them the great danger she was in; and to persuade her to yield to their Motion touching her Resignation: yea they alleged, as out of duty and well wishing to her, as they said, that in case the condition of affairs should change, what she should do now, could not be any prejudice to her, being it was extorted. Sir Nicholas Thro●morton was about this time arrived in Scotland from the Queen of England; upon other pretences indeed, but a most fit man to further such a work: which he did, so like a cunning Artificer, that what wind soever blew him thither, he deserved well at his return to have been created Lord Hurly. At last comes the Lord Lindsey (one whose hands had been formerly washed in the Secretary's blood,) with a Commission from the Counsel to the Queen, and with stern looks tendered the writings of Resignation to her, threatening fearfully, in case she should refuse to sign them. Whereupon she subscribed, being prisoner; and to save her life, lost her Crown. Was this a Free Resignation, think you? Their Act of Parliament indeed calls it so, but the world will judge. Beside this they make her give power to the Lords, Lindsey and Ruthen (as her dearest Friends) to renounce the government in her name, and to appoint Murray Regent, which was the thing he had long & earnestly gaped for: when th●s was done, and she was now become, as it were; a private person, they decree, Chap. 12. that she shall remain prisoner until her Trial. And Chap. 19 They draw up her Indictment most scandalously and falsely. Among the causes they pretend of her Resignation, they say first, That she was weary of the Government. But, their Tyrannous and Disloyal proceed had made her so, if she were. Secondly, That she was not able in Body and Spirit to endure the pains. She was in the flower of her age, and a Princess of no mean Vivacity, quickness, and Magnanimity of Spirit, as they themselves and the world knew. And thirdly that she might in her life time, see her Son settled in the government. She would gladly have seen him first of age to govern himself. This was the direct way to lose both her Son and herself, for aught she could expect or foresee otherwise: But 'tis true, Domini est salus, qui evellit de laqueo pedes suorum, Salvation is of our Lord, and he delivereth the Feet of his people out of the Snare. For as it happened, the Queen maketh a very strange Escape: and at Hamiltoun, the house of a Noble Family, and at that time well affected, she rovoketh all, whatsoever she had done in her imprisonment, Confessing and Protesting that it was all again her Will, and by Force and Violence extorted from her; That no form of legal proceeding had been observed in it; That the Noble Earls of Huntley, Argile, Lord Harris and many others, never consented to it. That in the Parliament, where it was transacted, there was not above Four Earls, Six Lords, One Bishop, and Three Abbots. With such manifest partiality, and dislike of the greater and better part of the Kingdom was the business carried!  
I would tell you some other, no mean inducements, occasions, motives, which persuaded these Heads of the Scottish Nation, to cast themselves into such a Gulf of disloyalty against their natural Sovereign, as they must needs either perish themselves, or run the whole State of the Kingdom upon a Rock, and wrack it; but for some reasons I must do it under the Veil of an Apologue; For all things are not to be spoken plainly.  
IN Africa then there were two great Forests near adjoining; In the one a Lion governed the Beasts, in the other a Lioness. The Lion was Rich and full of Prey, yet feared, lest his Neighbour the Lioness getting her a Foreign Mate, should gather so much strength and courage, as to pick some quarrel with him, and invade his Forest. Wherefore ca●ling a Counsel of his Beasts, he consulted with them, how they might secure themselves of the Lioness: The Bull, presumptuous of his strength, and used to go●e all that came in his way, together with the Boar, and the Bear contemned such vain fears, as not worthy of the Lion's courage: yet the Major part of the other Beasts concurred in opinion with the Lion, That there was ground of fears and jealousies: which an old Ape perceiving, that had lived long in the Forest, and was used to counterfeit, gave advise presently, that the Lion should feign kindness, for, saith he, being an old dissembler, Great hearts are soon won with fair semblance. Neither did Reignard the Fox dislike this Counsel; but knowing that the Lioness had many hungry. Wolves and Wily Foxes about her, advised the Lion to send the Goat, agrave Bearded personage, to visit the Lioness and renew Friendship: and under colour of such friendly Negotiation, to deal privately with some of the Wolves and Foxes about the Lioness, and breed in them some sear and apprehensions of her cruelty; yea and if he found them inclinable to such Counsels, to persuade them to stand more upon their own guard, and not to suffer the Lioness to rule so Arbitrarily, as she did, but rather, if they could, to make themselves a Free State, and to be under no other command, but their own. The Goat performed this service so wisely, that the Mongrel, a Beast much used and very near the person of the Lioness, upon hearing the Motion, resented it so well, that he undertook to persuade some other of the Counsel. But, saith he, we have some cruel Beasts among us, which favour the Lioness much, as The Tiger, the Leopard, the Unicorn, etc. if they perceive this, they will oppose us instantly, and make a Party too strong for us. Fear not that, said the Goat, we can spare you a Regiment or two of such Mastiffs, as shall defend and guard you sufficiently: only be sure, that you stand to your business; and when you are once Masters of the Field, there will be Prey and spoil enough. Upon this the Mongrel, the Wolve●, and the Foxes, with such other Brutes as adhered to them, lay their Heads together, and never leave consulting and conspiring, till they had entrapped the Lioness, and drawn her into such a Pit-fal, as she was not able to recover herself, but they seize upon her, disongle her at their pleasure, and put her in ward. Reignard a great Counsellor of the Lion in the other Forest, and a Contriver of this Treachery, hearing what success it had, and that the Lioness was secured, sends another Messenger to the Mongrel, advising him to make sure of the Lioness Whelp, and then he might securly rule and govern all: For, saith he, Possession is the chief point in Law: and when you have him, you have all. Perhaps, out of sullenness and restraint, he may die; however, if he lives, he shall be sure to live at your pleasure and disposing, if you take him in time, so he did accordingly. This is the Fable. The Moralising of it, I leave to those that expound Riddles; though this be such, as needeth not an Oedipus to declare it.  
I might here end my discourse of this pretended Church of Scotland, and of its irregular and tumultuous Reformation, but that I desire to satisfy the Reader a little further in the true cause of this particular distemper, or more special abuse and contempt of Civil Magistracy, which the Reformers of this Church seem to have shown all along their work. It proceeded without all doubt from the Spirit and humour of Calvin, who first devised it; and was himself a bitter enemy against all Magistrates, in whose Counsels he could not rule: In so much, as at Genevah itself, he was at first expelled for a seditious person by the Magistrates of that City; and compelled to go live with Bucer at Strasburgh. Yet afterward, the party, which favoured him, prevailing at Genevah, he was recalled back again; but refused to return, unless upon condition and promise, that his discipline should be received. So it was promised by a general consent of the City, and at his coming performed; His consistory, that is to say, an Oligarchy of certain pickd Elders, was erected, as it were the Inquisition of Genevah. This, by the way, was a strain of policy much beyond Luther's dull reach, and which madded him all his life long. For by this Calvin did not only set up a Church Independent of him, and without consulting at all with him, viz. with Luther, but became a Dictator general, as it were, to all the Protestant or reformed Churches abroad; and so very much Eclipsed Luther's glory. But the seat of his Dominion was at Genevah, as we said, having settled his discipline in such manner there, that by colour and pretence of it, he was able, not only to censure offenders at his pleasure, but to carry on designs against any opposition whatsoever: For indeed through the concurrence of his Eldership (who were commonly all at his book) he was upon the matter invested with a kind of Sovereignety both of their Town and Church: He and his E●ders ruled all there. And to the end it should be received abroad with due reverence (though it were indeed the Idol of his own fancy, yet) they set it down (viz. calvin's Presbyterian Discipline) for a mark of the True Church, and join it in equal rank with the Preaching of the word, and Administration of Sacraments. So that by means of this Discipline he not only in a short time became himself the great Sultan of the Lake, but sent his Mammalukes also out into all the Provinces of France, and planted Reformed Churches there after his Model of Genevah: The Sinods or more general Assemblies whereof, seating themselves in the principal and chief Towns of the Kingdom, are thereby enabled to hold such correspondence with the Nobility and Gentry of the Nation inclined to novelty, as that they are sure of a constant and strong support from them upon all occasions; yea to engage them perfectly in their way, they take them many times, very politicly, into their Consistories in the quality of Lay-Elders, and do questionless nourish in themselves no faint hopes, to be able one day by their means to subvert those Pillars of the Catholic Church, which so much obstruct their proceed, viz. the Bishops, Archbishops, and other Prelates of France; and to set up Calvinism and their Consistories all the Kingdom over. This, I say, is the Train of their Policy, and the reason, why they are so implacable in their hatred, and incessantly violent and active against all such Princes and States, as do oppose the introduction of their Discipline; which is the Medium whereby, in France; Scotland, the Palatinate and elsewhere, they have made, or endeavoured to make themselves Supreme heads and Masters of misrule over all others: as hath been in part declared already, and shall be further manifested in the sequel of this narration. Hence it is, that all commanders, Generals, and all other Officers whatsoever in their service, are so strictly enjoined by the Articles of Bearn, 
Art. 25.  as hath been said, to observe the discipline Ecclesiastical, as it shall be from time to time, ordained by their Synods: And hence, that is to say, from this Arrogant confidence of theirs it was, and indiscreet zeal, that they refused when time was, at Rochel, so much as to speak with Monsieur Byron, the King's Ambassador; and used Monsieur la Nove with so much, and so long incivilities, that at last he was constrained to forsake them.  
And out of this fiery zeal for their Diana of the Discipline it proceeds, that they oppose, prosecute, and vilify, with so much bitterness of spirit and ill language, where they can or dare, all other Ecclesiastical government whatsoever all Order of Divine Service, Rites and Ceremonies, which are not exactly after their Mode, or framed according to their Pattern. And in this particular the Protestants church of England hath, from the beginning so much tasted of their spleen, or madness rather, that Mr. Butler of Cambridge may seem to have shown no less judgement, than wit, in the definition which he once gave of a Puritan, viz. That he was a Protestant frayed out of his Wits; which King James in the Conference at Hampton Court disliked not. The reason whereof may be this. We find by experience, that Ceremonies and Solemnity have ever in the Church of God stirred up and bred a reverence and devotion in the hearts of good people towards the service of God; that they help to elevate and awaken their souls in time of prayer and other Divine worship: also that the order, and gravity of Bishops and other Prelates of the Church were, not only wont to find, but apt to procure estimation and respect with the people. Now ask a Puritan his opinion of a Rochet, a Surplis, cornered Cap, or any other Habit, which distinguisheth Ecclesiastical persons from the Laity, he tells you presently, They are the rags of Antichrist, badges of Superstition; The Communion Book he calls the Portess and Breviary of Satan; set prayers extinguish zeal with him, yea are tantum non flat Idolatry; The Ecclesiastical Courts are the Synagogues or Shops of the Devil, and but the excrements of a corrupted discipline, which they would fain reform. As for the Authority and Government of Bishops he subscribs to Doctor Ames, Hunc Episcoporum ordinem & medio tollendum, etc. That either this Hierarchy of Bishops must down, or Popery will come upon us, do what we can. Cujus contrarium verum est. But let that pass. The Clergy of England they count Atheists, call them soldiers of Antichrist, and a Bastardly Ministry. And from the Fountain of this frenzy sprang in late times, all those infamous and scandalous Libels of udal, Penry, Brown, Greenwood, Martin, Marprelate, Martin junior, Hay any work for a Cooper, The supplication to the Precedent of Wales, and many other to the late Queen, and troublesome to the State. But the springhead of all was Calvin himself, who Epist. 105. declares magis sibi placere, etc. that he (forsooth) did rather approve the Scottish Reformation, then that of England. Gramercy good Sir John. You like it better; why? because it was the issue of your own happy Brain: 'tis well known, Knox fetched his Coals from your Fire, and cast his Engine of Reformation in your Mould; and so upon the matter, in commending it, like a wise man, you commend yourself. So Epist. 26. he tells Cranmer, relictam esse congeriem, That there was a great heap of Popish superstitions yet remaining in the Church of England, which did not only dim, but even much darken, and corrupt the purity of God's worship. Hence it was, that during all Queen Maries Reign, The English Church at Genevah, as they called themselves, was Antagonist, and at defiance with the English Church at Franckfort: for they at Franckfort defended the Authority of Bishops, and used the Leiturgy and Ceremonies which were commanded by King Edward the sixth; notwithstanding Mr. Calvin, writing to the Protector, by whose Authority they had been established, was so modest, as to call them scoffingly and by way of contempt, Tolerabiles Ineptias, certain fooleries, but yet such, as might be born withal for a time.  
It is therefore we see, no Hyperbolical charge or Calumny, to say that this Presbyterian Discipline is the Palladium of Calvinists, for which they do not only contend but fight, tanquam pro aris & focis, against all Kings and Princes that oppose it, more eagerly and bitterly, then for any other thing: which no man will deny, that knows, what their proceed have been, & are in France, Scotland, Low-countries, Bohemia and elsewhere; or that hath read Bsialicon Doron, written by a Pen, that had cause enough to be sensible of their disorders; or that Book of Philippus Nicolai, 
De regno. Xti.  which is full of predictions of what lawless attempts and practices they would serve themselves to advance their consistory above the court, which have not all proved untrue: or lastly that of Joannes Schutz a learned Lutheran, 
Lib. 50. cause.  who tells them plainly that they trust only upon their Soecular power, That they are seditious people, and defend their opinions best with a Sword in their hand. But that which King James himself saith of them, is most remarkable Ego a Puritanis, 
Prefat. monitor.  etc. I, saith he, have been vexed with these Puritans from my very Birth, yea they persecuted me, while I was yet in my Mother's Belly, and it missed but little, that they had not murdered me, before I was born. Among which Pranks that of the Ministers at Sterling must not be forgotten; who appeared themselves in the field, under the Command of some of the Nobility of that faction, and forced the King to yield his person to them, and to suffer a new guard to be put upon him, and his old removed. For which insolent attempt the chief of them, viz. Mr. Patrick Galloway, Pollard, Carmichel, and Andrew Melvin were glad afterwards to take covert in England: yet James Gibson stood to it, and called the King Jeroboam and persecutor; Lawson opposed and affronted him to his face: Pont and Balcanqual by open Proclamation and in the presence of a public Notary, censured him very formally, and did what they could to withdraw the people's Loyalty and affection from him. When Philautia and Phantasia, that is, self-love and self-conceit do meet in Conjunction in the Brain, there must needs be a great Eclipse of the understanding; and a Heart swollen and blown up with singularity doth so far contemn, yea hate, whatsoever opposition is made against her, that being not able to govern the strong passion, and those fervors of a proud spirit which boil incessantly within her, Men run like so many furies, upon rash and inconsiderate attempts, both against the reverence due to Majesty, Justice, and all good government. A thing manifestly observable in these Zelots. And therefore the Zwinglians, who are (otherwise) more than their half Brethren, can scarcely approve them in the point of the Consistory. For saith Gualther Minister of Zurich, 
Comment in 1 Cor. c. 5.  Galli habent sua seniorum Concilia, etc. The Reformed French, saith he, have their Consistories of Elders, in whose hands all power and authority Ecclesiastical is, as it were, deposited; and in These all counsels and resolutions are taken, all Taxes and impositions laid for the maintaining of War against the King. Proper work doubtless for the Ministers of God's word, as they will be called, and for a Spiritual Court, as it pretends to be, and to as good a purpose. 
De Offic. Ministror. lib. 15. cap. 19.20, 22.  Musculus also showeth as little esteem of them, in his Loci. Commun. cap. 10. But above all Schultingius in his Hierarchica Anachresis doth most graphically and to the life discover their exorbitant and absurd practices, showing how all Kings, Princes, and Governors are made subject to their Excommunications, that truly Brutum Fulmen, of their elderships. How Nobility and Commons both must assemble at the Summons of the Pastor, who is more than half Pope in his Parish, being attended by Assisting Elders, rather to countenance what he will have done, then to do any thing contrary to his mind. Lastly, Calvin at Genevah is the Supreme Oracle, beyond whom there is no appeal, really Papa, though out of a dissembled humility he seems not willing to be called Doctor. So he. And what confusion in the Civil State this Constitution of pretended Discipline may further cause in time, Hooker in the Preface to his Books of Ecclesiastical Policy showeth at large.   

Titulus Quartus. GEUXISM: OR The Troubles in HOLLAND, AND THE United Provinces.  
BY Course we arrive now at the States of Holland, Zealand, and those other united Provinces, that is, at an Aceldama a Field of blood, where the Principles mentioned so oft already in this Narrative, and the Tragical effects of them have been acted with most lamentable fury and rage for many years together. I will not be large in the declaration of them, to show you, how, the Lutheran faction first began, and how violently the Calvinists succeeding did prosecute their work; for than I should weary you. I shall labour to be as brief as I may, and rather to Epitomise things, then dilate them. Of all their Actions That Union of Vtrecht was the most notorious; a devise clearly according to the rules of Junius Brutus, and in imitation of the Switz and Cantons. This Union was made by the States in the year 1578. For seeing on the one hand the fortunate Proceed of the Duke of Parma, and on the other the course of th● Malcontents, they enter a perpetual League; which was comprised in Twenty Articles: In the first whereof Holland, Zealand, Freeze and Gelder's join contra omnem vim quae sub praetextu, etc. to maintain one another against all force whatsoever that shall be made upon them in the King's name, or for matter of Religion. After this, viz. in the year 1579. the Prince of Orange (who was the contriver and ringleader of all) with those of Antwerp and Gaunt enter the League, and subscribe on the Fourteenth of February: and it was again confirmed at the Hague the Twentieth of July, 1581. The design in all being to expel their Liege Lord the King of Spain, and to deprive him of those Dominions; as presently after they did; publishing an Edict in the name of the States united, with this title or prescription, Que le Roy o' Espague est descheu, etc. That the King of Spain is fallen from the Dominion of the Low-Countries: and enjoining an Oath or form of Abjuration to be taken by all the people of those Countries in these words, I W. N. 
Comme un bon vassal du ' pais.  Swore anew and bind myself to the Provinces united, to be Loyal and Faithful to them, and to Aid them against the King of Spain as a true Man of the Country. Upon this they break all the King's Seals, pull down his Arms, seize and enter upon his Lands, Rents, Customs, and all Hereditaments whatsoever, taking them into their own possession, and as absolute Lords, they Coin Money in their own names, they place and displace Officers of State, Banish the King's Counsellors, seize upon Church live, suppress Catholic Religion, besieged Amsterdam, and do all other acts that might import Supreme and absolute Dominion. And all this with so much terror and violence, that, as 'tis reported, Raald a Counsellor for Frizeland, upon only hearing of their manner of proceeding, and of the new Oath against the King, died suddenly therewith, as of an Apoplexy. The reasons they give, why the King had forfeited his title and right to these Countries were these. First, because he laboured to suppress Religion. They mean their own, which they had newly taken up contrary to the old; and which, had it not been for the opposition made against it by the King's Governors in the Provinces, had long before this time destroyed the King's Religion, which was legally established, and received by the general consent, approbation, and profession of the whole Country. Secondly, for oppressing, that is governing, them, not according to the Law, but by Tyranny. Thirdly, for abrogating their privileges▪ and holding them in a condition of bondage and servitude. Such a Prince, say they, we are not bound to obey as a Lawful Magistrate, but to eject as a Tyrant. But this is a Precedent of v●ry dangerous consequence doubtless. For if private Subjects (as 〈◊〉 that time they were without difpute,) may depose their Prince merely upon general Charges, and without having done any one overt Act contrary unto the Laws or the duty of his Office, and may make themselves sole Judges in the cause, of what is right betwixt the Prince and the People, of which they were in no capacity (either formal or virtual, that is representative) more than a Minor part, Qui stat, videat ne cadat, there is no Prince, nor State in the world can be secure. The Rochellers may plead this, as much as the Hollanders; and so may any discontented party under a government which they like not, as well as they.  
But it shall not be amiss, to inquire a little further into this business, and lay open to plain view the grounds, occasions and consequences thereof, so compendiously as we shall be able. The original, primary and true cause of these troubles was the spring and growth ● heresy, which by this time was, like a Gangreen, spread over the greatest part of Germany, and not the least in these Low-Countries; where under the shadow of religion especially of abetting and promoting liberty of Conscience, as they called it, All factions of State and discontentments of Ambitious persons shrouded themselves. The people's natural inclination to Novelty was great, and set it much forward; yet there wanted not the Concurrence of some Foreigners, (to blow the Coals of dissension) both out of England and France. Charles the Fifth, Emperor, a wise and provident Prince, remembringing what a piece of work Luther had lately cut him out in Germany, and with what danger, difficulty, and charge he overcame it, intended, as well for the quietness of these Provinces, as for his own Interest and Honour, to prevent, as much as he could, the Propagation of Martinests and all other Sects whatsoever. And to that end, finding no other means more proper, and fit to be applied unto such a Malady, had established the Inquisition among them, about the year 1550. for the Execution whereof Mary, Queen of Hungary, than Regent of the Low-Countries procured such Explication and Mitigation of some Circumstances, as was judged necessary. But after this, the Emperor resigning the whole government of these Provinces to his Son King Philip, retired himself, by a most memorable example, voluntarily from the world, and consecrated the last act of his life entirely to God and devotion. King Philip at the first entrance into his government, finding how much the Sects increased daily in Flanders, notwithstanding the means opposed against them, and considering what danger would ensue upon it to the State, followed strictly his Fathers advise, and in the year 1555. renewed the Commission, Instructions and Articles for the said Inquisition. But this, as it happened through the general contagion and distemper of minds, which Heresy had bred in the people, proud only matter of further discontent to the Inhabitants of the Nether-Lands, and did no good. They allege, that all Strangers would thereupon be forced to departed the Country, and by consequence their Trading would decay, which was the Golden Mine and maintenance of those Provinces. Thus they complained; but indeed their inward grief was the humour of Innovation, to which they were much inclined, and therefore feared themselves. There was another Politic Act of the Kings, yet withal of very religious concernment and design, which added Fuel to this Fire, namely, the Erecting of those new Bishoprics at Gaunt, Ipres, 
Floren. vand. Haer de tumult. Belgic.  Antwerp, etc. which he intended all the Provinces over. And a third, viz. the authority and power of the Bishop of Arras, whose Cardinals Hat lately procured him by the King's favour, made him the more odious; so as the greater his Obligation was to his Holiness, or the King their Sovereign, so much more, it seemed, was the malice both of the Nobility and common people incensed against him. Lastly, they urge their Ancient privileges and liberties which they pretend, were violated by the King; They would have no Strangers rule or bear Office among them; The Spaniards must be dismissed the Country; and some new liberties granted, viz. Liberty of Conscience, and Toleration for Religion.  
Thus were the names of Liberty and Religion made the Standard-bearers, as it were, to their future Commotions. But let us concerning their several grievances. As concerning the first, that of the Inquisition, the name is of greater Terror than the thing: It was first devised upon a necessity against the Moors in Spain; and upon experience of the use and benefit thereof, continued. And though I shall not commend any sign, or proceed, that savour of cruelty, yet I cannot condemn this: because it addeth nothing to the punishment of Heresy, which the Law did not inflict before; but requires only a more strict Execution of the Law, and a more diligent course of examination to be used by the Inquisitors. And certainly, under God, it hath been the chief Antidote, which hath preserved Spain so well and so long free from the infection of heresies, and from such dangerous and lasting tumults as do commonly follow them, and wherewith the other Kingdoms of Europe have been generally embroiled. The Spaniards themselves, when they were most discontented, never complained of it; nor is it in itself a more bloody Law or Execution of Justice, than the Consistory itself at Genevah doth maintain, and hath executed more than once, though unjustly and Tyrannically, considering what principles they pretend, and what outcries and obtestations they once made for Liberty of Conscience, Liberty of Prophesying, Liberty of the Spirit, which is their only Judge of Controversies, according to the written word alone, and not any Consistory, or company of men whatsoever. Besides, as it was at first propounded by the King, out of his zeal for the good and quiet of the Country, so was it by his wisdom suspended afterwards, finding, they were not capable of such a remedy. For the second, viz. the Erecting of the new Bishoprics it was a prudent and necessary resolution to bridle Sectaries, and as a Sith, to cut down those Weeds, which grew so fast in God's Church. For by appointing in each Province grave and learned men, to stand as Watchmen and Sentinels against the Enemies of the Church and State, it would be more easy, by concurrence of their Authority, and by their vigilancy over their Flocks, to preserve the people from danger of seducement. Neither was it a new design. For Philip Duke of Burgundy had long before desired it, as a thing very needful; because in his time all the Seventeen Provinces (except only the Diocese of Arras were under such Bishops, as were strangers to the Country, and Subjects of Foreign Princes; which could not be convenient for the State. And what good their Erection hath wrought, experience daily showeth, in those places where they still continue. For now every Diocese is carefully visited by a Bishop of the same Country and Language; who as he hath more natural compassion, so hath he also more knowledge and care to instruct his Countrymen in the way that is right, and to weed out disorders. And therefore was the Erection allowed, and ratified by Bull of Pius Quartus in the year 1559. Concerning the third, viz. the Cardinal of Arras, Although his wisdom and experience in affairs of government, as well Ecclesiastical as Civil, was sufficiently known to the King, yet because the Prince of Orange with the Counts Egmond and Horn, did jointly write to the King against him, His Majesty, though to his great disservice, was content to remove him, for their satisfaction. But when this was done, neither was the Country any whit the quieter, for his calling away; nor did they themselves cease from further practising. As for their liberties and franchises, had not the King confirmed them all at the joyful entry? When did he violate them afterward? was it for preferring Spaniards? There were very few of them left in the Country, and of these fewer cum imperio. Was it for the Offices of State? See how the governments were distributed among themselves. Count Egmond was Governor of Flaunders and Artois; The Prince of Orange, Governor of Holland, Zealand, Vtreckt and Burgundy; Count Aremberge was Governor of West-Frezeland, and Over-Issel; Count Barlamont of Namur, Count Mansfeld of Luxemberge and Clinay; The Marquis of Berghen of Lisle and Douai: So as 'tis not easy to see, how the Nobility could complain justly they were neglected, or not honourably employed. And yet for addition, and their further assurance of the King's good affection to them and the Provinces, he left his Sister the Duchess of Parma Governor General with them, a Woman of a very peaceable and mild Spirit, and one that was like to hold the bridle of Government with a Gentle hand, and to be advised by their Counsels.  
In this manner were all things wisely and moderately constituted by the King, and might have so continued, had the Nobles complied with their duty, and not favoured so much those spirits of Innovation and Tumult, which lurked up and down the Country, and had infected no small part of the Common people. Howbeit all things remained outwardly quiet for a long while; The fire that was, lay covered in Ashes: The first breaking out was not, till Baron Brederode and his Associates presented their Petition to the Duchess; which containing many things neither fit for them to ask, nor safe for her to grant, was, not without reason, looked upon as a Prologue to some future Troubles. Henceforward the Heads of the Faction plot the advancing of their party, and begin to strengthen themselves both at home and abroad. These were, the Earl of Culembergh, who had lately married a German Lady of the Lutheran way: Horn, who was matched with the Sister of Count Harman: The Prince of Orange was already by his Mother allied to the Count of Solms, and his Wife was Sister to Maurice Duke of Saxony: And Grave Scheremberg had married his Sister. There was also Count Lodowick, the Prince's Brother, a Soldier, and a man of great Spirit, Lutheran all over, and as fit an instrument, as could be desired, both to make a party, and to back it. Besides these Flacius Illiricus, a most turbulent Preacher of new Doctrines, had been sent for privately out of Germany, with some other Ministers, and were dispersed in all corners of the Country, incensing and corrupting the people with as much industry as was possible. These were Lutherans, and did mischief enough; But when calvin's Quicksilver came to be cast in among them, the fire then could be kept in no longer, but the flames break out in all places. The people in spite of Laws mutiny every where; down go the King's Arms, down go Images, and all the Ornaments in the Churches; The Churches themselves, as if they had been the Castles and Forts of some Enemy, are Sackd and Pillaged, 
Strad. de bell Belgie.  Monasteries rifled, Religious houses robbed, pulled down, and spoiled, the Religious expelled and driven out by force of Arms, and all Magistrates whatsoever, that endeavoured either to pacify or oppose them, are contemned, abused, resisted: yea their fury and violence was such, as they forced the Governess herself to consult of retiring out of Brussels; which she had done, if the Counsel of some of the Nobles had not prevailed with her to the contrary. Yet did not the causes of her dislike and distrust cease, but rather grow and increase daily, viz. the private Conventicles, preach, and insolency of the people, openly now Lutheranizing, and even in the Face of the Court: yea the frequent and private meetings of many of the Nobility were matter of much jealousy to her, whereof she often complained in Counsel, but without redress. She knew very well, the people could work no great effects without a head, and that the Nobles wanted power to execute any of their designs without the people; but that both of them conspiring to countenance and a●●st each other, much mischief might follow. Orange, who was the chief Captain and contriver of all, yet played least in sight, and would very seldom seem outwardly to favour any change of Religion, all that he did, was, as he pretended, for the interest of the Commonwealth and for the public good. He was assisted chief by the Marquis of Berghen Montagny, and Florence Montmorency, alias Count Horn, who by this time was grown a perfect Malcontent; yet not for Religion, but upon some private respects, viz. of his own debt, and for being denied the government of Zutphen, but especially for the execution of his Brother Montigny in Spain. The meetings, in which they agitated Counsels, and brought their designs onward to perfection, were first at Breda, whither the Count Egmond was also invited, as a man of the greaest Military power and interest in that Country: and presently after, as an effect or resolution taken at that assembly, Brederode and his complices delivered their Petition to the Governess, as hath been said, for Liberty of Religion. They had meetings also at Hoochstrat, Osterweal, and Saint Trudon, at which that Noble Count Egmond was undone; For at his Arraignment it was one of the principal things charged against him, that he had been privy to the Confederations and agreements made at those Assemblies. Secondly, that upon the same day the Petition was delivered by Brederode, he came with the Prince of Orange and Count Horn to the great Banquet at the Earl of Culemberghs house, where there were no less than Three hundred Confederates, and dined with them; at which time the name of Geuses was publicly assumed by the Confederates. Thirdly, that afterward he sent his Secretary, Backerseal, to the Crew, offering them his aid. And lastly, which himself acknowledged at the Bar, That he had offered his assistance to hinder the Duke D' Alva's coming into the Low-Countries, and that he had neither disliked, nor dissuaded the proceed of the Confederates; Horn was indicted upon the same Articles, with this further charge against him, That he threatened to levy Fifty thousand men to rescue his Brother, and bring him home upon force out of Spain. Upon proof of which accusations, they were, both of them, condemned and lost their heads; as it seemed, not only just for matter of Law, but also necessary for reason of State, for the example of others, for the Regent's safety, and for vindication of the King's honour and authority; which partly by their practices, and partly by their connivances contrary to duty, had been insufferably vilified and abused by the rude multitude. 
Sir Roger William's History.  Yet is it commonly thought, that Count Egmond was rather drawn in by the Craft and Policy of Orange, then that he engaged mu●h of himself; being otherwise a person of a plain, yet Noble and Magnanimous disposition, and therefore generally lamented.  
For what Prince is there in the World, that having endured so many indignities, and of such fowl nature, as those we lately mentioned, would not seek to vindicate his honour upon the offenders and to prevent the like for the future? Was it not time for the King to Arm, when the people were in Arms, and had, beside their contempt of Religion, committed so many great and scandalous disorders? the Nobility, whose office and duty it was by their places to have suppressed and punished them, conniving at their proceed? When the Cities were all in uproars, and the whole frame of the Commonwealth seeming to be shaken? Had not the King all the reason in the World to send D' Alva and forces of his own, when the Provincial Governors would not be commanded to apply theirs effectually to the business? It was certainly high time to do that which he did, not only to repress and keep in order those rebellious Spirits, which were dispersed and acting in all parts of the Country; but also to encounter and oppose Orange, who by this time, what by his open backwardness and oppositions to such Counsels as tended to a speedy redress of those evils, and what by his secret practices and abetting of the Delinquent party, had no less undermined the government itself, than he had discouraged and wearied the Governess. And for the Companies, which D' Alva brought out of Spain, at which the people were taught so much to murmur, could it be lawful for the Prince of Orange to bring in the Reisters' out of Germany, and for his Brother the Count Lodowick, with an Army of French to invade Henault, and was it not lawful for the King to send in forces to maintain his own? Was it lawful for them to surprise Montz, and was it not more lawful for the King to expel them? Let no man dream, that if the Duke's forces had not come, the Country would have been quiet: for that was incredible to any body, that knew the State of affairs. The fire was not quenched, but covered, and would have broken out again in a greater flame. The Confederating of so many and great Persons, countenanced by the chief Governors themselves, did Prognosticate a storm to be yet coming; and all men of understanding saw, they were not likely to be governed long by the Bridle in a Woman's hand. Therefore was the King forced upon the matter to send D' Alva. And the rather, because he could not but know, that Monsieur Chastillon, 
Jean Petit. l' Histor.  the Admiral of France, had sent to Baron Brederode, both to incense him further against the King, and to persuade him not to agree with the Duchess of Parma; for, saith he, that would but deceive him: and offering moreover in case of necessity, to a●● st him with Four thousand Gentlemen. That Count Lodowick, after his defeat at Mont●, did lie at Rochel among the Calvinists; and that the Prince himself was gone into France on purpose to prepare for a future invasion. He knew, that the same Admiral afterwards did solicit Charles the Ninth, King of France, to turn all his Wars upon Flanders, and to take upon him the protection of the Low-Countries; That Aldegund, a great Incendiary, was in Germany soliciting a party there with like eagerness. So that they labouring on all sides to offend the King, shall it not be lawful for his Majesty to provide for his own necessary defence, but he must be taxed with Tyranny? Certainly it is a most unequal censure, and argueth much more partiality than reason. D' Alva could be no cause of those disorders, which made his coming necessary; for they all preceded his coming. The Regent, notwithstanding all her mildeness, yet was at last forced to deal with them by Arms; and having by that means once reduced them, yet they are insolent and factious still, and to bring their evil purposes to effect, they seek to Foreign Princes for aid. Who can wonder then, if the Duke, finding their distempers such, as that gentle proceedings did rather aggravate, then allay the malady, did make his War with some rigour? It was no more than necessity, and the general malice, with which they had possessed the people against him, compelled him to do for his own safety. In the Passion week, presently after his coming, there was a Conspiracy to kill him, whiles he was at his Devotions, at the Monastery of the Green Valley in the Forest of Sauve not far from Brusels. Monsieur Risot, Carli, Villars with Seven hundred Horse and Five hundred Foot were designed to do it, when the Duke, the Nobles, and all his followers should be at Mass; and with fire and instruments devised for the purpose, to burn both men, and Monastery, and Church, good and bad, friends and enemies all together: as the two Guidons confessed. Such another business was intended also at Brussels against the Spaniards, 
Mich. ab. Isselt. de bell. Belg.  as both Petit, Mendoza, and others testify. Neither did their malice much cease, when he was recalled. For as that Noble Lord the Duke of Areschot discovered, and advised Don John, there was a Plot to have surprised his person, of which the Prince of Orange was reported to be the chief manager; and another to kill him at Namur by Radcliff and Grey, two Englishmen. I inquire not who set them on work; Latet anguis in herbâ, it's a business not to be looked into too far. And did not those Calv●nists at Antwerp as finely contrive, to have blown up that famous Duke of Parma, as he should be going along the High Street, with all the chief State of the Country attending on him? So that 'tis clear, how strange soever they make of it, Protestants may be charged with Assassinats and Treasons, as well as others.  
Thus were the occasions and first beginnings of the Nether-Landish tumults. To discourse a little of the chief Author, Actor, and upholder of them, we are to know, The Prince of Orange (who signally deserves that Character,) was a very popular, and no less politic man, and beside a great Housekeeper, which qualities, especially the last, very acceptable to that sort of people, stood him in no small stead in order to his designs. The house of Nassau in Germany was Ancient and Honourable, but advanced in this Country chief by marriages. This William (his Father falling to Lutheranism) Charles the Fifth, Emperor, out of a Princely affection to him, took from his Father, and commended him to the care and Education of Mary, Queen of Hungary, his Sister. Afterwards he admitted him to be of his Bedchamber; Then made him General of his Horse, and after that raised him to be Lieutenant General of the Army. And yet further to endear his obligation to him, when he was to ●●nd the Imperial Crown to his Brother Ferdinand, he made choice of him, as a man of most Trust, and commended him likewise very much to his Son, King Philip; notwithstanding divers often warned him to take heed, that he nursed not a Snake in his Bosom; to these favours we may add how much the Emperor favoured his match with the Count of Burens Daughter and Heir, who was his first Wife, and by whom he was highly advanced; and that he procured Rhenatus of Challon, Prince of Orange, to make this William his Heir, when the Precedent Schorus was wholly against him. These things considered, and also the many favours, and great trust, which King Philip also shown to have in him, committing so many and so great Governments to his charge and fidelity, viz. Holland, Zealand, Vtrecht, and Burgundy, as hath been said, it might seem impossible almost, that any thing should corrupt his Loyalty. The first visible disgust he took, was upon the Kings going into Spain. The Prince being then a Widower, aspired to marry with the Princess Christerna, Duchess of Lorraine, Cousin German to the King, and laboured also, that she might be made Governess of the Provinces in the King's absence; to the intent, that by such Alliance he might in effect sway the whole Government of the Provinces himself: a thing indeed for which he had gaped a long time, and stood competitor with Count Egmond. But the King preferring the Duchess of Parma, he lost both his hopes and his Wife. Upon this grew his first hatred against D' Alva and the Cardinal Granvellan, by whose Counsels, he supposed, the Duchess of Parma was preferred. So as Ambition and Pride being indeed the true internal motives of his discontent, Religion, and the Commonwealth's interest, must be made the Mantle to hid it. Hereupon he marrieth into the house of Saxony, which was already Lutheranized, and sets Brederode and his fellows to work, as we have seen already. Then labours to make a difference between Granvellan and Egmond (although the former had been his good friend in many matters of importance:) practiseth what he can to hinder the coming in of D' Alva; nor did he ever, after that repulse concerning the Duchess of Lorraine, show himself well affected to the King's affairs, nor content with any favours. But after all this that hath been already recited, he invades Frizeland, directs Lumay to possess himself of Brill, and what else he could in Holland; gives order to his Brother Scheremberg to make himself master of Zutphen, and himself maketh Saras Governor of Flushing. Wherein (to note it by the way,) the World took notice of a great oversight in the Duke d' Alva, to neglect a place of so great importance so long, and to suffer it to be invested by the Enemy. In a word I may well conclude, he was the great Wheel, whereupon the whole State of the Confederates affairs turned. It is true, he did once seek to be reconciled to the King, by intercession of the Emperor, and Duke of Bavier, but not being able to procure it modo & formâ as he desired, he grew desperate in his resolutions, though he met with ill success in all things for a long time, and could find no harbour but Holland. That Country indeed being now become, through his means, a receptacle for all Religions, afforded him a place of retreat, not only to preserve what remained, but also to repair and make up his decayed Estate. There factions were ripened to their full Maturity; and the place so fortified both by nature and art, that, till he should be able to appear in Action to the World and fight, he might lie secure and write Apologies; encourage seditious people abroad, and settle his new Religion at home; which, although at first, and from his Father, it was Lutheran, yet after he had been in France, he Professed rather to favour Calvinism, providently and wisely foreseeing, as he was a man that wanted no insight into Worldly affairs of this nature, that they, viz, the Calvinists, were to be his nearest and surest Neighbours.  
All which practices and courses of his notwithstanding, with the injustice of them, being well discerned at last by the States of Artois and Henault, when they were, in the year 1579. reconciled to the King, with the assent of the most Honourable Duke of Areschot, they bind themselves in the Fifth Article of Agreement, to prosecute the War against the Prince of Orange, as the Enemy general of the peace of those Countries, and to find at their own charge Eighteen thousand men for that purpose: which certainly being Persons of such Religions and right Noble quality, as 'tis known they were, and of so great experience in all the passages and pretences of Orange, they would never have done, if they had not known both him and his practices to be very bad. I confess, that the Hollanders are a people very industrious, and skilful to make use of their labour, but yet of such a temper, that as a Learned Censor saith of them, Nec totam libertatem, 
Thu●n.  Nec totam servitutem patiuntur, They endure not well, either absolute Liberty, (which makes them insolent;) nor absolute Servitude, (which makes them mad.) Friends they are somewhat too much to change, and not always content with the present State: which would appear more than it doth, but that their minds are now wholly set upon their Trade and profit, wherein finding much sweet, by their successes at home and abroad, they are extremely jealous of any thing, that sounds but to the least obstruction of either of them. The Prince of Orange therefore understanding their natures very well, and to feed this jealous humour of theirs with fit matter, discovers a certain secret Counsel to them, which he pretended, Henry the Second, King of France, had taken with the Duke d' Alva, to suppress the Protestants by force of Arms, and to erect the Seventeen Provinces into one Kingdom; and this the French King himself should tell him at his being in France. But first was it so likely, the Duke would discover such a secret of his Master to an Enemy newly, or scarce reconciled? Beside, King Henry dying suddenly, as he did by mischance, there was now no body living to disavow the imposture, but D' Alva only; and him, he was sure the people would not be over hasty to believe. He was the first also that gave out, that factious and stolen Calumny against the Emperor and King of Spain, That they should affect a Monarchy Universal over all Europe: which forgeries, how palpable soever, yet they served his turn thus far, viz. to terrify the Hollanders, to make them rely still upon him, and to procure some distrust and hatred in Foreign Nations against the Spaniards and house of Austria.  
