A RELATION Of the French Kings Late Expedition into the Spanish-Netherlands, In the years 1667, and 1668.  
With an Introduction discoursing his Title thereunto: And an account of the Peace between the two Crowns, made the second of May 1668.  
Englished by G. H. Gent.  
LONDON, Printed for John Starkey at the Mitre in Fleetstreet near Temple Bar. 1669.   

THE INTRODUCTION, Containing a Display of the Grounds, upon which the French King layeth claim to a great part of the Spanish Netherlands.  
THat the best Title of the French Queen to the Duchy of Brabant, and its annexes, the signory of Malmes, Antwerp, Upper Gelderland, Namur, Limburg, and the places united on the other side the Meuse, Hainault, Artois, Cambray, the County of Burgundy, and the Duchy of Luxembourg, consisted in the Sword of the King her Husband, scarce seems a doubt to any but the French themselves. And with what success the Cause hath been pleaded by that Weapon, during the Campagne of 1667. the ensuing Narrative, written by one that was present at most of the considerable Actions thereof, giveth a particular and yet no immodest Account. So that perhaps it is not much necessary to preface this Relation with a Display of the Grounds and Reasons of the War, whose progress it exhibits; accordingly the Author thought fit not to meddle therewith, conceiving, I suppose, that the Justice of his Sovereign's Arms was sufficiently evidenced to all the Subjects by the Manifesto, and other writings which his Majesty had published immediately before his Forces entered Flanders. Nevertheless, in regard that 'tis likely many, into whose hands this Piece may fall, have not so fully understood the Reasons, whereby the French King hath endeavoured to justify, to Foreign Princes and States, his late Proceedings in the Netherlands, nor those contrary ones, whereby the Spaniards endeavour to maintain their own possessions, and invalidate the French Pretensions, I shall adventure to present the Reader with an Abstract of either Parties Allegations.  
The French Queen's Title stands thus: Philip the fourth, King of Spain, married Elizabeth, Daughter to Henry the fourth, and Sister to Lewis the thirteenth, Kings of France, in the year 1615. on the same day whereon the last mentioned Prince espoused Anne of Austria, Infanta of Spain. The Portions of either side were satisfied by way of Exchange, being the sum of 500000. Crowns of Gold. Elizabeth some years after dies, leaving behind her a Son named Don Balthasar, and a Daughter named Donna Maria Theresa: Afterwards King Philip marries another Wife, by whom he hath Issue male, Don Carlo, who by the death of his half-Brother, Don Balthasar, became Heir apparent to the Catholic Crown. In the year 1659. a Treaty of Peace was concluded between the two Crowns, and together therewith a Marriage between Lewis the fourteenth, now King of France, and the abovementioned Lady Maria Theresa, for whose Portion the King, her Father, obliged himself to pay 500000. Crowns of Gold, and pretended Salic Law debars Females from succession to the French Crown; as also to the end that the two Crowns being too great and puissant to be united into one Kingdom, all occasions of such a Conjunction might be avoided, It was covenanted (amongst other things) that neither the Infanta, nor her Children and Descendants, in what degree soever, should ever succeed in the Kingdoms, Signiories, or Dominions, which do or shall belong to his Catholic Majesty, as well within as without the Kingdom of Spain, notwithstanding any Law or Custom, which by this Agreement (which is to continue in the full force and vigour of a Law for ever) their Majesties did abolish. This Renunciation the Infanta confirmed in these very Terms by her Oath in the presence of the Kings themselves, the Princes of the Blood, and the chief Nobility of both Kingdoms.  
This Peace remained inviolated about six years, (in which time the King of Spain, for the preservation thereof, yielded to the King of France the Precedence, which had occasioned a fray between the Train of the Ambassadors of the two Crowns there at London.) But upon the death of Philip of Spain, which happened toward the latter end of the year 1665. and had been looked for the year before by his good Neighbour, (who from the latter end of 1664. had laid up great Magazines of Corn at Amiens, and other places on the way towards Flanders) discourses began to be spread abroad through France, of a Title which the Queen and her Son the Dauphin, had to certain Provinces of the Netherlands. Nevertheless, his French Majesty thought not fit to make discovery of his Designs, till he saw what would be the Issue of the War, which in great measure, by his practices, was broken out between the King of Great Britain, and the States of the United Provinces, whose Quarrel, upon a pretended League made two years before, he espoused.  
In the mean time he set forth a considerable Navy at Sea, (which yet never engaged in any Action against the English) and likewise made great Levies, and warlike Preparations at Land, without manifesting how he intended to employ the same. At length, about the middle of May, when his Neighbours, the English and United Provinces, being weary of the War, had set on foot a Treaty of Peace at Breda, wherein himself was also included, he thought it a fit opportunity to publish a Manifesto of his Claim to part of the Spanish Netherlands, which he likewise sent to several Princes of Christendom, and shortly after seconded, by falling into those Countries with a powerful Army; the performances whereof are recorded in the following Narrative.  
In the said Manifesto it is set forth, 1. That by the customary Law of Brabant, the Children by the first Marriage go away with the whole Inheritance of their Father, the Children of the same Father, by a second Marriage, being excluded; which Law is called Jus Devolutionis, or the Right of Devolution; and consequently, that the Infanta (now Queen of France) being the sole surviving Issue of Philip the fourth, by his first Marriage, is Heir of all those Countries wherein the said Law doth obtain, and so excludeth her Brother of the half-blood by a second Marriage. 2. That by the Laws of Spain she is likewise Heir to her Mother of all her Marriage-portion, and the Jewels left behind her at her death, amounting with interest to the sum of 1100000. Crowns of Gold. 3. That the Renunciation made by the Infanta at her Marriage is void and null: First, because that a Renunciation is only of an Estate in expectance, not of an Estate already fallen, as these Countries are pretended to have been upon the death of the Spanish Queen: Secondly, because a Renunciation supposes a Portion actually paid; but the Infanta never received any; and that if the 500000. Crowns of Gold, promised in the Contract of Marriage, had been actually paid, it had still been no Portion, in regard 1100000. were due to her. To all which some other specious reasons are added, which would take up too much room in this short Introduction.  
On the other side, the Spaniards answer, That, even setting aside the Renunciation, the Daughter can pretend no Title to succeed in the Countries in question, so long as there is an Heir-male living: 1. Because the Right of Devolution hath nothing to do with the succession of Soveraign●●s (as being merely a municipal Law for private Estates) which descend in these Countries in the same manner as they do in all other parts of Christendom, wherein the Male by the second Marriage succeeds before the Female by the first; and for that there are some express Laws, made by several Princes of these Countries, which declare, That Women shall then only be admitted to the succession of them, Masculis non extantibus, when there are no Heirs-males living. 2. Because no Example can be produced in any Age of such an irregular succession in Brabant, etc. that a Woman hath been preferred before a Man, in the same degree, in the public Government: But on the contrary, there are not wanting Examples, where the Right of Devolution hath been neglected, in the succession of the same Duchy. 3. They allege, that Renunciations are valid, though no Portion be paid, because the end of them is the preservation of the Grandeur of Families. And 4. That by the Contract of Marriage the Infanta was in lieu of all pretences whatsoever, to rest satisfied with 500000. Crowns of Gold; the nonpayment whereof doth not invalidate the Renunciation, because the Equity of Law corrects such severity, and allows another day; as also because the Law saith, That Filia non per numerationem Dotis, sed per conventionem excluditur. 5. And lastly, That by the Edict of Charles the fifth, confirmed by the Estates of Brabant, and the other Provinces of the Netherlands, these Countries are declared inseparable from the Crown of Spain.  
To all which, perhaps it will not seem superfluous, to add here a Letter or two of the French Kings, concerning this affair, and likewise the Queen of Spain's Answer to him; together with one of the Marquis de castle Rodrigo, than Governor of the Spanish Provinces.  
The French King's Letter to the State's General of the United Provinces.  
MOst dear Friends, Allies, and Confederates, We dispatch this Currier expressly to the Count d' Estrades, our Extraordinary Ambassador with you, to order him to let you know from us, as being our good and true Friends and Allies, the Resolution, which after a long and manifest denial of all Justice, our Honour, and our Interest, hath forced us to take, for maintenance of the Rights of the Queen, our dearest Wife, and our dearest Son the Dauphin; to this end we command our said Ambassador, to communicate to you a Writing, which we caused to be composed and published, to inform all Christendom of the evidence of our Reasons, with a Copy of the Letter, which we writ this day to our dearest Sister the Queen of Spain. In the former Piece you will see the undisputable grounds of our proceedings, and that without desiring the breach of Peace, or pretending to, or desiring the Estates of another; all our thoughts only aim at the delivery of ourselves from oppression by the force of our Arms, or by a reasonable accommodation; to which we shall be always ready to hearken. Thus leaving the rest to be delivered to you by our said Ambassador, we pray God to have you in his holy protection and keeping, most dear great Friends, Allies, and Confederates.  
Your good Friend, Ally, and Confederate, LEWIS.  
The French Kings Letter to the Queen of Spain, bearing date, May 8, 1667.  
MOst High, Illustrious and Mighty Princess, our most dear and loving Sister, The sincere Inclination we have always had, for the procuring and maintaining of Peace, which was sufficiently testified to the World, by the Treaties of Westphalia and the Pyrenaeans, induced us about the close of the year 1665. by an obliging Prevention (though it was not so taken at Madrid) to find out some way of providing, that nothing might be able to alter the good Understanding and Amity between us and your Majesty, and our Crowns, which was so happily established by our august Marriage. This was the late Queen our Mother's intention, when she desired the Marquis De Fuentes to write to your Majesty in her name, That having sufficiently informed herself of the Right of the Queen, our dearest Wife, to several Estates in the Netherlands, and finding the Grounds to be solid, just and undeniable, she earnestly conjured your Majesty, by the tender affection you bear to her, that she would also inform herself of these Rights, and take particular cognisance thereof, to the end, that viewing the justice of them, as she herself had done, the equity thereof might induce you to do us reason, by a good accommodation, which might take away all occasions of misunderstanding between our Monarchies; that she sufficiently knew our intentions, so as to be able to answer for us; that we should be very moderate in the condition of the said accommodation; and that finding herself drawing towards her end, next to her Salvation she desired nothing more in the world, nor with so much zeal, as the satisfaction of having a union and amity firmly settled between our two Houses, which this Difference might soon disturb. All these Particulars cannot but be remembered by your Majesty, and the Counsels of Spain cannot also forget the Quality of the Answers, which they obliged your Majesty to make, so little conformable to the Piety and Utility of the Queen Mother's Instances, and so contrary, without doubt, to the Inclination your Majesty hath for the conservation of the public Peace.  