This upon the matter is the whole charge, and all that can be objected against the King, from the very beginning, as I have related it; and these the Actors which prosecuted the business: against whom what exceptions may be taken for their Estimation, Integrity, Testimony, especially in their own cause, every man may see. It remains, that we inquire a little, whether the King stood guilty of those Crimes, which they charged upon him, Injustice and Tyranny. For if he be innocent, these men were grand usurpers: if guilty, another question will arise, whether his error in Government will give them title, and his offence free them from Subjection. It is manifest to all the world, that the King ever desired peace, and with great care, so far as in him lay, laboured to prevent the desolation of his people and Countries; as the course that was taken by that excellent and most loyal Prince the Duke of Areschot, and by the State's General at Gaunt in the year 1574, do testify. When they found it requisite to decree, and did decree a general Amnestia or Oblivion of all things passed on both sides; and took order for the dismission of the Spaniards, Notwithstanding that in this pacification all things were, in a manner, referred to the States, and the King scarcely so much as mentioned: yet Don John did ratify it, and procured the King's consent for the confirmation of all, as appears by the perpetual Edict. This agreement was made by the State's General of the Provinces, and for the general good and quiet of them; yet would not the Prince of Orange, Holland, nor Zealand accept of it. They persuaded the State's General not to receive Don John for Governor, till the Spaniards were gone; although themselves refused at that very time, to dismiss those Foreign forces, which they had in Holland: that is to say, They would bind the Governor to perform promise, but they themselves must be at liberty to break. Was it for Religion they did descent? that can hardly be said. For in the Articles of Agreement there was provision made for their security in that point by this Article,  sola Romana religio in iis exerceatur, exceptâ Hollandiâ, & Zelandiâ. Roman Religion was to be exercised only in the other Provinces, but Holland and Zealand were excepted. And for the Prince himself in the general Amnestia, he had as absolute indemnity offered and assured him, as could be imagined; if that had been all he had sought: And the States had prevailed more in his behalf, than the Emperor could. But Malice and Ambition transported him still, and the more His Majesty gave assurance of his desires of Peace; the more he prepared and was inclined to War: wherein yet the World did never count him a Hannibal. This appeared yet more plainly in the colloquy at Breda in the year 1575. where the King offered reasonable conditions, and the Emperor had sent the Count Swartzembergh to persuade them to concord; yet the Prince would listen to nothing, the Treaty was fruitless, and at the same time the Hollanders were Treating by their Agents, 
Jean Pe●tit.  Aldegund and Douza, to submit themselves to the Queen of England. Yet notwithstanding all this, which the King knew well enough, such was his patience and royal goodness, and so far was he from the baseness of Tyranny towards him or any other, that he proclaimed not Orange Traitor till the year 1580, that is, till his malice appeared to be irreconcilable, and his courses desperate; and that the Traitorous Union of Vtrecht was framed and published, which is about Fifteen years after the beginning of the troubles.  
Add hereunto, that when the Emperor procured the Treaty at Colen in the year 1579, and made choice of most Honourable and eminent persons for that purpose, viz. Two of the Prince's Electors, the Bishop of Wurtzburgh, the Count Wartzemburgh, and Doctor Lawenman, the King of Spain was as forward, and sent thither the Duke de Terra Nova; And the Duke Areschot with some others, were Commissioners from the States with Commission Signed by the Archduke Mutthias. The States had by their Letter to the Emperor bearing date June the Eighth 1578. promised, that they were, and so would continue, constantly resolved,  in Belgio colatur religio Catholica, & sua Regi constet Authoritas, that both Catholic Religion and the King's Authority should be maintained in the Netherlands. Before this at Worms in the year 1577. the Agents of the States submitted and referred themselves to the Emperor; as likewise the King of Spain did: Therefore both parties being so inclinable, and consenting in Eodem Tertio in the same Umpire, who could expect, but that a general peace should follow? But Davus perturbat omnia. When the Emperor's Commissioners were come to Colen at the time appointed, viz. by the beginning of April, the State's Commissioners appeared not till the Fourth of May, and then with a Commission insufficient, and their Treating restrained to a Term of Six weeks and no longer; when as themselves had been twice the time in but framing their instructions, which the Commissioners of the Emperor took for a great error, as justly they might do. All which delays had been craftily procured by the Prince of Orange and his party, on purpose to obstruct the peace. And in the Articles themselves the State's Commissioners propounded many things contrary to promise. In the Articles proposed by the Duke de Terrâ Nouâ in the behalf of his Master, All kind of severity relating to Religion was mitigated, as the Emperor's Commissioners had assured them, to the intent, ut nemo justè queri possit, etc. that no man might complain of the King, as if he desired, either to Tyrannize over their bodies, or to Seize their Estates, or to Oppress their Consciences for matter of Religion. But nothing could prevail: so the Imperial Commissioners finding such dallying and delays in the States, That in Sixteen weeks they could get no answer, and that in their Letters they did only renew old grievances and quarrels, they broke up the Treaty and departed. Nevertheless B●lduc and Valenciennes received the Articles: So did Over-Issle and Tourney, Artois and Henault guided by the Bonus Genius of the Country; and Emilia L●lain that valiant and religious Marquis of Renty, together with Monsieurs de Capre, Heze, Barze, and the rest contemned the course of Orange, offered their obedience to the King, and made peace with the Duke of Parma. But as for the Hollanders they were now further off then ever; they publish discourses against the Treaty, and labour by all means possible, how to make good their usurpation, and perfect their Union, which they were all this time a framing: not forgetting to scatter seeds of dissension and further discord among the Provinces; in which business their Ministers helped them not a little. And lastly at this time also, by the advice of Orange and England they admitted Monsieur, the Duke of Alenson in the year 1578. to a kind of Protectorship of the Provinces, creating him Duke of Brabant and absolute Prince of the Netherlands: And all to show, how irreconcilable they were to their natural Sovereign.  
Thus much hath been said to show the King's good inclination to Peace. Now for his Tyranny and Exaction which they pretended, and objected in the second place, as the cause of making that Union; and also his breaking of their Privileges, and the too severe Government of his Ministers, contrary, as they say, to his Oath at Coronation: surely so long after D' Alva's times, and under the moderate Government of the Duke of Parma, and after so many significations of the King's gracious disposition and offers to ease their burdens, if they would themselves, this may rather be judged a Cavil to shift Peace, than any desire to be rid of War. But as for the business of the Tenth Penny, an exaction which they so much complain of, we must draw the Curtain a little, and tell you, it was necessity, and not his own will, which forced him to require that; and that otherwise, neither would he have done it, nor the King have suffered it. But, as it happened, being driven to an extremity for the satisfying of the Soldiers, (who always grow wild, if they want Pay,) he was constrained to incur an inconvenience, that he might avoid a mischief. England and Orange were the cause of it. For about this time some of the Counsel here, by the instigation of the Prince, had made stop of no less sum than Six hundred thousand Ducats, which were sent out of Spain, to the Army, but driven by hard weather and ill fortune upon the coast of Hampshire; notwithstanding as some say, the Queen had given a safe Conduct for the passage thereof. But the Politicians of those times, and Enemies of Spain, knew well, into what straits the want of this money would drive D' Alva; and that of necessity he must commit some error or other, which would increase the hatred of his Government, and perhaps arm the people's fury once more to sedition. Besides this the King had sent another sum of Two hundred thousand Ducats by the Duke de Medina, but that also was intercepted at Sea by the Zealanders, and converted to other uses. This man was of a milder nature, and sent on purpose to qualify the severity of D' Alva, who by his natural Sterneness and some errors in Government, (which the general malice of the people, and disfavor of some Foreign Princes did much aggravate,) had made himself, it must be confessed, not a little odious: but having, as was said, lost his money and Ships, he had small heart to stay among them; so he quickly returned home again, and with a resolution, it seemed, never to have further dealing with such sharking Cormorants, and left D' Alva in a Labyrinth of difficulties, how to get money and govern his Soldiers. But however, it appears by this, that it was never the King's pleasure nor purpose, but merely the necessity of his present wants, which compelled the Duke to demand that Tribute; and that the quarrel upon it was rather made and contrived by themselves, then given. And these great pretenders for the Commons, that seemed then so extremely careful of the people's ease, and solicitous to keep them free from Taxes, Impositions, etc. Let me ask them one question, Why do they now Tax them so much? Why do they lay such heavy burdens upon them, they themselves now they have them in their power? Excises? Subsidies? Taxes of all sorts? which they have augmented, and do daily augment and raise in such sort, that never any Commonwealth in Christendom groaned under the like burdens. 'tis certain, The Gentle Father of the people (as they once called that Fox the Prince of Orange) did propound and endeavour to wrest from them, not the Tenth but the Sixth Penny towards his charge and maintenance in the year 1584., 
Mich. ab Isselt de bell. Belgic.  after he had made them a Free State. This you will say, was a Note above Ela. And though the people denied it and murmured grievously at the motion, yet is he still in Holland Pater Patriae; so well and cunningly doth he both shuffle his Cards and play his Game. Barnevelt in his Apology confesseth, that in the year 1586. he found the order of Government out of all good frame; many Protestant Preachers would not acknowledge the States, because they had not that command and discipline after the French fashion, which they desired; The Common people all contrary-minded one to another, and the Towns wishing for Peace; The Expenses of the State exceeded all incomes by Twenty six Millions, and that (which I cannot but wish the Reader to observe,) West-Frizeland, which in the beginning of the troubles did contribute only Eighteen hundred thousand Florins, was now charged to pay Quadragies centena millia librarum & duos Milliones. I have put it down in the Authors own words, because I would not have the Reader po●● bly mistaken. Who is now the Tyrant and Exactor? It seems though the people have changed their Lord, they have not laid down their burden. D'Alva may be said to have beat them with Whips, but the States with Scorpions. Do but consider their Excises and Impositions upon all sorts of Commodities, even the most necessary for humane life and subsistence, viz. Meat, Drink, Fuel, yea man-servants Wages, and what not? Besides Loans and Benevolences, which are both commonly required, and heavy. Cnickius directly chargeth them, that they exact one way or other the Fourth part of the people's Revenues, that are Hollanders and live out of the Country: But, saith he, Si in Provinciis nostris, etc. if they live in any of our Provinces by leave, Semissem jubent solvere, etc. they require them to pay the one half; and in case they refuse or neglect, They take all.  
As for the cruelty of D' Alva, (which was objected so much to little purpose in the Treaty at Colen, and hath been since Rhetorically aggravated by their Doctor Baudius) let us call to mind, 
See Baudii orat.  what provocations were at first given him, by the oppositions and malice of the Nassovians, by the War at Montz, by the practices used to impead his entrance into Brabant and by so often contriving his death: yet were these venial sins. But when he found the Nobility so far engaged with the Geuses, as they were, that the King's Authority was slighted, Catholic Religion generally deserted and profaned, the chief solemnities thereof in some places most impiously and contumeliously abused in the face of Heaven and of the Catholic Army; when he saw the Towns in Holland and Zealand revolt, Harlem, Alcmar and others refusing the King's Authority, what indifferent man can wonder, if severity were used at first, to such of them as fell under his power? Who would not think that Cauterizing was necessary, when there appeared so much proud flesh in the wound; and that purgations must be somewhat violent, when the body is so much and so generally distempered? Nor could the peaceable nature of the Commendador Ludovicus Requesens, who succeeded D'Alva, do any good upon such rough and irreconcilable spirits. How often was he heard to cry out, Dios nos libera de estos estadoes, God deliver me from these States once. Insomuch that Sir Roger Williams, a Gentleman of our own Country and Soldier of good note, who had served on both sides, and knew the nature of the people very well, condemns the revocation of D'Alva as an error of State; Because, saith he, 
See his History.  nothing but rigour could reduce such violent Spirits unto order, and nothing but a Sword in hand keep them in obedience. As for the King's Oath which they say, he hath broken in the matter of privileges, if they would decide the matter by justice, they must make it plain and evident, by what Fact, in what case, instance, example he hath broke it; and ought not to presume so much as they do, viz. to be (Themselves) both Plaintiffs, Accusers and Judges. Again supposing that the King had broken his Oath, may not many things happen after his Oath-taking to excuse him from perjury? By Law every Oath or promise, how absolute soever, yet hath always this necessary condition tacitly employed in it, viz: rebus sic stantibus, that things remain so as they were, when the Oath was taken. But if such difficulties or alterations happen, as render the promise either impossible or unlawful to be performed, a man doth not then commit perjury, nor any other kind of injustice, by not performing his promise. What if that which the King at his Inauguration promised for the good of the Province, cannot be observed now, but with the great damage of the Province, and of all Europe? and this occasioned by the distemper and change of the people themselves of the Province? of necessity, if the case, that is to say, the condition and state of affairs be so far changed, resolutions and proceed upon them must also change. Again, supposing he had broken his Oath, suâ culpâ and blameably, yet were not the States thereby enabled or authorized to depose him, and choose a new Prince. For in the Articles of the Joyful Entry this is a Clause.  si in omnibus, aut in uno quopiam Articulo pacta ista Dux Brabantiae violasset, etc. That if it shall happen that the said Dake of Brabant doth violate or break either all or any one of these Articles, it shall be lawful for his Subjects to deny him the accustomed services, until the thing in Controversy be either revoked or amended. So long they might, but after the grievances complained of should be redressed, they were to return again to their duty, and to rest in statu quo prius of obedient Subjects. And the world knows, how oft the King offered unto the Emperor, to other Foreign Princes, and to the States themselves to revoke and amend, whatsoever could be proved amiss. Beside, the States and Courts of Brabant are more proper to decide this question, than the States of Holland; who have no such privileges Originally, but only by Participation and Union: And they, that is, Brabant, Flanders, Artois, Henault and the rest have conformed themselves, and are returned to their due Allegiance, being obedient to the King, his Laws and Government. And if Holland would but follow their example, the business were at an end.  
To draw therefore to some conclusion in this matter of Privileges and of the King's Oath, it would be demanded, who granted these Privileges at first? was it not the Prince ex mero motu & gratiâ speciali, out of his mere grace and favour, and to gratify, and endear the affections of good Subjects to him? Do not all their Charters run in this still? Speak they not all this language? What ungrateful presumption is it then for people to be so ready and industrious to molest their Sovereign Princes upon the advantage of their own favours? What if they be forced to break an Article, or some clause of an Article upon urgent cause? must it be judged a crime unpardonable? what would they have said to Philip Duke of Burgundy, and of the Netherlands, who upon occasion resumed into his own hand, 
Henric. Berland. Histor.  and by his own Authority, all the Privileges and Immunities of Gaunt? yea detained them all his life-time; teaching them thereby to acknowledge from whose grace they held them? And though the people compelled his Son Charles to restore them, upon his coming to Gaunt, yet it proved to their cost: for they were forced to seek pardon, and to cast themselves and their Charters once again at his feet, and to stand to mercy. The like he did at Machlin, but not without great suit made to him, and upon such conditions, as himself thought good. And it is not a little strange to be considered, why this Prince of Orange, who urgeth so much the King's Oath, and that it ought to be kept, yet makes so little conscience to perform his own. For he may remember, when he was made Governor of Brabant, 
Mich. Baius. de Union. Stat.  he took his Oath to maintain Catholic Religion in that Province. Hath he performed it? When he retired into Holland, he professed and protested publicly, he would alter nothing, nor dispossess the Catholic Clergy of their live: The like he did at Amsterdam, and further bound himself there with a Solemn Oath; yet he performed none of these, but the clean contrary most perfidiously and wickedly, as soon as ever he had power in his hands, and could attend to do it, so that to serve his own turn, and for his treacherous end, we see how much he could urge another man, though his own sovereign, to his duty: but for his own, Religion and bonum publicum gives him a dispensation. And it is just according to calvin's Institutions. 
Lib. 4. c. 13. Sect. 21.  A man, saith he, once perfectly illuminated by the light of the Gospel simul omnibus vinculis obediendi legibus & Eccles●ae solutus est, is ipso facto and at an instant discharged from all bands of obedience either to the Church or the State. A blessed Lesson doubtless, and wherein he could not but have many Scholars. But all this while no particular charge comes in against the King, no instance, no example is given, wherein he did break his Oath, when it was possible for him to keep it; which through their distempers and undutifulness, was become not a little difficult. Was it in his exactions? that is answered already. Was it for bringing in Spaniards upon them? Time and necessity forced him to be at that great charge and trouble much against his will, to defend the Church, to defend the Religion of his Ancestors and of the Country, against the insolences of rude, ignorant, impious people, connived at, and countenanced by them; lastly to defend the Laws and laudable Customs of the Country, and to make them know he was their Prince. Was it in the matter of Religion? Indeed it is true, there is a clause in the Union, contra omnem vim, etc. That it should be against all violence whatsoever, that should be offered them under pretence of the King's Authority for matter of Religion. It is to be observed, at the beginning Orange, Horn, and Montigny joined with the people upon pretence only of opposing the Inquisition; upon this ground only they would seem to countenance Brederode and his complices, and for this end only they seem to urge the Religions Vried, yea they publish books, and make liberal promises to be content, if they may but enjoy their own Religion, and that they will not prejudice or oppose the Catholics: and with such dissembling as this, they drew a great part even of the Catholics themselves to join with them, yea Prelates, and persons no way suspected for the matter of Religion, yet deceived not a little with their pretences of liberty and of the public good: for which reason the Archduke Mathias was called in, and they engaged to assist and defend him with their lives and estates, Well! the Religions Vried was granted, and thereby, as it were, a Supersedeas to the Inquisition; all violence and severity for matter of Religion ceased. What could they desire more? All the Provinces, and Holland and Zealand among the rest, enjoyed what they would have, Liberty, Religion, Et quid non? But it is an observation of infallible verity, Faction and Heresy are always humble, till they get the Sword in their hands; when they have it, they change their tune; as it manifestly appeared by their proceed. For in a short time they of Holland were so far from keeping the Peace of Religion, which they had promised, that they expel the Catholic Clergy out of all places under their power, They seize upon their Lands, Sequester their Benefices, Imprison their Persons, yea molest and prosecute all without exception, whose consciences suffer them not to conform to their pretended Synods, at Dort in the year 1574. at Middleborough in the year 1581. yea they drown, and use many other kinds of cruelty towards men merely for Religion, not enduring so much as to hear of Toleration,, but only for their own, and some few Anabaptists, and Semi-Arrians among them. The Religions Vried so impetuously desired, or rather demanded, when time was, for themselves, is now quite forgotten; and Merchants of Amsterdam, Brewer's of Delf●, Staplers of Dort, Seamen of Horn, with some few illiterate Ministers joined with them do now Direct, Rule, Govern and Judge in all things, Comme bon leur semble (as it is in one of the Articles touching the Union,) according as to themselves seemeth good: No man must gainsay them. Truly if the King had proceeded thus with them, if he had taken Arms and levied forces to introduce a new Religion upon them, as they did upon the Country, I should confess he had much encroached upon their liberties, had broken his Oath, and incurred their hatred justly. The States of Holland, Zealand, etc. have done all this, and much more mischief and injury to the people of those Provinces, where they command, what therefore do they desire? doth not their own example and practices justify, beyond all exception, the Kings proceed? Shall they presume to introduce and set up by force of Arms a Religion, which before themselves no man ever owned? Shall the Consistory at Genevah be so precise, as not to permit any kind of Toleration? Shall the pretended Churches of France, and Bearn more especially, insult upon, and oppress those poor Catholics which live under their power? And must the King of Spain only be content to sit still, and let Sectaries play what pranks they please, and commit all outrages in his Dominions, without check or control? Who can be so absurd, as to judge it a thing reasonable? Deos peregrinos ne colunto. It was a Law of Romulus against the introducing of new and strange gods. Numa Pompilius, Socrates, and all the wise Statesmen of the world Heathen no less than Christian, have been always careful to provide against Innovation, change and corrupting of Religion. And shall his Catholic Majesty do nothing for the preserving of Religion sound and entire, who, both by his own piety, and the dignity of his Title is obliged to do so much? Shall it be necessary for the peace of their new State to use severity, and shall it not be both necessary and just for the preservation of his, which is so Ancient, so Old? For their conscience sake they will bar out Catholics. Shall he not for conscience sake take the same course with Calvinists? How strangely do their beginnings and proceed differ? They take up arms against their Sovereign for Liberty of Conscience; and yet by those Arms they forbidden Liberty of Conscience to their Sovereign. For as much as they forbidden it to his people, their Fellow-subjects, they forbidden it to Him, who pretends to no more in that respect, than what every subject he hath aught to enjoy: And that his person, together with some other of his Subjects, is free, is not, because these men would not, but because they cannot bring them in Bondage.  
These States in their Letters to the Emperor 1608. pretend, that the Spaniards made use of the Treaty at Colen, rather to oppress the Country of the Netherlands, then to ease them; and therefore, to avoid utter ruin, Pleraeque Belgicae Provinciae, quae in Vnione perstiterant, etc. Several of the Provinces, say they, which stood firm to the Union, did at last renounce, or abjure the King, and established unto themselves a certain form of Government, in the nature of a Free State, and have been so acknowledged by other Christian Princes for Thirty years together and more. The ground of this Plea is Tyranny, exercised after the Treaty at Colen; but this Union was made before: how then doth it cohere to justify their do? They say also, that the King of Spain and Arch Duke acknowledge them as Free Provinces, in qu●s ipsi nihil juris pretendunt, up●n whom they pretend to have no Title. This is a new Plea, I confess. But the Reader will observe, as it can only justify their possession and title for the future; so doth it manifestly suppose, that their actings before that Declaration was made, and by which it was forcibly drawn from their Prince, were Illegal, Disloyal, Rebellious. Which the States may do well to remember, so often as they use that Plea. Nevertheless, because, by an imperfect disquisition of the matter I would not do harm, where I intent only good, I leave this wholly to the Consideration of the Honourable and Learned Chancellor Peckins, who can best, in a convenient time, satisfy the world, that this is but a Scarecrow, a Fig-leaf-pretence, and a Thunder without a Bolt. So that their whole Plea, at lest for their past actions, resting only upon the stilts of pretended Tyranny, Exaction, and abrogation of privileges, which have been so often and so manifestly disproved, what remains but their condemnation? And that we abhor the principles, which have lead them into this predicament of disloyalty and sin? And yet, to leave nothing untouched, that can be easily thought on, let us once again suppose all their charges, viz. Tyranny, Exaction, breach of Oath, &c, to be true; yet must we tell them, The Tyranny of a King shall never warrant their usurpation and greater Tyranny. Yea suppose, he hath lost his right, by what Law, Order, or Privilege acknowledged do they pretend to have found it? Nay what Law of equity or reason have they to Act those things, which they confess to be Illegal, Unwarrantable, yea Tyrannical in him? Is it so great an offence for the King to abrogate their privileges, and is it not as great, or greater, offence for Subjects to usurp his? nay to usurp greater, than they will acknowledge he ever had? May they only be Parties and Judges in their own case, and to the prejudice, yea punishment of no less Person, than their Prince? never was such iniquity heard of, Posterity will not believe it. The Switzers, The Amphid yons (those Cantons of Grecia) never heard of such Liberty; what is, (if this be not,) to confess plainly, Regne occupantium esse, that Kingdoms go only by conquest, that possession and power are sufficient titles to any Government? 'Tis true, a man may make himself Civis alienae rei●ublicae, a Subject to another State, then that whereof he is native, perhaps more ways than one; But he can never unmake himself Subject of that Country, where he is native, do what he can, especially staying there: and much less of a Subject make himself Sovereign. For let him Rebel, (as who doubts, but the Hollanders did,) yet he remains a Subject still the jure, and of right. Add hereunto, if the King should forfeit his Earldom of Holland, it were not to them he should forfeit it, but unto the Emperor, to whom it escheates, as is clear both by the Imperial and Municipal Laws. Forfeitures do not use to fall to the Tenants, but to the Lord of the Fee. And 'tis evident, that Holland was erected into an Earldom, not by the Grandsires of Orange, nor of any of the Burghers of Amsterdam, Delft, D●rt, etc. but by the Emperor Carolus Calvus in the year 863. Qui cum audivit, etc. Who hearing, saith the 
* Berland. Meyer.  Historian, that the County of Ho●and, being a part of the Emperor's demesnes, was much infested and spoilt by the Danes, at the instant request of Pope John, principatum ejus, etc. bestowed the principality thereof upon Theodorick, or Thierry. If then the Earldom of Holland, etc. be not in the King of Spain, to whom it descended lineally from Theodorick, The Emperor may give a second Investiture thereof, to whom he please, as of a Fief Imperial. For to say, it should be lapsed into the right of the Province, as perhaps particular Estates may do, is vain. The Emperor takes no notice of their private customs, neither can they be prejudicial to a third Person, who is so much superior to them, and upon whom their very customs do originally depend. Beside, the Earldom was never vacant, there was always an Heir notoriously known, either in possession, or plea for it. They hold it therefore by the sword only; but that is the worst title of all, and fit for those Hoards of Tartarians, then for a Commonwealth of Christians. Neither Littleton, nor Some rural, nor Jus feudale know any such Tenure. A certain Hollander, in a third defence which he hath written of the united Provinces calls the King Raptorem & Hereticum notorium, Spoiler and Notorious Heretic and therefore to be set upon and driven out of his Kingdom by a general League and Union of all the forces of all Protestant Princes and States of Christendom, But, hoc tantum defuit, this only was wanting to advance their Calumnies against His Majesty to the height of impudence. Never was the King of Spain called Heretic by man, since he deserved the title of Catholic; and it could not be done now, but by one, whose Malice, and Heresy together, had corrupted his judgement unto madness.  
Nor is it to much better purpose, that which they say concerning other Princes and States, viz. That they have been acknowledged and treated by foreign Princes, as Free States, above thirty years. That time will not serve for Prescription: and if it would, Prescription always pleadeth some other Title, and possession bonâ fide beside: neither of which can they pretend without blushing. Neither can the opinion of foreign Princes make their bad claym better; it may give some reputation indeed to an usurper, but not any Title of right. And as in a bad quarrel bravely defended, not the cause, but the success gains the credit; so it is their prosperity, and not the justice of their cause, which doth them honour. Beside, it is not true that Princes have so reputed them: To Negotiate with them under a quality, which they will assume, is one thing; and really to adjudge that quality, as due to them, is another. They offered the Sovereignty of these Provinces to Queen Elizabeth; but she refused them: The world doth not think, it was out of any Favour to King Philip, that she did so, but because she knew, they offered something more than their own; and she was not willing to give her own people such a bad Precedent against herself. And when, for private ends and some reasons of State, she was content for a while to take upon her the charge and title of Protectress of the poor distressed States, etc. it was observed, the business was most earnestly promoted by them, who were now as willing to be rid of the 
* E. Leicester.  Son, as when time was, the Marquis of Winchester had been to be rid of the 
* Duke of Northumberland. Camden.  Father. This is upon record, that Aversata est Regina the Queen could never endure the offer of the Sovereignty of those Provinces: Neither was Sir Noel Charon in her time ever acknowledged Ambassador, but Agent. But to join issue with them more nearly, let us here what Damhouderius, 
Praxis Crimin. c. 132.  a famous Lawyer, and their own Countryman, saith, Seditiosi sunt, qui moliuntur conspirationem, etc. Seditious persons, saith he, are such as hatch or foment Conspiracies against the Governors and Lieutenants of the Provinces, that procure unlawful meetings or assemblies of the people, or cause any Tumults in the Towns. What is this but an Endictment drawn against the States, considering their practices, not only against the Person of D' Alva, but of Don John himself, the Duke of Parma, etc. their many and tumultuous meetings at Breda, Osterweal, Saint Trudens, their encouraging, yea incensing the Genses throughout all the Provinces, lastly with their defence and holding of Harlem, Alemar, Leyden, and other places by force of Arms? Again Chap. 82. he teacheth, that to make a War just, there must be first a just cause, Second, honest intention, Third, Authority of the Prince, or Supreme Magistrate, Sine quâ, without which, saith he, 'tis Treason to make War. That same Sine quâ of his might make the States tremble, if they reflect upon it. For in all their Wars they neither had good cause nor good colour. Their Religion and Liberties were all secured to them by the pacification at Gaunt, by the perpetual Edict, by the Articles of the Treaty of Colen which were all quietly enjoyed without disturbance, by such of the Provinces as would conform to them. Their Sovereign was known to be His Catholic Majesty, and for their good intention, as no man could judge of it but by their actions, so it appeared clearly to be only to sow dissension among the people, and through factions and discord to arm them by degrees against the supreme Magistrate under colour of Religion. And the Prince of Orange most disloyal of all other; because being a person of Honour, and so highly entrusted by the King, he betrayed that great trust reposed in him, and made a War, by his own Authority and that of his faction, against the King: Although he had neither Office, nor any kind of Command in the Low-Countries, but what he had under the Wings of the Eagle, and the Authority of the Lyon. All his Belgic Lands, he held in Fee of the Duke of Burgundy, as his Leige-Lord; he did Homage and Fealty for them, and knew, that a Sovereign gives Law as well as offices to his Subjects. Besides, Claudius le Brun, 
Process. Crimin.  another famous Lawyer addeth this, viz. That whosoever surpriseth Towns, Castles, Forts, without order of his Sovereign (as the Prince caused Lumay to do in Holland, and as Voorst and Barland did Flushing) by which the peace of the Country is broken; or who attempteth against the life of his Sovereign's Lieutenant, it is Treason. And these are judgements, which all Europe do consent in, decrees of reason, and principles of Government, which must not be called in question: if the States of Holland themselves do permit them to be disputed, they must never expect Peace, Order, or any settled obedience in their Country.  
So that by Law 'tis clear, in what case the States do stand, for thus breaking the peace of Christendom in those times, and being cause of the effusion of so much Christian blood, as hath been shed in that quarrel. Now concerning any liberty which the Gospel, Holy Scriptures, or any principles of true Religion may be supposed to give them, to use such proceed against the Sovereign Prince, I shall not enter into any Theological dispute with them, as being beside my purpose, which is only to show matter of opinion, and matter of Fact in this controversy of obedience due to the Supreme Civil Magistrate: And therefore, because I writ only to English men, I shall content myself only with the judgement of Doctor Bilson against them. He was a great Divine, and a great Prelate of the Church of England, and chosen on purpose to write on this Argument, by the greatest Statesman of that time; and he wrote cum privilegio of the State, and with the general approbation of the English Church. Shall a King, 
Christian Subject, etc.  saith he, be deposed, if he break his promise, and Oath at Coronation, in any of the Covenants and Points, which he promiseth? He answers in the Margin, No. The breach of Covenants is not deprivation: and gives this reason, The people may not break with their Princes, so often as they break with God. And afterward, Subjects, saith he, cannot depose their Princes, to whom they must be Subject for Conscience sake. This is Doctrine, we see, quite contrary to the Aphorisms of Holland, and to the Divinity that is now currant at Rochel. Now as private subjects may not, by God's Law, depose their Princes, so are they forbidden to take Arms against them; and the reason hereof is invincible. For saith Doctor Bilson, he that may fight, may kill; and War against the Prince, and killing of the Prince are of consequence inevitable. The Apostles, saith he, obeyed Tyrants, that commanded all things against Religion: And in those things, which were commanded against God, they did submit themselves with meekness to endure the Magistrate's pleasure, but not to obey his will. last, and most of all to the purpose he concludeth, if the Laws of the Land appoint the Nobles, as next to the King, to assist him in doing right, and to withhold from doing wrong, then are they Licenced by man's Laws to interpose themselves, but in no case to deprive the Prince, where the Sceptre is inherited. And because some of good judgement have been lead into that error, that the Dukes of Burgundy had not full Power or Sovereignty in the Netherlands, I will send them to School to all the Lawyers, Records, Stories, and (which is most infallible) to the practice and Common Laws of the Country, and unto Bodin; 
Bodin. derep.  and satisfy myself to allege here that Ancient and Honourable Counsellor of our Nation the Lord Chancellor Egerton, who in his Oration for the Postnati saith thus, 
P. 71.  The Dukes of Burgundy were absolute Princes, and had Sovereign power in their Countries. And King Henry the Eighth, had as absolute power, when his Style was Lord of Ireland, as when he was King: For the difference of Style makes not the difference of Sovereignty. I conclude therefore upon the grounds of all Law, Divine and Humane, and (as you have seen) upon a full view and examination of all their pretences, complaints, excuses, etc. that as their usurpation at first was without warrant, so they continue the possession with as little conscience; That all their Pleas are either Nullities or Forgeries, and they have indeed no better title, then what success and their Cannon gives them. And that all foreign Soldiers that assist them, knowing the injustice of their cause, and that the War is so utterly unlawful, do incur Mortal Sin and danger of damnation; and may as justly be reproved, as King Josaphat was for helping and assisting Ahab. Look to the end, for it is certainly fearful, and we must know, that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
I writ not this as an Enemy to the Country. I hold it a Peerless County for the goodly Towns, Wealth, Traffic, Strength, and Fertility in so small a Circuit; nor for any personal quarrels; nor for any corruption, or assentation in regard of the match with Spain; but only for the truth of the story, which induced me, together with the danger of the Precedent, and the manifold injuries that were done to Religion. For though I remembered the general dislike that they have of our government, their dealing with the Queen's Officers, and how unkindly of old they used my Lord Willoughby, as his Apology testifieth; and of late what complaints our Merchant's Adventurers, in their Books, have made of their ill usage by them at Mask, at the East-Indies, etc. what contempt they shown, when the Duty of Sixteen Herrings was demanded in his Majesty's right, 
☜  for Fishing upon the Coast of Scotland, presuming no less than to imprison him that demanded it, and many such like matters; yet seeing the State is not moved, why should I be offended? And when I say The State, I mean not the people only, but especially the King, to whom Holland is most obliged; and more particularly for Two Singular and Royal Favours, such as might in reason require some reciprocal return of thankfulness, and breed in them good Blood, good Affections, and also good Language. The first was in restoring to them the Keys, which did open and lock up their Province; and this not for any reward, but a restitution only of part of his due. The second for the Free permission of their Fishing upon the English Coast; wherein they yearly employ above Thirty thousand persons, who are set on work by it, and above Four thousand Busses, Doggerboats, Galliots, and Pinks; to their exceeding great benefit and enrichment: which is not a liberty they have by any Law, as some men pretend, but a privilege, or permission rather of royal Grace and Favor. And Grotius may prove, without any man's contradiction, Mare Liberum, in this sense, as the King's Highway is Free for every man to walk, that is, to go and come; but he shall never be able to prove, that Fishing is Free, that is to say, taking away the profit upon another Prince's Coast, without leave of the Prince first had and obtained. 'tis true, they have had the boldness to do this for a long time without leave; but they may hap to find at last, the longest time they can pretend, will not serve them for prescription. And thus much for our new Masters, and no very good Neighbours, The High and Mighty States of the United Provinces of the Netherlands.   

Titulus Quintus. PALATINISM, OR The Troubles in BOHEMIA AND THE PALATINATE About Religion.  
BOhemia is the last Stage of the Scene of Foreign Tragedies, or Tumults for Religion, to which I am now going; yet so as I must take the Palatinate in my way, an unfortunate Province of late, which in the space of an Hundred years hath changed Religion no less than Five times, and yet, as it seems, never learned well that part of Religion, which is not the least principle, concerning Obedience. But of this we shall cease to wonder, when we think of Paraeus, Gracerus, and some other Divines, that have possessed the Chair there; and of the Schools of the new discipline, which are open. Paraeus in his Commentary upon the Thirteenth ad Romanos teacheth plainly, Subditi, possunt suos reges deponere, etc. That Subjects may depose their Princes for Tyranny, etc. Tyranny is contrary to the very end and being of Government, and therefore where it is Universal and general, and no other redress to be found, it is capable of the less dispute; only it is not to be determined by private persons, especially of his Robe; which yet most commonly they do: or when they compel their Subjects to Idolatry. By compelling to Idolatry he means, if the Prince maintains Mass, Confession, Priesthood, and other the Service and Religion of the Catholic Church; (as all Catholic Princes are bound to do by their Oath:) or indeed (with these men) if they maintain any other Religion then pure Calvinism, it is to compel to Idolatry. This is the sentence, which he pronounceth against the Emperor, the Kings of Spain, France, Poland, the Princes of Italy, Germany, etc. And yet this is but the first peal, which he rang as a Toxsan or Alarum-bell to Bohemia. For he addeth another Article, which, if they look not well to it, may touch Reformers Freehold, as well as other Princes. It is, Quando sub prae●extu Religionis, &c, When under colour of Religion they look after their own advantages or profit. This had not been a Lecture to be read to Henry the Eighth, and the Courtiers of his time. And surely, if a man should ask Murray and Morton, those two pillars of Reformation, in Scotland; Orange and Horn in the Netherlands; Conde and the Admiral in France; the Dukes of Somerset and Northumberland in England; Saxony, Sweden, Denmark and the rest of the Lutheran Princes in Germany; whether they had not some byends of Avarice, Ambition, and other sinister and worldly nature, when they seemed to be most hot and zealously transported, it might trouble them all, perhaps, what to answer. Last of all he assigneth another cause of deposition, viz. When they oppress their Subjects in matter of Conscience. Which indeed is the strangest of all; for who ever knew a Calvinist permit Liberty of Conscience to another man, whom he could compel to his own? and yet in this point he is so earnest, that unless the people do this, viz. Resist the Superior Magistrate in the defence of themselves and true Religion, he tells them in conscientiis incolumes esse nequeunt, They cannot have true peace of Conscience, They should offend God by not doing it. And in his Commentary upon Judges he speaketh yet more absurdly and dangerously, Magistratus Minor potest occidere majorem, The Inferior Magistrate in this case may kill the Superior, Bailiffs, Sheriffs, Constables their King and Sovereign; or if they think fit, one another upon the quarrel of Religion, because, saith he, Domestic Tyrants are more to be suppressed or opposed, than Foreigners, or such as are without us. Neither was Paraeus the only Master of Paradoxes in that Country, (although it must be confessed, his Doctrine so corrupted the Palatinate, that in England, to prevent the like evil, his Books were purged by fire:) Gracerus, his Pewfellow, teacheth, that the Malice of Antichrist (that is in his sense, the actings or zeal of any Catholic Prince for the true Religion established) coercenda est gladio, must be resisted, saith he, or restrained by the Sword. And Aretius himself sufficiently shows his affections to the Emperor & Christian Empire, when he teacheth that the Dragon in the Apocalypse, that is, the Devil, Dedisse Imperio potestatem suam, etc. gave to the Empire its power and greatness; and that plenitudinem Diabolismi, the Fullness of Diabolical malice and hatred against Christ dwelleth in the Empire.  
Nor are we to think, that this Doctrine was only Speculative among them; it was the practice also of that pretended Church ab origine: Yea their own Neighbours and Elder Brethren have felt the effects of it, in much inhuman and uncivil usage from them. Ask Gieskenius, who was a man of Learning, and no small account among the Lutherans, and he will tell you one pretty exploit of theirs, Emdenses Illustrem Dominum suum motâ seditione, etc. They of Emden, saith he, had by this time almost driven their Liege Lord out of all his dominions, by their seditious proceed. And that they rested not, till they had obtained these Articles of him, who was himself a Lutheran, Ne Illustrissimus Comes, etc. That his Excellency should not have power to grant unto his Subjects of Emden the exercise of any Religion, but Calvinism. 2. That himself only at Court may have a Preacher of the Auspurgh-Confession. So it was matter of favour to him, that Subjects should tolerate their Prince's Religion; but for themselves it must be framed entirely according to their own Mode. They must direct, and their Prince obey. If you object, that this was but a private tumult, and that the Church of the Palatinate did not approve of such proceed against their Brethren, it is clearly answered by this, That in the year 1602. there were twenty points established in that Church; The first whereof was this, 
Schulting. Hierarch. Ana●res.  Totus Lutheranismus & omnes libri eorum, etc. That the whole Doctrine of Luther (opposite to Calvinism) and all the Lutherans Books be for ever taken away and prohibited. Neither are they permitted in any part of the Palatinate, the Marquisate of Brandenburg, or the Territory of Emden. 'Tis true, The Lutherans, where they command, do as wisely provide against them; They have as little footing in all the Duke of Saxonies' Countries, Hamborough, or the Hans Towns. That great Synod of Torgaw, convented by the means and procurement of those Protestant Princes, do testify, that the Calvinists had troubled and brought to ruin omnes Christianas Ecclesias, All Christian Churches, Universities, Kingdoms and States, where ever they were admitted. And hence it is, that they are not included under the peace and protection of the Empire, the Religions Vried is no way permitted unto them; as appeareth by the Edict of Charles the Fifth, De composit. pacis, etc. Anno 1532. Nor are they comprehended in his Sentence, De confess. Suevicâ, 1530. Nor in the Interim, 1548. Nor in the Constitution, De pace publicâ. And for the Acts made at Passau, 1552. by the Emperor Ferdinand, the very words exclude them from all benefit. So also in his Declaration at Auspurgh, 1555. And in the conclusion or agreement of the Princes of the Augustan Confession, with the three Electors, and other Princes and Cities in the year 1557. it was declared, that the Sacramentaries, Anabaptists, Osiandrians, etc. were all excluded from the Articles of peace, and that there should be Edicts published against them by common consent, and for their utter extirpation. This was enacted in the year 1557. and in the year 1566. Caesar and the Princes of the Diet decreto publico scripserunt, etc. published a general decree concerning Frederick the Elector Palatine of the Rhine, that he should desert the opinions of Calvin, and not suffer them to be taught in any of the Churches or Schools of his Country: And this Decree of the Diet was intimated to him in the presence of the Bishops of Mentz, Triers, and Colen, of the Elector of Saxony, and of the Ambassadors also of the Marquis of Brandenburg; and after his death, by his Son Lewis it was obeyed. In the same year the Princes declare in their reply to the Emperor, permittere se nolle, that they will not permit that any Sects whatsoever shall be harboured in their Dominions, and that they count the Zwinglians and Calvinists for such, which was also long before declared, viz. in the Recess of the Empire in the year 1555. Calvinism then being so long before not counted tolerable in Germany, the Bohemians of late have made it much more odious and intolerable by their practices; and most justly are they excluded from the protection and benefit of those Laws, Liberties and Peace, which themselves would destroy, if they could prevail; as the Sequel will show.  
Paraeus and the rest of the Calvinists in the Palatinate were the Firebrands of the Bohemian War; they seduced the people, set the Princes at variance among themselves, and cast that whole Kingdom into a most desperate combustion, though to their own shame and confusion at last, as it it pleased God. I need not be very solicitous, how to report the business aright; both the original of the War, as also its progress and success are so generally known by the relations of the French Mercury of Mercurius Gallo-Belgicus, and others, that there cannot easily be any false play used. But the long, many, secret practices and plottings about it were discovered chief upon the Battle at Prague, by intercepting the very Rolls and Records thereof. First of all in the Secreta Principis Anhaltini Cancellaria, printed in the year 1621. which certainly was no Fiction, as that Catholicon published against the Leaguers in France was; but a serious admonition, plainly and downright making report, how things were carried, without any affectation or disguise; as a Treatise made rather to deliver Truth, then to show Art. And hereof Lundorpius, an Historiographer of Frankford, must needs be thought an impartial witness; who sets down the Letters and Records themselves for some time, viz. so much of them as concerned the time of his writing. And afterward they were verified by Cogmandolo, who in his Treatise of like Subject, called Secreta Secretorum, avoucheth the same things. So that, there being no just ground, as I conceive, either of jealousy or doubt concerning this relation, I shall professedly upon that foundation build my chiefest reports concerning this business.  
In the year 1608. this great Union did begin; The chiefs whereof were the Count Palatine of the Rhine, Christian Prince of Anhalt, and the Marquis of Onoltzbach, Count Mansfield was a principal Agent, and in the year 1619. contrary unto, and in contempt of the Imperial Proclamations, Letters, etc. sent Two thousand men to the Aid of the Bohemians against the Emperor. Afterward they admitted Joachim, Marquis of Brandenburg, to be as it were Vicar or Lieutenant General of the League. They admitted also the Marquis of Baden, the Duke of Wittenberg, Landsgrave of Hessen, Duke of Dupontz, and Strasburgh, Norimbergh and many other Cities. All which contributed so largely to these Wars, as the Emperor never received the like Aid from them against the Turk. For as Cogmandolo testifieth, The several Taxes afforded by them from the year 1608 to the year 1619 amounted in the whole sum to no less than Four Millions, one hundred seventy six thousand, nine hundrd and seventeen Florins. The concurrence of so many Princes could not but argue mighty force; which was much increased by the Negotiations of Mansfeld, and Nomarus in Italy, (which Nomarus was Baltazar Newwen principal Secretary to Onoltzbach.) and of Volrad Plessen with the Hollanders; and of others with the Duke of Bullion, Bethlehem Gabor, and the Rebels of Hungary. And though they could not persuade the King of England to enter into their League, for great and weighty reasons which he alleged, yet they hoped for some good assistance from the Grisons; and gave out also that the Hans Towns favoured their Union. They omitted not to solicit the Venetians also with much earnestness, as conceiving it to be their interest to keep the other Princes of Europe in balance, as much as may be, and to be jealous of the too potent Supereminency of any one; but what answer the Commonwealth gave them is not certainly known. The pretence of their Union was, that it was purely defensive, for the protection only of their Religion, Liberties and Privileges. Vetus Cantilena, the old song, I confess, but who can believe them? Can it be supposed of Anhalt, that he took Arms only for Conscience, having been so well beaten in France for it, both out of his Honour and Fortunes? or that Count Mansfeld is a man that fights only for Conscience, and Public liberty, whose Trade and patrimony is the Sword, and who, braving the World most commonly with a running Army, more used to Pillage then Fight, Robs and Spoils all, where ever he comes? Besides, doth not Achatius a Donau write to Anhalt, November the Fifteenth, 1619. that the intention of Bethlehem Gabor, a principal Confederate, was pied a pied, by degrees, yet as closely as foot could follow, to root out the Antichristian Papacy, where he came? This was something more than to be only defensive. And in the Union itself, which contains One and twenty Articles in all, although they say, it was only their Buckler against the Catholics assaulting them, yet do they not profess, Art. 8. to have intention to expel Papism, as they call it? and to preserve themselves from the Yoke of Spain and foreign Government? And doth not Bethlehem Gabor in his Letter to the Turk, profess also, how much he labours now,  rasa Pontificiorum Cobors, etc. that those shaved Companies of Papelings (so he calls the Catholic Clergy, and Religious,) might be utterly destroyed. This therefore was certain, had they prevailed, Catholic Religion long before this time had been extinct in those Countries, and Catholics themselves banished, destroyed and gone. In order to this do they not decree among themselves, Pag. 43. to fall upon Churchmen, and church-good first? Pag. 131. do they not resolve to invade some part of their Adversaries Country, (as they call the Catholics, having first compelled them to be so, for their own defence?) and in particular do they not name and design out the Archbishopric and City of Triers, as lying fairest in their way, and being a Prince Electors Country, Catholic, and the Clergy rich? But their Noblest and Chief project was to invest themselves of two Crowns, (goodly booties indeed, if they could catch them, and Temptations fit for such high Spirits,) that is to say, of the Kingdoms of Bohemia and Hungary. The reason is given Pag 25. because thereby in the Assembly of Electors they should be always Secure of a double Vote. And therefore doth the Count Palatine confess in his Letter to the Duke of Saxony, that he took upon him the Administration of Bohemia, among other reasons, principally for this, viz. That by this means the Election of the King of the Romans might be hence forward in the power of the Protestants. This was certainly a main part of their design, according to that which Anhalt writes unto Donau in May 1519. That it were better the Turk were chosen to wear that Crown, than Ferdinand; yea Gabor tells the Turk, that the Palatine and Brandenburg were resolved no longer to endure Ferdinand, and that all those Provinces that were Confederate with them, 
☞  Cord & animo omnia officia fidelissimè praestabunt, were ready with heart and goodwill to tender all faithful services to his Ottoman Greatness, and the whole Nation of Turks; and that in a short time Ferdinand would surely be expelled out of all Germany, and forced to seek his fortunes in Spain. But O Monstrous! O Incredible.! that such desperate malice and impiety should enter the hearts of any that profess themselves Christians! were it not, that the Records themselves be extant fide publicâ, which do assure us thereof even beyond contradiction, who could believe it? O Malice implacable! O Envy most perfectly diabolical! And O happy house, Family, Name of Austria, which for the interest of true Religion, and Constancy to Justice, deservest to be made the object of such execrable Spleen, and to Combat perpetually with such odious and Antichristian Conspiracies. 
Guicciard. Lib. 20.  It is no new thing. But Macte istâ virtute; Be faithful to God, and to those principles of piety and justice descended from so many, so Religious, and so Renowned Ancestors, and reign in spite of Hell, so long as the Sun and Moon endureth.  
The Truth is, Ambition was so hungry with them, that they consulted about dividing the Bear's Skin, before the Bear was taken; They consulted how they should share among them the spoils of the Germane Clergy, and of the house of Austria, before either of them was in their power. For as by their Chancery-rolls it is evident, Their intent was to advance the Palatine to Bohemia, 
Cancel. Anhaltina.  Alsatia, and some part of Austria, enlarging his Dominion also with the Bishopric of Spiers, and a part of Mentz. Bethlehem Gabor should be assisted to keep Hungary, which afterwards (this Gabor having no issue) might also probably fall to the Pal●tines lot. Too many Crowns her●● you will say, to expect any in Heaven. Onaltzbach gaped for Two fat Benefices, the Bishoprics of W●r●●burgh and Bambergh his Neighbours: and therefore was it agreed, that their Armies should Rendezvouz in those parts. The Marquis of Baden thirsted after Brisack, and was willing by this occasion to continue his possession of the upper Marquisate, against the more just claim of the Count Eberstein. Brandenburg expected the least of all, being content only with a part of the Bishopric of Wirtzburgh, which lay fit for him; But Anhalt intended to recruit both his purse and broken fortunes with the spoils of Mentz, Banbergh, and other Catholic places, as also with some Lands and Lordships, which were like to Escheat in Bohemia. If the Venetians would join with them, they might make themselves Masters of Istria and Friuli, and so Oceanum cum Adriatico (as their Cancellaria speaks) they might join Sea to Sea, and Land to Land, and carry all before them without control. Such were the vast, but vain, designs of their Ambition and Avarice. But before we proceed any further, it may not be amiss to examine their Plea. It is manifest, their design in itself was most pernicious, and such, as (if it had taken effect, which God would not suffer) had been of general prejudice to the State of Christendom, and not only to the Peace of the Empire; which yet every one of the Princes Confederate were bound, in some relation or other, to maintain: beside the subversion of all Laws, which apparently it carried along with it. Who doth not remember, how all the Pulpits in England, when time was, and generally of all the Reformed Churches abroad, sounded the Alarm against the League and Leaguers in France? Which yet was not half so mischievous as this; but was at first set on foot quietly, without any sedition or insurrection, only for defence of the Ancient Religion, always received and established in France: yea confirmed with the King's personal Oath and approbation. And though it were afterward continueed, and more strictly prosecuted, upon occasion of some horrid Actions of murder and tyranny, yet Monsieur Villeroy himself, (who was a wise man, and a great royalist,) professeth,) that their aim was not the Extirpation of the King of Navarre, but his Reformation; and that if they might be assured of his Religion (which he had promised) he should be instantly assured of their obedience: as in the conclusion it clearly appeared; every person in France, according as the King condescended to give them satisfaction in that point, entirely acknowledging their Allegiance to him. And the mishap which befell him afterwards, was not in pursuance of the League, but upon a private account, not to say, upon some new provocation given, and which no man living justified. But as for this Union, it runs in a far wilder strain, and is for the advancement of a new Religion, entirely disavowed by all the States of the Empire in all their public Acts. How then can it be otherwise then extremely disloyal and criminous? The Duke of Saxony himself, though a Protestant Prince, dissuaded it, and advised the Palatine very prudently, and like a friend, to quit Bohemia, and to seek for reconciliation and pardon, where as yet, he might possibly find it. Beside it opened the Gates of the Empire to the Turk, which mischief alone, had there been no other going along with it, had been sufficient to condemn it. But Plessen confesseth in his Letter to Anhalt, That it was an Action of the same nature with Holland: and what that was, we have seen already. In brief they took arms against a King Lawfully Elected, solemnly Crowned, and established in possession by consent of the States. It is true, when they first went about the work, they nominated the Duke of Saxony, as Competitor with the Palsgrave for Bohemia; but that was merely craft, and a trick of maliciousness, to render the Duke suspected with the Emperor. They knew he had rejected their offer and Confederacy long before, when their Agent the Count Slick solicited him in their names. By this means they put Austria itself, the Emperor's Patrimonial Country, into sedition; The people there, through correspondence with the Turk and Gabor, were so bold as to tell Ferdinand, that unless he would grant them Toleration, and such Liberty of Conscience, as they desired, they would join with his Enemies. And they were in this point as good as their words; For in the year 1620. all the upper Austria did really quit their old Lord; and submitted unto a new Protector in his stead. If the Catholics of England should attempt the like, how would it be censured for sedition, and punished severely, as it might? and yet surely the cases are much Parallel, and if there be any advantage, it is on our side; who desire the exercise of nothing, but what was once public, owned for many ages together by all the people of the Nation, and legally established before us.  
But nothing makes the Action more offensive and scandalous, then that Anhalt, and Onoltzbach, two such private and inconsiderable persons, in relation to the business they dealt in, should take upon them (insciis Electoribus, without the knowledge and consent of the Prince's Electors themselves) to dispose of the succession of the Empire; and in order to effect this more than treasonable design, should Confederate themselves with one, who is a declared Enemy of the Emperor, and the Turks Vassal, a Reprobate, a Monster, called Bethlehem Gabor, and calling himself Prince of Transylvania, King of Hungary, and what not? one, who to hold himself firm in the Turks grace, had already delivered up to him the Town and Fort of Lip, the Towns of Solimos, Tornadg, Margat, and Arad, all well fortified places in Hungary? ●nd laboured hourly how to do him further service, to the prejudice of Christendom. One, who had sworn Allegiance to his Soveveign Lord Gabriel Batthori, Prince of Transylvania, yet afterward Traitorously murdered him, and usurped his State. One, who made a League with the Emperor Mathias in the year 1615. to be quiet, and to attempt nothing contrary unto the Liberties and Peace of Hungary; yet presently after invaded the Country in person with a great Army, took upon him the Crown, carried the Emperor's Lieutenant Andrew Dockzy (whom he had taught by Treachery,) prisoner into Transylvania, banished all the Clergy, and maintained his Soldiers with the spoils of the Church; profaned the Cathedral Church at Poson with his own Heretical or Mahometan Chaplains, and from thence certified the Turk boastingly under his own hand, how successfully he had now begun the wotk, which he promised; that most of the Nobles of Hungary were under his command, and that since the Pope's Clergy gloried to wear their Crowns shaved, he would make bold to shave some of them, heads and all. Upon which good news, and in expectation to turn all his Wars now upon Christendom, the Turk instanstly makes Peace with the Tartar, and offereth Gabor, to assist him upon any occasion of need, with Forty thousand men. Yet, I say, upon this man's head did the Union resolve to set the Crown of Hungary; to which end his nearest Kinsmen lay all this time at Heydlebergh, as an Intelligencer, Treating with them, yet disguised under the habit of a Scholar.  
Let now the impartial Reader cast his eye upon Germany, and see, as an effect of this wicked Combination, the picture of Troy on fire, that is to say, the lively image and horror of War. And when he hath done so, let him reflect, how well it would please him, to see the face of L ndon and Middlesex so disfigured ●●th wounds and desolation. T●●●●rious Zealot, who is now m●●t●●rward to blow the Coals of dissensions, and to infl●●me a State that is at quiet, would quake and tremble, when he should consider in what devastation all that once flourishing Country of the Empire now lieth, mourning and groaning by reason of this War. Those fertile Provinces about the Rhine all wasted, and impoverished by Soldiers on both sides, especially about Worms; Tillage forborn, Traffic decayed, Trades ceased, Taxes imposed, Fortifications raised at the charge of the Country; and for what? only for defence and security of those, who oppress, or impoverish them: No man master of his own, all at the will of Soldiers and Strangers; and above an Hundred thousand persons reckoned to be slain. These are the effects and issues of this War, the fruits of Calvinism; which though directly prohibited by the Laws of the Empire, and only tolerated by connivance, and the mercy of the State, yet was now come to such a point, that it sought to suppress the Emperor himself, and hazarded the subversion of the whole State, both Ecclesiastical and Temporal. An unchristian return doubtless, and without any stamp of Religion: Their sole justifying Faith will scarce justify this, because it was with breach of Faith, and of so many civil bonds, and contrary to charity. The true marks of Charity are Humility, Patience, and Zeal perfectly conjoined and qualified with the other two: Your little Patience, and less Humility do convince your Zeal to be no less counterfeit, than your Faith is fruitless. Charity would never have suffered you to invade the Duke of Bavieres Country, notwithstanding he was willing to have stood Neuter, and only because he would not join with you. Charity never counselled Anhalt to design for pillage, and, as it were, to devour beforehand the spoil of a City, valued at Two and thirty Millions, as he did in his Letters to Donau, 1619. Charity never directed Christians to seek assistance from the Turk, Christ's greatest enemy; nor to frame so many treacherous and malicious plots, as they did, Pag. 32, 42, 66, 80. of their Canc●llaria, against such as were either Neighbours, or Friends to them, or their lawful Superiors. What the Laws of the Empire are concerning such proceed, hath been seen above in the day of Luther, where they are sufficiently condemned. I shall therefore add here one only passage of Leopold, King of the Romans, in his Supplication unto his Father Otho the first, Emperor; who, because he had broken the Peace of Germany, and called in Foreigners, Membrum Imperii appellari non debeo; I ought not, saith he, to be accounted any longer a Member of the Empire, having brought in Foreign and Barbarous Nations into the heart of Germany. ●ut these Minions of Genevah stand not upon the Law, it is Gospel that they plead; let the Gospel therefore condemn them. The Word of God saith, Per me Reges, etc. King's reign by me; It is by God's appointment, that they bear rule over men: Therefore forbear, ye people, show reverence to the Ordinance of God, observe your d●stance, Touch not mine Anointed. The Gospel saith, Let every soul be subject to the higher pours, etc. And he that resists, resisteth God's Ordinance, and shall receive damnation: Yea, the Gospel saith, Be subject unto every ordinance of man, viz. That is established, and by which, the Will of Divine Providence may be seen, For the Lords sake, whither to a ●ing, as Supreme, or more Excellent, or unto Governors, etc. How much do the Doctrine of the Cospel, and the Doctrine of Calvin differ? The Gospel teacheth us to honour the King, to obey Governors, etc. Calvin directs us rather to degrade and depose them. But this is a matter needs no disputation; Grace and Honesty would decide it best.   

Titulus Sextus. STATISM, OR The Changes in ENGLAND About Religion.  
AFter a tedious Voyage abroad, we are at last to look homeward, and to st●er our course for England, where it must be confessed, no such Paradoxes are now current, or practi●es on foot, either among the Prelates, or any part of the inferior Clergy, I hope, as abroad we have both heard and seen. And it is no marvel; for now they have the wind with them, they live in a calm: There is no great trial of their patience and temperature of Spirit, save only what Martin Mar-Prelate and his Fellows do now and then give them. B●ing therefore in so great Peace themselves, through the favour of the State, they were mad men, and should forget their own Interest, if they did not Preach now very zealously against Tumults, and Disloyalty in others. But if we look back unto times past, and observe what spirit reigned in them, when they were in a storm, or that the State seemed to frown upon them; you will find them much differing from themselves, and that they were not always such peaceable men, and so calmly spirited towards Authority, as now they seem, For if Master Fox doth Register his Martyrs aright, and that Wicliff and his followers were Protestant's (as Protestants will have them to be) there is cause of exception against them not a little. For first their opinion was, That no Magistrate in the state of sin had any Authority; Which Position alone openeth as wide a gap to Rebellion and Resistance against the Civil Magistrate, as Hell itself can desire. And that we do not belly them herein, 
Comment. in Arist. Politic.  Melancthon himself confesseth. Wicleff, saith he, was the cause of much tumult and trouble in England; Qui contendit eos, qui non habent Spiritum sanctum, amittere Dominium, etc. Holding that such persons as have not the Holy Spirit dwelling in them (or are not in state of Grace) do lose all Dominion and Authority. 
De Jure Magist.  And elsewhere, Wicleff, saith he, was so mad, as to hold, That wicked persons are uncapable of Dominion. 
Cent. 9  Osiander witnesseth the same. And therefore though the same Master Fox calleth him, Stellam matutinam in medio nebulae: The Morning Star in the midst of a Fog, and the Full Moon of those times; yet surely the man's judgement in this point was itself much befogged, and the Moon of his understanding suffered a great Eclipse. Secondly, It can as little be denied, but that in pursuance of this Doctrine, and for defence of his person, and some other Heterodox opinions, which Wicleff taught, Sir John Oldcas●le, alias Lord Cobham, Sir Roger Acton, and other his followers, 
Stow.  levied an Army of Five and twenty thousand men, with intention, as our own Chronicles relate, to suppress the Monasteries of Westminster, Paul's, St. Alban, and to destroy all the Friaries in and about London: Which they had also effected, but that it happened, the religious and valiant Prince, Henry the Fift, was at that time in the state of Grace, and exercised his Royal Authority so happily upon them, in Saint Giles his Fields (where their Rendezvouz was) that they were all either killed or scattered, and about Seven and thirty of the principal of them executed. Sir John Oldcastle and Acton fled, but were afterward both of them apprehended, and attainted of High Treason; for which, and for Heresy, they suffered according to their merits. Master Fox laboureth much to excuse or extenuate these things, but to no purpose; they being so palpably and undeniably true, That our English Chroniclers themselves, 
Stow. Harpsfield. Histor. Wicliff.  and other worthy Authors of our Country, do expressly avouch them. And certain it is, that in the first year of Henry the Fifth, Schedules were set on Paul's Church door, boasting seditiously of no less numbers, than One hundred thousand men ready to rise against such as were enemies to their Sect. Sir John Oldcastle being first committed to the Tower, for certain points of opinion concerning the Sacraments, which the Synod of London had condemned, broke out from thence, and was harboured by one Bennet; who for that fact, and for dispersing Seditious Libels against the King, was himself executed: And Sir John Oldcastle being the second time apprehended, was indicted in open Parliament, as an enemy to the State, but answered most contemptuously, and according to the Principles of his Sect, That it was a trifle to him, to be judged by them, and that he had no judge among them, etc. At his death he spoke more like a mad man, than otherwise, desiring Sir Thomas Arpingham, that in case he saw him rise again within three days, he would be good to those of his Sect.  
Yet, as it commonly happens, that Preachers of Novelty and Sedition do seldom want some Princes or other of the Temporalty, and great Personages to countenance them; so was it here. Wicliff, beside some few of both the Universities, Oxford especially, whom his Doctrines had caught and corrupted, found no mean Friends and Patrons even at Court. John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, openly favoured him, so did Sir Henry Peircy, Marshal of England; insomuch that Wicliff, being upon a time summoned to appear before the Bishop of London, both those Personages, the Duke and Marshal, with divers others of the Court, bore him company to Paul's, on purpose to discountenance the Bishop, and to animate Wicleff, and his followers in their courses. It is confessed, the Duke and Wicleff had several ends: The first aimed to destroy the Liberties of the Church, and the Charter of London, both which he found to be great blocks and obstacles in the way of his ambitious designs; the other, simply to satisfy an envious Malignant humour, which possessed him, against the Clergy, desiring, if he could, to make himself famous by their infamy. But it is observable, the designs both of the one, and of the other, failed them: For Wicleff (as great a Protestant as they would have him) died a simple Parish-Priest at Lutterworth in Leicestershire, 
Doctor Harpsfields History.  where he said Mass to his death; and was never able to obtain the preferment which he desired. And John of Gaunt lived to be accused publicly of many evil practices, prejudicial to Religion, and to the Nation, and in particular, of aspiring to the Crown; but his chief Accuser, viz. John Latimor, an Irish Friar, was, through the power of the Duke, committed to the custody of Sir John Holland, as they pretended, in order to his Trial. Howbeit the poor man, the very night before he should come to his Answer, to prevent further trouble, was found strangled in his bed, and that, as our own Chronicles report, by the same Sir John Holland, and one Green.  
But to come nearer the present age, and consider how obedient and loyal this sort of men shown themselves in Queen Mary's times. A time of Trial, you will say, to some of them. True; but therefore most likely to discover their true Genius, and Spirit. Now it is manifest, That in the short space of Her Reign, which was not much above five years, she had more open Rebellions and Insurrections made against her, from such of her Subjects as were not well affected unto her Religion, than Queen Elizabeth had from Catholics, in full Forty and five. How plain and sincere her Government was, how far from tricks, and such strains of policy, or rather iniquity, as were afterward used, is manifest to all the world. How great a Justicer was She? It will be said, Somewhat too severe; and it may be as truly answered, That severity was necessary, not only by the judgement of Parliament, which a little before had Enacted those Laws, upon which she proceeded, and before which she acted nothing in that kind: But also in respect of her own safety, and of the State; against both which, that sort of men, which tasted of the severity of those Laws, were not a little insolent, and prone to attempt. Yet that she was withal a Princess very merciful, is manifest by her compassion shown to such, as deserved not well of her; that is, To the Duchess of Somerset, to Sir John Cheek, who had been the principal corrupter of King Edward, her Brother's Infancy, to Sir Edward Montague, Lord Chief Justice, who had both counselled and subscribed to her disinheriting, to Sir Roger Changed lmley, to the Marquis of Northampton, to the Lord Robert Dudley, to Sir Henry Dudley, to Sir Henry Gates, etc. who stood all of them attainted, and the Duke of Suffolk. All which persons were very obnoxious to Her Justice; she knew very well, they neither affected Her Religion, nor Title; They were already her prisoners in the Tower, yet she released them all. But for all this, the Zealots of her time would not be quieted, nor suffer her to enjoy any quiet; They Libel against the Government of Women; they pick quarrels and murmur at her marriage; they publish invectives and scurrilous Pamphlets against Religion; yea, they forbear not to conspire and plot Her Deprivation, out of a desire to advance Her Successor to the Crown, under whom every Calvinist expected a Golden Age. The austerities and abstinences, which Catholic Religion prescribed, and which the Queen, by Authority of Parliament, had but lately reduced, and was herself very exemplary in the observation of them, were not much pleasing to some Gallants about the Court; nor to many others, both in City and Country, whose affections were better satisfied with the Liberties of the former Age, and therefore desired some change of this. But among other Instruments of mischief, that Book written by Goodman, entitled Of Obedience, was a most pernicious Incentive among the commons, teaching expressly, 
Ad Nobil. Scot  P. 94. That Queen Mary deserved to be put to death, as a Tyrant and a Monster. And that other of Knox, with whom the Zealots of England did correspond too much, where he hath, among many other of like nature, this passage: Illud aud actèr affirmaverim, etc. This I dare boldly say, saith he, the Nobility, Magistrates, Judges, and whole people of England, were bound in Conscience, not only to oppose and withstand the proceed of that Jesabel Mary, whom they call their Queen, but even to have put her to death, and all her Priests with her.  
After this, Sir Thomas Wyatt takes up Arms (for which Master Fox worthily Chronicles him) marches his Army, like another Cyrus, as some called him, over Sh●oters-Hill, threatening both the Court and the City, Prince and People. And for this, Goodman in his Book Of Obedience commends him, saith, He did but his duty, and that it was the duty of all who professed the Gospel to have risen with him. This was their doctrine then: And though it be said, That Goodman recanted his opinion in Queen Elizabeth's days, it was (perhaps) only that part of it, which opposed the Government of Women. And if he did it absolutely, what doth it prove, but the inconstancy of such men, and how easily they can conform themselves to times that favour them, and of what spirit they are under the cross and affliction? Wyat's pretence was particoloured, looking, as he would seem, both at Religion and bonum Publicum, in his opposing the Queen's marriage with Spain; as both Holinshead and Stow agree. They that suppose it to have been merely upon a civil account, are confuted by the Queen herself in her Speech at Guildhall, where she tells the City, That she had sent divers of her Counsel to Wyatt, to demand the Reasons of his Insurrections, and that they found, The business of the marriage was only a cloak to cover Religion, which was the thing principally aimed at. For he urged also to have the Tower delivered to him, to have power to nominate and choose new Counsellors, declaring plainly, That he would not trust, but be trusted. But Master Fox is plain in the case, for he confesseth of all that Rabble which followed Wyatt, That they conspired among themselves for Religion, and made Wyatt their chief. The marriage was looked upon by them only as an accessary thing, and a means to strengthen that which they meant to overthrow, and eo nomine, for that respect only it was to be hindered. Upon this account William Thomas a gospeler of those times, conspireth to kill the Queen, and at his death is so far from repenting of such a foul intention, That he glorieth to die for the good of his Country: Yea, the Faction grew so tumultuous and bold, That Doctor Pendleton was shot at in the very Pulpit, Preaching at Paul's, and Master Bourn had a Dagger thrown at him in the same place; the multitude being so disorderly, That the Lord Major himself had much ado to quiet them; and the Lords of the Counsel were forced to come thither the next Sunday with a guard, to keep things in order, and to prevent further combustions which were feared. At Westminster upon Easter-day, a desperate fellow wounded the Priest, as he was at Mass in Saint Margaret's Church there. After this they found out a Perkin Warbeck, and brought him upon the Stage; one Wil●iam Fetherston counterfeiting King Edward, (whom the world, and some of themselves especially, knew well enough to be dead) on purpose to amuse the Queen, and disturb the State. There was one Cleber, sometimes a Pedant, living at Yakesly in Norfolk, put to death for a conspiracy against the Queen; Vdal, Staunton, Peckham and Daniel, were committed for the same crime: for which, and for attempting to rob the Exchequer, and her Treasury, and also for Heresy, they had their desert. Not to speak of the Treasons of Dudley and Ashton, set on by the French; In Devonshire Sir Peter, and Sir Gavin Cary, great Protestants, together with Sir Thomas Denny, took arms to impede King Philips arrival in England, possessed themselves for some time of Excester Castle, but afterward, seeing things go contrary to their expectation, they made an escape by getting over into France. Thomas Stafford, coming well instructed from Genevah, made Proclamations publicly in several places of the Kingdom, that Queen Mary was not lawful Qeen, was unworthy to reign; and, to abuse the people further, gave out no less boldly, then falsely, that already Twelve of the best fortified places in England were committed to the Spaniards. Upon which pretence Bradford, Proctor Streachly, and he, surprise the Castle of Scarborough in Yorkshire, a Fort of singular strength, which they would hold against the Spaniards, (they should have said, against their Queen and Sovereign,) but they lost it, and their heads beside. Henry Duke of Suffolk (one to whom the Queen had given life before, being Father to the Lady Jane, and a privy Counsellor in those Treasons of Northumberland,) fled into Leicestershire with the Lord Grace, making Proclamation against the Queen's marriage; but not being able to raise a Commanding Army, as he hoped, was compelled to fly and lurk in corners; Till the Earl of Huntingdon, apprehending him, brought him up again to his old lodging in the Tower; where he made an unfortunate end. I shall not urge the practices of Sir Nicholas Throgmorton, a man of great wit and policy, notwithstanding he was Indicted of high Treason, and arraigned at Westminster, with Arnold, Warner, and others; because though the case were plain, yet the Jury acquitted him, but to their own cost and trouble. And it was well for him, the Advocates of those times desired not so much to triumph in the calamities of poor men, nor that the prisoner should lose his head, rather than they their oration, and the glory of the day.  
But, say some, there were no Ministers had any hand in those tumults, none of them were Trumpeters to Sedition at that time. What was Goodman and Gilby? Were not they Ministers? Was not Jewel a Minist●●, ●ho preached at Gl ce●●er, against the Queen's proceedings? Was not Doctor Sands a Minister, though Vicechancellor of Cambridge, when he walked about with the Ragged Staff, and assisted the proclaimers of Lady Jane? Were not Hooper, Rogers, Crowly Ministers, all enroled as friends and favourers of these actions? And were there not divers other Ministers, both of Kent and other Counties, who upon Wyat's fall, forsook the Realm? or was there any thing more likely to drive them out, than a guilty Conscience? what shall we say of those two Apostles (falsely so called) of the time, Cranmer and Ridley? W re not they Ministers, yet great instruments of the Queen's troubles? And that not in King Edward's time only, (upon which account some would excuse them,) but after his death, and under the Reign of Queen Mary. For Ridleys' Sermon of Paul's Cross, wherein (like another infamous Shaw) he so highly magnified and defended the Title of Lady ●an●, and persuaded the people to accept and obey her as Queen, impugning, against all honesty and conscience, the right of King Henry's two Daughters, was the Sunday after King Edward was dead. And 'tis well known, the Reign of a Prince commenceth (not from the time of his Coronation, but) instantly upon the death of his predecessor. And therefore was he justly attainted and convicted of Treason. Cranmer was both Counsellor and Oracle in the business, and was therefore arraigned, and condemned with the Lady Jane, and Guildford Dudley, as contriver and principal assistant in that Treason, as appeareth by the Records in the King's Bench. This man was a very Proteus in all his actions, and of a disposition most servile, and viciously pliable to any humour of the King, and ready always to follow the prevailing party. He was first a principal instrument of the King's divorce from ●●●en K●●b●● ne, whereby the 〈◊〉 Gat●● were let opon to the Lady Anne Bolen; yet afterward to serve the King's Appetite, he was used again, as a chief instrument in her condemnation, as appears by the Statute; where Cranm●rs Sentence is recorded judicially, 
28. Hen. 8. c. 7.  as of his own knowledge convincing her of some fowl act. Nor can any wise or indifferent man but condemn him of inexcusable iniquity, that being a Counsellor of State, Primate and M tropolitan of the Realm, pretending also to be a Reformer of Religion, would so much betray his Master, (whose creature he was,) as to frustrate and make void his will, (whereof himself was made chief Executor,) subscribe to extinguish his issue, as much as possibly he could, by disinheriting his two Daughters, and transferring the Crown to another Line and Family: and all this most basely, and contrary to his conscience, only to please a Subject, and to avoid ●om●●inde of affliction, which he feared upon the Succession of Queen Mary, and against which, 'tis manifest by the frequent change, lapses, relapses and perjuries, which he made, he was never well armed.  
It is manifest therefore, that in all places, at home as well as abroad, this Spirit of Reformation hath ever been, and is seditiously pragmatical and dangerous unto Princes and States, wheresoever it getteth footing, and is not countenanced and advanced so far, as to bear all the sway itself. It is in this only respect (not in any other) like the Motto of her, who merely for temporal and worldly ends, made herself the great Patroness of it, that is, it is Semper Eadem, always the same, and never changeth. This was it, which induced them of Genevah to expel their Bishop and Leige-Lord; This was it, which induceth them of S●ethland to renounce their lawful King; Them of Holland to depose their Sovereign Prince; This was it, which Solicited the Bohemians to depose the Emperor, their Elected, Crowned, and Acknowledged King, That imprisoned the most Virtuous and Religious Queen and Martyr, Mary Queen of Scotland, and cast her undeservedly into those calamities, which pursued her to death; This was it, which held out Rochel and Montauban in defiance against their King; and lastly, that which begat so many conspiracies, commotions, and causes of jealousy unto Queen Mary of England; So, as within the space of Sixty years, it hath been observed. More Princes have been deposed and persecuted by Protestants, their Subjects, upon the quarrel and difference of Religion, than had been by the Pope's excommunications, or by the attempts and practices of any Subjects Catholics, in Six hundred before. Of the troubles which have arisen to other Princes upon this occasion, we have spoken somewhat already. The business of Sweden is defended by one Master T. M. upon these grounds. First, That it was done by the demand of the whole State. But this is a manifest falsehood. For if you take the whole State, formally, that is, for all the people of the Nation, it is certain, that Sigismond their lawful King, had, not only a great, but the far greater and better part of the people, well affected to him: If you take it Virtually, that is, for some general Assembly representing the people, legally met and resolving upon that business, there never was any such called. The meetings that were, were only of Duke Charles his faction, who, in comparison of the King's party both of Nobility and Commons, were but few; yet, as it often happens, the better case was more negligently managed: and those for the Duke (who were also inclined to Innovation in Religion,) being more active, industrious and unanimous in their design, made shift to secure the Military provisions, and to invest themselves of the chief Strengths of the Kingdom before the others, and so prevailed; as Chytraeus himself a Protestant Author is sufficient witness. 
Chytra. Continuat. Crantzii.  Secondly he saith, it was for the defence of their Privileges and Liberties. None of which were violated, as by the same Chytraeus appeareth. Thirdly, that it was for the fruitoin of Religion, That's true indeed and confessed; That they might introduce and establish a new Religion, they renounced their old King: which is the thing we charge them with; and wherein whatsoever they did, they did by private Authority and Faction.  
It shall suffice therefore to send this Master T. M. for his better instruction, unto a great Doctor of his own Church, Doctor Bilson above mentioned, who, as we have heard before, holdeth it tantum non, as an Article of Faith, that Princes are not to be deposed; which is also the judgement of the greatest Doctor of the English Church, and hath been so, for these Fifty years and upwards. But we demand of them, is it good Doctrine in the Reign and case of Queen Elizabeth only? and not so, in the Reign and case of Queen Mary? It is a position frequently defended in their own Schools, Dominium non fundatur in gratiâ; and the contrary Doctrine is as generally exploded in W●cleff. The difference then of Religion altars not the Authority and power of Jurisdiction. And Wyatt with his complices rising in Arms, without and against royal Authority, was a Rebel against Queen Mary, as much as Westmoreland and the rest with them, whom the English Chronicles mention, were Rebels in rising against Queen Elizabeth. But you will say, Queen Mary observed not the Laws of the Realm, she abrogated the Statutes of the First of Edward the Sixth, which all the Kingdom approved; and 'tis the profession of good Princes to observe the Laws, and to govern by them. I answer it is true, Legibus se Subjectos esse, etc. it is a most Christian profession of all Kings to be subject to their own Laws; but it would be understood cum grano salis, soberly, and to refer more to the directive part or power of them, then to the corrective or punitive: especially in criminal cases, if any such should happen; lest the remedy should prove worse than the disease, & the reparation of a private person turn to the ruin of the public, which is contrary to reason & the end of government. Beside in Princes we may consider their private Acts (as I may so call them) of Government, which consist in the Executive part of their Office, viz. in administering or dealing justice betwixt man and man, and in seeing, so far as the Law or reason requireth of them, that all men under them live well, and according to their several duties; in these Acts the Prince may be justly supposed to be bound up to the Law, and that he ought not to do otherwise then the Law prescribes. But who ever accused Queen Mary of breach of Law, or misgovernment in this sense? Happy had it been for some of her Successors and this whole Nation, if they had affected arbitrary Government and Rule, no more than she did. Secondly, we may consider in Princes their more public Acts, which concern all their people in general, and consist in the Legislative part of their Office; and in these they are Free, they are absolute, unlimited, and bound to nothing, but only to proceed upon such advice, as the Constitutions of their several Governments do require: that is, most commonly (and as is best,) upon advise and the consent of their whole people represented and giving them Counsel in Full Parliament. I say, in this capacity the Prince is bound to no Law, but the Law of Reason and a Good Conscience; as to all other respects at liberty to enact or abrogate, to make or repeal what Laws he shall think fit, and most likely to procure public good, upon such advise given. And did not Queen Mary so proceed? Did she do any thing, but by public consent, advise and supplication of her people in Parliament? Beside, if Queen Mary should be so subject to her Brother's Laws, as not to alter them upon any reason in a legal and due manner, why was not Queen Elizabeth so subject to Hers? yea, why was not King Edward the Sixth himself so subject to the Laws of his Father? Why were they altered, and that in his Minority too? When he was a Child, and understood no more, in things of that nature and consequence, than a Child? you will say, The Religion, which Queen Mary brought in, was corrupt and impure, That of her Brother before, and of Queen Elizabeth after her was pure, and according to God's word. But this is your assertion only; we say still, That you proceed upon a false supposition, that presumption and self-conceit rules the greatest part of your roast. That thing viz. Whether Queen Maries or Queen Elizabeth's Religion were best, is the grand question betwixt us: And as it is certain, that it was never yet by any general and orderly Counsel, no not of Protestants, determined on your side; so we are sure, and the world, together with yourselves know, it hath been often, legally, solemnly determined for us, by all sorts of Counsels, Provincial, National, Ecumenical. And we pray, what reason can be given, why the Judgement of Parliament restoring Catholic Religion under Queen Mary, with the consent and advise of the chief and best of the whole Clergy of the Nation, should not be as good, as that, which under Queen Elizabeth abolished it, not only contrary to the Queen's Oath taken at her Coronation, but without the advice or consent of so much as any one Bishop or spiritual Prelate of the whole Kingdom, who yet in a business of that nature, viz. concerning Religion, were by all Laws, both of 
* Malach. 2.7. Heb. 13.7.8, 17.  God and of the Nation, principally to be consulted with.  