This Answer was, That your Majesty could not in any manner, nor upon any consideration whatsoever, enter into the discussion of this Affair, nor agree or treat upon those Rights, which you knew had no foundation: And presently after your Majesty sent Order to the Governor of Flanders, to cause the Oath of Fidelity to be administered to all the Estates and People of the Country, which till then had been neglected, since the decease of the late King our Father-in-law. This absolute refusal of doing us Justice, and this last Resolution of binding those people by Oath to your Majesty, which are truly our Subjects, in right of the Queen our Wife, having reduced us to the unpleasing and undispensable necessity, either to be wanting in that which we owe to our Honour, to ourselves, to the Queen, and to the Dauphin our Son; or to endeavour by the force of our Arms to obtain that Reason which hath been denied us: We have chosen the latter, as that which both Justice and Honour obliges us to: And by an express Currier, which we dispatch to the Archbishop of Ambrun our Ambassador, we order him to let your Majesty know our Resolution which we have taken, to march in person towards the end of this month, at the head of our Army, to endeavour to put ourselves into possession of that which belongs to us in the Low-Countries, in right of the Queen, or of something equivalent; and at the same time to present to your Majesty a Writing, which we have ordered to be composed, containing the Grounds of our Right, and plainly destroying the frivolous Objections of those contrary Writings, which the Governor of Flanders hath published to the world.  
In the mean time we promise ourselves so much from your Equity, that as soon as you shall have seen and examined the said Writing, you will much blame the Counsel which was given you, to deny us that Justice, which you will find so clear and well-founded, and willingly embrace the ways that we have insinuated to you, and do still offer them, to decide the differences between us by a friendly accommodation; assuring your Majesty, in encouragement to it, of two things; One, that we shall be content with very moderate conditions, regard being had to the quality and importance of our Rights; the other, that if the success of our Arms be as prosperous as their cause is just, we have no intention to thrust them forwards beyond that which belongs to us, or something equivalent to it, wheresoever we can light on it. And as to all the rest of the Estates of our dearest and most beloved Brother the King of Spain, the chief foundation supposed that we receive that Justice which is due to us, we shall be always ready to defend them against all Aggressors, for the conservation of them to him and his posterity, which we wish may be numerous, and without end; as also very religiously to observe the Peace, as we assured the Marquis De la Fuentes, when he took his leave of us, not thinking that the Peace is broken by us by our entering into the Low-Countries, though with the Sword in our hand, since we march only to put ourselves in possession of that which is usurped upon us: Thus referring you further to our Ambassador. We pray God to preserve you, most High, etc.  
The surprise of the Spaniards at this Letter, and the Manifesto presented at the same time with it (being extremely contradictory to the French Kings other Declarations) was so great, that when the French Ambassador residing in that Court, had presented the same to the Queen Regent, the people became immediately enraged against the French, to that height, that her Majesty, fearing lest some violence might be done by them to the Ambassador's person, found it necessary to appoint some Guards to attend him for his security. And to the Letter itself she returned this following Answer, bearing date May 21. 1667.  
The Queen of Spain's Answer to the foregoing Letter.  
THe Archbishop of Ambrun, your Majesty's Ambassador in this Court, hath delivered me your Letter, bearing date the eight instant, accompanied with a Book and a Memorial together, with a large representation and recital of the Motives alleged by your Majesty, for the motion of your Forces, upon a pretended Right to some Provinces in the Low-Countries. Whilst we apply ourselves to the answer of yours, in all the particulars required, I thought it not fit to defer the giving an answer to your Letter, although I am very much surprised with the unexpected news of such a design. And although your Majesty is pleased to insinuate, that the most Christian Queen, my good Sister (whom God hath taken to his glory) had communicated these pretensions to the Marquis De la Fuente, and that I cannot but remember, that he informed me of it by his Letter; yet in truth I always looked upon that discourse as a thing only of private familiarity and confidence, since it passed not in the form of an Ambassador, nor as a Minister from your Majesty, nor yet in your Majesty's name. And I have been the rather confirmed in the truth of this Opinion, since having given the said Marquis a very succinct answer, to all that could be said upon the point, nothing was further said in that matter: So that the silence which hath been kept since the Marquis had his answer, could not leave any other impression on me, but that your Court being informed of the just Rights of the King my Son, and sufficiently satisfied of the sincerity of my proceedings, all further pursuit of those pretensions had been wholly laid aside. It being further to be considered, that this insinuation which has been made is quite contrary to those formalities, which the Articles of Peace made in the Pyrenaeans requires, before it can be lawful to proceed to a Rupture; It being also certain upon the ninetieth Article, that if the Renunciation itself had not been made, it ought not to have been pursued by the way of Arms, but by that of sweetness and Justice. And since your Majesty doth now declare your willingness to enter into an amicable Treaty, I am also willing to conform myself to it; and am content that the Rights be seasonably examined, that Justice may take its place by the way and means most proper for that purpose: To which end some persons ought to be nominated, and a place agreed on convenient for such a Treaty. And as 'tis necessary that both parties do in the mean time abstain from all further proceedings by the way of Arms, I hope your Majesty will condescend to it: Which if denied, I shall be forced, as I am obliged in conscience, and as a Guardian Royal to the King my Son, to make use of the same ways and means to defend the Justice of his Cause.  
Although nothing could be more fair and reasonable, than the Proposal contained in this Letter, of referring the Controversy to be discussed by amicable means; yet the French King returned his Reply to it, not by the ordinary way, but by that of Flanders, and the noise of his Canon; in which rough language he likewise answered that excellent Letter sent to him by the Marquis De castle Rodrigo, to desire an Arbitration, which here follows to conclude this Introduction.  
The Marquis De castle Rodrigo's Letter to the King of France.  
THe Information we have received from all parts so confidently assuring us, That the great preparations your Majesty is now making, are intended against these Counties, that it is now no longer made a doubt; and there appearing to the World no just reason, why your Majesty should violate a Peace, in which the Crown of Spain was content to sit down with so much prejudice, leaving the advantages to your Majesty; its principal aim being only to restore Peace to Christendom, and put an end to a War which had involved the poor and innocent Subjects of each party in so much misery and ruin: and being desirous to prevent a Relapse into a greater, in which all Europe will have a share, should the Rupture be founded rather upon Will then Reason: I have thought it an incumbency both upon my Place and Duty, to represent to your Majesty, the Scandal that will be given to all the world, when they shall see your Majesty engaged against a Brother of only six years of age, and against a Regency subordinated to the Laws of a Testator, without any form of Justice, or observance of the Rule, of first demanding satisfaction. And if your Majesty hath any pretention of dissatisfaction, Reason and Justice require, your Majesty should first declare and justify them, not only in particular to the Parties interessed, but also to the Neighbouring Princes, to the Countries in dispute, and to your Majesties own Subjects; since by the Law of Nature, nothing can be exacted or forcibly taken from ones own Subject or Slave, much less from one that is wholly innocent, where the Government is tied up by a Regency, to the prejudice of the Subjects of both Parties, and of the Roman Empire; by virtue of whose Laws, and without whose knowledge, so noble a Member, as the Circle of Burgundy, cannot be taken away. This proceeding violates the Treaty of Munster, by which (as also by our Peace which was since concluded) it was capitulated, that in case of a Rupture, the Parties concerned should have ten month's notice of it; and infringeth the Peace of our Neighbours, whose concernments will oblige them to interest themselves in a common danger. Besides this▪ your Majesty was pleased to tell the Marquis De la Fuente, at his Audience of Congee, That he was a Witness, with what earnestness you intended to preserve the good correspondency and peace between both Crowns; and that he should in your Majesty's name assure the Queen, my Mistress, that you would continue it in the same manner, and with the same good will, giving likewise your Ambassador at Madrid the same charge.  
I leave it, Sir, to the consideration of your Majesty, how remote it will be from the Justice, Christianity and Generosity of your Majesty, to attempt an Invasion without any of those Formalities and Interpositions which all Christian Princes have always observed; that so your Majesty, as the most Christian, may not introduce an Example, which as it is contrary to all former ones, so it may prove prejudicial to yourself and your Posterity.  
I do not desire your Majesty to prejudice your own Rights (if any such you have) but only that you would declare them, if you pursue them; nor that you should suspend the use of Force, if satisfaction be denied you; but that before you begin your March, or any Hostility, which may render an accommodation impossible, you would prevent the Mischiefs that may ensue upon it to all Christendom, by giving place to a Negotiation. I am firmly persuaded, that the Queen, my Mistress, will give your Majesty all reasonable satisfaction, and that she will not refuse to reason the Cause wherein both parties are interessed, to the Cognisance, Mediation, and even the Decision of any of those that may be concerned in the mischief● the Rupture will occasion: Obliging myself (as soon as I know the cause and pretensions of your Majesty) to give account of it to the Queen, my Mistress, who, I doubt not (to let the World see her good intention, and the justice of her Proceedings) will not refuse to refer herself to the judgement, not of one or two only, but of the whole World, and in particular of all the Princes of the Roman Empire, of the Crown of England, (supposing that your Majesty is very near a Peace with it) and of the United Provinces, our Neighbours, to the end that their joint Plenipotentiaries may see the reasons, and justify those that have reason on their side, before any advance be made by the force of Arms, considering there is nothing that so far presseth you, nor any danger in suspension, that should be preferred before the common Interest; by which each Party may justify to the World the events which may happen.  
This Representation, Sir, and Request, which my Zeal alone to your Majesty hath put me upon, seems to me most just, as desiring that Christendom, our Neighbours, and common Subjects, may avoid all new calamities, and especially those mischiefs, which may prove far greater then those that are already past, before an end can be put to these Wars, wherein we are going to engage ourselves. And I hope, Sir, that your Majesty will please to admit it as such, and that Almighty God will put it into your Majesty's heart, to resolve upon an Expedient as just as it is fair and advantageous to all, by letting Reason take place, and having a just regard to the tender age of the King my Master, giving our Neighbours the satisfaction of being Judge of the Differences between us; whereby al● those Mischiefs may be prevented, which a different procedure or further violence will occasion. God preserve the Sacred Person of your most Christian Majesty, as I desire.  
Brussels, May 14. 1667.   

A RELATION Of the French Kings Late Expedition into FLANDERS, Anno Dom. 1667, and 1668.  
THe flame of a new War being begun to be kindled between the two Crowns in the Year 1667. And finding myself without employment in the new-raised Army, I thought I could not fit myself with a more honourable, and more profitable way of bestowing my time during the Campagne of this year, then to set down in writing the Passages thereof; to the end I might not be reduced, as I have often been during the space of seventeen or eighteen years spent in his Majesty's Troops, to ransack my memory in vain for such things as I had a mind to remember. I take not upon myself to make an exact description of the State of affairs at that time; my design being to compose a Journal, and not a History. Neither do I think fit to display the Queen's Title to the Netherlands, since the righteousness thereof hath been authentically enough made out by the Manifesto published by his Majesty concerning the same. It shall be sufficient for me to relate in a plain manner, and without all affected Ornament of Style, what I saw myself, and what I received by information from others.  