But let us gratify our Adversaries, as much as may be; Let us suppose the worst, viz. that Queen Mary had indeed erred in the introduceing of some kind of superstitions, ought she therefore presently to be censured by Ministers? or deposed and put down by a Wyatt? God forbidden. Solomon himself, a wise and a great King, did fall into grievous sins, and particularly into the grossest of those kinds, whereof they presume to censure Queen Mary. He had many Hundreds of strange Wives, contrary to the Law of Moses; and by reason of them fell to Idolatry beyond measure. The Queen never took but one Husband, and he a Catholic Prince, of the same Religion with herself, and with the whole Christian world beside, except only some few Provinces, which Heresy had lately corrupted. Yet neither did the Priest or people take upon them to depose such a King as Solomon? They left him to him, who is the Supreme and most proper Judge of Kings, and who, in the time appointed by his Divine Providence, raised up Jeroboam to chastise him in his Son. Yea when Julian himself, of a Christian Emperor, became Apostate, and persecuted the Christians of his time with all manner of vexation and cruelty, which either policy of malice could devise, neither the people, nor the Pastors of the Church, (though they sharply reproved and inveighed against his proceed, yet none of them) took up Arms against him, none went about to deprive him either of Dominion or Life. And if they thought it not expedient or becoming Christians to do so against a Tyrant, acting Tyrannically, and only by the violence of his own exorbitant passions, without any order or colour of Law, and as no just Prince ought to govern, how much less would they have thought it lawful, and how little would they approve it to be done against such Princes, as govern legally, and do nothing, concerning Religion or otherwise, but according as the Laws and and public Constitutions, of their several Kingdoms do direct and enable them to do. He that proclaimed the Prerogative of Kings in these terms Vos Estis Dii, I have said, Ye are Gods, surely intended to teach the world rather a lesson of obedience than rebellion. And there is no Prince or State in the world, Let them countenance what Sect, or Profession of Religion soever, they please, but shall find it, at one time or another, a necessary Bulwark for them to retreat unto against the inundations of popular fury. Who doth deny, but that it is necessary, that the governments of all Princes whatsoever should be regulated and moderated by Laws? and that all persons in Authority do observe all rules whatsoever, that are proper for them, or prescribed to them, by those to whom that power belongeth. We pretend not, to enhance the Authority of Princes so far, as to exempt them from the rule of Law, or to make them Arbitrary in their government; but this we say, Vos Esi is Dii, in relation unto Princes, and all Persons established in Supreme Authority justly, that is, by the will of Divine Providence, and consent of the people, is a great exemption of them from any popular Cognizance. For what does it intimate, but that 
* Egodixi.  Almighty God himself hath made them Gods unto the people, that is to say, persons of Knowledge, Experience, Foresight, Care, Providence, and other abilities Intellectual (which are the natural and genuine principles of government) competent and sufficient for the government of people, (who are not otherwise, generally speaking Et pro majori parte, able to govern themselves in civil society,) and for their preservation in peace and quietness, which is the end of Government. We think, it is most proper for God only to say Transferam Regna de gente in gentem. Revolutions of Governments and Translating of one Kingdom to another are the Extraordinary Dispensations of Divine Providence, and for reasons only known unto his supreme and secret wisdom. Which although they be acted, that is, brought to pass by the hands of men, yea through their infirmities and many times blamable passions, as experience often showeth, and as in the case of King Rehoboam, the Son of Solomon, (1 Reg. 12.16.) may seem plain; yet are not the common people licenced hereby to run upon any irregular designs of their own head, and to renounce their Governors headily and hastily of themselves, for every lght grievance and misgovernment, that may seem to afflict them. To remove Tyrants and oppression from a people is the work of Divine Mercy, as it is of his justice, to permit them to oppress; and from him only must they expect deliverance, abiding in the mean while with patience, until his Divine hand shall appear, leading them to such means, as they may with justice and good order use to the procuring of their liberty.    

The Second Part. JERUSALEM, OR The Obedience, Loyalty, and Conformity OF CATHOLICS unto Public Order.  

HItherto we have insisted only upon the Doctrines and practices of those, who call themselves Reform Churches, or Protestants, in the charge of Rebellion and Tumult against the Civil Magistrate; by which, how tolerable and quiet they are in any Kingdom or State, whose Religion is not framed according to their Mode, the indifferent Reader will judge. It remaineth now, that we make good the contrary, concerning ourselves, and show, that those virtues, (which we pretend to be the true and proper Characters of our Religion) viz. Humility, Devotion, Obedience, Order, Patience, etc. are more generally and more constantly exercised by Catholics, in times of Trial, then by any other Sect or Sort of people whatsoever. This we intent to do, but not so much Theoretically, or by way of any long and speculative discourse, as Practically, Historically, and by way of instance, showing what the behaviour and practice of Catholics have been in this case, upon occasions given. Neither shall we range far abroad into the world, because that would be less pertinent to our main purpose, (which is only to justify ourselves in this point, so far as reason and truth will give us leave,) and enlarge our discourse beyond its intended bounds: But we shall content ourselves only with domestic examples, and that experience, which the Catholics of this Nation have given of themselves, from time to time in this kind.  
What kind of people they were anciently in this Land, in the time of King Lucius and the Britons, I shall not need to relate, but refer you to the Ecclesiastical Histories of those times; the rather because the Centurists of Magdeburgh, and Master Fox in his Acts and Monuments will have these Catholics to be Protestants and of their Church: which, (though it be very false, yet) I may not engage for the clearing of that point now. Nor shall I insist any longer upon those times of the Saxons, after they were converted to Christianity, to show their virtues and singular devotion towards God: and how happily, by means thereof, the Church and Commonwealth did grow up together unto that perfection of Spiritual and Temporal glory, which they enjoyed under that Blessed Prince and Saint, King Edward the Confessor. I shall not tell you, how highly the good Prelates of the Church were then reverenced by the people, nor how much their holy Counsels and Authority did conduce to the happy government of the State. It sufficeth, 
Lamb. Archaion. Camden. Spelm. Concil.  that many old Saxon Laws and other Monuments yet upon record, Venerable Bede, and the Stories, of those times, with other Modern Authors are witnesses of it beyond all exception. From King Edward the Confessor downwards to King Henry the Eighth, there is no man of judgement will affirm, or thinketh, that any other Religion was known in England, but the Roman-catholic, that is, the same, that had been long before planted here by Saint Austin and those Good men his followers, who were sent hither to convert the English Saxons, by Saint Gregory the Great, Bishop of Rome: for which charity towards our Nation Doctor Whitaker giveth him thanks, and professeth, it was a great Benefit, and for ever most gratefully to be remembered. In all which time although the Clergy made Canons, and managed all things pertaining to Religion, by an Authority of their own, that is to say, given them by God, and derived to them from an other origin, then that of the State or Supreme Magistrate Temporal; yet never did the Kings of this Realm find them generally otherwise then obedient unto their Government, and ready to serve them, in such capacity, as the Laws and duties of their function permitted, and to contribute their best assistance to the support of the Estate Royal, and of the Kingdom wherein they lived. It is true, through the malice of the Devil and Instigation of some Enemies of the Church, some of them, for the asserting of their legal Immunities, and to preserve the Liberty of their spiritual Jurisdiction entirely Free, as it ought, they were dirven now and then, (yet very seldom, in comparison of such a long tract of time, as we instance in,) unto some vehement and earnest contestation with their Princes, and though much further than was pleasing to them, yet, I suppose, not beyond terms of due respect, and the Authority of their Function: much less did they endeavour to stir up rebellion, or instigate the people to sedition and commotions against their Princes; nor did they ever, upon their own account solely, concur in any thing of that nature.  
The first King, that ever gave cause in this Kingdom, effectually and in the face of the world, to try the admirable patience, obedience, and loyalty of Catholikcs, was King Henry the Eighth, Flagellum Dei, that scourge of God, to the Church of England, and all good Catholics therein; yet outwardly professing the same Religion in most things with Catholics. This he did first by a pretended Accusation of the Clergy, to be fallen in a Praemunire, because (Scil) they did that, which all their predecessors the Bishops and Clergy of England, for many Hundreds of years confessedly, had done without any exception taken, viz. for acknowledging the power Legantine of Cardinal W●lsey; which yet the King himself for his own ends, and in his own case, had first of all procured. 2. upon the Statute of supremacy. And 3. by suppression of the Abbeys. These were his Three first breaches, by which the Foundation, strength, and glory of the Catholic Church in England became afterwards utterly ruinated. By the first his way was leveled to the Second; and the Second obtained, gave him power and authority to compass the Third. By the First indeed only the Clergy smarted in a fine of an Hundred thousand pound; The second lay heavy upon the Clergy and Temporalty both. But by the Third, viz. the suppression of the Abbeys and Religious houses, if we consider the infinite prejudice, which the poor Commonalty suffered thereby, both in point of spiritual and temporal interest, the whole Kingdom might be said, to be worse than conquered by him, that is, Rob, Spoilt, Enslaved to the exorbitancy of his sole Will, Prodigality, Lust, and Tyranny. And all this done to be revenged on the Pope, who condescended not to humour him in the business of his marriage. Therefore, and to advance his own power and greatness, That Authority and Jurisdiction, which had always been acknowledged, as sacred, by the English, ever since the English were Christians, must in a moment be abandoned, disclaimed, abjured; himself by an unheard of and fatal Ambition instead thereof, made Head of the Church: and all persons who out of scruple of Conscience, refused to conform to such grand, sudden, and sacrilegious Innovations, and to swear they knew not what, were cut shorter by the head, executed at Tyborn, imprisoned, banished, and put into such condition, as he was sure, they should not oppose him.  
The ground of the Praemunire was at first only a quarrel, which he picked against the Cardinal Wolsey, but afterwards stretched it upon the Tenters, and made it reach the whole Clergy, who being thereupon Summoned into the King's Bench, the business was so aggravated there by the Lawyers, The King's Learned Counsel, that in the Convocation house, they presently concluded to submit themselves to the King, and offer him no less sum than One hundred thousand pound for their pardon. This was looked upon by the Christian world as a Prodigy, That so many Shepherds should be afraid of one Wolf: And though it becomes us not hear to censure, whether they did as they ought, yet certainly this weakness of the Pastors boded no good to the Flock; and it is observed, that neither, themselves, nor the Church, nor Religion ever prospered in England afterwards. However the King accepts of th●ir off●r, and signs their Pardon; but with a fetch far worse than the first. For under a pr●●e●ce of procuring this Pardon to be confirmed to them in Parliament, he draws th●m in there (how willingly or unwillingly, let the world judge,) to acknowledge him Supreme Head of the Church. It was a course, even at that time, not thought agreeable to Justice or Honor. For, as we said, the Cardinal Wolsey had the King's Licence for the exercise of his Legantine power, both under the King's hand, and the Great Seal of England; and was employed by the King's particular Mandate and pleasure, in the quality of Legate to sit with the other Legate, Cardinal Campegius, and examine the business of his marriage. And could the Divorce have been granted according to the King's mind, it is easily conjectured the Cardinal had never been questioned for his Legatship. Touching the Second of Supremacy, All the Subjects of England ever acknowledged that the Crown and State of England, quoad Temporalia, in Temporal affairs and matters is independent of any other power, but of that Transcendent Majesty, which saith, Per me reges regnant; and this to the intent, that Kings and all Governors, considering, who will one day take their Audit, may be more careful to rule with Justice and common equity, without partiality, passion, prejudice against any man's person, further than his crimes against Public Order, Common Right, and the Peace of the State shall make him obnoxious: and by so doing may keep their accounts straight, against the day of Account. And on the other side that Subjects remembering their duty, and who it is, that layeth this jugum suave, the sweet Yoke of good Government upon their Shoulders, might be induced to obey with more fidelity, and prompt affection. But the Question, which King Henry (the first of all Kings, Princes or States of Christendom) propounded to his Clergy and People in Parliament, concerned matters purely Spiritual, and wherein, not himself only and his Subjects at home, but all Christian Kings, Princes, States, and people in the world, were concerned. And therefore required far greater deliberation, I say not, then was used, (for in truth that was little or none at all; the King's pleasure and resolution was known, and that, as the world went then, was sufficient:) but, I say, then could possibly be used in England; which was then but one single Kingdom, and a small Province of Christendom.  
And for the suppression of the Abbeys and Religious houses, by that Act and this other of Supremacy together, the Clergy of England were brought absolutely into Captivity, and stood merely (as they have done ever since) at the pleasure of the King, and of the State. Their Possessions (the greatest part of them) were seized, their Goods forfeited, their Churches profaned and sacked, and upon the spoils thereof, together with the sale of the Vestments, Chalices, Bells, and other the Movables and Ornaments belonging to them, the Augmentation Court was erected. For the King seeing this extraordinary passiveness and submission of the Clergy, could never think he had power sufficient, till he had more then enough; and therefore having already discharged his conscience from all Bonds, but such only as himself should think good to tie, he took liberty to commit such outrages and violence upon Sacred things, as no age before him, nor since can parallel. For first, viz. Anno 27. of His Reign he appoints the Secretary Cromwell, and Doctor Leigh (as his Commissioners) to visit the Abbeys; and they, by virtue of their said Commission, first take out all the Plate, chiefest Jewels and Relics belonging to those houses, and seize them to the King's use: Then they dismiss all such persons Religious, as were under the age of Four and twenty years, and had a desire to be at liberty in the world, Anno 28. All the smaller Religious houses, of the value of Two hundred pounds per annum and under, were given to the King by Parliament with all their Lands and Hereditaments; and of these the number was not less than Three hundred seventy and six, who were able to dispend per annum to the benefit of the poor and service of the Public, not less than Three thousand two hundred pounds of old Rents of Assize, b●side their Movables: Which b●ing undervalved and sold at mean rates, yet amounted to above One hundred thousand pounds. The Religious themselves, and all people depending on them, (which were not a few,) were on a sudden outed, and left unprovided even of Habitation; above Ten thousand persons, for no particular crimes charged or proved against them, turned out of their own doors, and driven to seek their fortune, where they could. A thing which compassionated the very common people themselves, (though not a little alienated in their affections at that time, towards monastics, more than they were wont to be;) to see so many persons compelled to Beg and live by Alms, who by their bountiful and constant Hospitality had formerly relieved many.  
Anno 30. of His Reign some of the greater Abbeys, viz. Battle-Abby and the Abbey of Lewis in Sussex, Martin Abbey in Surry, Stratford in Essex were suppressed, and all things belonging to them converted to the King's use. For indeed they were forced in some sort to proceed thus politicly in their work of desolation, and to carry it on by degrees, by reason of the Commonalty; who, though they stirred not, yet they stood amazed, as it were, murmuring as loud as they durst, and were not a little unsatisfied at such do. But in the years 32. and 33. generally all the Monasteries of England, of what value soever, went to wrack, and were destroyed; The Lands belonging to Saint John's of Jerusalem were likewise given to the King, and the Corporation of those Knights quite dissolved: Though to turn out these with some kind of contentment, there was, as some say, certain Pensions during life distributed among them, to the value of Two thousand eight hundred and seventy pounds. In Anno 37. was the last sweep, which King Harry made. For then all the Chauntries in any part of the Kingdom (which were many and numerous,) All Churches and places Collegiate, yea the very Hospitals (which were built and endowed by their several Founders, only, and expressly for the relief of the poor,) were yet given to the King, and permitted wholly to his order and disposing. The value of Church Lands in England at this time amounted to above Three hundred and twenty thousand one hundred and eighty pounds per annum; and of it the King took into his own possession, and apropriated to the Crown to the value of One hundred sixty one thousand one hundred pounds yearly rend: The rest, it seems, was sold, or exchanged, or distributed among Favourites. Lastly, to abuse the poor Commons perfectly, and more easily to wipe them of those great and constant advantages, as well Temporal as Spiritual, which they received from these Religious places while they stood, a proposition is made in Parliament by the Projectors and Sharers in this work, and 'tis given out also to the people abroad, That out of the Revenues of these Lands thus given to the King, a standing Army, for defence of the Kingdom and all other Military occasions of State should be maintained, of no less than Forty thousand men, besides Forty Earls, Sixty Barons, and Three thousand Knights for the Command and Conduct of this Army, where need should be: So that the Commons of England, by this means, should never, hear of Tax or Subsidy any more. This indeed was as pleasing a bait for the people, as could be devised, and it took accordingly: They bitten willingly at it; But the Hook sticks in their jaws to this day. Such a motion as this (to note in a word by the way) was made in that Parliament of Henry the fourth which they called the laymen's Parliament, by those which countenanced Wicleff, and loved the Lands, far better than they did the Religion of the Church: But their designs at that time were defeated by the Stout and Religious opposition of Thomas Arundel Archbishop of Canterbury, and other Prelates joining with him. Though now there were an unfortunate and unworthy Thomas found, (yet sitting in that Seat of Canterbury) ready to side with them for his own carnal ends, and to countenance the Wicleffists of these times, that is, those Lutheran and malicious Spirits, who by their Libels, (The supplication of Beggars well answered by Sir Thomas Moor's Supplication of Souls) and other wicked practices, went about to destroy the Church, and extripate true Religion.  
Add here unto the King's natural Inclination to vain glory; which was very great, and begat those prodigal expenses, which he used towards his Favourites and Flatterers: And these could not be long maintained but by extraordinary support; which being not to be had in any way of Legality and Justice, Avarice at last, and many other vices, which he was fallen to, prompted him to fall upon the Church. The Lords and Courtiers could not dislike the motion, knowing what a rich Prey would fall to be divided among them. Especially this pleased the principal Secretary of State (afterward Lord Privy Seal, Lord High Chamberlain of England, and Earl of Essex) who being a man of great experience, and of a deep reach in worldly policies, knew full well, that such a confused Innovation as this, and so full of Spoil, would be infinitely advantageous to him, and a Ladder, to climb at ease unto what Wealth or Honour he could wish. He therefore instigates the King with all might and main to go through with the Action, and to stand stoutly to his Prerogative and profit, knowing his conscience was already buried in Anne Bolens Tomb. To this end, and the better to pave the way to his evil designs, (Sacrilege and Blood not seldom going along together,) Three of the principal Abbots of the Kingdom, and Barons of Parliament, viz. the Abbots of Glastenbury, Reading, and Bury, Stout, Virtuous, and Religious men, and likeliest to oppose such practices, were taken away before hand, being condemned and executed upon the Statute of Supremacy; as well to prevent the Bishop's mediating for them, as to terrify the other Relig●ous of the Kingdom from opposing the King's designs.  
But may we ask, quo jure, quo titulo, by what colour of Law or Right was this suppression of the Abbeys made and done? I cannot tell, what it may do now, but certainly to have moved such a question then, it would have cost a man his head. It is certain, these Abbeys held their Lands in Frank Almoigne, and in Fee, They were quietly possessed of them by the Donations and Gifts of many Saxon, English, Norman Kings, Princes and other Subjects, who were their Founders; continued legally by prescription in them; admitted, acknowledged and established by all Laws; beside the accessary Charters of many succeeding Princes, who confirmed them, and most commonly added to them. They held all their Lands, Immunities and Estates by the same Laws, Authority, and Right, by which the Temporal Lords held their Baronies, as Magna Charta 9 of Hen. 3. and the confirmation thereof 28. Ed. 1. do abundantly testify: where it is granted, that the Church of England shall be Free, and have all her Liberties preserved to her inviolable. Chap. 2. any Judgement given against them is declared to be Null and Void. And chap. 4. The Bishops are ordered to Excomunicate all such, as shall seek to infringe those Charters; as also they did 30. Ed. 1. including all those, that should either make, or procure to be made any Statutes contrary to those Liberties. Whence we may note Two things, The First, that as Excommunication is the highest punishment, which can be inflicted upon a man Spiritually; so the State cannot declare its detestation and dislike of any crime more than by requiring or ordering such a punishment for it. The Second, That as by one and the same Charter, both the Church and the Temporalty held their Liberties; so that which gave, or pretended to give, the King power to abrogate and destroy the one, could not, in point of reason or justice, but make the other obnoxious. In the Leidger-book of Peterborrough are to be seen all King John's Grants and Confirmations more fully and at large, than they are set forth in any Printed Book. Let any man but read them seriously and with attention, and he will wonder at the proceed of later times. What need I remember that same Law called Sententia lata super confirmatione Chartarum by Ed. 1. or th● 42. of Ed. 3. chap. 8. where it is declared that any Statute whatsoever made contrary to Magna Charta, shall be void. or the confirmation of all these in 1, 6, 7, 8. of Rich. 2. and in 4. of Hen. 4. All which good Laws were intended surely to prevent Sacrilege and Tyranny in succeeding times, and to secure both Church and people from the encroachments of injustice.  
The King knew very well he had no Title to any of these things, but by colour and concession of Parliament; (and how far a Parliament hath power to give away the Lands or Interests of a Third Person, neither heard nor convicted orderly of any offence, that should deserve such sentence, is a thing to be considered: Surely, is it not?) Therefore to make his Title appear stronger in the eye of the World, Anno 31. of his Reign, he procureth an Act to be made in Parliament, expressing, how that since the Act of Anno 27. the Religious Houses themselves had voluntarity, and of their own good wills, without constraint, in due course of Law, and by writings of Record under their Covent-Seals, giv●n and confirmed to the King, their Lands, Houses, Rents, Revenues, and all Rights whatsoever; yea, to this Statute they are said to consent, as to an Act of their own seeking and suit; and you may see among the Records of the Augmentation Court, a great Chest full of particular Surrenders, made by the Abbots and Covents under their hands & seals to this purpose. But is it not a likely tale, that out of their bounty and good will, they would renounce their Live, and become beggars? Indeed unto so gracious a Prince, as he was become towards them at that time, it was ●he less marvel. I myself did once deliver my purse upon Salisbury-plains; and though I could not commend the honesty of those that took it, yet was I fain for a while to compliment their humanity towards me, that they used me no worse. You will say, how then came it to be done? why would the Abbots, and other Religious give away their Lands, if they were not willing? I answer, because they could hold them no longer: They saw themselves generally deserted and forsaken by the Commons, and knew very well what the King was resolved to do, by that which he had done already. And therefore to make some petty accommodations for themselves, perhaps by granting or renewing of Leases, or otherwise, (w●●ch the King for his own ends, viz. 〈…〉 the work more plausible and 〈◊〉, was content to connive at, and which, we may be sure, came not to much) they thought best to give that which they were otherwise sure to lose. And by doing so, rather than by using any kind of contestation, they shown the simplicity of their obedience to be such, as became their Holy Profession; and the King shown, how little he feared God, or regarded his Honour in the censure of the World. Whosoever therefore considers the business impartially, shall find this great conquest of Religious Persons to deserve little Triumph; and that the augmentation of Revenue and Treasure by it, being so palpably Sacrilegious, and contrary to all acknowledged Law, Divine and Humane, proved to be Aurum Tholosanum, a curse to him that took it, and upon which the judgement of God hath visibly attended ever since.  
Nor is it strange, that it should; for first, what saith the Scripture? Is it not a curse to him that devoureth sacred things, 
Prov. 20.25.  and after vows to make enquiry? And what saith History, and the experience of all Ages? Did ever Sacrilege go unpunished? Marcus Crassus rob the Temple at Jerusalem, but is not his sad and disastrous end noted by Josephus? 
Lib. 18. C. 8.  Herod likewise opened the Sepulchre of King David, and took thence much spoil; but into what great miseries and misfortunes he fell afterwards, 
Lib. 16. C. 11.  the same Josephus relateth. Vrraca, a Gothish King, going to rob but one Chapel of St. Isidore in Spain, and that in a case of necessity too, as might be pretended, viz. to defray the charge of war, and to pay his Army; yet his very guts burst out of his belly in the Church-porch, 
Histor. gen. of Spain.  as the History saith. Leo the Fourth, Emperor, taking a precious Gem out of the Coronet of St. Sophia at Constantinople, which had been dedicated to it, died himself not long after of a Carbuncle. Sigon. de regn. Italiae, Lib. 1. So Gondericus King of the Vandals, when he took Seville, took also the spoils of the Churches, and seized upon all their riches; but, to revenge it, the Devil seized and possessed him. Tarapha. in Honorio. What need I allege more? Julian the Apostate was also a Church-robber, 
Tripart. Histor. lib. 6. c. 31.  most tyrannical and notorious, but his end is well known. And so it is, what misery befell Heliodorus, the Treasurer of King Selencus, for the like crimes, though but attempted, against the Sanctuary at Jerusalem, 2 Maccab. chap. 3. Nicephorus Phocas the Emperor was the nearest parallel to King Henry that we meet with in all the Ecclesiastical Story. For he resumed all donations that had been made unto Monasteries and Churches in his time; but such afflictions and furies haunted him for it ever after, that his Successor Basilius (though himself none of the best Emperors that have reigned) was yet careful to abrogate those Laws of Phocas, among the first Acts which he did, and as the root of all public calamities of those times.  
Nor did indeed King Henry himself find any better success to attend his impieties. Did he not, (like that sacrilegious Herod mentioned before) live jealous of his Wives, and not confident, even of those his Friends, which he had so much enriched with the spoils of the Church? His exorbitant lusts, which were the original cause of all the mischief, became at last his torments. For after his Divorce from his first and lawful Queen Katherine, no wife could please him long; few of them could get protection for their heads, and none of them all live long either secure or joyful. Beside, did his Exchequer thrive any better for the Augmentations? Was his Treasury any whit better furnished, than his Predecessors before him, Catholic Princes, and Favourers of the Church? Nay, was there ever King of England more necessitated than he was in point of Treasure, and that immediately as it were, and in very few years after those great spoils? Did ever King of England before him lie more heavy upon his subjects in matter of Taxes, Subsidies, Loans, than he did after that? Did ever any of them use more ignoble and unprincely ways to raise money then he? Our own Chronicles, and the much base money which he coined, do sufficiently show how things went with him in that regard. But that which may seem most of all to be noted, as an argument of God's displeasure against him, was the frustrating of that, which was pretended to be his chief project and design in all those frequent marrying and unmarrying, viz. Succession and Issue. All his hopeful Stem and Branches have been taken away one after another without Issue; and some of them but unhappily too: And his Crown and Sceptre translated, much contrary to his intentions, unto another Name and Nation, God suffering him, as a blind man, to err in his ends, and wander in all his courses. Yea all that great Treasure, which he raked together upon the ruins of the Church; how was it employed? How spent, but in the excess of vanity and evil? Neither to any honour of the Realm, nor to the ease of his subjects, nor to the maintenance of soldiers, nor to the relief of the poor, (all which were pretended mainly when the business was to be done) but in Tilt, Triumphs, Mummeries, Masquing, in pleasing and enriching his Mistresses, and to satisfy the greedy appetites and expectations of those solicitors of his Lusts. In a word, Bolen, and Prodigality consumed all. And touching those who were thought to be the occasion and chief instruments of these disorders, that is to say, Cardinal Wolsey, and the Lord Gromwel, when they had served his turn sufficiently, and were grown rich, they were themselves, upon pretended, and but light occasions, taken, with disgrace and misfortune turned out of the World, leaving their Estates at his mercy. And for himself, when he had wearied his subjects with a long, chargeable, and ingloricus Reign, and that he found his soul, as much oppressed with the guilt of innumerable heinous sins, as his body was become unwieldy and troublesome to others, through his excessive intemperance, he died, as some good Authors say, 
Thuan.  desirous to repent, and to be reconciled to the Church; but what effect his desires had, (which we wish might be to the saving of his soul) is only known to God.  
But what course think we would the Lutherans of Germany, the C●ns●storians of Genevah and France, the Brethren of Scotland, have taken in this case? What would they have done, should they have found themselves at any time oppressed, abused, rob of their Rights and Interests, and harrassed with injuries, as the Catholics of England were, by such a Tyrant as this? Yet the Catholics took all patiently, made no mutinies, raised no tumults, no insurrections that were considerable, or generally owned. It is acknowledged even by our adversaries, that these Abbeys and their Dependants were almost the third part of the Realm, men of understanding, power and interest, their Revenues great, their Tenants many and rich; They were not a little favoured also by the people, for their constant Hospitalities and good House-keeping among them, well esteemed likewise generally amongst the Nobility and Gentry. Besides, the Knights of St. John's of Jerusalem (who found themselves in the same predicament with the rest) by their Fraternities and Interests abroad, might have procured great troubles to the King, especially by the Pope and Emperor's assistance; yet to show the world what they were, to give an example of the patience of true Israelites, and due obedience of good Subjects; yea, to imitate, in some sort, the Divine pattern of their Master's meekness, they resolved rather to endure Gods just punishment upon them, in the King's great injustice, then to Arm themselves into the Field, like so many Lutherans, Calvinists, or Geuses, against their lawful Sovereign, having no lawful order or authority so to do. The Arms they took up, were not Zuinglius his Sword, nor Beza's Pistols, but the ancient, and most proper Arms of true Christians, Prayers and Tears, Submission, Resignation, Patience under the rod of God, and of a wicked King. I shall add this only Argument more, of the inconveniences which followed upon these proceed of the King, and of the provocation which Catholic people had under him, if it had been possible to be put into disorder, viz. That although the number of Gentry were somewhat increased by the suppression of Abbeys, and alienation of Church Lands, yet the Rents of Lands were presently, and very much enhanced thereupon, Enclosures were set on foot, Depopulations generally made, the price of all things raised, to the extreme detriment of the poorer sort of people ever since, as the Protestants themselves complained; 
Ascham. Epist. ad. Protect.  and the Yeomanry infinitely decayed, who before this were accounted, and found to be upon all occasions, the Honour and Strength of the Nation.   

Titulus Secundus.  
HItherto Schism, and Sacrilege annexed to it, chief reigned; but the second plague was the utter ruin and extinction of Religion. For by abuse of the name and authority of King Edward, the very Church itself was entirely subverted, Religion absolutely changed, Heresy introduced, and established in the full, open, and public profession thereof: And we might say, the craft and malice of the Devil, whose work it is to corrupt true Religion, & confound States, herein most perfectly appeared. For though indeed the way to Heresy, and all public disorder, were sufficiently leveled and made plain by King Henry the Eighth, (who only, by reason of his greatness, and imperious cruelty, was fit to begin such a work) yet Religion itself was suffered to stand a while longer, at least in the general and more visible parts of it; he knowing well, that all could not be effected at once, and that it was necessary for him to seduce States, as he doth souls, gradatìm, by degrees, opportunity, and succession of time: And being also confident, that if those forts of Piety, and true Christian-Catholike Devotion, that is, the Religious Houses, were once-razed, the Church in England brought under a Lay head, and by consequence the sheep made Governors of their Shepherds, he should easily upon a second attempt there, and by some other hand, overthrow Religion itself.  
King Henry at his death had appointed by will sixteen Executors, who, during the minority of his Son, King Edward, should be, as it were, his Guardians and Counsellors, for the better governing of the Realm. Among these, one, (who made himself afterward Principal) was the Lord Edward Seymour, Earl of Hartford: who being the King's Uncle by the Mother-side, procured himself in a short time to be made Protector; and by that means got, as he thought, a dispensation from his Joint Executorship with the others, and demeaned himself now in all things concerning the Affairs of the Realm, as their Superior. A thing which King Henry lest of all intended, rather he had provided, with as much caution as was possible, against the encroaching of any one upon the rest, under any title or pretence soever. But this was the way to bring about some further designs, intended by that Party, which advanced the Protector to that dignity, and which the other, and more honest part of the Council, did not, either so providently foresee, or so faithfully resist, as they ought to have done. One of the first things which the Protector set on foot, after the Protectorship was secured to him, was Innovation of Religion, abolishing the Old Catholic, and introducing a New, under the title of Reformation: Not so much out of any great preciseness that was ever observed in him, or devotion that he was thought to have, more one way then another, but because he was thirsty, and desired to drink to the bottom of the Cup, which in King Harry's time it seems he had but only tasted. There was yet some Game in his eye, which he intend-to bring into Toils, viz. some few remains of Church-Lands, Collegiate-Lands, and Hospitals, which he could not compass, or draw into possession, by any Engine better than that pretence of reforming Religion. Cranmer, that unworthy Archbishop of Canterbury, was his Right Hand, and chief Assistant in the work, although but a few months before he was of King Harry's Religion, yea, a Patron and Prosecutor of the Six Articles. To this end, viz. the more to amuse the people, and, as they thought, to give some strength and countenance to what they meant to set up, a couple of strangers, Religious men indeed by profession, but such as were long since run from their Orders, that is, Peter Martyr, and Bucer must be sent for as far as Germany, and placed in the Divinity Chairs at Cambridge and Oxford: That the world might see, how contrary, not only the Pastors of the Church and Clergy, but even all the learned men in both the Universities, and of the whole Kingdom generally, were to his proceed. By these two Apostate Friars, together with Cranmer, Ridley, Latimer, and some others, was a new Liturgy framed, and the old abolished, together with that Religion, which had been so many hundreds of years observed in this Nation with great happiness and honour. The Protector, though powerful of himself, by abuse and pretence of the King's name, in all things which he did, (although the King were but a Child of nine years old, was yet well seconded by the Duke of Northumberland, and by the Admiral his only Brother, by the Marquis of Northampton, etc. all of them persons (seemingly at least) much inclined to Reformation, and by them he overbore all the rest that opposed him, or were any thing contrary to his designs: As there were many, both eminent and wise men, and equally entrusted in the public affairs with himself, could things have been carried rightly; In particular, the Lord Privy Seal, the Lord St. John of Basin, Bishop Tonstall, Sir Anthony Brown, and that wise Secretary Sir William Paget; but most especially, the Noble Chancellor, the Lord Wriothsley, a man of singular experience, knowledge, prudence, and who deserveth to be a Pattern to his Posterity, far to be preferred before any new Guides. But being made Earl of Southampton, though it neither won him to the Faction, nor contented, nor secured him, yet he stood th● more quiet, and made no great opposition to their do.  
All things now grew to confusion, there remained no face, nor scarce the name of Catholic Church in England; and though there were great multitudes of men well affected to the old Religion, and discontented, that the Church should be thus driven into the Wilderness, and forced to lurk in Corners: Yet did they show loyalty, obedience, and love to the public Peace notwithstanding. They took up no Arms, they raised no Rebellion, not so much as against the shadow of a King, or the usurper of his Royal name. The Protector in the mean time goeth on with his work, which is principally to enrich himself with the Remains of the Church, having long before, as 'tis said, tasted the sweetness of such Morsels in the Priory of Aumesbury. He now seizeth two Bishops houses in the Strand, and of them buildeth Somerset house, which, as the world saw, quickly reverted and slipped out of his hands. After this he procureth an Act to be made, whereby all Colleges remaining, all Chantries, Free Chapels and Fraternities were suppressed and given to the King. And how greedily he entered into the Bishop of Bath and Wells his Houses and Manors, that Church will never be able to forget; Notwithstanding that Bishop Bourn afterward by his industry recovered something, but nothing to the spoils and waist, which was made. Nor was he satisfied with this; For shortly after contrary to all Law, to King Henry's will, and against his own Covenants; (those I mean, which he entered to his Advancers, when they made him Protector,) He committed the Lord Chancellor Wriothsley to the Tower, deposed Bishop Tonstal both from the Counsel & from his Bishopric, viz. of Durham, as thinking it a signory too Stately for a man of Religion. And therefore he dissolved it, and brought it within the Survey of the Exchequer, that is, into his own power; but, as it was observed, he never prospered after. However the Act itself was most inexcusably unjust and tyrannical, being so directly contrary to Law; as appeared, beside what hath been alleged before, by 1. Ed. 3. chap. 2. where the King declareth, That the Lands of Bishops ought not to be seized into the King's hands, and that what had been done in that kind in his Father's days, was by advice of evil Counsel, and hereafter should not be so. But his sins now grew towards ripeness. Therefore having also deprived and committed Doctor Gardiner the Bishop of Winchester, dissolved the College of Stoke, fleeced all the Cathedral Churches in England, and added unto the guilt of Sacrilege many other outrages, oppressions, and crimes, under the Nonage of a Pupil King, without any check or opposition, save only in the business of the Earldom of Oxford, which he was not able to devour, as he desired; at last, in the midst of his career, and after he had sentenced and put to death his own and only Brother, the Lord Admiral, chief (as 'tis supposed) upon the instigations of an ambitious or malicious Wife, he was himself arraigned for High Treason, and ill governing of the Realm, (as may be seen by the Articles of his Attainder in Stow) and thereupon condemned and executed on the twenty second day of January, in the year of our Lord, 1552.  
When the Brothers were gone, viz. the Protector, and Admiral, Dudley, Duke of Northumberland comes upon the Stage; a man, whose ambition and policy, though unperceived, had ruined both of them, but especially the Protector, whose chief Adversary he was, and the principal contriver of the Charge against him, which in brief referred unto these Heads. 1. That he had subverted all Laws. 2. That he had broke the orders appointed by King Henry the Eighth for his Sons good. 3. That he held a Cabinet-Councel: and by it transacted the public and chief Affairs of State, without the advice of his Fellow-Counsellors. 4. Lastly, That he observed not the Conditions upon which he was made Protector, which were, to do nothing in the King's Affairs without consent of the rest of the Executors. Upon these Rocks the Protector perished, not without the manifest judgement of God, for much injustice, which he had committed in the time of his Government, especially in the business of Religion, and of the Church: and Northumberland for a while prevailed. This man (though he were all otherwise in his heart, yet) thought fitting to seem a little more precisely religious, than the Protector, intending thereby to assure himself of the affections of such people, as were more Zealously affected to new Religion. The Protector, looking only at present profit, ca●●d to humour them in that point no further ●●en might serve his own turn: But Northumberland had other designs in his head, which were no less, then to advance his own Family to the Crown, and to ruin the right Heirs. And therefore to ingratiate himself more with the Common people, in the year 1552. he causeth the Liturgy or book of Common prayer to be the second time Reform, and Purged of certain ceremonies and orders, offensive to that sort of people, which he desired to please; and so to be published. This project stood him in much stead: among others of the Nobility it gained him the Duke of Suffolk, who from henceforward seemed wholly to be at Northumberlands Devotion, and to steer his course after the others compass: Being a Potent man, and the greatest Precisian of those times; unless perhaps they dissembled (both of them) upon the same account. But because the Lord Treasurer Paulet, Marquis of Winchester, was more like to cross, the●●●mply with them, therefore it is resolved to remove him out of the way. And to that end Northumberland observing, that it was the Treasurer's custom, sitting at the Counsel Table, if at any tim● he were suddenly called up to the King, to make such haste, th●t he commonly left his Spectacles behinds him, he procured them once to be so sweetly anointed and perfumed before his return, that at his next putting them on, they cost him his Nose, and scaped very narrowly with his Life; which yet with much ado was saved, and the Treasurer lived to make the Duke his good friend, some part of requital, as the event shown.  
Not long after this King Edward falleth sick, whereupon (designs growing now to maturity) the Duke procures his Son Guildford Dudley to be married to the Lady Jane Grey Daughter to the Duchess of Suffolk, one who had a remote title to the Crown: But they meant to advance it by their power, The Lady herself being also studiously affected to the Protestant Religion; and for that respect they doubted not to find favours and assistants enough: But therein their count failed them. At the same time th● Earl of Pembroke's Son was married to the Lady Katherine, another Daughter of the Duke of Suffolk; And the Earl of Huntingdons' Son to one of Northumberlands own Daughters: All which marriages were solemnised upon one day at Durham House in the Strand; And after them King Edward lived not long. It is said that the Apothecary who poisoned him, for the horror of the offence and disquietness of his Conscience, drowned himself; and that he Laundress, which washed his Shirt, lost the Skin of her Fingers: But this is certain, th●re are some yet living in Court, who can tell, how many weeping Eyes they have seen for the untimely and Treacherous loss of such a Prince. 
See Heyward. Hist. Edw. 6.  But the pretence and zeal of Religion, which these men showed, did so overshadow all things for a time, that not many could discern their impiety. The Oration which Nort●umberland made to the Lords in the Tower, when he was upon his departure for Cambridge, to proclaim his Daughter in Law Lady Jane Queen, doth show, what a Fox he was, and how far he could both descend and dissemble to compass his ends. 
Goodw. Annals.  Howbeit in his way the Justice of God met him. For the people (the Suffolk men especially) sticking faithfully to the right Heir, and their lawful Sovereign Queen Mary, he was quickly deserted by all men, apprehended, and received at Tower-hil the due reward of his Treason, and other sins, with the loss of his head. And so we see those two Lords of Misrule, or Reformation, if it must be called so, that is to say, the Protector Duke of Somerset, and this man Duke of Northumberland, Born (both of them) for the Scourge and ruin of the Catholic Church in England, by a just vengeance of Heaven, proved at last, as it were Butchers and Executioners of one another, undid their several Families, and endangered the whole Realm: The one's Ambition, The others Avarice destroying him. Yet of the two the calamity of the Protector must, in all humane judgement, seem most disastrous. For 'tis certain, through his own weakness and the importune instigations of his Wife, he was compelled to serve the designs of his greatest Adversary in the world, by putting his own brother to death. And after that living to see Bologne lost, and the Crown, through his Misgovernment engaged in many debts, wants, and trouble, he last of all ended his days fatally, and without any show of repentance for those sins, which brought, him to that end. Whereas in this respect Northumberland was far more happy. For having in all humble and penitent manner acknowledged his offences to the Bishop of Worcester Doctor Heath, his Ghostly Father, and thereby reconciled himself to God, and to the Communion of his Church, at the place of Execution, (not out of design, or hopes of life, as some would maliciously asperse the action, but willingly, freely, of his own accord, and out of conscience, as himself protesteth at his death) he made another most Christian and public acknowledgement of his Faults, especially those which concerned Heresy, Sacrilege and Treason: in all which he confessed himself to be most guilty. And thereupon used much and vehement exhortation to the people, to beware of those Preachers of New Doctrine, who had f● ed the Kingdom with so many false Opinions and much trouble: Assuring them plainly and openly concerning himself, that whatsoever he had professed or done in that kind, proceeded wholly from Covetousness, Ambition, and other evil Motives not worthy to be named, and not from any persuasion of Judgement or Conscience, which he ever had that way. And therefore adminished them, that they should willingly return to the Communion of God's Church, and keep themselves constant in the Catholic Faith, and true Religion. Which for Conscience sake, saith he, I only tell you, and that I may thereby, in some sort acquit me of my duty, and save my soul, and not for any humane or temporal motive, expectation, or hope whatsoever. And so died. The Oration itself, out of which this is extracted, may be seen at large in Schardus, 
Sim. Schard. Memor. Histor. in Maximil. 2.  a Protestant chronicler of note, in his historical collections; and elsewhere, I suppose, without much difficulty.  