The Peace which was Treating at Breda, between England, France, and Holland, was at the point of conclusion, when the King who had suffered eighteen or twenty months to pass since the death of Philip the fourth King of Spain, thereby to allow time to the Queen Dowager to give him satisfaction in a fair way in reference to his pretensions to several Provinces of the Low Countries, as he had given her to understand as well by sundry Letters, as by frequent instances of his Ambassador in the Spanish Court; astonished all his Neighbours and surprised most part of his own Subjects, by giving order in the months of March and April, that almost all the Forces designed by his Majesty to serve in this Expedition, should advance to the Frontiers of Champagne and Picardy, under pretence of making great Musters, as he had accustomed to do for some years past; wherein all the Regiments and Companies both of Horse and Foot were used to encamp as exactly and regularly as if they had been in open War, and in the midst of his enemies.  
After the review which his Majesty made of his Guards at S. Germains, towards the end of the month of April, it began to be divulged that his Majesty would in good earnest take the Field, if the Counsel of Spain did not speedily yield to the King a good part of those thing which he had demanded of them. Soon after General Officers were nominated, and care was taken for disposing great sums of money for the Artillery and provisions. The Commanders of Regiments had notice given them to advertise all persons under their command to see to their Equipages; and in a word, all such Orders were given out as are usual in the commencing of a War.  
Whilst these things were in preparation, the Manifesto, setting forth the Queen's Right and Title to those Countries, was published; and about the beginning of May Printed Copies thereof were sent throughout all Europe, especially into Spain, and to Brussels. Which being a sufficient and competent Declaration of War, the King fitted himself to go and expect an answer to it at the head of his Army.  
Accordingly his Majesty together with the Queen departed from S. Germains on the sixteenth day of the same month, attended with such a small number of those of his Court as were in readiness to accompany him; most of the great Lords and Courtiers staying behind to prepare their Equipages of War. But that those who intended to follow might have time to overtake him, his Majesty spent four days on the way before he arrived at Amiens, where he arrived on the twentieth day of the same month of May. At the same time the General Officers set forward in order to the drawing of the Troops together in several places; some at La Fere, others at S. Quintin, Guise, Mezieres, Peronne, Dourlens and Hesdin: so that the Forces were extended from the River Meuse to the coast of Calais; though in distinct Bodies, yet so as that they might join together in five or six days, according as it should seem expedient.  
Martial D' Aumont, Governor of Paris, was designed to command a body of between seven and eight thousand men, on the coast of Dunkirk; and he had under him for his Lieutenant Generals, the Count Du Passage, and the Duke of Roanez, formerly styled Count de la Fu●illade; for the Marshals of his Camp the Counts de ●orge and S. Lieu. His Infantry consisted of the Regiments of Navarre, Normandy, Plessis-Praslin, Harcourt, Sourches, and the Queen's Regiment; His Cavalry, Commanded by Monsieur la Cardonniere Commissary General, was divided into three Brigades, at the head of which were the Marquis de Rovuray, the Marquis de Gelis, and Calvo.  
The Marquis de Crequy, newly recalled to Court, from which he had been absent for six years, was sent with between three and four thousand men to the Frontrie of Luxembourg, and the parts about Alsatia; and with him Monsieur Desperce for Marshal of that Camp. He had but two Regiments of Foot with him, viz. the Regiment of Piedmont, and S. Vallier, besides 1000 Dragoons. His Cavalry was likewise divided into three Brigades, under the Command of the Marquess' d'Joyeuse de la Feüillee, and the Montaurel, who were all under the obedience of Monsieur de Rochepere.  
At the same time the Duke of Noailles was sent to Perpignan, whereof he was Governor, to the end he might take care of Roussillon, whilst the main brunt of the War should be in Flanders. This Duke had but few Forces, because there was but little to enterprise; only some Regiments of Cavalry were assigned to him, and Monsieur Foucaut, for his Lieutenant General.  
'Twas easily judged that the King had some great design when it was understood that before his departure from S. Germain's he appointed a Counsel to remain with the Queen, consisting of the chancellor of France, and the Marshal d'Estree, with two Secretaries of state, Monsieur Vrilliere, and Monsieur Guenegaud. After which having declared her Majesty Regent of the Kingdom during his absence, he sent for the Parliament and other Sovereign Courts to signify to them his pleasure, that they should acknowledge her for such whilst his Majesty should be absent.  
The Prince of Conde remained at his house of Chantilly, partly for that he was indisposed in his health, and partly for that, as it was seen afterwards, the King reserved him for other employments when the War should be begun; his Majesty declaring, that during the whole course of of this Campagne he would not make use of the Counsel of any but that of mounsieur de Turenne, Marshal General of the Camp, who by this means beheld himself at a higher step of glory then ever he had ascended to before.  
As for the Ministers of State, of whom his Majesty served himself, namely Monsieur le Tellier, Monsieur de Lionne, Secretaries of State, and Monsieur Colbert, they departed not from Paris, till six days after his Majesty, and then they went directly to La Fere, there to remain in expectation of further orders.  
The Marquis de Louvois, Secretary of State, had set forth from Paris two days before the King, namely on the fourteenth of May, in order to give notice to all the world of his Majesty's march, and the design he had to let the Queen see what Troops he had about Peronne, where their Majesties arrived the 26 of May. But before we proceed any further, it seems to me not impertinent to give account what Forces were in being when the King began first to think of this enterprise.  
All the Infantry of France were divided into 1200 Companies, each of them consisting of fifty men; but several young Gentlemen of Quality having since taken the Command of Regiments upon them, they are now much more, they having for greater Ostentation of their Commands many of them enlarged their Troops, and at their own expense raised several Companies much more Numerous than was required.  
Moreover, the King had two Regiments of his Guards, one of French, the other of Swiss, besides twenty Companies of new raised Swiss, all which Foot amounted upon the Muster Role to 70000 men, besides 1000 Dragoones.  
The Horse consssted of 200 Troops, each of them of fifty men, which made up likewise by the Rolls 10000 Horse, his Court and Equipage were 3000 Horse, if we reckon the Guards de Corpse, his Musquitires on Horseback his Gens d' Arms, and his light Horse belonging to his person, the most ready and best disciplined that without doubt have been seen at any time.  
Having furnished his Garrisons out of these, and divided the rest into several Bodies, according to the different places he designed to employ them, as I have related before, the Army Royal was judged to consist of about 24 or 25000 Foot, and 9 or 10000 Horse, of which you shall have the particulars.  
The Foot was divided into four Brigades, the first and strongest was that of the Guards, Composed of twenty-eight Companies of the French Guards, and nineteen of the Swiss, and four & twenty Companies of the King's Regiment Commanded by the Marquis d' Anjau who altogether made eleven Battalions: viz. The French Guards four, the Swiss four, and the other Regiment three.  
The second Brigade was that of Picardy, of which was the Regiment called by that name Commanded by the Count de la Mark, the Regiment of Saux Commanded by the Count de Saux de Lesdiguiers, the Lyonnois Regiment Commanded by the Marquis de Villeroy, the Regiment de Turenne Commanded by the Marquis de Sillery; all which Regiments made up two Battalions a piece.  
The third was the Brigade of Champagne, composed of the Regiment of Champagne Commanded by the Marquis d' Amber, and of the Regiments of Castelnau, Louvigny, and Orleans, the first Commanded by the Marquis de Castelnau, the second by the Marquis de Louvigny, the third by the Marquis de Beaufort, and each of these Regiments made up two Battalions likewise.  
In the fourth Baigade was the Regiments of Auvergne Commanded by the Duke de Cheureuse, the Royal Regiment Commanded by Pierrefit, the Regiment of Roussillon or Catalonia Commanded by Caramagne, and the Regiment of Alsatia Commanded by the Count de Nassau, which in all made up but seven Battalions, Roussillon making but on The Light Horse Commanded by the Duke Coaslin, their Camp Master General, was divided into twelve Brigades; but because it would be tedious to reckon up the several Regiments they were composed of, I shall content myself only to insert the names of the several Brigadies they served under, which were the Baron of Montelar, of Fourneaux, Beauveze, the Marquis de Resnel, Bissy, and Montauban, the chevalier de Fourilles, the Comte de Choiseul, Artagnan, the Comte de Roye, the Marquis de Rochefort and de Villequier.  
There were expected also some Troops from the Duke of Lorraine, which consisted of four Regiments of about 1500 Horse, and two of Foot of about 900 or 1000 Men.  
Their Canon they brought from la Fere and Amiens, I mean their great pieces, for at the beginning of the month the King had given order to the Commanders of the several Brigades, that every Battalion should carry a piece of 4 or 5 pound Ball along with it, and money was given out accordingly to buy Horses and other things, necessaries for their train.  
S. Hillary Lieutenant of the Ordinance, was the person Commanded all the Equipage designed for this Army, and Colbert Master of the Request was Commissary. And this is the account of our strength by land.  
As to our Forces at Sea, I have been told we had twelve or thirteen Galleys in the Mediterranean Sea, and that the Duke de Beaufort, our Admiral, was upon the coast of Britain and Rochel with about 25 or 30 men of War.  
The King being arrived at Amiens the 20 of May he departed from thence the 25, having taken his eve of the Queen who instead of being present, as was supposed, at the Rendezvous at Perrone, returned by Montdidier to Compiegne, and and the same day being the twenty fifth with all the Horse his Majesty encamped near d' Encre, and the next day at Mont S. Quintin, not far from Peronne, where he met most of his Army, especially his Foot, who were drawn up thereabouts, from thence he marched and encamped at Goüy near Catelet, from thence to Briatte, not far from Chasteau Cambressy, from thence to Villerpol near Quesnoy, after that to Peronneval near to Binch, a small Town in Hainault unfortified, and which in the time of the Wars follows always the Master of the Field: here it was thought expedient to leave some Forces for our convenience whilst the Army lay at Charleroy, where his Majesty designed to go at his coming from Amiens; at the length he came and encamped at Pieton, a Village situate upon a Brook of the same name, which after some meanders and Circumflexions falls about a league from the Town into the Sambre.  
This River and Brook where they meet do make an Angle on the side of their descent, which being sufficiently elevated above the waters, there was formerly a little Villa called Charnoy. This place having appeared of great advantage to Castle Rodrigoe, Governor of the Low Countries for the King of Spain, in respect the Sambre was not furnished with any Forts from Landrey (which is not far from its Fountain) to Namur where it falls into the Meuse, he had resolved the year before with the Counsel of the Provinces, to raise a strong Fort there, which might oppose itself to the Excursions of such Garrisons as the King of France had betwixt the Sambre and the Meuse, that is to say, Avernes, Phillippville and Marienburg, Towns that were delivered up to us upon the peace on the Pyreneans; and the design was pursued with that diligence and expense, that the place was almost defensible, when they had the first news of the King's resolution to come in person with a great Army to demand such places as he pretended belonged ●n justice to the Queen.  
This place which was called by Castle Rodrigo, Charleroy, was fortified with seven Bastions, lined with a sort of stone that was very strong and large, that they had brought from the Country of Liege. The most part of these Bastions and the Courtines were raised to the very top, and the outworks also were in so good a condition, there was scarce a better to be seen in Flanders.  
In the men time castle Rodrigo understanding that the King was coming towards him in good earnest, and fearing that his works being new and made the most part in the winter, were not able to make any long defence if they should be set upon and besides, having not Force enough to make good oath places he thought of as much importance, he resolved to quit it, and having drawn away his Canon, and all the Ammunition he had sent thither, before he blew it up, and demolished the body of it as well perhaps as ever was any before; but the outworks they left entire, and they appeared so well to his Majesty when he came thither, that he resolved to repair all, upon an opinion that this place not being above six Leagues from Namur, and about ●s many from Monts, and perhaps some 12 or 13 from Brussels, might be of great consequence for the design he had upon Brabant, and the remainder of Hainault.  
But there were other reasons also made the King take up this resolution, for he being come of a sudden out of France, and the Spring being very backward by reason the Winter proved so ●ong, he found but very little ●orrage; besides, they were so ill provided with Horses for their Train of Artillery, that all they could rap and rend were scarce sufficient to draw eight or ten pieces of whole Canon with necessary Ammunition for them & their Foot. Nor was their accommodation for Victuals in a much better condition, most of their Baggage being in a very ill posture to follow the Army which was falling into their Country: it may be also he might have some inclination to attend, and see what effect his Manifesto, might have upon the spirits of the people, the War not being yet so far gone, but that if they had given any assurance of satisfaction he could have harkened to their conditions, and have saved those Provinces from all the calamities and devastations hath been since brought upon them by his Army: But whatsoever was the reason, we spent there fifteen days in repairing the ruins, as well as we could, the whole Army working all the while with all diligence imaginable.  
The War being thus begun, and no enemy appearing in the Field, there was not much Hostility committed, the King keeping his Army in as strict a discipline as if they had been in his own Dominions. However they did not forbear the prosecuting the War from the time it marched from about Chasteau de Cambresy, and Pilois Campmaster to the Horse, was Commanded out with 500 Horse to fall into the Country for intelligence, and to discover if there were any preparation making against them. The most part of the persons of quality offered themselves as Volunteers in this Expedition; but the King would permit but some few, of which the most considerable were the Duke d' Enguien, the Count de S. Paul, and the Duke de Boüillon; but their design proved to little purpose, for after they had been abroad four or five days they returned to the Camp without opportunity of doing any thing.  
During the stay of the Army at Charleroy, the Queen, as I have said, returned to Compiegne; but she came back as far as Avesne to enjoy the presence of the King who was there, and to take the advantage of that little time he would spare from the care he would needs take to see the place accommodated himself.  
The day she was to arrive the King went out with a good body of Horse, some two or three Leagues to meet her; and during the four or five days they were together, Monsieur, who remained in the Camp, gave out all necessary orders.  
Some there are that will say, that that which carried the King into this part of the Country, was not only the design upon Charleroy, which he knew was demolished before he set out: But having a long time maintained a correspondence in Namur and Luxembourg, he had hastened his march to encourage that enterprise: but I am not so well informed of the intrigues of Government to know the certainty; this I only know, they were favourers of the house of Austria that spread the report to make the conduct of the King the more odious to the people.  
In short they put Charleroy into such a condition of defence, that they left all the great Guns they had in the Camp there, and put the Regiment of la Ferte in Garrison, and other Companies drawn out of several battalions, which they form into another called the Dauphin's Regiment, and gave the Command of it to Phisica, sometimes Lieutenant Colonel in the Regiment of Turenne: the Government of the Fort was bestowed upon Montal, with order to continue the fortifications without intermission.  
They left also 300 Horse about Charleroy for their farther security, after which marched the King up into the Country, to make his advantage of the consternation his great Army had brought upon the Provinces.  
On the 15th of June he discamped and marching towards Brussels he took up his quarters about Nivelle; whither having at the entreaty of the inhabitants sent two of his Guards to secure them, they were notwithstanding contrary to all honour and equity carried Prisoners to Brussels, where they lay above two months. From Nivelle the Army marched a little above Mons towards Braine-le-Comte, and after some days march they came to Ath, a little Town situate almost at the head of the River Dendre without any fortification, but so capable of it that the King resolved to leave a Garrison there, and made des Landes (who had formerly served the Prince of Condy) the Governor.  
Out of divers Regiments there were some Companies drawn out, in all about 400 Foot and 100 Horse, which were left on purpose to infest and alarm the Towns thereabouts, and particularly Brussels, which was but eight leagues distant, there being no considerable Rivulets betwixt them.  
All this progress was made without any other impediment then from the badness of the ways, the Enemy not daring to show themselves any where; only a Party of their Cravatts, earnest upon plunder, fell upon our baggage. But Rommecour, Lieutenant of the Company of the Guards de Corpse, being by accident with a Party of Horse near Enchoit upon a design, which was the place where this business began, he charged them so home he constrained them to leave their prize, though they had slain some of our men, not without loss certainly to themselves. This I am sureof, the Comte de S. Geran, who served then as Aid de Camp, and the Marquis de Bellefont, were both very much wounded.  
The Army stayed not so long there as it had done at Charleroy, they left the Garrison only some pallisadoes to begin their fortifications withal; and the King discampt and marched to the siege of Tournay, a place of great importance, but very ill provided with Soldiers, and the inhabitants, who were very numerous, bearing no great animosity to the French, under whose Dominion they had lived long, for it is scarce an age since they submitted themselves to the house of Austria.  
Besides the King perceived the taking of this Town would be a considerable acquest in respect of its situation upon the River Sceld, betwixt Conde and Oudenarde, and might especially perplex that part of Flanders is called the Wallonne Country (of which that is a Member) as also Hainault and Brabant.  
On the 20th of June they began their march; but before that he gave order to Comte de Lillebonne (a Prince of the house of Lorraine, who Commanded the Troops the Duke of Lorraine had sent to the King, and who being not as yet joined to the Army was quartered about Arras) that he should immediately join himself with Artagnan, who was thereabouts also, and that passing the bridge at Avendin, he should march away immediately and block up Tournay on that side next Lille, which was executed accordingly, and the Bridges for communication being finished, the King past the River next day with most of his Army, and took his Quarters up at the Town of Foryenne, having left on the other side of the water the Marquis Humieres, and the Comte de Duras, with such Troops as were thought necessary for the beleaguering the Town on that side next to Hainault and Brabant; and without giving further time to the besieged to recollect themselves it was resolved they should that very night begin their approaches.  
The place being surveyed; we began our approaches on the side of certain Windmills, which are placed upon a little eminence not far from the bank of the River as you go into the Town. The first Battalion of the French Guards that d' Ortie Commanded, first Captain of that Squadron, began their works toward the right, and the Regiments of Picardy and Cast●lnau on the left: but these last having misspent their time at the beginning of the night, their approaches went on but slow; however they advanced as they pleased themselves; the opposition and firing of the enemy being very small, there was scarce any need of shelter at all; there were not many Soldiers killed, nor but few wounded.  
This day Monsieur being in the Trenches found the King there, who came likewise to give them a visit, an action not ordinary amongst princes, and of which History affords but few examples.  
It would be tedious to insert the names of all the Volunteers that were then in our Trenches. The presence of the King who exposed himself in all places of danger (insomuch that whilst out of a desire to see all that past, he went about surveying the works, he had one of his Pages wounded behind him with a Canon-shot, and some few Horses killed) was a great encouragement to the whole Court, and put them all forward to do something remarkable on this first occasion; amongst the Voluntires that more particularly signalised themselves, was the Comte of S. Paul, who in a sally the besieged made, beat them up to the very Counterscarp, & there for a good while disputed with one of his Enemies at the push of Pike; and in this sally S. Sandoux, a Captain in the Regiment of Guards was sore wounded. The next day the first Battalion, of the Swiss Guards Commanded by Molondin their Colonel, releived the French Guards, their General the Comte of Soissons being ill, and not able to come as yet to the Army. About midnight they beat a parley, and a cessatiou being presently granted they yielded up the Town, 
Tournay surrendered.  and that before one great Gun was shot against it; nor indeed had we as yet one piece for Battery, though we were in an hourly Expectation of a great convoy from Arras of 1500 or 1600 Wagons of all sort of Provision & Ammunition, and eight pieces of whole Canon that the Army had great need of.  
The Town being surrendered the Governor retires into the Castle with his Garrison, which is strong, and divided from the Town by the Sceld. It is reported to have been built by the English, whilst it was in their possession, after they had taken it from the French. The works are ancient indeed, but not bad; but as they stood then, they were in no very good condition, nor was it defended any better than the Town, for they had much to do to keep it one day afterwards, and marched out the 26th about 300 ill foot and 100 good Horse, in three Troops, without Canon or any other good terms, and were conducted to Brussels by Prunes, an in feriour officer of the Guards, with about 25 or 30 of his Soldiers: amongst all the wounded of quality in this siege there was only Tracy Captain of the Guards that was shot with a Musquit in the cheek.  
In the mean time the Marshal d' Aumont was not idle, for being entered into Flanders by the new ditch betwixt S. Omer and Aire, he had advanced almost as far as Bergue, where having understood there were no form Troops in the place, he thought it necessary to make any formal siege; but drawing altogether by 9 in the morning he made all his Foot advance, and fell on in two several places.  
These two storms were Commanded, one by the Comte d' Passage, and the other by the Duke of Roanez, both Lieutenant Generals; the latter of which, not troubling himself to throw up any works, fell immediately on, and made himself Master of the halfmoon and Counterscarpe: at first they had some resistance, the Citizens having taken Arms with some of the Country that were come in for refuge; but before night they parleyed, and at the same time surrendered upon honourable terms. 
Bergue taken by Martial d' Aumont.  There were some brave men slain there, notwithstanding, for S. Lieu, Martial d' Camp, in this Army much esteemed for his courage, and long experience in the War, was killed by two shots of a Musket; and five or six Officers in the Queen's Regiment, and the Regiment of Navarre, were slain or wounded, with about 200 Soldiers in all, but most of the Duke of Roanez side, for of Passage's here were but few.  