Thus lived, and thus died, as we have said, the two grand adversaries of God's Church, and subverters of Catholic Religion in England: after so many disorders committed (as God was pleased to suffer) by their power and procurement, and that they had sufficiently scourged and afflicted those, whose sins well deserved such punishment, they were (both of them taken away by the hand of Justice, and met with their deserts Temporally; and things were restored to some better pass. But what did the Catholics all this while? How did they behave themselves? What Rebellions did they raise? what commotions or tumults of the people did they procure? I mean the more civil, religious, and ingenuous amongst them. 'Tis true, some Rise there were in Devonshire, and the Western parts, of the rude multitude, exasperated especially upon some temporal grievances, oppressions, and wants, which followed the misgovernment of those times; Religion was either not at all, or least of all pretended by them: They were vexed indeed to see the encroachments, which the Protector and others made daily upon the Kings and People's Interest; They were sensible of the Scarcity and Dearth of all kind of necessary commodities for life, which came suddenly upon them, and was far greater than it used to be; They could not endure well to be abridged, by Enclosures, of some other Liberties which they pretended to; In brief, They were sensible of all such inconveniences in the Government of the State, as concerned the Outward Man; but for Religion, further than it served to ease their Spleen, that is, to clamour, to asperse and rail upon those, whom they conceived the Authors of their other, and more resented grievances, I conceive they minded it not: and that there is scarce any good ground why a man should think them, in that respect, more Catholics then Protestant's. And if a Priest, or some Ecclesiastical person were found amongst them, (as it were strange if there should be none, considering how many there were then in the kingdom, absolutely destitute, and discontented) yet certainly, they were not many, nor in any other quality considerable. Whereas 'tis certain, that Kets camp in Norfolk, (a business of far greater consequence and difficulty) were all of them such as were fallen with the State from the profession of Catholic Religion, and become Protestants. And this I would generally premise, desiring the Reader to observe it, that where I affirm of Catholics, that they did not conspire against their Princes, nor raise any tumults in the kingdom, for matter of Religion, I mean such only as were Catholics indeed, and stood firm in their Holy Recusancy, not complying in any sortwith those alterations, which Henry the 8th. Edward the 6th. or Queen Elizabeth, in their several times procured to be made, contrary to the integrity of Christian Religion. For such as complied were not to be counted Catholics any longer, but Heretics, Schismatics, Hypocrites, etc. And for such people, having corrupted their faith to God, I would not be taken to apologise in any other point of duty. For 'tis very possible they might still retain some notions of Catholic Religion in their minds, which, afterward, and upon other occasions, running into terms of disloyalty, they might pretend as matter of complaint against their Prince, though themselves were neither Catholic; nor That, nor any other matter purely Spiritual, the true original cause of their Disorder; but only those Temporal Grievances by which they smarted (as is abovesaid) and which they saw well enough to proceed, either wholly, or in part, from the several alterations made.  
There were the like in Lincolnshire, which our English Chronicles pass not over in silence. But it sufficeth, that for the generality of Catholics, (I mean still those of more ingenuous, civil, and better quality) notwithstanding so great and violent provocations, as were used towards them; their patience and submissive demeanour towards the State and civil Government was most exemplary to the World: Neither Prelates, nor Priests, nor Lay-people making any resistance against those unworthy men, who so much oppressed them under the King's usurped Authority and Name, making such havoc in the Church, and spoil of all things consecrate to the Service of God, and exercise of their True, Ancient, Christian-Catholike Religion, as this Nation never saw the like, since it had ●he happiness to be called Christian. It seemed, they had been bred in a better School of Virtue, then that which Calvin opened at Genevah, and had learned to bear the cross of their Saviour, that is to say, these temporal afflictions, calamities, and injuries, with more Patience; and that the glory of Martyrdom in sufferance was accounted far more honourable with them, and more becoming good Christians, than the Sword and Fortune of a Conqueror in commanding. In which most Christian posture I leave them to proceed.   

Titulus Tertius.  
THe last and greatest tempest against poor English Catholics was raised by Queen Elizabeth. This not only shook the foundations of the Church, which had been so lately repaired by the most Catholic Princess Queen Mary, but proceeded, so far as humane policy and power could, to extirpate the very name and memory of Catholic Religion in England. 
Camd. in Elizab.  And this, as it were, in an instant, and without noise. For, as her own Historian, Camdeu, reporteth, it was done, Sine sanguine & sudore, No man (unless perhaps it were Master Secretary Cecil) did so much as sweat in the bringing in of New Religion; nor was any man's blood, I mean at the first beginning, drawn about it. The Christian world stood amazed at the first news of such a sudden alteration: Both because Religion had been so lately, and so solemnly restored by Parliament; as also because the Queen herself (that now was) always professed herself so much Catholic, during the Reign of her Sister. She constantly every day heard Mass, saith the same Camden, and beside that, ad Romanae Religionis normam soepius confiteretur, went often to Confession, as other Roman Catholics did. Yea, saith Sir Francis Ingleseild, when she was upon other matters sometimes examined by Commissioners from the Queen, she would herself take occasion to complain, that the Queen her Sister should see me to have any doubt of her Religion, and would thereupon make Protestation, and Swear that she was a Catholic. The Duke of Feria's Letter to King Philip is yet extant to be seen; wherein is certified, that the Queen had given him such assurance of her belief, and in particular concerning the point of Real Presence, that for his part he could not believe, she intended any great Alteration in Religion. The same profession also she made to Monsieur Lansack, as many Honourable Persons have testified; and at her Coronation she was Consecrated in all points according to the Catholic manner, and anointed at Mass by the Bishop of Carlisle, taking the same Oath to maintain Catholic Religion, the Church, and Liberties thereof, as all other her Catholic Predecessors, Kings and Queens of England, had ever done.  
Concerning the grounds, which moved her to make this Alteration, so much contrary to the expectation and judgement of Christendom, we shall speak in due place. This was manifest, that the long sickness of Queen Mary gave her great advantage & time, both to deliberate and draw all platforms into debate, to prepare instruments in readiness for all designs, and to make choice of the fittest and surest Counsellors, such as were most likely to advance her ends. Neither did she seem to value her Honour overmuch, in order to the bringing about of her chief design. For in open Parliament, after her intentions for a change began, to be discovered, she protested, that no trouble should arise to the Roman Catholics, 
Horas Preface of Queen Elizab.  for any difference in Religion: Which did much abate the opposition, which otherwise might probably have been made by the Catholic party, and put the Clergy themselves in some hopes of Fair quarter under her Government. She knew full well, that a Prince alone, how Sovereign soever, could not establish a new Religions in his Kingdom; but that it must be the work of a Parliament to give Authority and Countenance to a business of that nature. Therefore to win the Bishops, and the rest of the Catholics in Parliament to silence at least, she was content to use policy with them, and promise them fair; as Monsieur Mauvissieir hath well observed, 
Les memoir de Mons. Mich. Castelnau.  who was a long time Ambassador here from the French King, and curiously noted the passages of those times. Add hereunto, That when the Act for Supremacy was revived (which was always the great Wheel of these Motions,) whereas by King Henry's Law both Bishops and Barons stood in danger thereof (as the examples of Sir Thomas Moor Lord Chancellor of England, and Doctor Fisher Bishop of Rochester had shown) in this Parliament the Queen was content to exempt the Lords and Barons absolutely from the Oath, (as they in King Edward the Sixths' time had exempted themselves,) and to leave the Rigour of it only upon the Clergy and Commons. She also thought good to qualify the Style somewhat, viz. from Supreme Head, changing it into Supreme Governor; which, though it altered not the sense, yet it abused some into a belief, that the Queen pretended not unto so much in matters Ecclesiastical, as the King her Father had done. Beside we are to remember, that King Henry, by pulling he Abbeys, had much weakened the power of the Clergy in Parliament, having deprived them of the Votes of no less than Five and twenty Abbots, who constantly sat in Parliament in the quality of Barons. And lastly, it is well known, The Lower House of Parliament itself (as they call it,) was so calmly spirited in those times, that they used not much to oppose, what their good Lords of the upper House liked.  
All which things considered, and that too many of the Catholics, both Lords and others, thinking it better wisdom to purchase their future security by present silence, then to expose themselves to trouble and vexation afterward, by opposing that, which they feared, they should not be able to hinder; therefore either but faintly resist, or quietly absent themselves, who can wonder, if the whole business were carried with ease, upon such promises of the Queen, and by the industry and craft of Sinon (alias, Secretary Cecil,) who had the chief Management of it in his hands. By his advice it was thought fitting, that the Noble. Earl of Arundel should, for a time, be abused with some hopes of marrying the Queen; who thereupon, by the interest which he had in the house of Peers, engrossed into his own hands the Proxies or voices of so many of them (who thought good to be absent,) as when time came, served the Queens turn exceedingly well. The duke of Norfolk, Son in law to Arundel, but now a Widower, was already exasperated against the Pope, because he might not have dispensation to marry his Kinswoman; and therefore it was no hard matter to join him with Arundel. The Queen had also against this time, either made, or advanced in dignity, and consequently in interest, certain new Lords, whom she knew to be favourers of her design, viz. William Lord Parr was made Marquis of Northampton, a good Speaker and a Politic man, Edward Seymour Son to the late Duke of Somerset, was made Viscount Beauchamp and Earl of Hartford, Sir Thomas Howard was made Viscount Bindon, Sir Oliver Saint John Lord St. John of Bletso, Sir Henry Cary Lord Hunsdon. She had also as much weakened the Catholics party, by discharging from the Counsel-Table many of the old Counsellors, such as she thought would oppose themselves, viz. the Lord Chancellor Heath Archbishop of York, the Lord Paget, Lord Privy Seal, the Secretary Boxhal, Sir Francis Inglefeild and others; in whose rooms were placed Sir Nicholas Baecon, The new Marquis of Northampton, The Earl of Bedford, Sir Anthony Cave, Sir Francis Knolls, Rogers, Parry, and Secretary Cecil. She depo●ed many of the old Judges, made new Justices of the Peace; and lastly, concerning the Election of Knights and Burgesses for the Parliament ensuing, she took such order, by the great diligence and cunning of her Instruments in all the Counties, that she wanted not a competent party, ready to close with her design in that House. Besides this, to remove all scruples, as much as might be, out of the people's heads, and to make them think, that the same Religion and Service continued still, which was so lately before reestablished by Parliament, and that all the alteration made, was but only the turning of the Leiturgy out of Latin into English for their better understanding, she provided, that in the Common-prayer-book there should be some part of the old frame still upheld, some Collects, Prayers and Anthems of the old Missal, some of the ancient Ecclesiastical Habits for Divine Service, as Copes, Surplices, etc. some Ceremonies, as the Sign of the Cross, Adoration and Bowing at the name of Jesus: The Organs also and ancient manner of Singing their Matins and Even song was retained, especially in her own Chapels, and in most of the Cathedral and Collegiate Churches of the Kingdom. The Title, Authority, and Jurisdiction of Bishops was also preserved with some considerable Grace and Dignity in the State, together with most part of the Revenues, of which at that present the Cathedral Churches were seized. By which dexterous management of affairs, the Common people were instantly lulled asleep, and complied to every thing; and it became not so hard a matter for the Queen to excuse herself, even to those foreign Princes, who expected otherwise at her hands: As she did particularly to the Secretary D' Assonville, who was sent by King Philip out of Flanders to Congratulate her advancement to the Crown.  
By this time the Common-Prayer-Book was framed according to the Queen's appointment, by certain Commissioners authorised for that purpose; The principal whereof were Doctor Matthew Parker, after advanced to the Archbishopric of Canterbury, having been formerly, as some say Chaplain to Her Highness: Edmund Grindal afterwards Bishop of London, Horn of Winchester, Whitehead, May, Bill, and Sir Thomas Smith Dr. of the Civil Law. The Liturgy was framed according to the Model of that, which the English strangers had used at Frankford in the year 1554. and varied not much from that which Northumberland had caused to be published towards the latter end of King Edward the Sixth. By the Nobility that were merely English Protestants, as the Marquis of Northampton, Earl of Bedford, Lord Grace of Pytgo, Secretary Cecil, and others, it was well approved, and the estabishing thereof by Parliament very much urged: But those, who had tasted of Genevah, and were more affected with calvin's Model, both disliked and opposed it, either not knowing, or not regarding the Queen's reasons of State, in the business. Sir William Cecil, as we said, was now Secretary of State, a Politic man, and one that knew well enough, how much this alteration would advance him; his industry carried all before him. Howbeit his fortunes were yet but low, having only the Parsonage of Wimbledon, and some few Lands about Stamford to subsist upon. Therefore in his Letter to the Lord Marquis of Northampton, who was his Mecaen●s, in the year 1560. upon the birht of his son Sir Robert Cecil, he desires the Marquis (being the Lord Treasurer) to move the Queen in his behalf for some means and maintenance for his G. C. (as he called them) who were so likely to be famous in England afterward. Sir Nicholas Bacon was his Brother in Law, and another chief Engine of State; a man of somewhat a deeper judgement in the knowledge of the Laws, and a more plausible Orator. I must not forget, in this Catalogue of State-Engins, the Lord Robori (afterwards famously known by the name of Leicester) who, to possess the Queen's favour solely, had already discarded Sir William Pickening, though formerly, (viz. in meaner fortune) a favourite, and no uncourtly Gentleman. Nor yet Sir Nicholas Throgmorton, nor Sir Francis Walsingham, nor Sir Thomas Smith, who were all, with the rest, prime instruments of this Action, intimate Counsellors in the business, and posset ng wholly the ears and grace of the Queen, sit as chief Pilots at the Stor●, guiding the the course both of Church and Commonwealth at their pleasure. All of them at this instant big with hopes of Preferment, Honour, and great Offices, which they were sure to lose, who held them under Queen Mary; Though many men wondered how Master Secretary Cecil could so easily forget his Beads, and his Breviary, wherewith with he so tightly counterfeited a Catholic in Queen Mary's time, that Cardinal Poole himself was deceived by him, so far as to do him many friendly Offices towards her Majesty, which, as by the event appeared, he did not much deserve.  
Their great, and indeed only, pretence or reason for the Change was Reason of State, The Queen's safety, Scilicet. This they had all of them, but especially Secretary Cecil wrought strongly into her Majesty's apprehension, 
Camd. in Elizab.  Actum esse de eâ, si Pontificiam Authoritatem in quâcunque re agnosceret, she was but a lost Princess, say they, if she acknowledged the Pope's authority in any thing. For, Duo Pontifices; Two several Popes already had pronounced her Mother's marriage with the King to be unlawful and Null. It may be thought, her Mother's Conscience did likewise pronounce the same sentence in her own Breast; otherwise why did she, being ready to go to the place of Execution; so solemnly entreat and charge the Lady Kingst n, 
Speed. Chron.  to go to the Princess Mary, and upon her knees in her name to ask pardon of her, for all the wrongs, she had done her, protesting, that until this were done, she could not die in peace? But upon this ground the Statesmen of those times conclude it necessary, that the Queen should alter Religion, Invest herself with the Sovereignty of all Power, and banish that Authority out of the Realm, which had presumed to declare her Majesty Illegitimate. This Counsel, how prosperous soever it proved in the event, (through God's permission,) and how speciously politic soever it might be made to seem, by the Arguments and Rhetoric of those men, who for their own ends and interests desired a change, yet Really it could not but be full o● d●nger, both to th● Queen and th● Realm; but especially to the Queen: who, if she had pleased, might have secured herself of her own particular fears by some better way. For hereby, the Sentence of Excommunication in some sort necessarily issuing upon her proceed, she was not only left destitute of all her Allies and Confederates, and driven as it were, to stand solely upon her own guard, against France, who was already an Enemy; and against Spain, who was a friend not very well satisfied. But she was forced, even at first, and at the entrance of her Reign, to run upon a Rock; which might have Shipwrackt her whole State; which was to assist the Rebels in Scotland against their lawful Sovereign, under a pretence of expelling the French, who were brought in thither by Authority of the Queen, only to maintain the Government established. This might have taught her own people a bad lesson at home, a man would think; though it did not, as it proved. And being thus engaged in Scotland, she was obliged in pursuance of her design, to succour the Admiral and those Rebellious Hugonots of France; by whose persuasion she invaded Normandy, took possession of the Towns of Newhaven, Diep, and some other places delivered to her by the Vidame of Charteres. But the disgrace in ill-defending and losing of them, especially of Newhaven, was one of the greatest blemishes that ever the English, before that time, received upon French ground; and far greater than it was Honour, to have them delivered, upon such occasion, into the Queen's possession. For certainly had either the cause been just, or prudently managed, they might upon that advantage, have easily brought home Calais again, or locked up the Gates of Rouen and Paris. But they did neither, nor brought home any thing, but a great Plague after them; in most men's judgement, a scourge to the Realm for that offence. After this upon the like necessity of self-preservation, and upon the Reason of State, which Polybius prescribeth, Vicini nim●ùm crescenti● potentia quâcunque ex causâ deprimenda, By all means keep thy Neighbour from growing too great, she made no scruple to impede and give obstruction to the affairs of King Philip in the Netherlands, who was her Neighbour, her Ally, her Confederate, yea upon more occasions than one, and in matters of no small exigence, the best friend which she had in the world. Yet by reason of those pernicious Counsels concerning Religion, which she was fallen upon, she was, as it were, compelled to disown his just interest, and profess herself Ungrateful in the face of the world. Thereupon Orange and the States are assisted against their lawful Sovereign King Philip. I must not deny, but even in doing this, she pretended respect unto the King's interest, professing in her Declaration concerning that business, 
Stow.  That what she did, was to preserve the Ancient Amity and Leagues betwixt the Crown of England, and the House of Burgundy, and to prevent the loss and utter revolt of those Countries from the King's obedience, which she knew otherwise the States and Orange would deliver up to some other Prince more professedly his Enemy. So true it is, that which Machiavelli observed, I suppose, much about those times, viz. That wise Princes seldom or never want pretences for their Actions. What a fair colour is here given to a foul Cause? But where is Conscience, Christianity and Truth, in the mean time? The world could see well enough through the Vizard; and knew, at what mark both the Queen and the States aimed.  
But most Sage, sure, and worthy of so great a Commander and wise man, as himself was, is that of Thucydides, Nullus Princeps a suis subditis justè puniendis arcendus est, &c, No Prince, saith he, aught to be hindered from punishing his Subjects according to the Laws; and whosoever goeth about to do so, by his evil example parem in se legem Statuit, etc. he makes a Law against himself, and inables his own Subjects, in like case, to seek foreign protection against his justice. And this the Queen, with the whole Nation, might have found true by sad experience, if that either Henry the Second, or Francis the Second, Kings of France had lived; or that her own Subjects, I mean those, whom she had not a little injured and alienated by her Misgovernment, had not been more loyally respective of her dignity, and more inclined to obedience, and sufferance for a good cause, than many other people in the world were. But Divine Providence having decreed, for our much unworthiness and many sins, to remove the Candlestick of this Nation, that is, to deprive us of the Light of the true saving Faith, and of all public and free exercise of true Christian Religion, and to deliver us up to the darkness and many old delusions of Heresy, and to follow our own ways in those things, wherein it most of all concerned us to have been ruled by good Authority, (which is the greatest judgement, that can befall a Nation, or any people in this wo●ld) all things cooperated to the accomplishment of his just displeasure against us; And the Queen with he● party, were permitted to go on with their work, without any interruption; Even before her Coronation, or that any debate or resolution had been taken in Parliament de novo concerning Religion, she, being herself but a Sheep of the Flock (as Constantine, Thedosius, and many others her Christian Predecessors in Princely Dignity have not blushed to acknowledge) yet presumed to put all the Shepherds of the Kingdom to silence; commanding, that none of the Bishops or other Prelates should preach, till her pleasure was further known. And after the Parliament all of them, that refused the new revived Oath of Supremacy, were deprived of all Honours, Dignities; and Employments which they had in Church or Commonwealth; and committed to several Prisons. Of this sort there are reckoned no less than Fourteen Bishops of England, all Virtuous and Learned Prelates, that were instantly deposed, and Ten of Ireland, Twelve Deans, Fifteen Heads or Masters of Colleges, Six Abbots, besides inferior dignitaries of the clergy, viz. Arch-Deacons, and other Priests without number, together with Master Shelley, Prior of Saint john's of Jerusalem. All these as to their demeanour towards the Queen were blameless; there was not the least exception taken against them in that respect. The Bishops themselves were all sitting in Parliament at the time of Queen Mary's death, and acknowledged by divers Proclamations Queen Elizabeth's Right and Title to the Crown. The Archbishop of York, Doctor Heath, was then Chancellor of England, and laboured by all means possible to do her Majesty service, and to settle the Hearts of her people in obedience and loyalty towards her, as to their natural and lawful Sovereign; especially in that grave Oration, which he made to the Nobility and Commons of Parliament, upon the first report of Queen Mary's death. The Bishops jointly did their Homage and Fealty to her in all dutiful manner; and though they were not without some suspicion, that she intended to change Religion, yet did they practise neither Scotizing nor Genevating towards her: Never did they incense the people against her, though they were generally Catholic, and they might (probably) have done it, to her no little trouble. No, they never attempted any kind, or any show of violent resistance at all, either by Domestic or Foreign help; but always, from first to last, most submissively behaved themselves towards her, tendering her safety and the Peace of the Realm, far above their own Lives, Liberties, and Estates. 'Tis true, it was once debated among them, whither they ought not to proceed to Excommunication against her, both for the preservation of Catholics, and discharge of their Office: Yet considering the great trouble and inconveniences that might arise thereby, both to her Majesty and the State, in case the people should fall into any disorders thereupon, or take Arms in defence of Religion, They concluded (notwithstanding her case and proceed were very much liable to censure) yet, for their parts to leave her to God's Judgement, and referred the whole business to his Holiness.  
And herein also the Favour and Interest of King Philip, (as they had always done) did stand her in no small stead. For he, knowing the practices of France upon this occasion, and how much they laboured at Rome, that sentence of Excommunication might pass against Queen Elizabeth; only out of design, and hoping to invest themselves of England thereupon, under the Title and pretensions of Queen Mary of Scotland, who was the next Heir, and at that time married to their King; Was the more willing to hinder it: lest by this means, England and Ireland both, together with Scotland, should come to be Incorporate, as it were, into the Crown of France, and so become an enemy too potent for him to deal with; out of which respect also, even in Queen Mary's time, more than once he had kept of proceed against her, which otherwise would have concerned her very nearly. Therefore so long as there was any hope, that the Queen might be capable of better Counsels, he ceased not by his Ministers to do all good Offices here betwixt the Queen and the Clergy; and at Rome, hindered the passing of the censures for no small time, notwithstanding all the endeavours and instances thereunto made by the French. But the Prelates all this while, as I said, chose rather a Durate then Armate, ever professing with their mouths, and making it good, no less with their examples and practices, that Preces and Lachrimae indeed, Prayers and Tears were the only weapons which they had, to fight against the Queen. Though the world knows, how little these prevailed with her; whose severity towards them continued, in the same extremity from first to last, not relenting, nor affording the least remission, in any degree of Liberty or Estate, unto their dying day. Doctor Scot Bishop of Chester died at Louvain in Exile, Goldwel of Asaph died at Rome, Pate Bishop of Worcester was indeed at the Council of Trent, and subscribed there for the Clergy of England, but never returned. Doctor Oglethorpe Bishop of Carlisle, who had Crowned the Queen, was yet deprived with the rest, dying suddenly, and very shortly after; so did also Doctor Tonstal, that Learned and Famous Prelate, Bishop of Durham, while he was Prisoner at Lambeth: Yet not before he had personally given the Queen a sound and Godly Admonition, concerning her strange proceed, with that liberty and freedom of zeal, which became so venerable a Prelate, and true Pastor of God's Church, as he was, and (as some have said) Godfather to the Queen. Bourn Bishop of Bath and Wells was prisoner to Carry, Dean of the Chapel, and there died. Doctor Thirlby, Bishop of Ely, was first committed to the Tower; afterwards He and Secretary Boxhal were sent to Lambeth, and there ended their days. Bishop Bonner of London, Watson of Lincoln with the Abbot of Westminster, Fecknam, died all prisoners, and, as some say, in the marshalsea. Prior Shelly was banished, and died in Exile.  
This was the the very Sad, yet (as by their Patience, Submission, and Sufferance appeared) very Christian Catastrophe of so many grave, religious, and good Prelates of England; chief Pastors of the Church of God in our nation. Thus was a third, and the most venerable State of the Realm, who, like the Cedars of Li●●anus, ever since King Etheldreds' time, for so many years together had stood, flourishing in great Dignity and Power in this Land, on a sudden cast down, disgraced, put in prison, or banished the Realm. The chief and immediate cause of which hard proceedings against them was the refusing the Oath of Supremacy; for no other crime, no other fault could be charged upon them. This indeed they refused, as a thing which concerned their Conscience very much. And although, perhaps, some of the Prelates now living, had either for fear, or upon surprisal, in the Reign of King Henry the Eighth, (when it was first enacted) given more consent, or connivance to it, than became Prelates of the Church to do; yet they had now better considered themselves, and resolved to be constant, not only to the Doctrine of Catholic Faith in that point, but also to the judgement of the whole Kingdom, which so lately in full Parliament had desired the Abrogation of that Law: and acknowledged the Supremacy of Ecclesiastical Authority to be, where Christ placed it, viz. in the Sea Apostolic. Nor did the English Prelates refusing to acknowledge the Queen Head of the Church, any thing more, than what the Protestants themselves, at least not mean ones among them, would likewise do. For 'tis manifest, that setting aside some few English at home, they do generally abroad dislike the Prince's Supremacy in Ecclesiastical causes, as much as any. Not to mention Gilby, who in his Book called Admonitio ad Anglos calls King Henry the Eighth reproachfully Monstrum Libidinosum & Aprum, qui Christi locum invasit, etc. A libidinous Monster, a Wild Boar broken into Christ's Vineyard, and making himself Head of the Church, which belongs only to Christ. Calvin himself in his Commentary upon O see is very angry at those, who attribute so much to Secular Princes, as to give them such absolute power in the affairs of Religion; and in plain terms confesseth, Qui initio tantoperè extulerunt Henricum Regem Angliae, certè fuerunt inconsiderati homines, etc. They, saith he, who first advanced the Authority of King Henry of England to such a height, did not well consider, what they did, when they gave him that Supreme Power in all Causes: it was a matter, which always greeved me very much, saith he, For indeed they did no less than blaspheme, when they called him Supreme Head of the Church under Christ. Sir Thomas Moor, Bishop Fisher, Abbot Whiteing of Glastenbury and those many other Holy Abbots and Religious men of all sorts, who suffered in the case of Supremacy under Henry the Eighth, never said more. And Luther himself saith no less, but more scurrilously, as his humour was. Quid ad nos Mandatum Electoris Saxoniae? What hath the Prince Elector of Saxony to do to command me? Let him look to his Sword, and see, how well he manageth that; and leave matters of Preaching to the Clergy, such as himself was. Scilicet, Tom. 2. Fol. 259. and Tom. 1. Lat. Fol. 540. he tells them plainly, Non est regum aut Principum, etc. It belongs not to Kings and Princes to take upon them, to establish Doctrine, no not the true Doctrine; but to be subject and obedient themselves in that case. And Chemnitius in his Epistle to the Elector of Brandenburg, speaking of Queen Elizabeth, after he had taxed her sufficiently in other particulars, he falls at last upon her Title of Supremacy in these words, Et quòd foemineo, & a saeculis inaudito fastu se Papissam, & caput Ecclesiae facit, saying, by a strange Womanish and unheard of kind of Arrogance, she makes herself, as it were, a She-Pope in her own dominions, & Head of the Church. What the doctrine & practice of those in Scotland is, and hath ever been since their pretended Reformation, is too well known, to be disputed. Cartwright teacheth the same in all his Books, but especially in his last: And so do all the Presbyterians generally both here and beyond Seas. They of Amsterdam in their Confess. Fid. 1607. go somewhat further, 
Pag. 50. Art. 2.  when they resolve, That Vnicuique Ecclesiae particulari est par & plenum jus etc. That every particular Church hath full and equal power, (with any other Church or Churches) to use exercise and enjoy, whats●ever ordinances of Perpetuity Christ hath committed to his Church; & therefore it is clear, upon that supposition, That no one Person is left Supreme Governor over many. Dr. Whitacre in his answer to Reinolds speaking upon this subject, 
Pag. 4.  hath a passage not easy to be understood. The Title, saith he, of Supreme Head of the Church hath been disliked by divers Godly Learned men, and of right it belongeth to the Son of God▪ and therefore, saith he, never did our Church give that Title unto the Prince, nor did the Prince ever challenge it. By saying that many Godly Learned men disliked it, meaning Calvin, Gilby, Knox, Luther, etc. mentioned before; and upon this ground, viz. that of right it belongeth to the Son of God, he showeth sufficiently, what his own judgement therein is. But when he saith, never did our Church give the Title of Supreme Head of the Church to the Prince, nor the Prince challenge it, who can tell, what he meaneth? For admit, that what was done by King Henry the Eighth were not rightly said to be done by their Church; yet I hope they will own the Church in King Edward the Sixths' time, who challenged the Supremacy notoriously enough; as appeareth in the first Parliament which he held, wherein it was Enacted, That whosoever, after the Fifth of March nex ensuing, should deny, that the King's Heirs and Successors were not, or ought not to be, Supreme Head in Earth of the Church of England and Ireland immediately under God, for the third assertion, should be guilty of Treason. And that Queen Elizabeth after him declined the Title, and chose rather to be called Supreme Governess, mended the matter not a whit. For it was not the Title only, but the power pretended unto, and exercised by and under that Title, at which men made scruple; and that power Queen Elizabeth claimed and exercised all her Reign, as much as ever King Edward her Brother had done. So that the refusing of this Oath being the only or chief matter alleged for the deprivation of the Catholic Bishops, seeing Protestants themselves were no better agreed about it, they might in all reason, have expected, if not a milder sentence, yet at least a more  Execution thereof, from the Queen; whom they had so lately and so unanimously acknowledged, and no less willingly than any other persons of the Realm. Who always bear themselves obsequiously towards her in temporal matters; never made complaint, never writ Libels, Invectives, or Books against her, as the Reformers in other parts perpetually did against their Princes, and as too many of her Subjects at home, that is to say, Ministers of her own making, and others, in short time set themselves to do. No Homilies of sedition were dispersed among the people; No Wyatt, No Oldcastle appeared in the Field by their instigation, notwithstanding all the Adversity, Disgrace, Wants, which they suffered. In a word, such was their behaviour constantly towards her, even to the very last of their lives, that no indifferent man will attribute it to any thing else, but to the most excellent and right Christian resolution of those worthy men, to suffer perfectly for such a good cause; and unto that Patience, Humility, Obedience, Aequanimity, and Resigned Temper of Spirit, which, (as it was exemplary in them) so, is it indeed Innate, (as I may say,) and most natural unto all Virtuous and Religious men, that are truly Catholic.  
And such in truth (though envy frown, when we speak it) is the general Inclination and Temper of all English Catholics, towards their Sovereign Prince, both within and without the Realm; as the experience of their quiet behaviour, for so many years together of hard times, have clearly shown. When I speak of Catholics within the Realm, I mean, Recusants in general, (as we are called) men and women of all Estates and Conditions; who have had our shares, and tasted of the Cup of affliction, (as God was pleased to administer it unto us,) at this present not much less than a Hundred of years. When I speak of those without the Realm, I mean the Seminaries of Priests, Religious Persons and Students that be Catholic beyond the Seas. Concerning which Seminaries we are to know, that when the old Clergy of England, Bishops and Priests, were some languishing in Prison, other in Exile, many dead, and all in disfavor. The Secretary and such other Politic Protestants as than sat at the Stearn of Government in England, did confidently imagine, that in a short time both Priest and Priesthood would be worn out and extingished in this Nation. And truly it was observed, that about the year 1576. there were not above Thirty of the old Priests remaining in the Realm. Hereupon Doctor Allen, a man even raised by God to do his Country good in a time of greatest necessity, together with some others of the English Clergy, begun the Seminary at Douai, about the year 1569. merely out of spiritual charity towards their poor Country, and a Christian Providence to prevent the utter decay of Religious Professors, Priests and others: who might serve in time to come, to uphold true Religion in England, and to preserve a Continuation of the Catholic Church there, (as it had ever been from the Apostles times to that present) unto succeeding Generations: And as by the great blessing of God we see, their pious Counsels have had an happy effect unto this day; notwithstanding the many oppositions, adversities and difficulties, which they have met with, as well from England, as from other places. They intended also the Instruction and training up of young Scholars, viz. of the Catholic Nobility, Gentry and others of our Nation in the studies of Learning, Virtue, and all kind of honest and christian Education; which, as the case stood, they could not possibly have in their own Country, without Shipwracked of their consciences, and great peril of their souls. This, I say, was the first and only design of the Seminaries, viz. to be a Nursery of young and tender plants, as should be committed to them, to be fitted for the Service of God, and the leading of a true Christian, Virtuous life afterward; and not to be Seedplots or Forges of Treason, and seditious practices against their Country, as their Adversaries cease not to accuse them. That's a calumny black and palpable, as shall appear more hereafter. At present I shall only take notice of what that great Protonotary of England brings in charge against them, in his Book called Justitia Britannica, which are three things. First, That they are a company of base fugitive persons. Secondly, that they corrupt the Land with false Doctrine: and Thirdly, That they practise with foreign States to disturb the Kingdom, raise rebellion, and withdraw Subjects from their obedience. As touching the First I am very well assured that there be Gentlemen of our Nation at Douai, both in the College and Monasteries, of as good Families, as well Bred, and as Eminent Scholars, as any I have known of all these sorts in the Universities of England, wherein I am not altogether a stranger. I will not make Comparisons, for that were but to make them more odious; neither am I willing to detract any thing from the honour of our English Academies, which I am bound to maintain. It must be confessed, there be many excellent wits, and men of great learning bred in them; yet this I may truly say, That those beyond Sea are of no base quality: neither is their education in those places such, as should render them liable to that Character in time to come. Yea rather they are so orderly governed, and their times of study, devotion, exercise both Scholastical and Spiritual, recreation, yea even of their most necessary repast and rest, are all so exactly measured out to them, all occasions of idleness, excess, and ill company, so prudently and carefully prevented, that it is indeed no wonder, they appear so civil, so devout, so religious, temperate, sober and well governed, in all outward deportment, as, through the grace of God, they do. They are, as I said, by their Superiors strictly kept to their tasks; yet rather won, then forced unto good. They are bridled with a hard bit, but it is carried with such a gentle hand, as it doth not pinch, but guide them: So that, as their studies, blessed be God, are not altogether unhappy; so neither is their life unpleasant, but sweet, agreeable to virtuous minds, and full of the Noblest contents. And that they should be counted Fugitives is most injurious. For do they live there as Outlaws in a foreign Province? have they fled for any crime? doth Justice inquire after them, or wait for them in their own Country? what Felonies, what Treasons have driven them thence? but such as a very few years before, were, not only in the same place, where they are now so hardly censured, but in all places of Christendom, and by all people of sound judgement, counted the greatest virtues? Again, they live not there out of any factiousness of spirit, or ill affection towards his Majesty or the State of England, but for conscience sake only, and to avoid the severity of Laws enacted here against Catholics and the profession of Catholic Religion. It is necessity that compels them to take this course. In England Catholics have no Churches, wherein to serve God publicly, nor liberty to serve him privately any any where else. The Sacraments are never, or but very seldom Administered to them, in comparison of what they should be. They can have no privilege, or benefit of the Universities for education and study, without Oaths, going to Church, and hearing and doing many other things, contrary to a good conscience. Beside all this, did not Barty, Knolls, and Hales, did not Jewel, Horn, Cox, Pilkington, Poynet and many others in Queen Mary's time, take the same course, for conscience as they pretended? They would not willingly have been called Fugitives, when they were abroad. Why then should those Gentlemen at Douai, Saint Omars, and elsewhere, Exiled, as it were, at present from their native Country upon the same common pretence and reason, viz. reason of conscience, be called Fugitives, or stigmatised with any such Characters of ignominy? Let those Laws be repealed first, which threaten present death to them upon their return, and which were all procured against them, unduly, and by misprizion, viz. of their supposed practisings against the State, which (as they complain) were never proved, nor are true. Let it be permitted to them to enjoy Liberty of Conscience, and to serve God, as all good Catholics and Christians ought to do, without molestation and danger to their persons, prejudice to their estates, further than they shall give just offence to the State, and the world would quickly see, where their truest affections lay: Neither Douai, nor St. Omars, nor Rheims, nor Rome itself would hold them, from returning with all thankfulness and speed, to express their humblest obedience to his Majesty, and fidelity to their native Country. And as for their Parents Kinsfolks and Friends, from whom they are now unhappily separated (and from many of them, perhaps, against their wills,) they should plainly find, that natural affection was not extinguished in them, neither would kindness creep, where it might safely go.  