Bergue being taken the Army advanced towards Furnes to give the Garrison of Dunkerque more elbowroom, where the resistance was much one as at Bergue. The second day after our Trenches were opened the place was surrendered, 
Furnes taken.  and we became Masters of it the third or fourth time.  
The Marshal de Aumont, not satisfied with this, was marching with his Army to Dixmude, when he received express order from the King to come away immediately to Armentiers, which place is situate upon the Lies, and in the time of Marshal Gassion, had gained great reputation, it was fortified by him in the Winter 1645, but was so demolished by the Spaniard since, that in May, whilst the King was at Peronne, Artagnan was sent thither with some Troops, and entering as he pleased he took the Governor Prisoner in his own lodgings without any noise or Alarm. The design the King had in calling the Marshal d' Aumont thither, was apparently to secure the passage of Victuals to our great Army, whilst it lay before Tournay, for they were the same Troops that conducted the great convoy I mentioned before.  
Tournay being delivered, the King and his whole Court were lodged in the Town; he gave Renoüart, Captain of the Regiment of Guards, the Government, leaving him four Companies of that Regiment, and three of the Swiss Guards, with three Troops of Horse of the Regiment of S. Sierge, but lodged them all in the Castle to prevent any incommodity the in habitants might receive in the Town, and to show his new subjects how easy his dominion would be.  
The 28th of the same month having given exact orders for the Conservation of the place, he marched away with his Army towards Gaunt, and as every body thought, with design to fall upon Oudenarde, or Courtray.  
They which desired Oudenarde should be besieged alleged the Town was situate upon the Sceld, some seven leagues from Tournay, and would extend our conquests quite down the River as far as Gaunt; and that though the Town being commanded by a very high mountain on that side towards Alost, could not be very strong, yet by placing a good Garrison there it might make a good post, and be very useful in interrupting the Commerce betwixt Brussels and Gaunt, the two Principal Towns in the Low Countries. Others were for attempting of Courtray, a Town upon the Lies, and of great importance ever since Gassion raised a Citadel there, and by it held in subjection as well the Wallonne, part of Flanders, as the Fleming: and this opinion appeared the most reasonable, seeing all the Prisoners taken agreed in their report, that there were but 200 Soldiers in the Town, and that the principal Inhabitants had already resolved to deliver up the Town, and attended only his Majesty's appearance with his Army to surrender it into his hands. But both these opinions were disappointed in the event, for the Army which was then encamped at Helchin, some three leagues from Courtray, four from Oudenarde, and four or five from Lille, on a sudden on the 30th of that month marched clear back again; the King having the day before Commanded out the Count de Duras, with two Brigades of Horse, and the Comte de Lillebonne, with all the Lorrainers, in order to a design upon Doüay, and these Troops being advanced, to strengthen it, all the Army followed with great marches, so as on the second of July the Town was besieged on all sides.  
The King at first would take up his quarters at Barbieres, a Village upon the Scarpe near the Road betwixt Doüay, and Arras, but this Town being too far off, and it being believed the Town would require circumvallation, he removed and lodged himself in la Mottes quarter's nearer the Town, and more capable of being fortified.  
Whilst they were ordering the Camp, the King, having dined at a Villedge of Esquierchin, perceived as he was getting a Horseback some of the Enemy drawing out of the Town, and advanced to a little Chapel some 7 or 800 paces without their Counterscarpe, which gave him a great desire of seeing them nearer hand, he Commanded out presently a small party of the Colonel's Regiment that was then by, to charge them, and take some Prisoners if they could: Mazel Master of the Horse to the Vicompte de Turenne, with some others, putting themselves in with this party, and having ordered two Squadrons of the Guards to relieve them, they advanced, and without so much as stopping at their Volleys they advanced to their Turnpike, behind which the Enemy being retired, our Forces were open to all their shot, both Canon and Musket. Notwithstanding which there were not above two or three wounded, amongst whom Lestang, an Ensign of the Guards of Turenne was one, and another Named S. Rut. Some persons of quality stole away from the King also to be present at this action, and amongst the first of them was the Comte de Soissons, and the Comte de Avergne.  
It is no great matter to guests the Reasons that brought his Majesty before Doüay: For this Town being of very great consequence in those parts, being situate upon the Scarpe some five leagues below Arras, and capable of receiving great numbers of men, and the yielding great supply of Provision for the Army, we could not take in any thing of more importance, or that could contribute more to the keeping of Tournay, which without the communication of this Town, was not easily to be kept. Besides he had advice the Town was but ill man'd, and not like to hold out long and that the Scarpe Fort, which is a Fort consisting of five Bastions, built in that Marsh, which makes the River and gives it its name, about a Cannon shot below the Town, was also very ill provided: and upon these reasons the King resolved to attaque them both at one time, as well to astonish them within, as to take away all hopes of relieving them without; which would have been very easy another time, in respect the place was of that extent it would require a vast line of circumvallation, and without that it was impossible; to attempt either the Town without the Fort, or the Fort without the Town, at least to block them up so as to prevent their reliefs; but in spite of the strength or feebleness of the Enemy, the Vigilance of the King and his Captains overcame all difficulties; For on the third at night our Trenches were opened by fourteen Companies of the Regiments of Guards, where Marshal Grammont their Colonel was present, as sick as he was, as he had been before at Tournay: The Guards began their works as they had designed to attaque the Ravelin before the Gate towards the Village of Esquierchin, and the Regiments of Picardy; and the Kings on the other side began theirs towards the half Moon that looks towards Quinchy. There happened nothing singular in these attaques, saving that the Trenches being very large and deep they raised a battery the same night of ten pieces of Canon betwixt the works, which was in condition to play by four a clock in the morning. Le Renché a Captain was wounded here, but very slightly, and scarce one man lost. The fourth at night the French Guards were relieved by the Swiss Guards, that is to say, by seven Companies of them, and the Count of Soissons, (General of all the Swiss in the French service) at the head of them: They entered the Trenches about seven at night, exposed to all the Canon of the Town, which was a great number, and perhaps as well planted as ever any were. The King visiting the Trenches approved very much what they had done; but he had much more reason to commend them the next day, when he understood, that the 400 paces of Ground remaining betwixt the head of their Trenches and the Ditch of the Counterscarp was secured by the works they had thrown up that night, and that all the Trenches were in a good condition by six a clock in the morning. Nor was this all, the Marquis d' Humieres, Lieutenant General, that da● having proposed to the Comte de Soissons, to attempt the ditch, to sound it, and throw in some Faggots, in order to their advancing the next night. The Swisses animated by the example of their General, who was present all the while, would show no weariness for what was past, but having begun a mine by eight in the morning, they pierced their ditch by noon; though they had neither planks, nor blinds, nor any thing necessary in such an Enterprise.  
There were two Officers that Commanded in the Trenches, one was Aspremont, a Captain in the Regiment of Guards, who managed all the works, and expressed himself in that a man of more than ordinary understanding: the other was S. Fere, a Captain of Horse, who had put himself then amongst the Volunteers that accompanied the Marquis de Humieres. These two Officers, desiring to signallize themselves by some action extraordinary, proposed to the Commanders in the Trench to swim over the ditch, and lodge themselves on the other side, as well to render the structure of the Bridge the more easy, as to make it the more formidable when it should be done, and by the boldness of the enterprise to frighten the Enemy perhaps from the point of their work; their proposal was applauded, though contrary to the rules of so great a siege: And having chosen a certain number of souldeirs that could swim, they stripped themselves upon the Spott, and S. Fere with seven Swisses only, without other Arms then their Pickaxes and shovels, swum over the ditch, and placing themselves on the other side, they fell to their work to shelter themselves as well as they could; but S. Fere having the curiosity to stand right up and peep over their blind, received a shot from a Musket in his body, and died within a quarter of a● hour.  
Aspremont in the mean time was with some of his Volunteers and Swisses in the ditch labouring to fill it up as much as possible: and of the seven that swum over, one of them only was killed, the other six made their work defensible; and the Bridge being by five in the morning so finished that they might pass over dry, they sent over from the other side a Sergeant with twelve Soldiers well armed to make good what their six comrades had thrown up.  
All this affair, both in the night and day, cost about 40 Soldiers, and two Officers slain or wounded; but amongst the Volunteers there were several persons of quality ill handled; the Marquis de Noisy Maupeou was wounded that night by a Musket shot in his head, of which he recovered, though it was judged mortal at the first: The Comte du Broutay, sometimes Campmaster to the Regiment of Navarre, received a shot under the Armpit, and died a few days after. The Marquis de Termes was wounded in the thigh, the Comte de Combourg on his foot, Monmont in the shoulder, and a little before the Trench was raised the Comte de Blind, received a shot with a facileon bullet on the top of his arm which broke the bone so as it was believed he would die of it, as he did in the conclusion. There was several others wounded with their Canon, but the Prince d' Espinoy, who was shot in the Arm, and Brissac a Lieutenant in the Guards, are all I can remember.  
As to the approaches of the Regiments, Picardy was relieved by the Regiment of Auvergne; but not being there I can give no further relation then that Vauban, Captain in the Regiment of Picardy, that commanded in that work, received a Musket shot in his face. For the same reason I shall pass by what was done on the Comte de Duras his side, having heard no more, then that being encamped with his Forces on the other side of the Town towards Cambray and Valecienne, and desirous that his Forces also should have their share in the honour, he begged of the King that he might make his effort on his side also; whither having drawn up the Regiment du Saut on the fourth at night, and having found no great resistance, with no great difficulty he lodged himself the same night on the Counterscarp: Insomuch as the Enemies seeing themselves overlaid on every side, and persuaded otherwise by the reasons of the Comte de Gramont, whom the King had sent to summon them, they demanded a parley, and obtained a cessation of Arms that very fifth at night, at least on the Guards side; for on the side the Regiments of Lyonnois and Louvigny were on, who were apparently ignorant of the Truce, they passed the two ditches, and lodged themselves upon the halfmoon, which proved to no great purpose, the Hostages being given before.  
All the rest of the night was spent in making their terms, which were, that all the Soldiers consisting of about 300 Foot, pitiful fellows, and ill provided, with three Troops of Horse of about 120. should march out with their Arms and Baggage, but no Canon; which was performed the seventh, of the same month, 
Daway taken.  and they conducted to Valencienne.  
The Scarp Fort was attempted distinctly by the Count de Lillebonne, and some other Troops Commanded by le Bret, Marshal de Camp, to whom the King had given the Charge of that affair. They opened their Trenches, on the fourth at night, by the Regiment of Champagne, which having began its approaches along the Marsh, carried them on within twenty paces of their Counterscarp, without the loss almost of one man. The next day this Regiment was relieved by the Regiment of Castelnau, who observing the small resistance that was made, passed over the ditch before the Counterscarp, and in two several places lodged themselves at the very foot of the Pallisadoes of their False-Bray, and forced the Enemy to leave their main Guards and in short all their out Guards; insomuch as they beat a parley, and their Articles being made, they marcht-out with their Arms and Colours, but not Canon, and were conducted to Valencienne; So that Douai, which never durst, 
The Scarp Fort taken.  for the space of five and twenty years after the gaining several Battles, be attempted, was taken in three days, and its Fort, which was believed impregnable by reason of the water and ●l●●es with which they could drowned all about both the Fort and the Town: The King made Aspremont Governor, who had been so instrumental in the 〈…〉 taking it: and gave him eight Companies of the French Guards, and six of Swisses, Commanded by Sury, Captain of that body, but no Horse, in respect that all his Family, & the most part of the Equipage of the Court were then at a distance, whilst the King who was then departing for Compiegne began his journey.  
But the reason why the King left the Army at that time, is not yet come to my ears; all that I can say is that there were several marched off with him that never thought it necessary to come back.  
All this while the Marshal d' Aumonts' Army was at Armentieres, where to prevent idleness, they had began to repair the old works. But judging the small Garrison left there would be in no great security, the Marshal removed from thence, and brought his Troops nearer Lille, encamping about Hautbourdin, some two leagues from the Town, to the end he might block up that Garrison that made its constant excursions either upon our Convoy, or to the very Gates of Tournay.  
But for the father incommodity of this great Town they put fire to all the Windmills that were near it, which amounted to near 50 or 60, which could not be performed without some skirmishes, & without outting off some particular persons by their Canon. About this time it was ●he Foot Regiment of Normandy▪ and the Queen's Regiment having met in the night without discovering one another, they charged, and, as was reported in the King's Quarters, could not be got off till 30 or 40 men were slain in the place.  
The 9th of this month the Marshal General of the Camp remaining sole Master as it were, he rose from before Douai, and encamped about two leagues from that place, near an Abbey of Nuns called Flines, just upon the Road to Lille; and on the their side the Army advanced to Cautice, about half a league distance from Orchies, where their design was to attend the return of the King.  
During the 15 days the Army remained encamped, there was no great matter past; the Enemy having no great party of Horse in the Field, they con●ented themselves to sally now ●nd then out of the Town in ●mall bodies, to incommode us in our foraging and convoys, from which they seldom returned without some prize: Lamezan, sometimes Ensign of the Gens d' arms belonging to the King, with three or four Volunteers and their equipage, going from Arras to Dourlens, fell unluckily into their hands: Lamezan was killed there, and another Volunteer called Bretoncelles was wounded, and the young Villarceaux taken in a Wagon in which he lay sick. But this party were near doing a greater exploit; for the Duke d' Euguien, the comte de Armagnac, the Duke de Bovillon, and other persons of quality returning into France with the King, and hearing at Court the Army was lying down before Courtray, and that their several Regiments were drawn out upon that design, that is to say, the Duke de Enguin's Regiment, with the Brigade of Bissy, of which that was a part, and the Duke of bovillon's, with the Brigade belonging to the Comte de Roy; they resolved upon any terms to return into Flanders, and accordingly taking the Road to Arras, without any other convoy than their own Servants, and some officers of the Army that would need accompany them, they were in great danger within two or three leagues of Dourlens of being taken by some Troops that seemed to come from Arras. And had it not been for de Roche, a Captain in the Prince of Condy's Guards, who went out to discover them, supposing them at first sight a convoy sent for the Duke of d' Enguien from Arras, but finding them Enemies he suffered himself to be taken to preserve the rest, which if he had not done, they had doubtless run the same fortune.  
I forget to mention how the King before his departure had resolved the Marshal de Aumonts' Army, that had done nothing these two sieges, should be employed upon some place or other of importance, to which end he sent him four Regiments of Foot out of the main Army, viz. the Regiment of Champagne, the Royal Regiment, and the Regiments of Orleans and Roussillon, and three Brigades of Horse, all under the Command of the Marquis de Paguilin, Marshal the Camp, who carried eight great pieces of Canon along with him, the Marshal d' Aumont having none before.  
A while after we understood that on the 12th of that month the Marshal had raised his Camp, and was gone from Pont-à-Tresin, near Lille, with Peguilin, recrutes towards Courtray, where they were well informed the Garrison was very weak.  
At this time also the Marshal Turenne drew out five Brigades of Horse under the Command of the Marquis de Bellefons, Lieutenant General, and sent them for sureness sake to the reinforcement of the siege; they took their post at Harlebec, a Town upon the Lies, about a league below Courtray: they left about Doüay also two Brigades of Horse, and the Alsatia Regiment of Foot, to attend the King in case the Enemy should draw into a body, and constrain our Army to march to the relief of the besiegers: but they had already put in what force they were able: the Baron of Limbec, with 300 Horse having conducted some Foot in the 13th of that month, which was the day before our Troops were set down before it.  
But as he was making his retreat the Marquis of Bellefons having got news of his march, pursues and overtakes him in a Town, as he was refreshing some four or five leagues off: it fell out very luckily for the Enemy, for the Town had Barriers, and could not easily be entered, whereby they having opportunity to get to Horse, and some of them having got to a Bridge, we must of necessity pass into the Town; they repelled the foremost of our Troops, and after a short dispute retired towards Gaunt, without any considerable loss.  
Courtray being besieged in this manner the 14th, and the Trenches opened the 15th at night without making any lines, the Regiment of Campagne, had the honour of the first attaque, as being the ancientest Regiment in the Army, having been six months longer standing than the Regiment of Navarre; but these Troops, and the other on the other side, meeting no no great resistance from the Town, 
Courtray taken.  they took the outworks the first night, and the next day the Townsmen treated and yielded. The Soldiers retreated into the Citadel, where on the 17th they were besieged also; on which day we threw up two works, one in the Plain on the side the Town lies, and the other on the other side. But notwithstanding this Citadel was in a good condition▪ and indifferently well provided with men, it defended itself not much longer than the Town, for the next day it surrendered, and 400 or 500 men that were in it, were sent down the River to Gaunt, according to the Articles, in Boats.  
About this time the King was returned from Campiegne, and the Queen with him, whom his Majesty had a desire should have a sight of his Conquests: and to let her understand, that as he had undertaken her interest, so he was able to do her reason by by force of Arms, when the untractableness of the Spaniard, could not be brought to it otherways. Perhaps also he would have his new subjects see a Princess of the house of Austria, who coming in person to demand her Rights, become one with his Majesty now by her Marriage, might take away their regret at the changing the Government, and leave them without just reason of complaint.  
She was brought at first to Douai, where she was received with all possible acclamations; which made him desirous she should see Tournay also, as well to prevent any exception that Town might take, for having been less considered than Douai, as also to demonstrate to all the world, that he was absolute Master of the Field; neither the Queen, nor any of her Train, having received the least alarm, nor heard one Gun go off in all their march. And although they passed in the sight of Lille, and very near the Isle of S. Amont, which was certainly the Enemies, they sent away the Court Harbingers on the 25th to take up lodgings for the King and Queen the next day at Tournay; but the way being long, from one place to the other, and very incommodious for an Army to pass, especially with so great a Train, all the Court came that night to the Camp at Cautice, some two leagues higher than the Road they should have come: What past that night being no matter of War, is not to be expected in this journal, nor to be written by a person so little acquainted with the affairs of the Court. I shall only say this, that all they that had houses in the King's Quarters, made tender of them to the Ladies: The King and the Queen making choice of no other than the lodgings belonging to the Vicomte Turenne.  
The next morning by 10 of the clock, they arrived at Tournay, where the people gave all the expressions of joy imaginable: Two days they passed there without any thoughts, but of their divertisement, after which the Queen returned to Doüay, in her way to Arras, where she was to attend the Kings coming back, who was then advancing further against his Enemies, with design of enlarging his Conquests.  
He conducted her two Leagues himself, and having taken his leave, and returning to the Camp with Rochefort's Brigade only, and some Volunteers, he discerned a great dust, and hearing of Guns go off, he sent out, and understood it was a great body of the Enemy fallen upon the Guards on that side next to Lille, with a design to beat them off.  
There was a Squadron of the King's Gens-d'armes upon the Guard that day, Commanded by the Prince de Soubize, Captain Lieutenant to that Company; he had one of his outguards almost surprised by the Enemy, who counterfeiting themselves Lorrainers, came on crying out Vive Turenne, and at the first dash killed three or four of the Guards, but the rest having discovered the cheat, engaged them very stoutly, though they were much inferior in number. The Enemy was reinforced with four other Troops, which advanced a full trot towards the Squadron of the Guards, and they having taken the alarm were marching towards the relief of their own, insomuch that there was only a hollow way betwixt the Enemy and us. When the Volunteers that were about the King came in, and his Majesty also with his Troops being at hand, and making a great dust, they perceived it, and ran immediately without order, or resistance, and were pursued in the very sight of Lille. The Duke d' Enguin was one of the first that followed them, and made it appear at this, as well as at all other times, that courage was no less natural to him, then to the Prince of Condy, his Father; they were so close pursued that of 200 Horse Commanded by Maciet, a man of great reputation amongst them, he had much ado to bring half off, the rest being killed or taken.  
The next day being the 28th of July, the Army rose from about Tournay; and passing the Sceld, about half a league above, they encamped at Herines', and the next day at Luperken, a Village not far from Oudenard.  
This town which the Sceld runs thorough was already blocked up on one side by the Comte de Lillebonne, and his Lorrainers; and on the other, by the Forces commanded by Bellefons and Peguilin, who had not as yet rejoined themselves with the body of the Army, since they were drawn out from Courtray; they would that night have opened their Trenches on both sides, but they did it only on Bellefons side; for the Lorraine Foot, though they were further advanced, were judged not numerous enough, nor well enough armed to venture upon a place that set so good a countenance upon the business, and appeared outwardly so well fortified, for within it was no great matter. They let them alone therefore till their next day, and for that night employed no other than the Regiments of Campagne, and Castelnau, who having opened the Trenches by the Fauxbourg that goes towards Courtray, they carried the Counterscarp at first, and fell a filling the ditch, leaving a half moon on their left, that the Enemy had deserted. The day after, about ten a clock, the King planted good store of Cannon, upon an Eminence about a Musket shot from the Town, that Commanded all the outworks on that side that is towards Brabant, which Battery, with some of the Field-peices, they carry at the head of their Battalions, firing continually; all day long the Enemy durst not show themselves, but apprehending they should be stormed and carried by force the next night, they beat a parley about four in the afternoon, and yielded upon conditions, 
Oudenarde taken.  that all the Soldiers should become Prisoners of War: there was in the Town about four or five hundred Foot, but no Horse.  