The Second objection is, They corrupt the Land with false Doctrine. This objection supposeth, that Calvinism, and the present Religion by Law established in England, is the true; which England itself denied but a few years since: and the whole Christian world doth at this day. I do not except the Protesttants themselves. For there is not any one of their pretended Churches abroad, that agreeth with this present Church of England in all points of Doctrine and Discipline established. But to wave that question at present, as no part of my undertaking, it must be considered, there are learned and virtuous men on both sides, one whereof will not, it seems, veil Bonnet to the other, in point of understanding the Scriptures. How then should the difference be decided (even in reason) but by some Authority distinct from them both, yet indifferent and superior to both? which can be no other but the judgement and tradition of the Catholic Church precedent unto both. Besides this, the Bishops in the first Parliament offered to defend their Religion by disputation, which the Protestants would not accept, but upon an unequal condition, that is, (as Master Camden himself reporteth) Nisi Baconus in studiis Theologicis parùm Versatus, etc. Unless Sir Nicholas Bacon might be Precedent and Moderator of the business, who was a man, neither of competent Dignity to preside in such an action (tho●gh he were newly put into an high office) nor yet of sufficient abilities to judge of such matters, being a man of the other Robe, but a Sergeant at law a few days before; and beside all this a Partialist, and open favourer of the Adversaries of the Church. Therefore the Bishops refused him, as an incompetent person; as well they might, Though for doing so they endured a great deal of calumny. But indifferent men will judge best. And certainly had the Queen at all desired the Disputation, as some pretend, or that it should have had any just and fair issue, she would have provided Judges (as easily she might,) more agreeable to the Dignity of the action, and the Qualities of the Disputants, both for Ability, Indifferency, and Honour. Since their time F. Robte Parsons, Campian, and divers others have made the same request to the State, being desirous to bring truth to the Trial and Touchstone in some public manner: which cannot but be some argument, that at least they do believe, in sincerity and good conscience, that themselves are in the right; and therefore should not be so hastily condemned, or prejudged of their cause. If it be said, that such demands as these have been answered, disputations have been permitted, as for example, that of Doctor Reinolds with Master Hart, that of Doctor Goad with F. Campian; and that in both these and some other, truth hath appeared so manifestly on the Protestant's side, that both Catholics and Priests ought to be convinced: I reply, There was not fair play used in those actions? it was iniquissima conditio, the most unequal dealing that ever was used; for a man armed to set upon a Captive, a man at Liberty upon one in Fetters, destitute of Books, having no warning, nor liberty given him to prepare himself; but which is wo●st of all, and the greatest inhumanity that ever was heard of,) in the sight and view of the rack, whereon he had, a very little while before, been posed with most cruel questions: which was the case of that excellent and blessed man F. Edmund Campian, afterwards Martyr. And as for Doctor Reinolds (although he pretends something to the contrary, yet) it is certain, he framed that Combat, which he published between himself and Master Hart, at his own pleasure. Lastly the Clergy, and other Priests of the Catholic Church in England do pretend, and have not seldom offered to prove, that the chief Basis of Protestant Doctrine in general is either Fallacy or Forgery; and that the chief bvilders of this Babel, by name Bp. Jewel (the grand Apologist of the English Church, Luther himself, Calvin, Melancthon, Du Plessis, the Hugonots, Saint Augustine in France, Doctor Morton their Achilles in England, both the Whites, not excepting Laud himself the late Patriarch of English Protestants, nor Andrew's, nor Montague, but generally all other Proctors of that cause, do defend themselves, and endeavour to bear down Catholics, not with sincere and plain dealing becoming Christians, but with calumny and falsehood; that is to say, by false Quotations, Corruptions, Falsifying, and misreciting of Authors, untrue reporting of Doctrines, false and unjust criminations of m●ns persons, and of whole Orders of men, and by many other indirect ways, unseemly and unworthy of the cause of truth. They humbly therefore implore and hope from the justice of his Majesty and the State, that they shall not be condemned without hearing: But as the charges, which they bring against their Adversaries, are of a foul nature, tending much to the dishonour of God, and disparagement of Christian faith, which God will not have to be upheld by ungodly and evil m●ans; so they shall before sentence be permitted to plead fo● themselves, and to prove the charge against their Adversaries: for whom it is not to purpose to recriminate in the business, and say that Catholics are guilty of the same faults. For we maintain the contrary. And desire to know, what one Doctrine it is that we charge them with, as odious and offensive to Christian ears, but the Reader, if he please, may find it expressly and undeniably verified upon them by our Authors, and particularly in that exact Treatise of the Bishop of Chalcedon, called Collatio doctrinae Protestantium, etc. extant both in Latin and English. what crime do we lay to their charge, but we prove it by Authors and Testimonies of good credit, and most commonly from among themselves? What do we bring out of Antiquity in behalf of Catholic Religion, or against them, which they themselves confess not upon some other occasion? The Protestants Apology is a Magazine of Evidences in this kind. And as concerning the Index Expurgatorius, whereby they pretend, that we Corrupt Authors, it is only a specious calumny to catch those, who are willing to be deceived. For first the very manner of proceeding doth exempt it from all imputation and suspicion of Fraud with indifferent men; it being ab origine a thing intended and made for public view, and to be openly exposed and avowed to the world, as it was: which matters of Fraud Forgery and false play use not to be. Secondly, the Expurgators, appointed to the oversight of that business, meant not to corrupt Authors, but to correct former and less perfect Editions by better Copies and more exactly compared; especially such Editions, as they found corruptly and partially published by Heretics. And where they observed, that any late writer had been bold by way of Annotations, or otherwise, to deliver any thing, out of his private judgement, less consonant unto Catholic Doctrine or Truth, than was requisite, they spared not to admonish the Reader of it by their censure. In all which doing, what is there, we pray, that can be blamed? Yea suppose it should happen, that the reasons, which moved them to Correct in this or that place, and to vary from some other reading, were not sufficient; and that they inserted their Deleatur and other censures, where they ought not; yet, I say, the Index of their Expurgations being faithfully published to the world, and so easily procureable by all men, it was impossible, that any prejudice should arise to truth by it; every man being left free either to follow or refuse the said corrected Reading, as he judged best. Beside when we say, Catholics are not guilty of misalledging Authors, or of any other abuse of that nature, we would be understood to speak, not only of wilful and culpable misalledging, (of which only we accuse our Adversaries) but also of such writers especially, as being themselves publicly Authorized to handle the controversies of Religion in the Schools, Their works are afterward, upon mature examination, published to the view and judgement of the world; or else of such Prelates and Persons of Dignity in the Church, as have had leisure, and set themselves to combat the Heresies of the time. For otherwise, as we do not charge them here with any mistakes of Amès, Bucanus, Daneus, or any other of those Niblers at Bellarmine (as Master Normington of Cambridge once called them in a Sermon at Saint Maries) much less with the impudencies of the Minister Crashaw, nor with the mistakes of Chark, Fenner, Beard, Burton, or any other Triobolary Controvertists at home, either of former or present times, but, as you see, only with faults of their Prime Leaders, Classical men, Prelates and Dignitaries of their Church; so, if it should happen, that any private man of our own, writing only by private Authority and judgement, should either through oversight, or indiligence be found chargeable with some kind of mistake, we would not have it stood upon, as if it were the common practice of all to write so negligently; or that the defence of Catholic Religion did any wit depend upon such mistakes: As we say the defence of Protestancy doth very much upon those mistakes, which we are ready to bring in charge against them, and without which there were not half the colour for defence of it.  
Concerning the third point, viz. That the Priests and Students in the English Seminaries beyond Sea are Practisers against the State, and do stir, or endeavour to stir the People to Rebellion, it is indeed an odious and heavy charge, which the Book called, The execution of Justice, etc. layeth roundly upon them; and is seconded therein by a Proclamation in the year 1580. which doth directly charge those Priests and others, as Accessories, and privy to the Counsels of Philip King of Spain, the Pope, and some other Catholic Princes, which (as 'tis said,) had combined together about that time to invade England, to depose the Queen, and subdue the Nation to the Spaniard. But for answer I say, that jealousy is a kind of Argus, (full of eyes; (and so she is painted,) but they are all purblind: which is the cause, that she mistakes so oft, starts at her own shadow, and is always trembling, and doubting the worst of every body. We cannot deny, but there were great Statesmen, that governed England in those days under the Queen; yet howsoever it happened, with all their Optics they seemed not to have any particular foresight of the dangers which threatened them, till they were at their doors: yea having by error of Government provoked and drawn them upon themselves, yet they took a course more proper to kindle the flame, then to quench the fire. But this is not a business to be discussed now. That which we are to do is to justify the Priests and other Good men of the Seminaries, that they are not Traitors, are not Enemies of the State, do not practise, consult, cooperate, where they live, to any thing prejudicial to their Prince and Country. First, if any such Confederation had been betwixt his Holiness, the King of Spain, and other Princes against England, as is pretended, but was never yet proved; (and 'tis well known, that what the Catholic King did afterward, as it was upon great provocations given, so was it also upon his own score only; and with no other assistance, but what was his own, and ordinary in such cases.) Yet, I say, suppose there had been such Confederation or League betwixt them, is it probable, that so great and wise Princes, as they were, would acquaint a few poor Contemplative men, Students at Rheims and Douai, with their designs? Men so inconsiderable every way in relation to such service, so useless, and unable, in respect of their manner, condition and place of living, to contribute any thing to the work? Is it credible, they would manage such high matters, and of so great importance, so weakly? Let no man say, That Priests might serve them by preparing a party here, and by their reconciling of men to the Pope. For it is not the Priests work to reconcile men to the Pope, but unto God, and to the Communion of the true Catholic Church: whereof, although the Pope, as successor to Saint Peter, be Supreme and chief Pastor; yet Catholics, by returning to the Church, and consequently acknowledging that Supremacy of Spiritual Authority in his Holiness, are not obliged so much as to take notice of any Temporal designs that he hath; no, though they were, perhaps, for advancement of Religion: much less to consent, concur, or cooperate with them contrary to the Law of nature, their Duty of Allegience, and the interest of their native Country. Secondly, among so many Priests, as by that time there were, both in England and beyond the Seas, and in so long a time, that this pretended Confederacy was in framing, when Spies and Intelligencers were many, and well paid by the State, was there so much as one Priest nominated or accused to have been so corrupted, or induced any way by those Princes, or their Ministers, to practise aught to the prejudice of their Country? was there ever any one apprehended or convicted of such a treason? was there ever any Subject of England called in question, for entertaining Priests, that were sought after upon that account? In a word, when the Spanish Armado was under Sail for England, was there so much as one Priest, or Seminary-man found or known to be in it? or at any time since discovered to have been used, or employed in that service? 'Tis confessed, the Proclamation spoken of before, being framed on purpose to put people into a fright, and to make honest men odious, doth traduce them sufficiently, as persons suborned to prepare the way, and procure safe landing for the Navy. But Si accusasse sufficit, quis erit innocens? Such general charges prove nothing but passion, or some undue, biased, and distempered judgement. They that know such men well, know it to be a business far out of their way, to spy Countries, to observe, how Ports are guarded, and what Havens lie upon the Ghost. However it is evidence of fact, and the conviction, at least questioning of some one person for such crime, that would be given in the case: Which seeing there never was, Indifferent men cannot but think such Accusations to have been very injurious; and that the great fears and jealousies shown, had more of the Chimaera and fiction in them, then of real danger. It was otherwise with the poor English themselves in Spain not long after, both Religious and others. For when the English Armado, in the year 1589. made an attempt upon Lisbon, and invaded some parts of Portugal, the King of Spain took them to be so little either his Friends, or Enemies to their Prince and Country, as they are traduced, that he laid them all fast by the Heels, and kept them close prisoners, (during the whole time, that the Action lasted,) as many of them, as were found at Val●adolid, Burgos, and some other places in Spain. Nor was there in those many Actual attempts of Treason, supposed to be made against Queen Elizabeth, so much as one Priest, Monk or Friar ever attainted or impeached about them; Nor in the whole Five and forty years of her Reign any more than two secular Priests attainted, or convinced of Actual Treason against her Majesty, viz. Ballard for knowing, and yet concealing the attempts of Babington in the business of the Queen of Scots; and old Parson Plomtree of the North, who said Mass once at a rising in those parts. And yet how greevously are they charged with such crimes, all along the Queen's Reign? And how much was the people incensed against them upon that persuasion? What Sermons, Proclamations, Laws, were made in Thunder, and Lightning, and Blood against these poor men, Soldiers of our Saviour Christ, and fight only with Spiritual Arms under his Banner, The Cross, in that part of the Catholic Church, which is Militant in England? What calamities, afflictions, miseries have they not endured, by persecution hereupon? The only Colleges of Rheims and Douai, beside other Religious Orders from other places, have sent out into our Lord's Harvest no less than One hundred persons, who have all suffered for Things purely Spiritual, that is, either for being Priests, or for doing the Office of Priesthood, viz. Saying Mass, Reconciling of Sinners unto God, etc.  
In the year 25. of Queen Elizabeth it was made Felony to harbour a Priest; and to be a Priest, Treason. And the Act looked so cruelly back to primo Elizab. that whosoever was made Priest since that time might very easily be drawn within compass of the charge. The Law was made upon occasion of those Treasons of Parry, Francis Throgmorton, Anthony Babington, and his complices; as also upon occasion of F. Campian, and those Priests arraigned with him. For a general apprehension was taken, that these had combined with some foreign Princes, and other persons of power within England, to restore Religion, and deliver the Queen of Scots out of prison; which was a business then fresh in memory. Hereupon the Priests in England frame a supplication by common consent, and find means to present the same to the Queen at Greenwich, by the hands of Master Shelley. Wherein, after they have first condemned and renounced the practices of Parry, etc. They profess and declare their own judgement in these words. First, we utterly deny that the Pope hath power to command or give Licence to any man to consent unto Mortal sin, or to commit, or intent to commit any thing contrary to the Law of God. Secondly, whatsoever person he be, that maintaineth such opinion, we renounce him, and his opinion as devilish and abominable. Thirdly, we protest before God, That all Priests, who ever conversed with us, have acknowledged your Majesty their lawful Queen, tam de jure, quam de facto, as well of right, as for your actual possession of the Crown; that they pray for you, and exhort your Subjects to obey you. Fourthly, and lastly, they profess, that it is heresy, and contrary to Cotholike faith to think, that any man may lift up his hand against Gods Anointed. 'tis true, the Petition had no other success with her Majesty then this, viz. that Master Shelley, who presumed to commit such a Treason, as to present it, was suffered to be sent to the Marshalsea, by order of Secretary Walsingham, and there to be kept prisoner to his dying day; only upon this pretence, Scilicet, because the Council had not been first acquainted with the business. Howbeit, by this supplication the world may clearly see, They answer the Six Articles, which in those times used to be so commonly and captiously propounded to such men, framed by Doctor Hammon, viz. Whither the Queen were lawful Queen, notwithstanding the sentence Decleratory of Pope Pius Quintus against her? whither that sentence were to be obeyed in allthings? Wither the Pope by such sentence could give her Subjects any lawful Authority to rebel, or depose her, etc. For if she be their lawful Sovereign, notwithstanding that sentence; and that obedience and loyalty be due unto all lawful Princes by the Law of God, and of nature, it is easy to see, what must be said to such questions. According also as Bishop Watson, Abbot Fecknam, Doctor John Harpsfeild, Doctor Nicholas Harpsfeild, with others, (who were very often and rigidly examined upon them, yet) professed perpetually obedience to her Majesty, tanquam verae Reginae, as unto their true and lawful Sovereign. Yea saith Doctor Nicholas Harpsfeild (reported by Goldastus a Protestant) Ego regalem ejus Authoritatem, 
Goldast. de Monar. Sac. Imp. Rom.  etc. I do acknowledge, saith he, her Royal Authority in all Temporal and Civil affair without exception. They presented the like humble supplication to his Majesty that now reigneth, some while after the discovery of that wicked and desperate Plot of the Gun-powder-treason; another to the Parliament then sitting; and another to the Earl of Salisbury: in all of them professing the same things. And though it hindered not the passing of some severe Acts against Catholics in that Parliament, occasioned (as I suppose) by that foul and horrid attempt, yet the King himself in his Proclamation published upon that subject, graciously professeth his opinion of the generality of his Catholic Subjects, viz. That they did abhor such a detestable Conspiracy, no less than himself. True it is, F. Garnet suffered for concealing that Treason; and Sir Everard Digby, for contributing in some sort to the security, or rather flight of some of the Conspirators. But as the one, viz. Sir Everard Digby, much lamented his ill fortune, that he should leave behind him the memory of so great a stain; protesting always, that he was never made privy to their design and drift: So the other, viz. F. Garnet, knowing it only (as he did) in the way of confession; and the Seal of that Sacrament (which is Secrecy,) being, by the Doctrine of Catholic Religion, and that not without most just and necessary cause, esteemed so inviolable, it may abate something, even in the judgement of man, of that Heinousness of guilt and blame, whereof all good Christians otherwise must necessarily condemn him. In a word how much Catholics in general, and especially Priests do detest rebellion and Treason, even in times of greatest affliction and pressure; and what Religious observers they are of all just loyalty and obedience to their lawful Princes, appears clearly, not only by a book written in those times by the learned Bishop of Chichester, Doctor Christopherson against rebellion; but also by the Annotations of the Divines at Rheims upon the New Testament; where Pag. 301. we read thus. Subjects, say they, are bound in Temporal things to obey even the Heathen, being their lawful Kings, and to be subject to them for Conscience, to observe their Temporal Laws, to pay them Tribute, to pray for them, and to perform, all other duties of Natural Allegiance. Doctor Kellison in his Survey goeth further, giving the reason of this. Because, saith he, Faith is not necessarily required to jurisdiction, neither is any Authority lost by the loss of Faith. Which is also the Doctrine of Saint Thomas, who in his Book, 
Cap. 6.  de Regim. Princip. denieth utterly Posse Tyrannum a quoquam, etc. That a Prince, though Tyrant, can be put to death by any private Authority. And at a Council held at Oxford under Steven Langton Archbishop of Canterbury about the year 1228. Excommunication is decreed against all such as violate the King's Peace, or disturb the State of the Kingdom. Yea the Council of Constance Sess 15. declares it to be an error in Faith to hold otherwise. Nuper accepit sancta synodus, etc. This Holy Synod, say the Fathers of it, hath been lately informed, that certain erroneous opinions are holden, contrary to Peace and good Estate of the Commonwealth, viz. That a Tyrant may be lawfully and meritoriously taken away and killed by any Subject or Vassal of his, etc. Non obs●ante quocunque juramento, etc. Notwithstanding whatsoever Oath of Fidelity or Allegiance, that he hath made to him. Such Doctrine, saith the Council, is contrary both to Faith and Manners, and whosoever shall hold it pertinaciously, are Heretics, and as such to be proceeded against, according to the Canons.  
What can be said, or desired more? upon the Parricide of Henry the Fourth, King of France, the Parliament of Paris, a Court ever most studious of their Prince's safety, and extremely vigilant against the encroaching of any foreign power contrary to his just Authority in Temporal causes, yet thought it sufficient to publish this decree of the Church against the Assassinates of Princes, both to show the heinousness of the crime, as also, how much the Catholic Doctrine doth condemn such practices. So that hereby, as in a Glass, the world might see the integrity of Catholic Loyalty; if men would judge of them, not by the private, and perhaps misinterpret●table assertions of some particular Doctors, but by these public and avowed principles of their belief. This is the Basis on which they build, the rule by which they walk and govern themselves, in point of obedience towards their Sovereign Princes. Or if they would judge of them by their proceed and addresses to their Superiors, their frequent petitions, professions, protestations of all just obedience, will sufficiently clear them; If by their practice and manner of life; their quiet deportment, their peaceable manner of living and conversing with all men, yea their prayers (which they daily make unto Almighty God in the behalf of their Prince, and for the happiness of their Country) do show, how innocent they are, and how little they deserve those black aspersions and calumnies of Treason, Rebellion, Disloyalty, Et quid non? which some men are so diligent to cast upon them. Yea, (to speak with no greater confidence, than we justly may) they show, how much more secure Princes may be, and how much better Tie and assurance they have of Catholics Loyalty, then either of Lutherans or Calvinists. For although Protestants do seem sometimes to teach obedience to the Civil Magistrate very freely, and that it is sin for private Subjects to resist them; as for Example Melancthon in his Epitome of Moral Philosophy makes it Peccatum Mortal, No less matter then Mortal Sin, (I use his own words,) To violate the Temp●ral Laws of the Magistrates: Yet is their Doctrine so clogged with exceptions, so many limitations and Provisoes, as it were, are commonly added to it, that Princes, especially such as differ from them in Religion, cannot find, (I say not full and plenary, but not so much as) probable or competent security from them. Melancthon, in the place before mentioned, limiteth himself thus, Debet autem haec sententia, etc. But this which I have delivered, saith he, concerning obedience to the Civil Magistrates must be rightly understood, viz. of such Magistrates as command nothing contrary to the Law of God; as all Catholic Princes do in his opinion. What security therefore have they from his Doctrine? 
Lib. de Consens. Evang.  Beside we have shown before according to his doctrine, the people or inferior Magistrates may reform Religion, and overthrow Idolatry, as they call it, without any public Authority or Commission. So that if the Justices of the Peace in some County, or but the Petty Constables in Towns, do believe the Religion professed by the Prince, or State to be Idolatrous, and not according to God's word, they are discharged of obedience by Melancthon, and may fall to reforming solely of themselves. And what his Master Luther's opinions were concerning this matter, hath been sufficiently shown already; there need be no repetition of them here. Danaeus teacheth the same or worse. 
Lib. 6. Polit. c. 3.  So doth Peter Martyr on Judges Cap. 11. and in his Common places. And Althusius Politic. Cap. 35. P. 37. where among other causes of a Just War maintained by Subjects against their Sovereigns, Purae Religionis defensio, defence of True Religion hath the Second place. Yea it is well known, that Sureau a Protestant Minister in France, otherwise called Ros●eres, wrote a Book expressly on this subject, That it was lawful to kill Charles the Ninth, 
Belfor. lib. 6. cap. 103.  his natural Sovereign, and the Queen-Mother, if they would not obey the Gospel. But to conclude with one instance for all. The Hugonots of France having in the Nine and thirtieth Article of their Confession professed▪ That men ought to be obedient to the Laws, to pay Tributes, and to bear the Yoke of subjection quietly, even under unbelieving Magistrates, They add a limitation, which corrupts and nullifies all that they had said, viz. Dummodo Dei summum imperium integrum maneat, So long only as God's Supreme Authority is entirely acknowledged; which under the Government of an Infidel Magistrate, cannot be easily conceived. Therefore upon the matter they profess nothing, but abuse their Prince and the world with bare words; as it is usual with them to do. Which is yet more evident, by the Declaration, which their Synod at Bearn in the year 1572. purposely made of this Article and of the Limitation of it. Dei imperium dicitur manere illibatum, 
Poplon. nigher. lib. 34.  cum Rex exterminatâ Catholicâ Religione, etc. God's Sovereign Authority, say they, is then understood to be entirely acknowledged, when the King abolishing or rooting out Catholic Religion, shall set himself to advance only the true and pure worship of God, that is to say, that which is so in their sense and opinion. But to do this is it a thing to be supposed of an Infidel Prince, to whom they pretend to profess subjection? or is it to be expected of a Catholic? Therefore I say, they contradict themselves apparenly in their profession and do indeed profess nothing really, but that they are Impostors; and deserve to be branded with Characters of jealousy and distrust by all the Princes & States of Christendom. The book called Comment. de Statu Relig. ●c. a Protestant piece, is full of such stuff, but especially, P●. 2. Lib. 12. Cap. 1. where he affirmeth expressly, That in all Oaths of Allegiance and Duty there is this condition always employed at least, and necessarily to be understood, viz. we shall obey, so long as you govern lawfully, and not longer. And hence it was, that the Prince of Conde protested, Anno 1577. that the oath which some Huguenots had taken not to bear arms or fight against their King anymore, etc. was factum contra Deum & bonos mores, 
Poplonneir. lib. 41.  contrary to the law of God, and their duty, and therefore could not oblige any. He had it from Calvin, who Lib. 4. Institut. c. 13. Sect. 21. teacheth, Quibuscunque hujus Evangeliis lux affulget, etc. When men come once to be Illuminated with the light of his Gospel, they are presently absolved from all former Snares and Oaths whatsoever, that should entangle their Conscience, that is oblige them to the performance of any good work, or duty, more, than they have a mind to. Sic dixit Calvinus.  
But I confess, there are some few particular, or rather personal objections made from some pretended matter of fact, against that which hath been said of Catholics Loyalty, wherein 'tis necessary, that the Reader should have some reasonable satisfaction. This done, the conclusion will be clear, which at first I undertook to declare, viz. That there is nothing in Catholic Religion inconsistent with Loyalty; and that Catholics are de facto, in the truth of their practice, better Subjects, generally speaking, than Protestants have shown themselves to be, or indeed can well be, standing to their principles. These objections are but few, and therefore I shall dispatch them briefly. The first is brought against Doctor Allen, for teaching to murder Princes, in a certain Apology, which he wrote of the Seminaries, & citing Num. 25. to that purpose. I answer, The mistake is very great; it was not Doctor Allen, but Doctor Goodman (if we may call him so) that citeth that Text of Numbers to that purpose. 
Goodm. Obedien.  His words are these. Factum illud quod memoratur Num. 25. perpetuumest exemplum in omnem aeternitatem, etc. That which is reported, saith he, in Num. 25. viz. of taking the Heads of the people that had committed Idolatry, and hanging them up before the Lord, is an example upon record to all posterity, and a duty for ever lying upon the people, that in the like case they deal with their Governors in like manner, that is, that they take them and Hang them up against the Sun, when they withdraw the people from the true worship of God. And although, saith he, it may seem a great disorder, that Common people should take so much Authority upon them, yet when the inferior Magistrate neglecteth his office, the Common people must be looked upon, as having no Magistrate at all to direct them: and in such case God puts the Sword immediately into their hand●, and is their Captain and guide in the work. This I say, is all Goodman's Doctrine, and not Doctor Allens; into wh●se thoughts it never came to conceive, much less to publish such Paradoxes of sedition. All that he teacheth tends rather to the contrary, viz. to keep people in their due bounds, and to exhort them not to be transported by any unadvised or evil passions against their governors under a pretence of zeal. He confesseth indeed, 'tis a thing commendable, when men are zealous for true Religion; but he adviseth, that they act modo & Tempore, in due manner, that is, no otherwise then lawfully they may, and with regard unto all other acknowledged rules of a good conscience; and in due season, that is, not until they be called thereto by lawful Authority: as in the case of the Idolatrous Israelites: 
Num. 25.45.  and the place alleged is plain; The people acted nothing but by command of Moses, who was Supreme Magistrate: Neither did he command any thing to be done, but from the mouth of God, and according to the express Law, Deut. 13. This is not to put the Sword into the people's hand, and to permit them to execute their fiery zeal upon whom they please, under a pretence of punishing Idolatry, and rooting out Superstition; especially such, as no man judgeth to be so but themselves. The Second objection is made by Doctor Sutcliff in his Turcopapismus against Father Parsons, viz. that he suborned or hired Roderick Lopez, a Portughess, and some others to kill the Queen: Which Treason, saith he, was discovered by the Earl of Essex. I answer, it is like the Tale of Peter Panny, that was reported to be hired by Mavaraeus a Doctor of Douai and Provincial of the Jesuits, to kill Count Maurice; which upon examination proved but a Fable, and so will this. For first, was there any person named in that Action but Lopez and his Countrymen, that is, some Portughesses and Spaniards? I have seen and read all the Examinations taken in that business, wherein all the circumstances thereof are declared, The Aiders, Movers, Actors, all nominated: There is not the least mention of Father Parsons in the whole business, from first to last. Secondly, when Master Egerton at Guildhall so largely and eloquently urged all he could, did he so much as once name Father Parsons? Or was he a man likely to forget him, if he had found or thought him any way Accessary? Beside all this, F. Parsons himself was known to be a man not of that weakness (whatsoever men will think of his honesty) as to venture his reputation, life, interest and all so unadvisedly in a foreign bottom, and subject to so many leaks, as that was. This therefore may pass for a scandalous Fiction and Hear-say, but no more. A Third objection is made against Parry, and sounded aloud in all men's ears, as a reproach and slain indelible to Catholic Religion. The sum of the charge is, that Parry was incited by the Pope's Letters to kill the Queen. I answer, The Acts or process itself of his Examination and Trial do show, that having conference with Master Wats a Seminary Priest about this business, the said Master Wats disliked both his motion and attempt, and told him, that it was a thing unlawful that he went about: As likewise did some other Priests also, when they understood the business. Secondly, at Lion's coming to F. Creighton a Jesuit, and after Confession discovering his intention to him, out of some Confidence, it seems, that the good man would by't at such a bait, he found himself as much mistaken here, as before. For the Father resolves him, That it was utterly unlawful, and useth divers reasons to dissuade him from any further proceeding, as Parry himself confesseth to the Queen, and Holinshead in his Chronicle doth acknowledge: So that already both the Priest and Jesuits are acquitted. There remains only the Letter of Cardinal Como to be considered. Touching which we are to know, this Parry had lived in Italy, as a Spy, a long time, and being upon his return, was desirous to furnish himself with a project, that might serve his turn in England both ways, that is, both to abuse Catholics, (as he did, by pretence of the Pope's Letters,) and to deceive the Queen. Therefore having found so little encouragement at Lions, as we have said, he travels to Paris, and endeavours to insinuate himself with Father Parsons, (who was there at that time, with the Lord Paget) but with no better success to his designs, than he had found before with F. Creighton and Master Wats. Howbeit by some means he procured himself access to the Pope's Nuncio then resident in the City, to whom he presents a Letter written in Italian by himself, which he desires might be recommended by the said Nuncio to his Holiness; which was done. In this Letter he confesseth first, what great wrongs he had done to the English Catholics in former time; but was now returning into England, intending to make them some satisfaction by his service there: And to that end desired the Approbation and Benediction of his Holiness; not specifying any thing in particular, what he intended; as may be seen by his Letter, which is upon Record. To this Letter of Parry, Cardinal Como answereth in the Pope's name, in such manner as every man knows. For the Cardinal's Letter is common to be seen. Let any man read and examine it, if there be any particular service intimated, or any Treasonable or seditious directions given; but only a general encouragement to a good work (as least that might be presumed so by those who wrote, knowing nothing to the contrary) which was only in general offered. And what reasonable man can think, that his Holiness could do less in such a case, than he did, viz. then to command a Compliment to be returned unto a kindness, which for aught appeared, was offered only in Compliment? To have denied that, His Holiness must have seemed to slight too much the opinion of his Nuncio; by whose recommendation the Letter of Parry was presented at Rome: And who indeed (if any) was the man surprised in the business, by giving so much credit to a person not sufficiently known to him. The truth is, Parry's designs were malicious every way; both in respect of the Catholics, with whom he intended, by means of the said Letters, to insinuate himself so far (if he could) and to gain such confidence with them, as to be able at least, when time should be, to do some of them mischief: and in respect of the Queen, whom he abused along time, pretending, by colour of the self same Letters, that he was really suborned and sent by the Pope to attempt some violence upon her Majesty. Being therefore furnished some thing to his mind, (as abovesaid) he departeth privately from Paris, without so much as taking leave of F. Parsons, as by whom he found neither himself nor his business to be much regarded) and procures a Pass to be sent him from the Lord Burleigh to come into England, upon pretence that he had some great matters to impart to the Queen. So he came; the Queen heard him: and he informed, That the Jesuits had moved him to kill her. But not being able to name any in England, he was dismissed, on purpose to be a Spy here at home, and to discover such Catholics to the Counsel, as perhaps, might be found less affectionate towards her person. And to gain him the better credit with them, viz. the Catholics, it was ordered so, that he was once very formally convented in Parliament, where he so boldly defended Catholic Religion, and the Catholics of England; that the Parliament itself, not knowing, that all was but out of design by the Queen and her Counsel, committed him to the Tower: Which did indeed very much increase his reputation with the Priests and Fathers here. But his liberty was soon procured, and himself had such continual access to the Queen, such favour with the Treasurer and others, that once he had no small hopes to have been made Master of Saint Katherine's. Howbeit the Counsel perceiving him but to falter, and fail in the main business, viz. of betraying Catholics, and especially in the business of the Lord Latimor, (whom the Treasurer would fain have caught in Parries' net) himself at last became suspected, and entangled by degrees in such Snares, as he could never wind himself out, but perished in that manner, which he had justly deserved, and for which no man lamented him.  
A Fourth objection is against F. ●ichard Walpoole of the Society; who was accused by one Squire upon the Rack, to have encouraged him to poison the Queen. The Story is thus. The said Squire, and one Rolls, being in a Pinnace of Sir Francis Drakes in the year 1596. were taken by Don Pe●o Tellio, and brought prisoners to Sivil: where F. Parsons, (happening to be there at that time) procured for them liberty, and also necessary apparel, and so sent them home. At Saint Lucre's, through their own indiscretion, they fall into the Inquisition, and are thereupon remanded back again to Sivil; where this said Father Walpoole then being, was as ready to do them charitable offices in their necessity, as Father Parsons had been before. So he procured them liberty the Second time, not indeed to departed without leave, but to be forthcoming, when they should be called to appear: and to this he engaged his credit, having first made provision of necessary subsistence for Rolls in the Jesuits College, and for Squire in a Monastery. But they both fled away secretly, and left Father Walpoole in the Lurch to answer for them: yet afterwards sending him Letters to excuse their sudden departure; which he also produced for his discharge. So they came into England. And as it happens sometimes with Travellers, especially of such quality as they were, to talk of much more than is true, and to pretend acquaintance abroad with those, which perhaps they scarce ever saw; so it seems this Squire in his discourses of the intimacy and familiarity which he had with Jesuits, and such men abroad, did overshoot himself so far, as to let fall something capable of misconstruction, and which an Adversary of his, one Stallenge, catching up at the second hand, made shift to improve ●nto an accusation of Treason against the said Squire, viz. That he had been Counselled by a Jesuit to poison the Queen, and concealed it. But let the Reader consider circumstances well, and then weigh the Endictment. Squire is accused, that Father Walpoole moved and instructed him to poison the Queen, and preached to him at his departure to that purpose. Is this probable? For first they fled both of them away secretly from Sivil, Squire and Rolls together, without Father Walpooles knowledge, and as 'tis generally known to be true. Secondly, Squire was a man, that always professed himself a Protestant, in Spain as well as in England; and so died. Who can dream that Father Walpoole knowing this, as well as himself, should make such a proposition to him? Thirdly, both at his arraignment and death he constantly denied any such matter to have been propounded to him by any person on earth. And though having been upon the Rack no less than five times, the torture made him at last to speak something against himself, yet he afterwards constantly denied it, even to his death. And all men know, an argument from the Rack, especially when 'tis afterwards disavowed, is reckoned elsewhere but a mean evidence or proof. Fourthly he was a man that had a Wife and Children in England, and therefore not likely to be drawn into such a plot, but upon some great and present temptation; which how unable a man Father Walpoole was to undertake, the world knows being only a Priest of the Society, a poor Religious man, and under superiors. Fifthly, Rolls, his companion, wh● came along with him, never heard of any such thing, nor was ever questioned about it. Lastly, the device itself was as ridiculous and improbable, as any thing could be. It was to be done (Scilicet this Treason) by poisoning the Queen's Saddle. But how is it possible to imagine such a thing should be done by a stranger, and neither the Grooms of the Stable, nor the Querries (which are continually attending upon the Queen's Horse) discover the business; none of which were ever questioned about it. Mariana's problematical opinion is a Fifth objection; as it happens. But I shall not stand long about it. First, because it was but a private opinion, not any general Doctrine of Catholics. Secondly because it was only propounded by him problematically, viz. in way of disputation, not positively taught, as his own words show. Thirdly, because his whole Order disavowed it, viz. in a Congregation held at Pari● Anno 1606. confirmed by their General Claudius Aquaviva. Cardinal Tolet Categorically determineth the contrary, Summa. Lib. 5. Cap. 6. as likewise doth Gregor. Valent. Part. 2. Q. 64. Card. Bellarm. Apolog. Cap. 13. Salmeron in Cap. 13. ad Rom. Lesle. de Justit. & Ju●e, Lib. 2. Cap. 9 Dub. 4. Serrar. in Cap. 13. Judic. Azorius Institut. Moral. Becanus ad Aphorism. 9 Gretser in his Vespertilio, or Heretico-Politicus. Richeome in his Apology. Lastly, the Doctors of the Sorbor, as they had done formerly, viz. Anno 1413. so now again Anno 1606 they declare it to be an unlawful and wicked P sition. As for Simanch, he may seem rather a Lawyer then a Divine, and must be understood to speak according to particular Laws or Constitutions of some Nations, and Kingdoms; and whosoever will but read Heisius his Respons. ad Aphorismos, especially Pag. 85. & 91. shall easily perceive, that neither Simancha nor Becanus were guilty of that error. Master Cuthbert Mayn's bringing of a Bull, or Breve of the Pope into England is a Sixth. And for such a pretended Treason he was executed at Launston, upon Saint Andrews day, 1577. as Stow saith in his Chronicles, for preferring of Roman power. His Indictment was for bringing in the said Bull; and for reconciling of Master Tregion. But as for Master Tregion it is answered already, That he was reconciled unto God and to the Communion of his Church; and not obliged to any particular service in behalf of the Pope in one kind or other. And concerning the Bull, whereas the Law intends it in clear words, that the party accused should procure it immediately from Rome, it was answered in behalf of Master maine, that he never sought nor procured any Bull from Rome. That which he had was only the Copy of a Bull printed, which he bought at Douai, only to peruse and see the manner of it; neither was it a Bull for reconciling any man, or for doing any thing prejudicial to the Queen, or State; but only a Bull of the Jubily that was passed. Which as it is a thing granted of course by the Pope every Five and twenty years, and not at the Suit or instance of any particular person; so was it also out of date and force when he bought it, being expired with the year 1575. and so upon the matter was no more than a Scroll, or an Almanac of the last year. And yet notwithstanding, because such a Paper as this was found about him, and that he refused to come to Church, Judge Manwood told the Jury, That where manifest proofs could not be had, presumptions must be allowed: So the Jury quickly found him guilty upon such direction, and he suffered. Master Tregion lay a long time in prison among Felons, and in a Dungeon most noisome, fed with bread and water; although he were a Gentleman of One thousand pound per annum of old Rent: But being condemned in a Praemunire, for harbouring a Priest, his Lands were seized by Writ into the Exchequer; and though they were Entailed, yet could the Knight Marshal find means to avoid that, and so begged them of the Queen. Lastly, the whole business rested upon the accusation of one twigs, a Parish Clerk; which was also false; for he deposed against Master Main for Christmas 1575. when it was certainly known, that he was at that time at Douai.  
The Rising in the North, and the Attempts of Babington in the business of the Queen of Scots, were mixed Actions, not for Religion only, nor State only; but for both: Nor were they procured by the suit or solicitation of Priests or Religious men, but out of their own zeal who were engaged in those Attempts. 
And. Philop.  The first, as some have said, was but the effect of a resolution, which many of the Lords of the Council had taken to pull down Cecil, who, being but Secretary, and a very new man at Court, overacted his part, and had given no small matter of offence to some of the greatest Lords; but by a timely submission he made means to qualify them: and so the business was not owned, so far as otherwise it might have been. The other, viz. of Babington and his Associates, was only to deliver out of an unjust prison, the person of an absolute Princess, and one who was no way a subject of England, further, say they, than she was by fraud procured so to be; nor an enemy, further than she was forced by injuries, and a desire to see herself at liberty. Howbeit for this rsspect they are not within compass of my undertaking. Nor am I to say any more concerning the Sentence Declaratory of Pius Quintus against the Queen. The grounds and reasons thereof are alleged in the Bull itself; to which may be added many unseemly and scandalous provocations daily given by the New Ministers out of the Pulpits, calling him Antichrist, the Man of Sin, the Son of Perdition, and what not? which the Queen and State were content publicly to connive at, and countenance. Others attribute it to misinformation, and that his Holiness was not made rightly to understand the Queen's case, and of the Catholics of England. And this is certain, that many godly, wise, and judicious Catholics, both of the Clergy and others, were not a little grieved at the manner of proceeding, and wished rather (Cardinal Allen himself, Bishop Watson, and others) that it had been wholly left to the judgement of God; As we see well enough, it had been in other cases of this Nature; Neither in King Edward the Sixths' time, nor against the Kings of Scotland, Denmark, Sweden, Duke of Saxony, Marquis of Brandenburg, or any other Protestant Prince, was there ever any such sentence issued to this day. Whereupon Father P●rsons, and Father Campian procured some kind of mitigation concerning it, presently after the publishing; and Pope Gregory following declared, That the Subjects of England ought to perform all duties to Queen Elizabeth, notwithstanding the censures. So little reason is there in truth, that Protestants should clamour so loud as they do, and cry out nothing but Treason, Treason, against religious and good men; who, as they have no other business, so come they hither for no other end, but to do them good, and, so far as lieth in their power and office, to save their souls. They tell the world, that no less than two hundred Priests have been executed in England for Treason, since the times of Reformation; which is certainly a very heavy report, and sufficient to make them odious to all the world, if it were true, or that there were any thing in it but fallacy and aequivocation of words; whiles they call that Treason in England, which in all parts of Christendom besides is both called and counted Religion and the highest Virtue. For we beseech them to tell us of what Treason do they convict us at any time, but the Treason of being a Priest? the Treason to say Mass? the Treason to refuse the Oath? the Treason to absolve Penitents confessing their sins? the Treason to restore men to the Communion of the Church? the Treason to Preach and Administer Christ's Sacraments? the Treason to be bred up in the Seminaries, that is, in such places, where only, (as things now stand in England) th●y can be catholicly bred, and fitted for such Christian employment? What actual and real. Treason is in England, according to the true s●nse and notion of that crime (odious both to God and man) the Statute of 25 Edw. 3. will inform us better than any other, being enacted when the whole Kingdom was of one mind and of one judgement (as all Christian Kingdoms and Societies ought to be) not rend, nor overborne by factions and parties, undermining and supplanting one another by indirect and undue means, as it was when these new Statutes of Treason were made. By that Statute, and by the opinions of the most learned Judges in England, Ploydon, Stamford, etc. Treason must always be some Action, or Intention actually discovered; not an opinion only, or a profession of Religion. And this is the reason why Sir John Oldcastle, 
Stow.  (one of Mr. Fox his Martyrs, in the Reign of Henry the Fifth mentioned before) though he were both Traitor and Heretic; yet for his Treason he was condemned in one Court, and for his Heresy in another: as also were Cranmer and Ridley in Queen Mary's time. Secondly, it must be some Act, or Intention discovered of a subject prejudicial to his Sovereign, or to the State where he lives. But what hurt had ever (I say not Queen Mary, Henry the Eighth (while he stood right) Henry the Seventh, or any other Catholic Prince, but even) Queen Elizabeth herself, King James, or any other Protestant Prince, by a Priests saying Mass, absolving of Penitents, preaching of sound Doctrine to them, and particularly of all due and just obedience to Civil Magistrates, as they have ever constantly done? Therefore by the common Laws of England, and in itself it is not, it cannot be Treason or criminous to be a Priest, to say Mass, Absolve, etc. But only by Statute Laws it is made so upon temporary and present occasions, and for certain politic ends, which men have projected of themselves, and which they are resolved to follow. And therefore also it is by the very Statutes themselves provided 22. and 27. Elizab. That if a Priest conforms, be content to go to Church, to renounce the Pope or his Orders, etc. he becomes ipso facto without more ado, Rectus in Curia, and is actually discharged of all imputation of Treason; no further proceed lie against him. Yea even at the very place of Execution, and when the instruments of death are upon him, yet still 'tis in his own power, if he please, in three words to pardon himself, and frustrate the expectation of so many eyes, as are commonly waiting to see his last Exit. Let him but, say, I will conform, or I will swear, etc. there's no man living dares meddle with him further. Which is far otherwise where the offence is judged to be Tre●son indeed, and really prejudicial to the Prince or State. But the fatal resolution being taken to change Religion, upon a principle or pretended reason of State, as false as the Counsel itself was evil, vi●. That otherwise the Queen could not be secure either of her Kingdom or Life, it was necessary to take a severe course with those men, whose Function obliged them to maintain True Religion, and to endeavour to reduce things again into the old State. From this root also sprang their extreme jealousy and hatred of the Queen of Scots. For she being Heir Apparent to the Crown after Queen Elizabeth, and a Princess zealously affected unto Catholic Religion, and so strongly Allied in France, Those Statesmen, who had contrived and wrought all the alterations here, could never think themselves secure, so long as her head stood upon her shoulders. Therefore was she first invited into England, upon pretence of Friendship, and for Safety: But when she was here used with so much unkindness, and kept under restraint for little less than twenty years together, that at last, in order to procure her Liberty, she was indeed provoked to do something, which it was easy for them who loved her not, to interpret to be Treason: and so they cut off her head. From hence also sprung those continual injuries and practices of much ingratitude against the King of Spain, The intercepting of his Treasure, The holding of his Towns, The aiding of Orange and the States, as hath been said. Lastly, from this only Source and Fountain of unjust Policy sprung all those laws of severity and blood against Recusants, as we are commonly called, viz. of Twenty pound a month, of Two third parts of Estate, against Hearing Mass, against Harbouring a Priest, against Being reconciled, etc. It is well known, the Recusants of England, against whom those Laws were made, were generally persons, in all degrees, of the Noblest quality in this Nation, Virtuous, Grave, Wise, Charitable, Just, and Good men, of fair and friendly Conversation towards all: I shall not say, Loyal to their Prince, because the contrary is so commonly believed; 
Stow.  yet our own Chronicles will not altogether deny them right in that regard, while they testify how diligent and forward they were to offer their service to the Queen and State, even in that great Action of Eighty eight. Neither were they altogether refused by her Majesty. They were also generally men of plentiful Fortunes and good Estates; and are so still, except such as the Laws and hard times have impoverished. Yet because for Conscience sake they refuse to hear Common-prayer and Sermons, to receive the Communion according to the new order of the Church of England, they stand by Law, as it were, marked out for destruction, and branded with all the Characters of ignominy, suspicion, and prejudice, which the people of any State, even for the greatest crimes actually committed, 
Sir. Edw. Cook.  can justly suffer. It is reported by a great Lawyer of this Nation, that from primo Elizab. till the Bull of Pius Quintus was published, which was about half a score or a dozen years after, No person in England refused to come to Church; as if perchance that Bull had be●● the sole occasion which Catholics took to disobey the Queen's Injunctions. But it is a great error. For not to speak any thing of Puritans (many of whom before that time refused the Church-Service) how many Bishops and Priests were there in England, known and professed Recusants from the first beginning? How many Noblemen and Gentlemen of account did openly and absolutely refuse to join with their New Church? It is true, and to be lamented, The revolt of the English under Queen Elizabeth from the true Catholic Religion, so lately restored, was too general; and too many there were, who suffered themselves to be carried away with the stream of Authority, and with the evil example of their Neighbours, and especially of Great Ones. But what is this but a general infirmity and weakness commonly observed in the people? What Form soever of Religious Profession a State sets up, it proves an Idol to them, and they are apt to fall down before it; yea, though the Figure, which they worship, (as it happens sometimes) hath much more of the Calf, then of the Man in it. And for this respect it cannot but be matter of much consideration to all wise Statesmen, and States, to be well advised how far they proceed in this kind, viz. of establishing or setting up any outward form or profession of Religion whatsoever, especially by any compulsory Acts or Penalties; lest the blood of Souls lie upon their account another day. As most certainly it shall, whensoever people are misled into any corrupt way of Religion, merely upon the Authority and Resolution of the State. And yet notwithstanding there were in many places of the Kingdom, not a few of worthy and constant Catholics, who never bowed theer knees unto Baal, that is, never consented, nor made profession of Heresy one way or other; as Lanhearne, Ashby de la Zouch, Grafton, Dingley, Cowdrey, and many other places can witness: by whose integrity the Catholic Church in England, (viz. that Remnant according to the election of Grace, which God was pleased to preserve here from the general contagion, to glorify his name by suffering, and to give Testimony unto Truth) have subsisted and stood by the great mercy of God, unto this day; though indeed suffering grievously for their Conscience, (as God was pleased from time to time to exercise them) by confiscation of their Estates, vexations by Pursivants and Promoters, restraint and imprisonment of their persons, at Wisbich, Ely, Banbury, York, Ludlow, Bury, the Fleet, Gatehouse, etc. Not to speak any thing of the spoil of their Woods, leasing their Lands, exaction of Fines, nor yet of their disarming by Law; because this last, (though it were as unjust and undeserved as the rest, yet) it had more of disgrace and ignominy in it, then of real damage; arguing only suspicion or jealousy, which the State would seem to have of them, and nothing more. But the Twenty pounds a month was a burden insupportable, especially to the meaner sort: Although it must be confessed, the rigour and extremity thereof was many times moderated by the Lord Treasurer Burleigh.  