This Conquest cost very few men, and we took in less than four and twenty hours a place that Strada makes a great noise of in his History of the Low Countries, and magnifies the Duke of Parma exceedingly for having conquered it in two months.  
There was but one Officer wounded in the Regiments that fell on, & but very few Soldiers; there was also on the King's side, one Volunteer wounded, and that with a Falcon shot in the calf of his leg, and two other shots with a Musket, as he was advancing too near the suburbs to survey their works, he was called Royecourt, and had had considerable employments in the War of Piedmont and Italy, in the time of the Regency of Madam Royal the Duchess of Savoy.  
This Town being taken, though attached by the by, the Army marched the next day being the 12th of August towards Alost; The Count of Duras was drawn out that night with five Brigades of Horse, and 1500 Musquetiers, to possess himself of some post betwixt Brussels and Dendremond, so as to be able to give alarm and jealousy to both: As he passed by he summons Alost, and had it surrendered after some few Volleys, there being in the Town not above thirty Horse left, 
Alost taken▪  rather for intelligence of our motion, than defence.  
In this party there marched so great a number of Volunteers, they made up some distinct Troops, and would needs undertake some enterprise by themselves; the design was to march up betwixt Brussels, and Viluord, and to surprise, if they could, one of the passage Boats that goes daily up and down that Cutt betwixt the two Towns: but whether it was that the design was ill laid down at first, or whether amongst such a collected medley of people, there was not that obedience or discipline that was requisite, & they had not the success was expected. From other places also there were several parties Commanded out; and so strangely had the desire of engaging their Enemies seized upon their spirits, that one of the Troops commanded by Chazeron, Lieutenant of the the Guards de Corpse, fell foul upon another of our Troops, and by a generous refractoriness refusing to tell who they were for, fell on, and found not they were Friends till Royer Dubreüil Captain of the Colonel's Regiment was slain.  
The 13th the Army encamped at Hochstrate, a Village betwixt Alost and Dendremond, from whence Truel, a person of great understanding in those affairs, was dispatched to discover the situation of Dendremond, and to inform whether it might not be blocked up by a line, or whether the waters which they kept with their sluices being let loose would not make a great inundation.  
Truel reports they might lodge themselves well enough, and on the Fourteenth the King gave order the Wherries that went along to the Artillery, should march to make a Bridge over the Sceld, and made all the other Boats he found in Alost to be carried down the Dendre, to make another over that. The next day being the fifteenth the Bridge over the Sceld was finished, at a Villedge called Apels, some half a League above Dendremond, on that side the way lies from Gaunt; but having employed all their twenty Wherries about that Bridge, and finding no more to make another on the other side towards Anwerp, where the Sceld was much broader and the Tide came up higher, they were constrained to leave them that way free for supplies. In the mean time the Marquis of Bellifons advanced with five brigades of Horse, and four Regiments of Foot marched over the Bridge that was made, to possess the other side of the River, who finding an enclosed Country, they might easily block it up close, and put themselves into a condition to prevent any succours going in by Land on that side.  
The King took up his quarters at the Town of Apels' aforesaid, which was very near the Bridge, and lay with the forces he had with him all the space betwixt the Sceld, and the Bridge he had now made over the Dendre. The Count of Duras with his Squadron, and the Count of Lillebonne, with his Lorrainers, took up all the ground betwixt the Dendre and the Sceld, on that side next Brussels and Viluorde; their Posts being thus taken, every body concluded, they would fall on, but there were several considerations altered their resolutions.  
Those who were for the siege pretended the place was weak, the fortifications decayed, and in an ill condition, that there was not above eight or nine hundred men in the Town, and those shattered and insufficient to resist such an Army as ours, especially as it was then animated by the presence of the King; that the waters they made such a noise with, might be easily diverted by cutting the banks of the Sceld, which damned up the waters of the Dendre, and were made on purpose to carry that River nearer the Town, which otherwise would naturally have fallen into the Sceld, about a Musket shot above that place. And indeed, Truel had already made two cuts in this bank, and had begun a third, with confidence (according to the opinion of the Watermen of Alost, and Dendremond, that were in our Camp) in four or five day's time, to have turned the River so as they might in two several places have fallen upon the Town, and have easily carried it, by reason of the weakness of the defence that was to be made.  
Those who were for the r●ising of the siege alleged on the other side that that draining or diverting the River was impossible, by reason the sluices in the Town were entire, and the cutting the banks of the Sceld would but increase the inundation, by letting in the waters of the Sea, which in that place was twice in four and twenty hours above six foot high; In so much as they should never be able to make any works but what would be wet, if not overflown twice every day. Besides the Sceld being open below the Town, and we having besides the Bridge we had made, neither Staccads, nor Trees, nor Chains, nor any thing to hinder them, the Enemy might when he pleased break the Bridge; for it was obvious that with the least favourable wind, and the assistance of the Tide, they might come from Anwerp in four hours with many Vessels as they thought fit, and beating down what we had raised to resist, put what supplies they thought necessary into the Town; and moreover, the Town had been reinforced with men and all other necessaries for a long defence, Louvigny, a person of great esteem in the Low Countries, having had opportunity to put himself in with what Troops he had pleased: and lastly, that if all things could be managed as was proposed, they had no more to do then to encamp thesmelves at Nienove, and in four days they would be able to starve our Army, bread being already grown scarce in spite of all the care the Commissaries could take that were employed by order from the Intendant ●olbert. This advice was asserted by so many, and their arguments appeared so probable, the King resolves to quit that Leaguer that was like to be difficult, for another, no less honourable, nor perhaps of less consequence.  
During the two days we were before this Town there was scarce any thing considerable past: the Enemy shot many great Guns amongst us, but with little execution; I believe there was not above 12 or 15 men slain, of which the most eminent was one Mr. Villars, a volunteer under the Marquis de la Valliere Lieutenant of the Dolphin's light Horse. There was also a little Rancontre, betwixt the Horse on the other side of the Sceld, before the Bridge was finished, for the King having sent 50 of his Guards over in one of the Wherries designed for the bridge, under the Command of Lansson, one of the Lieutenants of the four Companies, the Cavaliers putting their Horses (unsaddled) thorough the water made them swim to the other side, where as soon as they had saddled them again, they mounted, & marched along a Dike (all covered with Trees) towards Dendremond: in a straight way they encountered about 150 of the Enemy, whom at first dash they beat back to their reserves, who advancing put a stop to our carrier, and sent our forlorn back with the same speed; but Lansson coming on, charges them again, however the Enemy received it so well there was but few either killed or taken: we lost also some few Cavaliers, and had some of our Volunteers wounded, and amongst the rest, the Marquis of Courcelles, Lieutenant of the Artillery, and the same Mazel I have mentioned before: after which the night approaching they parted, and the Bridge being finished, the next morning we heard no more of them.  
Two days after the Marquis de Bellefons having past his Troops over the same Bridge again, broke it down, and the Army discamped from before the Town.  
Some there were that reported that several of our Army, and in particular of those under the Command of the Marquis de Bellefons, being straggled for plunder into the Country of the Vàes, came short home; for expecting to pass at the Bridge, and finding it broke down, they could not get over, and that above 2000 of them fell into the Enemy's hands; but this was otherwise, for it was certain there was not two hundred lost there in all.  
The Army being thus risen from Dendremond, the Marquis of Humieres, with four Brigades of Horse, had orders to go and invest Lille, that they had been a long time bartering for; the Marshal d' Aumont ever since and before the siege of Courtray, having never lain above two or three Leagues from it, ready to attaque them whenever the Enemy should draw away their Troops.  
This was a business of no small importance; it was well known there was a very strong Garrison in it, especially of Horse, all prisoners agreeing there was above 1200 of them, and 3000 Foot: but whether it was that the Vicomte of Turrenne advised him to't, or that his Majesty was weary of Conquest with ease, all could not hinder him but that in four days March the whole Army took up their quarters before the Town.  
At his arrival the King quartered at the Village of Esguermes, but the next day, by reason the Cannon from the Town incommoded his lodging, he removed to the Village of Laos upon the River Deulle, with his Troops, taking up all betwixt Laos as far as Helesme, where the Marquis of Humieres had taken up his. Next the Lorrainers, took their quarters towards the River of Marque; and next them the Marquis of Bellefons with his Troops lay from the Lorrainers to the River Deulle, towards the Abbey of Marquet: And last of all the Count of Duras took his post on the other side of the River, whose Camp reached to the Village of Lambersart, and coming ●ack to the River again made a complete Ring of the Circumvallation.  
Things being thus disposed, the eleventh at night, about nine a clock all the Army stood to their arms, & every Troop having his Tools ready they advanced 800 paces towards the Town, where to secure their Camp against the Sallies of the Enemy out of the Town (which is one of the biggest in the Low Countries, and without comparison most populous of any in subjection to the King of Spain, for they were reported to be 20000 men bearing arms in the Town, besides the Garrison) they began to entrench: but this was not finished the first night, but within two nights after was so complete they planted thirteen small Field-peices upon them, to secure the line, and restrain the besieged from sallying, which they had no mind to at all; for without any interruption to our work they contented themselves with firing their great Guns into our Camp, and especially into the King's quarters, where they saw most people.  
The siege then being of great importance, on which side soever it is considered, the King to put himself into a condition of compassing his designs, and to furnish himself with all manner of provisions, before he opened his trenches, Commands in all the country about to assist in his Line. Several Convoys are sent to Arras, Bethune, Tournay, and Douai, for Canon, Powder, Bullets and match; in short, all things were ordered to be had that were necessary in so great a siege.  