Now to compare these men with the Recusant Puritan in England, (for such, we must know, there are, more than a good many in all Countries: All Recusants are not Popish) if it were not too odious, it might be very necessary; and the world could not but see much better, and acknowledge the patience, humility, and obsequious deportment of Catholics, compared with the others insolency and stoutness. For 'tis very well seen already, that this growing Sect of Protestant Recusants are not men likely to bear such burdens, should the State find it necessary to impose them. They discover a far different Spirit, even now, while they are but in their shell, as we may say, and without any visible power or interest within the Nation, save that of their number. Compare them with the Recusant F●ugonots of France (who are Brethren, and of the same principles with ●urs in England) you would think our Catholic Gentlemen here to be all Priests, in respect of their sober, humble, and Christian carriage of themselves, whensoever they fall under question for Religion; Their very Ministers there, you would take to be all Swordmen, Captains, Sons of Mars, so much fury & rage breathes out in every word or action of theirs, which relates to the public. Catholics here are persons of all other most unwilling to offend; Recusants there most unwilling to obey. These defend their Religion with their Swords, and by resistance of the Civil Magistrate; ours only with their Pen and with their prayers. Ours endure, and à Scio cui credidi with St. Paul, is all their comfort: These endure nothing, will trust no body with their cause, but themselves and their Cautionary towns; They have their Bezas, Their Marlorates, Chamiers, and other Boutefeux swarming thick in all parts of the Kingdom, ready to incense and set on fire the distempered multitude against their lawful governors; they have their Montaubans, their Rochels, Saumurs, Montpelliers, places of refuge and retreat, strong and well fortified to shelter themselves, when they cannot make good their designs in the field. Catholics here have none of all these; They have no Preachers, but Preachers of Penance and Mortification: They hear no Sermons at any time, but such as teach them Obedience, Patience, Resignation to the will of God, and to be willing to suffer whatsoever the will of God is, They have no places of security but their own unarmed houses; which if they change, it is always for the Fleet, Gatehouse, Newgate or some other prison and place of restraint. Much talk there is among Protestants, of the Inquisition, its severity, cruelty, partiality (and what not?) to make it odious and terrible to the people; but verily if a man do well consider it, in comparison of the troubles, vexation, and manifold danger both for life, liberty and estate, whereto the Catholics of England, Priests and Religious persons especially, are subject, it may seem rather a Scarecrow, than any thing else. Charles the Fifth Emperor in the year 1521. at Worms decreed only Exile against Luther, notwithstanding his obstinacy, and all the mischief, which he had brought upon Germany; and that his Books should be burned. In the year 1526. at Machlin he enacted a Penalty against Heretics, and all such as disputed the Controversies of Religion Heretically, or that kept prohibited Books, viz. for the first offence Forty shillings, for the Second Four pound, for the Third Eight pound, and Banishment; as the best remedy he could think of to preserve others from infection. In the year 1529. if they repent not of their error, he adjudged Viris ignem, Mulieribus fossam, That men should be burned, and women buried alive; which was no more than anciently the Laws prescribed, nor then what Calvin himself exercised upon Servetus at Genevah. In the year 1531. he confirmed these former Acts, with something additional against such as pulled down Images, or defaced them with any malicious intention, viz. that such persons should lose their goods. This is the sum of all those Laws of the Emperor Charl● the Fifth, concerning Religion, so much complained of in the Low-Countries: and concerning the Execution whereof there were also many exceptions, qualifications and limitations procured by the Regent in the year 1555. upon advise of Viglius Precedent of the Counsel at Brussels; and to take away all occasions that might possibly hinder Traffic, or be a means of oppression to innocent and quiet people. And for King Philip, he always professed (particularly in his answer to Montigny in Spain) that he intended no addition of severity to his Father's Laws, nor to create any new offences, but only to punish those, which were of old censured for offences both by the Church and State. Let us look then upon England, and consider, if the penalties upon Catholics here be not far more in number, and much more severe. To acknowledge the Pope's Supremacy in Spiritualibus is Treason; To be reconciled is Treason; To refuse the Oath, upon the first offence is a Praemunire, the second Treason. For Priests to come over into England is Treason; if any that were made Priests since Primo Elizab. shall stay Forty days in England after the Parliament 1585. 'tis Treason. To Harbour a Priest is Felony and Death. If young Students beyond Sea return not, and abjure their Religion it is Treason. To bring in an Agnus Dei, Beads, or Crosses is a Praemunire; To bring a Bull, or any Sentence of Excommunication from Rome, that may concern the Queen is Treason. To absolve or reconcile a man is Treason; Not coming to Church was at first Twelve pence every Sunday, and to be liable to further censure; afterwards, viz. Twenty seven Elizab. it was made Twenty pound a month, where it could be had: otherwise their bodies were to fine for it in prison. To departed out of the Realm without Licence, and not to return within Six months after the Proclamation is a forfeiture of all Goods and Lands during life. To hear Mass is an offence fined at One hundred Marks. If a man's Son or Servant (not Merchant) goeth beyond Sea with his consent, he forfeits One hundred pounds. I speak nothing of their loss of goods, imprisonments, reproaches, chains, fetters, which upon many other pretended and feigned occasions they are frequently made subject unto: nor of banishment; which would be counted many time's matter of great favour. Nor yet of the rigorous and vexatious Execution of all these Laws; which makes the Tower full of such Patients, and new prisons to be erected for the entertainment of them: nor of the hard usage, which they frequently find in those prisons. The sad examples of Master Tregion at Launston, of Master Rigby, of Master Christopher Watson, (who perished at Yo●k, with Eighteen persons more, in the year 1581. with the very infection of the prison) do show sufficiently what they suffer. Add hereunto the strict examination of the Justices, the proceed of the High-Commission against them, (that inquisition of England not altogether untruly so called) the multitude of Promoters in all the Temporal Courts of the Kingdom informing against them, of Pursuivants searching and rifling their houses upon every light suspicion, and not seldom without any at all, but only to make them Fine, and to purchase their quiet with money. Lastly, the Racks and Torturing, which Father Campian, Father Southwel, with many others tasted in their times, how can they be forgotten? concerning whose case, (I mean of Father Campian and his Associates especially) beside that the whole matter of their Accusation seemed upon Trial rather to be grounded upon words and some verbal discourse, then upon any Actual design or attempt really projected against the Queen or the State; and beside, that at the time of their Trial (as I have been credibly informed) there were persons of very Honest Quality, who offered to depose, that sundry of the Parties accused were, at the times specified in their several charges, many hundreds of miles distant, from the places, where their supposed Treasons and Conspiracies were said to be: I say, b●side all this, the Queen's unwillingness to have them die, (testified by her own Historian) is argument sufficient with indifferent m●n, what great Traitors she conceived them to be. For their Arraignment and Trial having been in November 1581. 
* Stow.  they suffered not till the first of September 1582. and then it was aegrè consentiente Reginâ, as Camden himself confesses. They who sought their lives, had much ado to procure the Queen's consent, that the Sentence of death should be executed upon them. Surely there is no man so extremely partial or purblind but will easily observe, how much greater affliction and pressures the Catholics of England have endured by the Laws of this Realm, than the Geuses of Holland ever did, or could do by the inquisition among them. And how much more their state and condition might be justly commiserated; especially, when not only Anabaptists, and those other more innocent and harmless Sects, but Puritans, great and stubborn enemies of the State, Arians, Socinians, yea even Professed Atheists, and men of far more violent passions and destructive principles, than Catholics can with any reason be supposed to hold, are scarce searched after, or punished. And yet notwithstanding all this, to preserve the Queen's reputation for Humanity and fair dealing with her Subjects, the Book called the Execution of English Justice will make the world believe, That no man in England is punished for Religion, no man's Conscience is meddled withal, no man is examined upon matters of Faith. But is it possible that such a pretence should be sustained by man, so notoriously contrary to truth, so easily, so manifestly disprovable even by sight, and the evidence of their own daily proceed? In the year 1581. there was a general Pardon granted by the Queen, but with a strict Caution and Proviso, That no person in Prison, nor Recusant for Religion, should have benefit thereby; which Malefactors of all sorts had. Was this no punishment? The Recusants pay Twenty pound a month for their Recusancy? is this no punishment? The Turk himself layeth not any greater upon the Christians under him. All, or most of the old Catholic Bishops and Clergy of England died in prisons, 
Antipath. of Prelate.  (as Master Prinn himself confesseth of the chiefest of them) am●ng Rogues, Murderers and Felons in the Marshalsea; The rest in Exile for Religion; is this no punishment? Or was there any other Crime laid to their charge, but only matter of Religion? Not to speak of many others, Master William Anderson in 45. Elizab. was executed upon no other charge, but that he was a Priest, and then found to be in England; so was Master Barckworth in the year 1600. was this no punishment? Anno 35. Elizab. Master Barwis a Citizen of London was executed, for being reconciled to to the Church: and Master Pormort attainted (at least) for reconciling him; was this no punishment? In the year 1575. (as Holinshead himself recordeth it for a matter to be noted) The Lady Morley, the Lady Brown, the Lady Guildford were committed all of them to prison, only for hearing Mass, and Leases presently made of two Third parts of their Lands; was this no punishment? I might be infinite in examples of this kind, but it is needless; The case is manifest, and the sense of the whole Kingdom proclaims the contrary, to what that Author pretendeth, convincing his assertion of not a little imposture and calumny.  
To conclude then, the loyalty and obedience of these Gentlemen, and other people of all sorts (which are commonly called Recusants) towards their King and the State, appears undeniably in all things: not only by their humble petitions to his Majesty that now is, in the year 1604. and at sundry times since; but by their constant and general conformity unto the temporal Government in all Queen Elizabeth's Reign; by their Protestation made at Ely in the year 1588. where a great many of them were prisoners; by some other offers which they made to the Lord North, the Queen's Lieutenant there, and by their justification of them afterwards; by their subm●ssions sent up to the Lords of the Privy Council, and their profession of all due acknowledgement towards her Majesty, notwithstanding the sentence of Excommunication; by their readiness to serve her Majesty & the State even in that Action of 88 for which they are so calumniated; Lastly, by the very Irish Recusants joining their Forces with the Queens at Kinsale, in the year 1600. All which Arguments do indeed show them to be subjects absolutè, and not ex conditione, or by leave of some other, as their adversaries pretend. Let the Reader therefore now judge, if he please, by what hath been said, whether to be a Protestant and a loyal subject, or a Catholic and a loyal subject, be more incompatible things. This was the question propounded in the beginning to be declared; and it hath been declared, I suppose, at large, both from their doctrinal assertions, and constant practices in all parts of Germany, France, Holland, Scotland, Genevah, and many other Countries of Christendom, what kind of people both Lutherans, Calvinist, and other sectaries generally are towards their Sovereign Princes. It hath been shown, that the chief scope and end of their endeavours, where they come, is to set up their several professions by the Sword, and viol●nt resistance of the Civil Magistrate, doing but his Office in restraining them according to Law; yea with the ruin of the Church and State (both) that shall oppose them. This, I say, both the Lutheran s n Germany, the Huguenots of France, the G●uses of H●l●and, the Protestants and Puritans in all other places where they could, have so apparently done, or attempted to do, that there is neither colour of excuse for it, nor liberty to deny it. The World knoweth what was endeavoured in Germany against the Emperor; in France how long continued they in Arms against their Sovereign Prince? viz. till they had by force (not to say contrary to his Oath) extorted from him such Edicts of Pacification, as themselves liked. And that in Holland and Scotland (where they had the fortune to become Masters) they renounced and deposed their Princes absolutely. On the other side let us consider, how far it is from being true, that wherewith so many Books in England have abused the people, viz. That to be a Priest, or a Roman Catholic, and a good Subject withal, is impossible: They are things inconsistent with one another. For if we look back to former times, we shall easily find, that from the Saxons to King Henry the Eighth, it was never made so much as a question; To be a Catholic was never held any bar to Loyalty; and yet the Princes had their differences sometimes with the Pope, even then. And in the grounds of Catholic Faith there is certainly nothing contrary unto civil obedience, and duty towards the temporal Magistrate. Witness the Government of the Sacred Roman Empire, of the Kingdoms of Spain, France, Poland, and many other Christian Principalities and States; All which differing in their several constitutions, or particular forms of Governing, yet do generally and unanimously account him the b●st Subject, and least dangerous to the State, who is most of all devoted to Catholic Religion. It is not therefore malum in se & simpliciter, whatsoever Doctor Morton, or Parson White say, it is not an evil  to Priesthood, nor essentially following the profession of Catholic Religion to be an evil subject. If it happens to prove so at any time, it is ex accident, and from the voluntary wickedness of particular men; if not (as too often it doth) from some evil constitution of State, in which the profession of Catholic Religion hath been unduly subverted, and is as unjustly prohibited and punished. Neither can it be verified of Catholic Religion 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or universally, as sedition and troubling the Civil Government is apparently chargeable upon Calvinism, and the other several professions of Protestancy. Therefore surely it was an error both uncivil and indiscreet in those Doctors, to frame their proposition so general, only to make us odious and suspected with his Majesty, who yet, we hope, understands us better than so, and knows, that the imputation is groundless and merely passionate. We deal not so with them. We are ready to acknowledge, that, as to particular persons, there are many, especially among the Protestants of England, of more calm and moderate dispositions, of no such fiery zeal, as works in many other of their Brethren abroad; Boni viri, boni cives, such as we confess to be both good men, and good Subjects, of sociable nature, obsequious, not inclined to Sedition, nor desirous to persecute. And the like good Testimony doth even the Author of the Execution of English Justice give unto Catholics, acknowledging their obedience and loyalty towards the late Queen, and that in a time, when they wanted not matter of complaint, for the manifold oppressions and afflictions, which were heavy upon them. 'tis true; every man may be supposed to wish the advancement of his own Religion, as believing it to be right, or the best: neither are Catholics to be excepted in that point: They must be permitted to desire at least, and wish for the restoring of Catholic Religion, as it ought to be. But surely as to the means whereby they procure it, and the course and manner of their proceeding that seek and endeavour it, This treatise hath already shown, what great odds and difference there is betwixt the proceed of Catholics, and that of Protestants. And that what the one, viz. Catholics, seek ●●ely by way of Petition, Supplication, Prayer, and humble Remonstrating of their Sufferances; The other, viz. Protestants, seek chief by fire and Sword and Cannon Bullet, and by Thundering of Ordnances, rather than Apologies, in their Prince's ears. Beside, (to proceed a little further in this Parallel) the Catholics generally, and for a long time, both in Germany and France were Passive, as in England they are still to this day; The Protestants were Active, and the offenders. Catholics only defend their own, maintain the possession of that, which they have quietly held, out of all memory of Men and Ages; Protestants invade, and usurp by force. Priests desire only to keep that which they once de jure had; Ministers seek to get that which they had not. Catholics obey ex conscientiâ, out of an inflexible principle of Conscience, and absolutely submit unto all lawful and established Government; Protestant's generally speaking but upon condition, and with such limitations and restrictions of their obedience, as they themselves think good to prescribe. Priests are punished, not for any formal wickedness, or that which is a crime in its own nature, but for something that is so, only by interpretation, or in the judgement of the present State; which perhaps a few days ago did not judge so, but the quite contrary. Calvinists, when they suffer, suffer for real and foul crimes; for Sedition, Rebellion, Murder, Treason, not imputative only, fictitious, or made such of late by the prevailing of some particular faction in the State, but truly and properly so, and adjudged for such by all Laws Divine and Humane, of their own Countries and of all Christendom beside, long before they or their Grandsires were born. Witness the examples of this last year in France, of Lescun, Precedent of the Assemblies at Rochel, Haute-Fountain, Chamier, P. Gomboult and some others, who all suffered for real and actual Treasons; and by virtue of such Laws, not as the Parliament at Paris, or some party there had procured to be enacted a few years, or a few months before, on purpose to entrap them; but by the ancient known Law● of ●ranc●, b which they themselves knew the Kingdom was governed, and had been ever governed time out of mind: and therefore could not in any reason but expect the execution of them upon themselves, in case they would persist to offend. Witness the Treasons of their Brother Bischarcy in Poland, who attempted to kill the King; and did indeed wound him very dangerously, as he was going to Church. They object to us the positions of some private and disavowed persons, and words only: We object to them the resolutions of whole general Assemblies held by them, and those rebellions, which have followed thereupon, not in word only, but in deed and in act, their real and actual Conspiracies, their many Battles really and actually fought in the Field, without lawful Authority, or any public Call, against their Sovereign Princes; with other manifold injuries and insolences committed. Lastly, Protestants reform commonly per populum, and by Tumults; Catholics do nothing of this kind but by Law, Order, and their proper Superiors. So that the difference betwixt them is manifest; and the integrity of the professions of Catholic, in point of obedience and loyalty towards their Prince, beyond that of Calvinists, or Protestants, generally speaking, is visible to every eye.  
Why may they not then, under the Favour of the State, enjoy like Liberty of Conscience, Person, and Estates, with other good Subjects; notwithstanding that they differ in Judgement from the profession of the State? Why may not a Catholic be tolerated to live, and enjoy without molestation, that which God, Nature, and the Laws of the Land do give him, as well as a Calvinist? Why should the Laws of England be fettered with so many Shackleses of Interpretative, and Temporary Treason, to the prejudice of many innocent persons, and to the scandal of the Government? Admit, that for some worldly respect they were indeed necessary, in State-policy, for the times wherein they were enacted; yet the times changing so much as th●y have done, and those causes entirely ceasing, which made them seem necessary then, it may be thought now, not only safe, (as undoubtedly it is) but honourable and just to repeal them. May it not with great reason be wondered at, that a Nation so Just, so Honourable, so Wise, as this of England hath ever been acknowledged by the Nations abroad; and settled by Extraordinary Dispensations of Divine Providence upon such Equitable, fair and just principles of government, as be constantly held forth by the Supreme Authority of the Nation, should permit any thing to be counted Treason by an Act of Parliament, which is so generally over all Christendom at this day, and hath been so anciently, and even till of late times in this our own Nation, so much honoured, maintained, and reverenced by all men; especially I say, when there is no cause of suspicion remaining, when there is no cause nor colour of jealousy from any persons, that desire this liberty: at lest none, but what may be easily removed by the wisdom of the State; and plenary satisfaction given in that behalf, both to themselves and to all the good people of the Nation. How much Religious men and persons Ecclesiastical (now called Traitors by the Law) were wont to be esteemed in this Nation, is not necessary now to speak; our own Chronicles and the Constitutions of our very Laws themselves do abundantly declare it. If a bondman entered a cloisture, he could not be commanded out by any power whatsoever; The Law itself anciently holding it more reasonable, that even the King should lose his interest in such a body, then that he should be taken out from the Order, which he had chosen. The like was judged, if the King's Wards entered Religion. An Alien by Law can hold no Lands in England; yet if he be a Priest, he may by Law be a Bishop here, and enjoy his Temporalties, as Lanfranck, Anselme, and some others did, who were never Denizens. It is well known, The Six Clerks of the Chancery were anciently Clerks of the Church. The Master of the Rolls, Master of Requests, Lord Privy Seal, yea the Lord Chancellors and Treasurers of the Realm not only commonly, but in a manner constantly, till of late times, were Bishops & Clergymen. How strange therefore may it seem, that the Laws of England should make a Function so ancient and honourable in England to be Treason? which certainly is the same function now, that it was then, when it was most honoured; and hath suffered no more change, from what it first was, than Saint Paul's Church hath suffered change, since the time it was first built by King Ethelbert; that is, it is grown old indeed, and by the iniquity of the times, hath lost some part of that outward Glory, Magnificence, and Splendour, which it once had. And for Papists, if men go about to make them a Sect, and endeavour to suppress them under that notion, truly we shall be found a very ancient Sect; and I believe it will trouble the best Doctor in En●land, to assign us any other Sect-Master, any other Author and Founder of our profession, than our Saviour Christ, and Sain● P ter. But most men know, 'tis to little purpose to attempt any thing against us that way. All other Sects have their particular Authors, and many other circumstances of their beginning assignable, easily, clearly, notoriously: I mean, not only Lutherans, Calvinists, Anabaptists, and such others of yesterday, but those more ancient, Arians, Eunomians, Pelagians, Nestorians, Manichees, etc. only Catholics have not; nor can any man show when their profession began, or from whom it came, but from our Saviour and his Apostles. What therefore should hinder a reconciliation, and a readmission of this Ancient and Universal profession of Christianity into England again? I mean, unto such an equal and avowed liberty of private exercise, as other people of the Nation do enjoy in the profession of theirs. On his Majesty's part, I humbly suppose there can be little doubt made, who hath been ever of himself▪ constantly inclined to show mercy, if there had been no crooked and unhappy instruments about him to hinder it. My mind, saith the King, was ever free from persecution, or thralling my Subjects in matters of Conscience; And again, Fateor me non libenter suspendere Presbyterum, etc. I confess, saith he, it g eth much against my mind, to put a Priest to death only for his Religion, or for saying of Mass. He who judged, that it could no way become him, though a Prince of so great Learning and Judgement, to pronounce sentence lightly in so old a controversy, what Priest or Religious man can appeal to a better Judge? or from whom should they expect a sentence of more favourable compassion? He who sent into France to mediate for the peace of Strangers, what man can doubt, but of his own Royal inclination he is as willing to show favour to his Subjects at home? Though we differ in Religion, yet in obedience to our Prince, and the State that protects us, we agree; neither will we be preceded in this part of our duty by any profession under Heaven. Our bodies are at the King's service, and at the States to command; may they be pleased to leave our souls to God. Let our actions be tried; and if they find not cause, let them not trust us. It hath been long since observed by wise men, That too much severity doth but make men desperate; and it is an ancient Aphorism of State punire rarò. What an honourable addition was it to Augustus Caesar his other Titles, that of the Historian, 
Sueton.  Nunquam civ●lem sanguinem fudisse, That never any subject suffered by him in cold blood: And it is as infallibly true in all generous Spirits, fidelem, si putaveris, facies, that confidence gains much security from them; as counting it the greatest of disgraces to be disinherited. Malus custos diuturn●tatis metus. Fear is not always the best Guardian. Seneca, who lived under a Tyrant, and knew what tyranny was, giveth this counsel, Vl●ima supplicia suppliciis ultimis ponat. Let, saith he, a Prince always observe this rule in the administration of justice, viz. That capital punishments be the last punishments which he inflicteth, and never used, but where no other remedy will serve. And Tacitus observes it among other marks of Tiberius his cruelty, Delatorum Authoritas magna, frequens accusatio, & in quovis crimine adjuncta de laesâ Majestate Principis, That Sycophants, Informers, and such fellows were the only men about him, and every offence was made Treason. And certainly there can be no greater Symptom, that Government declines to tyranny, than the multitude of such people attending the Courts; and that such proceed are used. I confess the Law was once strict at Rome, Deos peregrinos ne colunto. Yet Marcus Aurelius, a wise and gallant Emperor, tolerated the Christians; yea, Theodosius, and Grat an, Emperors, though most most Christian and Catholic themselves, yet for some time were contented to tolerate the Arians, enemies of Christ. The Venetians, and many other Christian States permit the Jews to live among them; as Spain did the Moors, till necessity at last forced the King to expel them.  
It is a false and uncharitable Assertion, savouring too much of gall and spleen, to say (as some do) that Catholics are unsociable, they cannot live with Protestants in one Commonwealth without jars and tumults. For is there any thing more visible, and in your eyes every day, then that the contrary is true? Do we not live among you here in England? Have we not ever done so since the first unhappy difference and change made, peaceably, neighbourly, friendly? Do me not buy and sell with you, and you with us? are we not ready to perform all offices of civility and good neighbourhood, where we live? Do we refuse any kind of temporal duties or payments? Even of our Tithes to the Ministers, which yet are in themselves a kind of religious Salary; and if in any, surely we should boggle and show unwillingness in them? Besides, it is a false surmise, that we hold all Protestants generally for Heretics, and Excommunicate persons; (as some spare not to urge both in the pulpit and press, to make us odious) or that thereby we should think ourselves at liberty, when we have opportunity, to deal less faithfully, justly, and truly with them, than becometh honest men, and Christians. For that they are not Excommunicate, I mean specially, by name, or by any such sentence of the Judge Ecclesiastical, as doth relax or debar either all or any civil duty towards them, is out of question. And to make a man Heretic, formally speaking and in the proper notion of that crime, obstinacy in opinion is by all confess d to be requisite, and that he persisteth deliberately therein, notwithstanding that he knoweth the opinion which he holdeth, to be contrary to the Doctrine of the Catholic Church, and to the general, unanimous, or known consent of those Pastors, which as Saint Paul teacheth us, aught to have the oversight and government of him in our Lord: 
Acts 20.28, Heb. 13.7.17. Tit. 3.10.  which, I su●po●e, cannot be the case of all the Protestants in England. Indeed of th● Doctrine of Protestancy, as 'tis considered in itself, abstractedly from the persons that profess it we say, 'tis Heresy, that is to say, ● false Doctrine, a condemned Doctrine, a Doctrine, (so far as Doctrine can barely be) not only of dangerous, but of damnable malignity, being contrary to the Doctrine and Institutions of true Christian Religion, which our Saviour by his Apostles left unto the Church, to be professed and observed for ever; and therefore in itself of such nature, that it ought to be deposed by all men, who desire to be saved; and in profession whereof no man living may securely rest. This we say of their Doctrine. But as to the persons of Protestants themselves, viz. how far their personal error in the profession thereof is voluntary and affectate; what means of better information they do neglect; against how much light, that is, inward knowledge and persuasion of mind, that Catholic Religion is true, they do sin; or what secret doubtings they have that it may be true; what inward stir and checks of conscience they do stifle in themselves, and persist in a way which their own hearts suspect, merely for temporal ends, and because it stands better with their designs of this world, that is, the present interests of their honour's, reputation, ease, pleasure, profit, etc. or lastly, how far their ignorance of the truth may be, perhaps invincible; (which where it is so, excuseth much) of all this we say nothing. God only knoweth how things are with them in these respects, not man; no, not the men themselves: and therefore, as concerning their persons, to his judgement only we must leave them. This business therefore, viz. of Protestants being counted Heretics by us, is but a , a Scarecrow set up on purpose by those our Adversaries, who would have the difference and aversions which they have bred betwixt us, to be immortal. Rather it were to be wished by all honest men, of what persuasion soever, that a just and equitable liberty in matters of conscience were granted unto all, if but for this only respect, viz. That so by a free, confident, and friendly conversing one with another, void of suspicion, void of jealousy, fear, danger to one party or other, and by amicable discourse and debating of things, truth might come to be more clearly discoverded, and we might be able, through God's grace, mutually to give and receive good one of another. But this is a work, which hath so much of God and goodness in it, that we cannot but expect many adversaries should appear against it. However, those Doctors Boutefeux should do well to remember, if they pleased, that even by the Law of Seniority Catholics might expect some little favour. For we beseech them to tell us, upon what Patrimony do themselves and families now live, but that which the right Heirs of the Church, disinherited indeed, or disseized by the power of the State, have left them? What Privileges, Immunities, Honours have they, but what the old Church gave them? What Churches have they, either Cathedral, Collegiate, or Parochial, which She built not? What Colleges which She founded or endowed not; Nay, whence have they their Bible, the Creed, the Ceremonies, or any thing else that is good and commendable among them, but from Her? If She had not preserved them faithfully to their hands, they had never found them. Shall Charity then be for ever so buried in England, that the posterity of those, from whom they must confess to have received these great advantages, shall never be remembered by them? never be used with equity and common justice? It were too great a shame, surely, to lie long upon such a Nation as this; and a defect of Government, which all N●tions about us would observe. Beside, let our Adversaries remember what the French commonly say, Chacum á son tour; and we in England, A dog hath a day. Religion here with us, since King Henry the Eighth wore the Crown, hath had many changes and exchanges, as the world knoweth: and the principles, on which it now standeth, are not thought to be so fixed and unmoveable, but that it may take one turn more. All things are in the hands of God; and whatsoever he hath determined in the Counsel of his Divine wisdom must stand, and take effect in its appointed due time: say we, or do we to the contrary, what we can. And therefore let our hot Brethren the Calvinists, who can themselves so little endure the severity of Bishops, let them not further promote, nor hold up persecution against any body else; lest in an hour when they think lest of it, the mischief, which they wish to others, fall upon their own heads; and that they find themselves, not only out of the Saddle (where they would be) but in the Mire, under the Horse belly, and so obnoxious, as they may have need of favour themselves. They desire nothing more than Liberty of Conscience in their own way, fullness of liberty to themselves; let them be persuaded also to grant the same unto others. That this is but equal, reason itself will tell us: And that persecution for matter of Religion is not always the best means to advance religion, is the judgement of as wise and learned men, even of their own profession, as any they can show for the contrary. What Luther's opinion was in the point I value no much, because the world did not take him for a man very learned or very wise; although, by God's permission, he did much mischief in it for his time: as a simple Conjurer, though he be neither Mathematician, nor Philosopher himself, yet, by the help of the Devil, may raise a storm able to confound all the Sciences. Nevertheless what he thought appears in his Assertions, Art. 33. de non comburendis Haereticis. Vrbanus Rhegius, Wolfgangus Musculus, famous men and Protestants, both of them in their Common places are much against persecution for Religion. So is Osiander, Epitome. Centur. 7. Chytraeus in Chron. 1593. Castalio, and others. But above all Acontius in his Book de Stratagemat. Satan. is most earnest. Dominus non permittit haereticorum supplicium, imò definitè declaravit, & interdixit, etc. God, saith he, doth not permit nor allow, that Heretics should be thus punished; yea he hath expressly declared his mind to the contrary, and forbidden the Magistrate to exercise any such Authority upon them. Calvin once, that is, till he had settled himself in power at Genevah, held the same opinion, and was much for Liberty of Conscience, 
Hen. 2.  when Annas Burges died for Heresy in France. Of the same judgement also is Monsieur Lanou in his Discourses. Sturmius in his Epistles, B●lloy, Melancthon, and many other professed and earnest Protestants. Not to mention Erasmus, Cassander, Grotius, or any other of that middle temper. And as for matter of example, or practise, do not the Cantons in Switzerland agree well enough in Temporal things, notwithstanding their difference in Religion? is mutual Toleration of one another in their several judgements that way, any prejudice to the public peace? Are there any people under Heaven, more happy and free than they? or more likely to continue such, so long as they keep under some few fiery zealots, that would still be blowing the coals of dissension among them? Not to speak of Sweden, Denmark, etc. doth not that famous Kingdom of Poland Tolerate diversity of Religions? doth not the great Emperor of Mosko the same? and is not the general Unity of their Subjects, which ariseth thereupon, and would certainly be otherwise, if the Government were otherwise, is it not a Wall of Brass to both of them against their great enemy the Turk? Let Germany also be our example, that vast Nation, and people no less Magnanimous and Stout; is not Toleration judged expedient among them? could any thing else cure their troubles? Let us consider, how peacably and happily Catholics and Lutherans have conversed and lived there together, for no less than an Hundred years and upwards, without any dissension, without any trouble upon the account of Religion; save only what Ambition, and the factious Spiritedness of some particular Princes have bred, and brought upon the Country, much against the will of the people, under that pretence? No man doubteth, but Charles the Fifth, Emperor, and Ferdinand his Brother were in their times great and wise Princes; yet found they no better means to redress the troubles of State, then by commanding,  utraque pars caveret, etc. That special care should be had on both sides to compel no man, to make profession of Religion, otherwise then in his own Conscience he should be persuaded was best: As Dresserus a Protestant relates it, rejecting with much disdain the contrary opinion of some, who, as he saith, would have but one Religion only professed in the Empire. And for France the case and condition of affairs there is notorious to all the world. Nor could that Kingdom ever be brought to quiet, till the Calvinists therein were brought upon their knees, that is, to such pass, as to be glad of, and to b●gge for that  Toleration of their profession from the King, which themselves in no parts of the world beside will grant to others. What reason can be given by indifferent men, why the policy of England should be so singular, and so differing from that of all other Christian Kingdoms and Nations about her? Why should our Government be more severe in this point, and more Sanguinary than that of our Neighbours? It may seem to reflect something upon the honour of our Nation, to mention the Turk in this case: Yet certainly it cannot be denied, but that Christians live quietly in his Dominions; and upon conditions so easy, that I am persuaded, the Catholics of England would be well contented with the like. If only it be determined, that we must purchase that with our money, which all other our fellow-subjects the people of this Nation, do enjoy freely, and count it their natural right. In a word therefore to conclude, seeing that both in the judgement of Protestant Divines, and in the practice of Protestant Princes, and States, Toleration of divers Religions is held neither unlawful, nor unexpedient in Government; and seeing, that for so long a time of afflictions, persecution of our Priests, and other manifold pressures upon us for matters of Conscience, Catholics have yet, through the grace of God, demeaned themselves so loyally and obsequiously in all points, as they have not done, or attempted to do, upon their own account, or for the interest and advancement of their own profession, any thing offensive to the State, or prejudicial to the public peace: seeing that nothing can be fastened upon them in that kind with any colour of truth, but only the business of the Gun-Powder-Treason; and seeing that was a devise, though acted by the hands of some desperate and wicked Catholics, yet contrived rather by the Devil, and some crafty Enemies which we had in the State, (to make us eternally odious and suspected in the Nation and to disoblige some great person of his promises in favour of us;) as it may be justly thought, considering, what kind of Statesmen sat at the Helm in those times, what knowing men, 
D' Ossat. Lettres. liur. 2. ep. 43. pryn's. Antip. of Prelate. P. 151.  strangers abroad, have writ, and what Protestants themselves at home have discovered since upon that subject. Seeing that Catholics always wished well to his Majesty's Title, and prayed for his happy succession to these Kingdoms; seeing we were not of Counsel with those, who sent Beal into foreign parts to promote the Titie of Suffolk; nor that set Hales on work at home, as he did, with law and little art to make it good; nor that procured Sir N. B. to make a nest for the Phoenix, by such a great volume, as he wrote to that purpose: Seeing that we were ever Champions to his Majesty's just claim; Especially Sir Anthony Brown, that wise and noble Author of the Book against Leicester; and that Aiax of the Law, (whom no man ever durst encounter in this cause) Master Pl●ydon: We hope so long and so tried fidelity will, by the King's gracious favour, procure us at last some liberty and refreshment; and that our humble supplication shall be considered, wherein casting ourselves down at the feet of our Sovereign, and of the State, we beg only of them in those words of the Poet.  
Hanc animam concede mihi:  
Tua caetera sunto.  
Let our souls be left free unto God: and as for our Bodies or Estates, take them, dispose of them freely, (as Justice requireth, and in due proportion with our Neighbours, and other the good people of the Nation) for the service of the Kingdom, and of the public.    

AN APPENDIX, Concerning LUTHER'S Mission.  
I Was now going out of the field; but behold an Ambush appears, which is laid to surprise me: it pretends at one charge to rout all the forces of my arguments, and to bereave me of my hopes of Victory, by eluding, rather than disproving, of what I have said. It is a reply, which some men are pleased to make in behalf of Luther; whose heat and irregular vehemency, which I call sedition, was nothing but zeal, say they, of God's honour and truth, which burning within his own breast, happened to kindle some lively sparks also in others. They say, that Luther was Elias, a Prophet sent immediately and extraordinarily by God, to reform the errors and corruptions of the world, to restore virtue and good life, to detect Antichrist, (who had for so many ages bewitched the whole Church with his impostures, and seduced her into Idolatry and Heresy) And that therefore such a Prophet was not to be teddered, as it were, and bound up to the rules of ordinary professors. But if he neglected Authority, despised the Laws, abused and insulted upon the Majesty of Princes, disturbed the peace and tranquillity of their States, we are not to wonder, nor lay it to his charge: It was no more than a Prophet might do. Tune es, qui conturbas Israel, did not Ahab say to Elias, Art not thou he, which troublest Israel? The world was in a Lethargy of superstition and ignorance at that time, and could not be recovered by gentle means. Such an inveterate disease, as that was, required strong and violent purgation. Thus they Plead. But it is answered, The foulest Face may have a fair Vizard put upon it: and these pretences, howsoever men may be amused at them at first hearing, are but like the Apples of Sodom; specious and seeming fair at the first sight; but if you touch them, they turn to ashes. I confess, Luther perceiving, how apt the world was at that time to Believe lies, and to swallow whatsoever baits of Novelty and unsound Doctrine he offered them, was not ashamed to arrogate all those things to himself, that were above mentioned; and to pretend an extraordinary calling from God for all that alteration and stir which he made in the Church. Witness himself in one place, 
Lib. de fals. stat.  Ego Lutherus sum, Alter Elias & Currus Israel, etc. I am Luther, saith he, a second Elias and the Chariot of Israel. And in another, 
Lib. count. Reg. Angliae.  Tanta est dignitas mea, & Ministerium mihi Dio●nitùs datum, etc. This Ministry, saith he, which I profess, and this Calling, which I have from God, is of that Excellency, that it is in vain for Princes or any Persons on Earth to expect submission, or forbearance from me: They must, whither they will or no, acknowledge me at length for an Holy instrument chosen of God, etc. and yet again, Certus sum, etc. I am sure, saith he, that I have my Doctrine from Heaven; 
Ibid.  and therefore why should he regard any thing objected against it on Earth? Comment. 1. Cor. 1. he blusheth not to glory, that by him and through his means the Gospel was more clearly and plentifully preached, than it was ipsis temporibus Apostolorum, even in the times of the Apostles themselves. Which he avoucheth again, Serm. de destruct. Jerusalem. Nor do his followers forbear any thing to flatter him in this humour. The Collecutors at Altimbergh call him The Angel of God, Elias, 
Colloq. Altegh. P. 80.587.  and the Last Trumpet, alluding as I suppose, to that of the Apocalypse, Chap. 11.15. Aretius affirms expressly, that he was sent by an immediate call from God to reform the world, bewitched, as he saith, with many impious and ungodly opinions in Religion. But let us pause a while. We must distinguish, as I said, betwixt pretences, and proofs; They are not all one: And they do but deceive themselves, who think, that men will always accept the one for the other. All that these men say, comes up to this; That Luther was extraordinarily sent by God to preach Reformation, and such other Doctrine as he did. But we reply, Extraordinary Mission hath always Extraordinary Signs and Arguments going along with it, to evidence and make clear the truth thereof to the people, unto whom such an Extraordinary Messenger is sent. Thus was it with Moses, Exod. 4. who being sent upon an extraordinary Message from God to the Children of Israel, viz. to bring them out of Egypt, where they lived in bondage; and the case being such, as they might probably not believe him, but make doubt of his calling, and say unto him, The Lord hath not sent thee; to remedy this inconvenience, and to give the Israelites reasonable assurance, that he was indeed sent to them by God for that purpose, The Divine wisdom doth not think it sufficient to bid Moses stand to it, affirm it stoutly, not to blush, nor give over saying so (which were all the Extraordinary Arguments that ever Luther, or any of his Reforming Brethren could give of their Extraordinary Calling) But what doth he say? Cast thy Rod upon the ground: So it becomes a Serpent. Put forth thine hand, and take it: So it becomes a Rod again; that is to say, God Allmighty enabled him to do this, and many other wonderful and supernatural works before them, and before the King of Egypt, sufficient to convince them, that he came in truth upon the Lord's Message, and not of his own head. Thus was it also with the true Elias, Elizaeus, Daniel, and many other of the Prophets. Thus was it lastly with the Apostles of Christ, and all Apostolical men succeeding them in that privilege of Extraordinary Mission. Yea such and so absolutely necessary is the condition of miracles (or at least of something else equivalent thereto in the way of supernatural Extraordinary assistance and testimony) in all those, which pretend unto Extraordinary Calling, That our blessed Saviour saith, even of himself John 15.24. That if he had not done among the Jews works, which never any man did, that is wonderful works, supernatural, and stupendious works, They had not sinned, in refusing his Doctrine. And in another place, If I do not the works of my F●ther, 
Chap. 10.37.  believe me not. But this is a stone too hard for Luther's Teeth; we must never expect that he, or any of his followers will answer punctually upon this subject. They do many of them, beside Luther, pretend to Extraordinary Calling; as Beza for example, publicly insisted upon it, or rather fled to it, in the Conference at Poisey: But if you demand miracles of them to evidence it to us, (that is such arguments as reason requires, and the experience of all ages hath afforded in like cases) they are instantly silent; or use only such cavilling pretences and pleas, as may serve the turn of any Heretics whatsoever, as well as theirs. For we entreat them to tell us, what can Luther pretend for his presumption in this kind, Which Calvin and the Sacramentaries cannot? And yet 'tis well known, he counted them all for Heretics of the deepest stain. 
Cont. Artic. Lovan.  Yea (to use his own words) seriously, and in very good earnest, he counted them so, and that they did not belong to the Communion of the Church. 
De Canâ. Domini.  And for Zuinglius himself he held him for scarce a Christian. What can Calvin or his followers pretend more, than the new Arians, Antitrinitarians, Socinians, and others plead for themselves? And yet 'tis known Calvin burned the principal of them, viz. Michael Servetus, at Genevah. Beside how perilous a thing is it, and how many dangerous inconveniences may follow upon it, if only upon pretence of Extraordinary Calling, (not made out and evidenced in due manner to be such) men should be permitted to seduce people into new and byways of Religion, at their pleasure? Did not Mahomet first abuse the world, upon like pretences to this? What other thing meaneth the Story of the Angel Gabriel so familiarly acquainted with him? And of the Pigeon, that so often visited him with Revelations? And did not Thekel, another imposture of that Sect, persuade the Persian to reform Mahomet's Law, upon pretence that God had appeared to him and commanded it so, upon the top of Anti-Taurus. Doth not the Scripture tell us, how far Theodas blinded so many of the Jews to their destruction, upon this account? Doth not the History of the Jews tell us of another fellow like him, one Bar-Cosba, who had prevailed so far upon the people, not long before Jerusalem was beseidged, 
Galat. lib. 4. c. 21.  that Akiba, and some others of the chiefest Scribes and Elders, took him verily for the Messiah, and interpreted all the Prophecies of Scripture concerning Christ in favour of this impostor? Neither could they see their error, till they saw Titus come before the City with his Army, and found themselves blocked up on all hands. Then indeed at last, they could examine his pretences; and finding him neither able to help himself or them (as they expected, their Messiah should) when it was too late they fell upon him, and put him to death. Did not Muncer possess the Boors of Germany, upon this very account; of Extraordinary Calling, that God had given him the Sword of Gideon, that is, power to reform and destroy at pleasure? Did not David George play all his pranks in Holland and the Low-Countries upon this score? Lastly, to come nearer home, what other pretence had Hacket, Arthington, Coppinger, Henry Nichols, and others, for those horrible Blasphemies which they vented, and their preaching themselves to be Christ, in Queen Elizabeth's days? Were they not all of them inspired men? Were they not all, I mean in their own opinion, Extraordinarily sent? We must therefore, in such cases as these, stand well upon our guard, and not believe every man upon his bare word, in a matter that concerns us so much. If Lu●her, Calvin, Beza pretend Extraordinary Mission to teach us, contrary to what the Catholic Church, and the lawful Pastors thereof have always taught us, (although in such case we ought not to believe even an Angel from Heaven) yet at least let them give us some competent argument and sign thereof; 
Gal. 1.  or be content, if we do not believe them.  
Beza himself, when he is out of Controversy, and pursuing some other subject, can acknowledge, That God sendeth not Prophets now Extraordinarily; and that we are to keep watch of our souls, when any man thinketh, that he is Inspired of God to any work. 
Vindic. count. Tyrant.  Let such a man sound himself well, saith he, and take heed, that he be not inspired with Pride, and make an Idol of himself. Very good! And may not other men also take heed, as well as himself, that they do not Idolise such a pretender? We desire to do no more, but to examine the pretensions of all men justly, yea with some favour. And therefore, seeing that in respect of power, and the working of miracles, Luther's Plea fails him; let us see how far it will hold in point of virtue, and good conversation; that is, how near he cometh unto the Spirit of Elias, whose second he would be. Elias was a man of retired life, sequestered, so much as could be, from all worldly conversation, and dedicated wholly unto Prayer, Contemplation and Conversing with God, and Meditating of Divine things; a great Faster, and one, that mortified his Natural Appetites and passions with much Austerity, Rigour and Penance: As also did Esdras, Eli●aeus, Daniel▪ Saint John Baptist, and all other Servants of God, employed in such Office as Elias was. But Luther did not so; he did the clean contrary. No sooner did he apprehend himself Called with this Extraordinary Call we speak of, but off goes his Cowle immediately, that is to say, the Ensign of Obedience, Humility, Modesty: Never shall we know him guilty of those virtues again. Out of his cloisture he runs, where for many years together (by his own Confession and other good Testimony) 
Cochlae. in vitâ ejus.  he had through God's grace, lived a good, regular, and virtuous life, in all Chastity, Piety, and Penance. Neither does he run alone; many run with him of both Sexes. His Breviary is laid aside; his Vows forgotten, or rather sacrilegiously violated, trampled upon, despised: No more watching, fasting, praying now, then will please the flesh; But a Companion must be had, whom he calleth Wife; and one every way as bad as himself, and only fit for such a Husband. All these things are much different from the spirit and practice of Elias. And than we may see further, how much his mind was corrupted by his Apostasy, and how little he could endure those pristine virtues of his former profession, after he had commenced his new Ministry upon his pretended Extraordinary C●ll, see how licentiously and strangely he writes. Among the Father's Saint Hierome is one observed to be much in the praise of Virginity, Chastity, Penance, etc. For this Luther cannot abide him, but expungeth him out of the Catalogue of the Doctors of the Church. Nullum scio, etc. There is no man living, saith he, whom I hate more, 
Colloque Conviv.  than I do this Hierome, he so magnifieth Virginity, Chastity, Fasting and Penance. Vows of Chastity, saith he in another place, are worse than Adultery. Tom. 6. Germ. ad Dom. Teuton. P. 252. 'tis with him matter of necessity, a precept, 
Ibid.  yea and more than a precept, that every Man have his Woman, and every Woman her Man. Yea, to show the brutishness of his disposition perfectly, and that he might degrade all men, and bring them as much under the perfection of a beast, as, it seems, himself was, in the point of governing their passions, These things, saith he, 
Ibid. P. 171.  meaning, To have company with a Woman, can be no more forborn, than we can forbear to eat and drink, to sleep, and wake. Yea, saith he, 
Pag. 505.  'tis no more in our power to live without a Woman, than it is to choose, whither a man should be a man or no. No more in our power to live , than it is to work miracles. Neither was his Counsel to others any better, than what he speaks of himself. For measuring other men by his own humour, in his Book de vitâ conjugali, (a subject certainly which required some discretion, and modesty at least) yet see what wholesome Counsel he gives to married folk. Si cui Mulieri maritus frigidus, 
Pag. 147.  etc. If, saith he, it happeneth at any time, that a Woman takes a Husband who proves Impotent, that is, less able to perform Conjugal duty, in such case the Woman may lawfully demand of him, to lie with his Brother, or some near Kinsman: Yea, saith he, the Horn-headed piteous fellow, her Husband, band, is bound by Law to suffer her so to do. And so on the other side, if the Wife prove peevish, froward, or unfitting on her part, Si Vxor nolit aut non possit, veniat Ancilla, A man is at liberty to make use of his Maid. 
In Cap. 16. Genes. Pag. 95.  Elsewhere he maintains Pylogamy to be lawful. Non est prohibitum, etc. it is not where forbidden, saith he, for a man to have more Wives than one; nor would I be he, that should now prohibit it, although I persuade it not. And concludes generally, that whatsoever the ancient Patriarches are reported to have done in this kind, is free in itself to be done, and ought not to be prohibited at this day. Thus did not Elias preach, nor Saint John Baptist, nor any of the Prophets. But of all his Doctrine concerning grace and good life is most scandalous and detestable. 
In Philip. Fol. 345. Tom. 1. lat.  Si vera Gratia est, etc. would you be sure, saith he, that the grace of God is true grace in you? (And that with him is only Remission or Pardon of sin) See then that you be truly sinners, sin lustily, and with a witness; only trust as much, and be confident in Christ. For 'tis not sin, that can divide you from him, (no, nothing but unbelieving) though you should commit Murder, Adultery, or Fornication a Thousand times in a day. As for his Pride it was so intolerable, that even those complained of it, who were his followers in most things, and of his excessive scurrility even in matters most sacred. Now to speak of Galvin, who was little less than a professed Adversary, and taxed him frequently, not only in point of Doctrine, but of manners and good life; 
Cont. Melanch.  nor of Tossanus, and others of that side, Bucer himself who was his Friend, Disciple and Follower, confesseth plainly, That Luther was blamed of all men for an immoderate insolency, and contumeliousness of Spirit, which he manifested in all his writings. 
Resp. ad Luth.  Oecolampadius tells him, he gins and ends his work commonly with the Devil. But Zuinglius, and his Brethren of Zurick are hottest of all, Nullum unquam Mortalium, etc. We believe, saith they, that never Mortal man handled the mysteries of Christian Religion more unworthily and filthily, than Luther hath done, not observing the bounds even of common modesty and good manners. Another calls him Devilish Liar, 
Campanus.  and maintains, that he never had any true Light or understanding of the Gospel in him. No? what then is become of Elias, their Prophet, the man sent so Extraordinarily (they say) by God to reform the world? Doth such a Seer see nothing now but Phantasms, and the imaginations of his own vain heart? This were very strange indeed, and the poor Country of Germany in an unhappy condition, to have followed a seducing Epicure so far? But who can they blame but themselves? It was too much confidence, even in the judgement of their own Brethren. For not only Galvin is very angry, 
Admon. ultim. ad Westphal.  that the world should have such opinion of him, saying directly, Qui volunt de Luthero intel●igi, etc. They that apply the Prophecies of Elias unto Luther, do in my opinion very unadvisedly, and commit as great a sin, as those Egyptians did, who adored the Body and Sepulchre of the Prophet Jeremy: But to call him The last Elias is unpardonable, Sacrilege temeritatis est, etc. It is a Sacrilegious rashnest, saith he, to do so; as if the Lord's hand were shortened, and that he could not find a better, or his equal to send forth, for the reforming of the Church; which was much contrary to the opinion he had of himself. I say not only Calvin, but many other more moderately affected, more Allied in point of opinion unto Luther, do yet find fault with those Exotic Titles and pretensions of his to Elias, and Extraordinary Mission. Vrbanus Rhegius both for Quality and clear confession may serve for all, 
Admon. Cap. 6.  Scimus istos Magnis clamoribus regerere, Lutherum esse Prophetam etc. I know, saith he, very well, what some men will reply with no little confidence, That Luther was a Prophet immediately raised by God to reform the Church, etc. but, Manifestum est illos pessimè de totâ Christi Ecclesiâ mereri, etc. They, saith he, who think so, or say so, deserve very little thanks of the Church of God; neither do they well by such extravagant and undue Titles to exempt any man from the Censure and Judgement of the Churches▪ much less to make his writings (as it were) a Rule of Faith and Believing unto all men.  
And therefore, as to the pretence of Extraordinary Mission (a thing only given out to amaze the ignorant world, and to countenance irregular courses) I suppose it will hardly stand in the judgement of indifferent and wise men; there is so little evidence, or argument for it: Either extraordinary, as was most requisite to have been shown; or ordinary, that is, of but virtuous and commendable Conversation. Shall we consider a little the fruits of it, and what good it wrought in the world? Our Saviour (Matth. 7.15.) speaking generally of false Prophets and such Pretenders as Luther was, telleth us, By their fruits you shall know them. And it is certain, the experience of all Nations and Ages doth confirm it, That when a Country hath the happiness to be converted from Heresy, Infidelity, or any other false and corrupt way of Worshipping God, by Preachers lawfully and in truth sent unto them from God, some extraordinary and singular Reformation of manners doth follow thereupon, and their Conversion worketh in them a great and eminent degree of Holiness, Virtue, Piety, Devotion, and purity of Conversation, answerable to the means, which God useth towards them, and to the Spirit which worketh in them. But in the Reformation of Luther it was nothing so. The change of the world, which followed upon his preaching, was notoriously seen not to be to the better, but to the worse, both in respect of the Public Affairs of State, and of the private manners of men. Men grew upon it much more lewd, much more vicious, unchristian, and godless in their conversation, than they were before: And this so evidently; that it is, not without much regret and shame acknowledged, even by those, who were a principal cause of it. Let Luther himself speak in the first place. The world, 
Serm. in 1. Dom. Advent.  saith he, groweth every day worse and worse; it is apparent, men are now much more covetous, much more malicious, and given to revenge, much more unruly, shameless, and full of all vice, then th●y were in time of Popery. 
In vitâ▪ ejus.  Aurifaber pronounceth as from Luther's own Mouth, Post exortum Evangelium, etc. That since the appearance of this Gospel, virtue seems to be utterly extinct, and devotion, as it were, driven out of the world. Smidelin confesseth of the Lutherans, That the world may easily see they are no Papists, and trust not to good works. For, saith he, they do not any: The greatest part of our people, saith Bucer, 
Bucer. de Regn. Christi. lib. 1. c. 4.  seems to have embraced the Gospel only out of intent to shake of the Yoke of Discipline, which lay upon them, and the obligation of Fasting, Penance, etc. which they were forced to observe in the time of Popery, and to live at pleasure, enjoying the full swinge of their Lust and Lawless Appetites without control. Lastly Erasmus, who was a man of intimate acquaintance with them, and knew their ways as well as themselves, and beside, one that never writ partially in favour of Catholics, as the world well knoweth, what a Testimony gives he of them in his Spongia advers. Hutten. Lutheranos video multos, etc. I meet, saith he, with many Lutherans abroad, but with such as live according to the rule, which they pretend, very few or none. Consider well, saith he, all this sort of people, which call themselves Gospelers, and tell me, if you can, where in the world is there more Luxury, Prodigality and Excess used; where Lust and Debauchery on the one side, or Covetousness on the other rageth more. Are those people (meaning the Catholics) whom ye have forsaken, and seem to detest so much, in any respect so blamable as they? Give me one example, if you can, of any one man whom this Doctrine of the Gospel, (as you call it) hath at all bettered in his manners, hath made of a drunkard or intemperate person, sober and well governed, of shameless or licentious, modest and chaste. I can give you many, saith he, who by turning Lutherans, are become Ten times worse than they were. What man living ever saw a Lutheran shed a Tear, out of any sense or dislike of sin? or so much as to breathe out a sigh, or knock his breast, in sign of sorrow and detestation of himself, that he had offended God? No verily; Contrition is not any necessary part of their Penance, it is a thing altogether unknown among them, I mean, as to the practice and true exercise of it. Their opinion or principle of only Faith, viz. That Christ hath done all for them, and that they have nothing to do in order to Salvation, but to believe this, is a sufficient Antidote against all such kind of sadness; with which they like not to be troubled. Yea it is most lamentable to consider, how generally men live and die without any other sense or feeling of their sins at all, save what the shame, prejudce or some other Temporal inconvenience (which commonly attendeth the doing of evil) may, perhaps, cause in them; in relation to God they persuade themselves, that nothing is required of them, but only to believe that all is forgiven, That Christ hath done all that is to be done by them, and suffered all that is necessary to be suffered; so they take no further care, but die accordingly, that is, in a most unhappy security.  
For as concerning that other pretence, viz. that Luther should be sent thus Extraordinarily, as they say, to detect Antichrist, unless they mean by giving some example or pattern of him in his own person and practices, (which in many respects were indeed very Antichristian) I know not, how it can be understood. For if they mean, he should discover the P●pe to be Antichrist, it is a stolen, I had almost said, an exploded pretence, no less vain than any of the rest; discovering more inconsideration and spleen in the pretenders, than any thing else. The Characters, which Holy Scripture doth give of that great Antichrist, who is to come, and make War upon the Church towards the latter end of the world, are many and clear; yet so little appliable to the Pope, as not any thing can be less. The sum of them all is expressed in those Titles, which Saint Paul giveth him, 2 Thess. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; by which is understood, That Antichrist must be a professed and open Enemy of our Saviour Christ, holding and maintaining all things diametrically contrary, and in opposition to him. He must be the head of a people openly and expressly at defiance with the Kingdom of Christ, which is the Church; and not only supposed to be so in the opinion of some few men, by interpretation, and some strained consequence of misgovernment in that society, which is professedly Christ's own Kingdom. No, the people, and followers of Antichrists Kingdom must oppose and persecute the people and followers of Christ to the death. He must be an Enemy in all points, unto Christ's law, to Christ's Testament, to Christ's Priesthood. All which he must, for some short time, Universally abolish and put down. It is not vice alone, nor some supposed superstition, nor error in opinion only, which shall erect and constitute that accursed State, but it must be a general Apostasy and departure from the Law of Christ, (as both Melancthon in his Common places, 
Basil. 1562. Pag. 34. Tom. 7. P. 875.  and Zanchius a famous Protestant in his answer to the Arians do acknowledge) it must be an opposition public and professed to the same Law, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as they say, and a persecution of the Professors thereof general all the world over. But doth Saint Peter's Successor thus? are these things appliable to the State of the Church under his government? What face of Brass can maintain it without blushing? Doth he persecute any man for professing Christ? Or doth he punish or censure any, but according to his office, and as the Canons of the universal Church enacted, acknowledged and exercised by all Christian Princes and good Prelates before him, do prescribe? Doth not Luther himself confess, 
Contra. Anabap.  that in the Papacy true Christianity, is still retained? Doth he not confess, that the Pope's Church (as he calls it) is the Church of God? That there is true Baptism, true Absolution or Remission of sins among them, the true office of Preaching, yea the true Catechism, that is, the Summary of all Doctrines necessary to be preached? Are these things to be maintained by Antichrist? Or to be found and professed in that rabble of Miscreants, which shall follow him? Doth not Whitacre, Junius, Saravia, Zanchius, and almost all Protestants generally acknowledge as much, that we hold at least, the principal Articles of faith, That we agree in Fundamentals, That the Roman Church is a true Church of God, yea our Mother Church, in whom is yet remaining, and from whom English Protestant's at least, pretend to have received True Ordination, True Calling and Authority to preach? Lastly, is there any Prince or Person on Earth that professeth greater reverence and observance to the Law of Christ, than the Pope doth? How then can he be Antichrist? is there any Power or Authority known in the world more vigilant, active, zealous, and continually attended to preserve this Law in its full Honour, Estimation and Integrity with all men, than the Sea Apostolic hath always been, and is? Nay (to speak ingenuously and seriously) in what condition, think we, had Christianity been at this day, if that Authority had not been established and acknowledged in the world; but that all things had been left to those Arbitrary and dividing Principles on which Protestancy pretendeth to build, viz. Sole Scripture, and every man's private Interpretation, or Reasoning: The destructive inconvenience whereof are apparently seen at this day; may it please the Divine Goodness to give us grace to lay them to heart, as is meet. 'Tis true, in their opinion, and as they have confidence to say, Filia devoravit Matrem, The Daughter, (that is the Protestant Congregations) have overreached the Mother-Church in perfection of wisdom, and hath been able to reform Her in some parts; yet certainly they ought not to pretend Her to be so foully apostatised, as that Antichrist should govern there, 
Institut. lib. 4. c. 2. Sec. 11.  where Calvin himself confesseth, even in the deepest of her supposed Errors, there hath ever remained inviolabile Foedus Dei, The Covenant of God inviolate. Beside, the Apostasy of that great Antichrist must be a public thing, notorious and visible to all men, not secret, nor creeping on by degrees, and unperceived till after some long tract of time. He is Stella cadens de Calo, and drawing a third part of the Stars with him; so strangely, as it shall astonish and amaze the world to observe it. Whereas (to suppose the worst that can be) The departure of the Roman Church from the purity of Christian Faith, and that Apostasy, which should make her become of the Church of Christ the Synagogue of Antichrist, was so obscure, so invisible, such a long time of drawing on; that as the greater and better part of Christendom do not perceive it unto this day, so of them which pretend they do, there is scarce any one couple among them can agree upon the time of his Appearance. Many Ages ago, says Calvin, but when, he dares not speak. Napier a Scot, and a great Traveller in this pretended search of Antichrist, is of opinion, that he hath reigned ever since the time of Pope Sylvester, and the year 313. and so very wisely makes all the Christian Emperors, Kings, Queens, etc. that succeeded Constantine, yea and Constantine himself (who died not till the year 340.) in stead of being Nursing Fathers, and Nursing Mothers of the Church, and Defenders of the Faith of Christ, (as by the Prophecies of Scripture concerning them they were to be, Psal. 72.11. Isa. 49.23.) to have been the supporters of Antichrist, and advancers of his Superstitions. Beza assigneth Pope Leo, and the year 440. Doctor Fulk, Willet, and Dounham seem to name Boniface, and the year 607. Bullinger, and some other with him are content to stay longer, and expect some hundred of years more, viz. until the time of Hildebrand, that is, Pope Gregory the seventh, & the year 763. yet Doctor Whitaker says Pope Gregory the first was the last true Bishop of Rome, and all that followed after him Antichrists. Perkins thinketh Antichrist appeared about 900 years since, Hospinian 1200. Danaeus, about the year 574. It were infinite to relate their jarring and contradicting of one another in divers other very material circumstances touching this question; as whosoever please to see, may find in such Catholic Writers as have handled this controversy; but especially in cardinal Bellarmin.  
Now seeing Luthe●s pretended Calling proves so unjustifiable, and hard to be made good, we must of necessity take some liberty to look further into the business, and to examine what his True Calling was, and who it was indeed that set him on work to play such odd pranks in the Church of God. Of this there goeth a black Story, which divers men labour to palliate and disguise (as well as they can) divers ways: but Luther himself telleth the plain truth, viz: that it was the Devil that first set him on work to write against the Mass; which all men know is the Principal and most Divine Office of Christian Religion, and whereunto whatsoever else is done in Religion, in one way or other relateth. In his Book de ●brogandâ Missâ, thus he writeth. Contigit me sub mediam noctem subito expergefieri; ibi Satan mecum cepit hujusmodi disputationem. At midnight, such a time, saith Luther, I happened to be suddenly awaked out of sleep; and presently the Devil fell a disputing with me: and so he proceeds in his Narrative; wherein all all those Arguments are formally produced and urged by the Devil, upon which Luther afterward resolved to abrogate Mass; as any man may see in the Book itself above cited, which is commonly extant with the rest of his Works. This with Doctor Fulk, Charke, and some others, is only a spiritual combat in mind, which, they suppose, Luther▪ might have with the Devil, as many other good men have had in spirit; but not any real or personal conflict. But we reply, whether those reasons came from the Devil by bodily and outward conference, or only by way of inward suggestion, it is not so material; that they came from the Devil, in the opinion and apprehension even of Luther himself, is confessed. But Secondly, Luther in that Narrative, describeth the very voice and accent of the Devil in the disputation; which he saith was a great, yet a base and hollow voice; and which so affrighted him, that he sweat again; although, as himself confesseth against the Swenkfeldians, upon other occasions, such encounters were not unusual with him, but rather familiar. Thirdly, the Devil (knowing his humour) flatters him with Titles, and calls Doctor, very learned Doctor, up and down the disputation. Fourthly, Luther affirming elsewhere, that Empser, and Oec●lampadius (two Preachers of Reformation, but not of his strain) were strangled by the Devil, confesseth here, that this encounter was like theirs: though he had the good hap to come off alive; perhaps because he yielded: as neither Job, Saint Paul, nor ever any good man ever did. See Hospinian also, a Calvinist, in his Historia Sacramentaria. Fifthly, Jo. Manliu●, a great Lutheran Preacher, and Luther himself Epist. ad Pat●em. T●n. 2. Witteb. fol. 269. confesseth, that he was frequently haunted by Spirits, and that Satan used personally to affright and molest him; he maintains that Zuingliys, ●arolstadius, etc. had their several Expositions of the words, Hoc est corpus meum from the instruction of the Devil, why may it not then be as probable, that they had all one Master? Sixthly, Baldwinus, another Lutheran, writes a Book purposedly upon this Subject, and confesseth in plain terms, That it was a real Truth, no fiction or dream, but a matter of fact, and a true Story. His only excuse of it is this. It happened, saith he after Luther had abandoned the Mass; and thinks the Devil's intent was only to bring to Luther's remembrance his old errors, that he had been a Priest, and said Mass fifteen years together, and so to drive him to despair. But truly, if that were all the design, The Devil was but an Ass. To attempt such a tried soldier as he was, armed cap a pe with a confidence invincible, and the Doctrine of only Faith, with such a blunt and feeble weapon as despair? Luther was a man out of his reach for that. He that teacheth, nothing can hurt a Christian but only unbelief; 
Supr. Sec. 2. med.  That if a man should commit adultery or murder a thousand times a day, it could not divide him from Christ; That the greater sinner a man is, the nearer he is to God's grace; could such a man, think we, be brought to despair, only by being told that he had said Mass in his time? and this too, as himself confesseth somewhere, with a very pious intention, and thinking that he had pleased God, and done very well in so doing? Neither is there any passage in the whole disputation to insinuate such a purpose. The Devil only plies his arguments against Mass, against Priesthood, and nothing else. And therefore if it must needs be granted, that the disputation happened after that Luther had abrogated the Mass, it may be much better thought, that he began to stagger in his enterprise, and to repent, perhaps, of what he he had done; and that the Devil saw it necessary to reinforce his former, and but private suggestions (which yet had misled him) by a second and more solemn encounter. However 'tis clear, he was so far from pretending to make Luther despair, that he apparently tempts him to presumption, while he blames him and the Papists for not having more confidence, for making as if Christ were unmerciful, by their flying to the Mediation of Saints and Angels. And this by the way is another argument, that the business fell out before Luther had abandoned Mass, and not after, as this Author pretendeth. For that it is now only related, viz. when Luther wrote his Book de Abrogandâ Missà, 
Sur. Chron.  (which was abo●t the year 1521. and perhaps after he had abolished Mass) yet it proves not but the Conference might be some years before. For 'tis well known, (and himself professeth it often) that Luther fell by degrees into Heresy, and not into all at once; and that he maintained Paradoxes at the last, which at the first he did not so much as think of. So that, having out of the vanity and pride of his heart given the Devil advantage over him, by his contesting in the business of Indulgences in the year 1517. he lay open to any further temptation afterward. Add hereunto that in the procedure of the dispute, the Devil says thus to Luther, Haec Vnctio tua vanior est, quàm Baptizatio saxi. This thy Anointing (saith he, meaning that of his Priesthood) is a vainer thing, then if thou shouldst baptise a stone. Which plainly insinuates, that Luther was looked upon by his Adversary at that time as a Priest, and one that used to say Mass; and therefore it was before he had renounced either the one or the other.  
Master Chillingworth in his answer to his own Motives, hath a conceit beyond all these. He denieth not, but that the Story is true, the disputation real, nor but that it was while Luther was a Priest, and said Mass; But supposing Mass to be evil, he thinketh the Devil's design was thereby indirectly to keep him closer to it, viz. to saying Mass: as knowing that any man, and consequently Luther, would be shy of embracing that which the Devil should so apparently tempt him unto. But doubtless it were to engage ourselves in a wilderness of uncertain thoughts, if leaving the certain Rule of Faith, and the no less clear evidence of fact (which in all cases of this nature are the best grounds to frame a right judgement upon) we should give ourselves liberty to conjecture and suppose whatsoever may come in our minds. It is far better, and more safe to stick to the Rule; such arbitrary conjectures having commonly more of prejudice and private Interest (not to say passion) in them, then of sound and  reason. Now doth not the Scripture tell us, that the Devil is the Father of lies, a liar from the beginning? Is he not the Enemy of God, and the great enemy and deceiver of Souls? Are we not commanded to resist his Temptations? to beware of his wiles? not to hearken to his suggestions? why do we not so? why will we deceive ourselves, by pretending, even in our compliance to his suggestions, as it were to overreach him; who is a Spirit, yea the quintessence of deceit, and infinitely more crafty (I say not, than we can be, but) than we can imagine? You will say, shall we not hearken to him, when he persuades us to good? I an were, He is a Spirit, tantùm non Essentially malicious, that is, immutably and unchangeably so; he is confirmed in evil, through the act and demerit of his own perverse will, as the Blessed Spirits are in all good by Grace. And therefore, though by the permission of God he can sometimes depose his own natural and ugly shape of Evil, and Transform himself, as the Apostle speaketh, into an Angel of Light, yet he can never persuade us to good, but out of some evil design: and that obligeth us to stand well upon our Guard, whensoever we perceive him, to suspend our consent, to deliberate, to take all good advice, and to beware, though the thing which he persuades were never so apparently good and honest; lest, I say, we be caught by his wiles, which are many, and so intricately woven many times, that they are not easily perceived at first. As in this very case and combat with Luther, surely he was not so dull, as to think that Luther should be directly persuaded by him to any thing, or that he would take any thing directly upon his word, argument, or persuasion only; who can imagine this in reason? But this, I suppose, we may, viz. That he might think, Luther upon this disputation, and seeing the Devil so earnest against Mass, might be apt to have many apprehensions in himself, and cast in his mind This and That, and probably enough that very thing in particular which Master Chillingworth pitched upon, viz. That he should think The Devil does but prevaricate with me all this while, and seemingly tempts me from that, to which he would have me stick close: which apprehension alone, considering how much wavering and unsettled in his mind he was already, the Devil knew well enough would be able to carry him clearly to the point whither he most of all desired to bring him, which was to renounce his Orders, and to abrogate Mass. As the event most unhappily showed to be true; yea and as Luther himself in the sequel of the Discourse doth seem more then to intimate, answering an objection which some body made in these words, An ignoras Diabolum esse Mendacem, etc. Know you not that the Devil is a Liar? why then would you be persuaded by him? why would you believe him? Thereupon he enters a discourse of the various fetches and stratagems which Satan useth to deceive souls; and sufficiently shows how much he deceived himself, by thinking to be too cunning for the Devil. 
Lib. 2. Part. 2.  Doctor Morton in his Apology hath the last Plea, but it is the most impertinent of all. For by telling a Story out of Delrio his Magia. lib. 4. c. 1. of the Devil appearing to an Abbot, and persuading him to say Mass, he would conclude ad hominem, that we especially ought not to hold it always to be evil, which the Devil tempteth a man unto; nor consequently good, because he dissuades us from it. But the case is so unlike, and there are so many mistakes in the report of it, that it might well have been spared, had it not been, that the Doctor would seem to say something more than had been said before him. For first it was not an Abbot, but a Monk, whom the Devil tempted to say Mass. Secondly, That Monk was not yet Priest; and so it was against the Canons, yea it had been a grievous sin in him to have said Mass: This was fit matter indeed for the Devil to tempt a man unto; but, it seems, it was not so fit for the Doctor's purpose to mention this circumstance, and therefore he leaves it out, as he useth to do sometimes in other like cases. Thirdly, neither did Satan enter any disputation with the Monk either to prove, or disprove Mass. Fourthly, nor did the party tempted consent. Fifthly and lastly, neither did Mass then first begin, which is a thing principally to be regarded: It was not (in the substance of the thing) a Novelty, which the Devil tempted unto, but an office of Religion generally acknowledged, professed, observed in all Christendom over. That which Luther was tempted unto (to say the lest of it) was a Novelty, and therefore ex naturâ rei, necessarily and in all reason to have been suspected; and which he would have suspected, had he not been blinded with self-conceit, and preferred his own single opinion and fancy above the sense of the whole Church; which to do is an argument of most insolent Madness, 
Epist. 118. cap. 5.  as Saint Austin speaketh.  
This may suffice to have answered concerning Luther's Vocation or Calling, as well that which he pretended, as that which was true; I should now give you his Character; but that he hath done himself to the life, in his writings and practices mentioned already: Yet, if you please, for a taste of his modesty I shall add a word or two, (not more) out of his own writings; and first concerning the Father's Colloque Convival. cap. de patrib. he rejects them all. Saint Hierome hath not a syllable in all his writings of faith or true Religion. Chrysostom was a mere babbler. Basil a Monk all over, and otherwise not worth a Button. Tertullian was a Dunce, a mere Carolstadius among the Doctors. Cyprian a poor Divine. Austin himself, hath nothing singular concerning faith. And for Saint Ambrose he wrote most drily and impertinently upon Genesis. Saint Bernard indeed is the best Preacher of them all; but where he disputes, he is all for Free Will. And so concludes at last, that Melancthons' Apology hath more true Divinity in it, than all the Doctors of the Church. Secondly, in respect of the Saints. Serm. de Nativit. 
Fol. 442.  Mariae. We are all Equal to the Mother of God, and as great Saints as she. In Ep. 1. Pet. 1. When we are once regenerate, saith he, and made the Children and Heirs of God by Faith, we are all Equal in dignity to Saint Peter, Saint Paul, yea unto the Blessed Virgin herself Mother of God. We have the same treasure in us, which they have; and all the graces of God as largely bestowed upon us, as they. Which may seem not a little strange, considering what he saith of himself elsewhere. Nihil singulare in vitâ meâ eminet, etc. 
Colloq. Fanckford. Fol. 445.  There is not any thing, saith he, very singular or extraordinary, in the manner of my life. I can jest, I can play, I am a merry companion with men; yea (to God's glory be it spoken) not seldom I love to take a lusty Cup also, etc. But by his leave where did the Saints of God thus? Elias was no such Boon, no such Jovial Companion; it was not the Language, much less the Exercise of God's Prophets to Carouse and Quaff in this manner. Saint Paul chastized his Body, and held it in subjection by Fasting, Watching, and Penance; did not pamper it, nor study to please his Appetite with Drink and Belly-cheer, as Luther's fashion was; Who both lived and died an Epicure, beside all his other crimes; and his too much Indulgence towards his Genius in that kind shortened his own days: as may be more then probably collected from the reports of good Authors; 
Sur. Chron. Vlember. vitâ Luth.  not excepting some of his own, Justus Ionas, Aurifaber, and others.  
I should add here a word or two concerning the Vocation of Calvin to his Ministry; but it was much the same with that of Luther. For he finding France a Country too hot for him, ever since the Iron was set to his Shoulder, takes a Voyage first into Germany, then afterward into Italy; where getting entertainment in the house of the Duchess of Ferrara, a Lady inclined to new opinions, in time he creates himself a preacher of the Reformation: Extraordinarily too, you may be sure; For no man living gave him Authority, but himself. From thence he goeth to Genevah, with intent to set up and exercise: but, as we have said, his first attempt falled him; and he was constrained to retire for a while to Strasburgh. Yet his party at last prevailing at Genevah, he returned, and settled his Chair of Pestilence there, which he held unto his death. But I have not obliged myself to write the Character or life of any persons. My Task was only to show, That Catholics in general were as good Subjects, both in respect of their principles and practice, as Protestants in general; and better than the most: And this I conceive is already done; And therefore I shall trouble the Reader no further.  

The Jesuits special Vow.  
THe society of the Blessed name of Jesus endureth much prejudice with many men, by reason of a certain Special Vow (as they call it) which they are said to make to his Holiness, over and above the Three Common Vows of Chastity, Poverty, and Obedience. It is generally conceived by Protestants, that by virtue thereof they stand obliged, upon command, and at the pleasure of his said Holiness, to attempt the life of Kings, especially those, which he hath declared to be Heretics, or Excommunicated, to murder Princes, to embroil and trouble States, and in a word, to plot and execute any Treasonable design whatsoever, that may advance the Pope's Interest. But that the world may see how much they are wronged herein, and know, both what the substance of that Special Vow is, and what the Intent, Matter, and End of such Mission or Command from his Holiness ought to be, which they promise so presently to obey, it is here Transcribed out of the Bull or Constitution of Pope Paul the Third, by which their Order was Confirmed in the year 1540 and runs thus.  
ANd further we judge it expedient for our greater Devotion to the Sea Apostolic, and more full Abnegation of our own wills and pleasures, That the Professed of this Society, beside the Common band of the Three Vows, (viz. of Chastity, Poverty and Obedience) be further tied by special Vow: So as that whatsoever the Roman Bishop for the time being, shall command, pertaining to the Salvation of Souls, and propagation of the Faith, they shall be bound to execute the same, without Tergiversation or Excuse; whether they shall be sent unto Turks, or unto Infidels yea even unto those that are commonly called the Indies, or unto any other Heretics or Schismatics whatsoever.  
Now what danger can arise unto Princes from such a vow as this, further than the Preaching of true Christian Catholic Faith, and the advancement of Religion is counted dangerous to their worldly Interest, unhappily settled in opposition to it, The indifferent Reader may judge.   
FINIS.   

Errata.  
PAg. 7. in margin. r. lib. 51. P. 8. in margin. l. 2. r. lib. 120. l. 3. 4. ibid. deleatur Thuanus lib. P. 53. deleatur all that is in the margin. P. 132. l. 3. r. deny. P. 268. l. 18. r. condemned. P. 287. l. 5. r. deserve. P. 309. l. 4. r. principal. 388. l. 20. r. Thirty Thousand. P. 435. l. 24. r. seem. P. 439. l. 9 r. pulling down. P. 440. l. 3. r. did therefore. ibid. l. 4. r. amuzed. P. 453. l. 26. r. manifold. P. 487. l. 9 r whit. P. 564. l. 7. r. Catholics. P. 578. l. 24. r. Chacun. P. 573. l. 8. r. we. P. 606. l. 3. r. not. P. 618. l. ult. r. inconveniences. P. 624. l. 10. r. calls him.