About this time it was the King understood the Queen's discomposure for his absence, and the indisposition of the Dauphin. However he concealed the trouble he had for that as well as other misfortunes he had received at the beginning of this siege; there it was he heard the Prince of Ligne had fallen upon 300 Horse of the Garrisons of Charleroy, and Phillippeville, had routed them and taken the Marquis of Vaubrun-nogent, who Commanded the party Prisoner, with most of his Officers, besides what were left upon the place: there it was he had notice that the Garrison of Cambray, & Valencien to give him some diversion had been abroad, & had Plundered and burnt Riblemont Marle, & other considerable Houses about Capelle; and that then Marsin was marching to Ipre▪ to give him interruption both in his Camp and towards the Sea in both which places he was no● provided over well. Here it wa● also he was advertised that th● Enemy appeared about Oudenard and it was to be feared they might recover that place with as much ease as we had taken it▪ for which reason Beauveze was Commanded out with a party of Horse to discover, who found it nothing, and gave the King notice the Enemy had drawn together at Alost, but were retired to Dendremond with out leaving any Garrison there. Besides all these, the King was troubled after four or five days with an exceeding pain in his teeth which could by no means be lessened whilst he continued at his lodging at Bioüvac, where he lay every night exposed to all the mists and fogs, that were constantly occasioned by the extraordinary heat of that season. Notwithstanding all which perplexities he must of necessity attend the conservation of what he had gained, which nothing but so brave a Person as he could have done: to that end he gave all Orders himself daily, and (without any other regulation of the controversy betwixt the Marshal General of the Camp, and the other Marshals of France, touching priority of Command) he sends away the Marshal d' Aumont with the residue of his Forces to encamp about Tournay: His Army was then but small, he having drawn out two Regiments of Foot to the Leaguer at Lille, that is to say, the Regiment of du Plessis, and a Regiment of Harcourt; in exchange of which he only sent them the Regiment of Alsatia, which the Campagne had exceedingly weakened, most of the Germans (of which it consisted) being either sick or run from their colours, as most of the new Regiments that come from that Nation into the French service do; besides the Comte de Lorges, Marshal to that Army of de Aumonts', had drawn out a thousand Horse for the visiting of Lille, and was not returned; the King having Commanded his Troops for the securing of the River Lis, as also Varneton, Comene, and Menene, lest by that way the enemy should attempt to put relief into the Town, insomuch as the Marshal had not above four or five hundred Horse left with him. There were four Companies of the French Guards, and three Swiss Companies in the Garrison drawn out of Tournay, so as the charge of that Town lay upon his Foot; besides that he was to have an eye upon Ath, to secure the passes over the Sceld, and the Scarp, as also Mortaigne, S. Amand, and Marchienne, whither he was was fain to send several of his Army: In short, it lay almost wholly upon him to defend all that was at any distance, and to look to the security of the Campagnia; the Marquis of Crequy not being yet come up with his Troops out of Luxemburg, where he had been employed all this while.  
But to return to the siege of Lille; the King Commanded that all the while betwixt the tenth and the eighteenth, should be spent in fortifying their Leaguer, both against the Town, and without, and in furnishing the Camp with all Provisions, both of Victuals, and Ammunition, they should have need of. The Marquis of Louvoy, a person of great activity, had the care of all, and in particular, of the Artillery, in which he took great pains that nothing might be wanting; for in this siege the King was resolved to use all his Force, as if his reputation all over Europe had been at stake this bout; all that he had done hitherto having been an effect rather of the terror of his Arms, than any real experiment of his strength. Moreover, in all Armies (but especially where there be many Courtiers, as there was always about his Majesty) there wants not such as will never approve any Counsels, of which they have no part themselves, and who constantly decry all enterprises that appear doubtful, as this of Lille did, to the end that if it miscarried, the greatness of their judgements might appear, or at least they might for a while lessen the reputation of him that had the charge. And of this sort there are many, who by the mischief they do that way, redouble the care that is necessary to the accomplishment.  
The King all this while spared no pains, no watchings, no expense, no not so much as his own person, considering nothing on this occasion but his own courage, and what might contribute to the augmentation of his glory.  
One of these nights which the King passed at Biovac, or most commonly at the quarters of the Light Horse belonging to the Dauphin, where to repose himself he would go sometimes into the Tent of the Marquis de Valliere, there happened a fire in his lodging, which burned it almost quite down, though by thy care of those that were there, the loss was not considerable.  
The Vicompte Turenne on his side was on Horseback night and day, and forgot nothing he had learned by his long experience, as considering well that whatever should befall must contribute either to his honour or diminution.  
All things disposed to the best advantage according to the shortness of the time, the eightteenth at night the Trenches were opened, and they fell on o● that side that was next the Village of Helesme.  
In this approach the opinions of Aspremont (who this Campania was chief Engineer) and Vauban, a person of great understanding in matters of Leaguer, overruled: Others there were would have the attaque made at the Porte de Malades, because all the prisoners that were taken, and all the people that came out daily, reported that the weakest place, and that there was but three foot water in the ditch: Others were for storming on the Suburbs side, because there was but one work, and newly made, and not yet in a condition to be defended, and that being briskly attaqu't they should come immediately to the Counterscarp of the Town, without any further trouble than at the first; moreover, they alleged that place was nearest the King's quarters, and under the shelter of his Guns, whereby they might draw up their releifs with more convenience without, reckoning the advantages of Timber, and other materials for a siege, which they should gain in that part of the Town. But all these reasons gave place to other, nor without reason, seeing it was but fit they should in some measure accommodate to the judgement of those that were to have so great a share in the action: besides, on that side next Helesme, there were but two Bastions, and they a great distance from one another, and defensible only by their Cannon, because there were three half moons upon the same line, to secure the length of their Curtain, in the midst of which there was a gate in an old Tower, but so weak their Flankers could give but little defence.  
This place therefore being chosen for the storm on, Tuesday night they opened their Trenches in two places, about two or three hundred paces from one another; the French Guards took the right as was usual, not but that they might have chose their post as they saw their advantage, but judging their sallies less to be feared on that side having a Marsh, and a River on that hand, and that the Enemy not being able to come at them without great difficulty they might with more expedition advance; they took the right, as I have said, and began their approaches along the paved way by the Church of the Priory of Fere. That night they advanced extraordinarily; but their Trenches were so bad and so narrow by the mistake of those that set them out, (or because it is almost impossible it should be otherwise in so great Leaguers, the front whereof is of so great extent) that there was scarce any part secure.  
The Regiments of Picardy, and Orleans, made their approaches on the left hand, but they advanced not so far as the Guards; yet their works were very well done, sustained with redoubts, and other works, and all with the loss of very few men.  
Wednesday, the 19th the Enemy made a sally, but by the consequence it appeared only for a taste, and to discover how we lay, for the better pointing their Artillery, rather than for any thing else; for their Horse not being above sixty, and their Foot not many more, they never durst venture above 100 paces from their Counterscarp; and scarce had they shown themselves there, but they were beaten back by the Horse that attended our Trenches, and by the Foot of the Guards, who advanced immediately against them: in their sally, Castelan, Major of that Body, was bruised in the upper part of his thigh.  
To make good our attaques, five Squadrons every night releived one another, at the tail of our works, under the Command of a Brigadier, besides which they placed three more at a little more distance behind the Line of circumvallation, against any present alarm. Moreover, the greatest part of the Volunteers embracing the occasion, got themselves together the first day of the siege and resolved to form themselves into Squadrons, of which one was every night to be with the other Horse in the Trenches to do the same service with the regulated Troops; and to that end had chosen themselves Commanders, who were the Chevalier de Rohan, Folleville, the Marquis of Grignan, and the Comte de Maré: for there was nothing so much apprehended as their sallies (had they had the courage to have made them) and that because of the Number of the Horse were in the Town, which were known certai●●y to be seven or eight hundred, and good Horse too, besides that they had Foot enough by reason of the inhabitants.  
But these apprehensions lasted but a short time, and in process of the siege we understood that the Count de Bro●ay, the Governor, finding he had men enough in his Regiments to defend a place of that Latitude and extent as Lille was, dismounted part of his Horse, leaving the other part scarce able to keep Guards both without and within: for although he was well beloved in the Town, and past amongst them and the Sould●ers for a brave person and experienced, yet he neglected not to have an eye over the Townsmen, who being always used to a quiet and secure life, and to have no other care then to increase their estates, were amazed to see their houses come thundering down with our Granades, and Fireworks, and the Bullets that came over their works: They were troubled likewise, as was reported, at the daily contributions, towards the new Levies, and at their payments towards the works and reparations that were but necessary for their defence of the place; they began to deliberate also, whether if their Forces that were encamped out of the Town were set upon, they had best venture out to their relief; and this perhaps may be one of the reasons why the Order established amongst the Voluntieres was but of two day's continuance, unless you would rather think that so many French Gentlemen differing both in humour and quality, were not likely to remain long in a mind, or to bring themselves to obey one another.  
At first it was not certainly known whether they had any of the Army Troops, or not; however it was confidently believed they had not above six Companies of Spaniards consisting of about 250 men, and almost as many Italians, one Regiment of Walloons called the Regiment of Rache; and about 400 English and Irish; besides which they had almost 2000 Curlius, for so they call the Militia they had raised in that Castelleny: But that which is truth is, they shot hard at our first approaching, and so, as in twenty sieges and above that I have been at I never in my whole life saw such fire; which made us at first believe the Townsmen also were in Arms, because according to our conjecture the Soldiers were not enough to defend the Town in that manner.  
The 19th at night fourteen Companies of the French Guards Commanded by Dortie, were relieved by eight Companies of the Swiss Guards with the Count de Soissons their General: That night they advanced not much, for the Guards had left their works in so ill a condition, the Vicomte Turenne had given orders they should by no means go on above 100 or 120 paces, and Commanded the pioneers should be employed in nothing but repairing the works had been so ill made the night before; both by enlarging them, and making them deeper, to such a proportion, that they might advance under covert; which was executed as was desired, they working hard all night to make new where their old works were irremediable, insomuch as the next morning those that came to view the Trenches knew them not when they saw them, they were already so exact.  
This night very few men were lost, because we advanced not very far. The next morning the Enemy made a show again of sallying, some thirty or forty of their Horse coming out some 50 paces from their works, the Volunteers that were then with our Horse pressed on immediately towards them, there being several persons of quality amongst them, whose exploits did daily distinguish them, as amongst others the Comte of S. Paul, the Prince of Marsillac; Lansson, that was then upon the Guard with his Guards the Corpse, and by accident was next them, advanced with forty Horse, as a reserve to the Volunteers, who marched up to their very Pallisadoes, under whose shelter the Enemy retited at first; and there it was the Chevalier de Fourbin, Major of the Guards de Corpse, was wounded in the throat with a Musket, two of the Guards were killed also, and one taken prisoner, having engaged himself too far. We took one of the Enemies too, but he could tell us no news, but that the Townsmen certainly took up Arms, and had listed themselves for the Common defence.  
The 20th at night the Swisses were relieved by fourteen Companies of the Guards of France, who were Commanded by Magalloti, and this night also they made no great progress, being employed in making a line of Communication with the Trenches of Picardy, which they had not begun before; and in this there was never an Officer hurt but Remond an Ensign.  
At the other attaque, I have said there was the Regiment of Picardy, and Orleans, who had opened their Trenches too, and were relieved by the Regiments of Champagne and Plessis Parslin, who with the loss of very few men, made very good works, and I think there was not on Officer hurt, but the Chevalier du Plessis (Master the Camp of the Regiment of his own name) and two Captains of the Regiment of Champagne.  
The third day these two Regiments were relieved by those of Auvergne and Roussillon, who proceeded very well also with the loss of scarce a man, and never an Officer wounded but the Duke of Cheureuse, and he but slightly in the nose.  
The fourth in the morning our Batteries began to play, that is to say, twenty-four pieces of Cannon, of which some carried thirty three pound balls, and others twenty-four; but the place they battered being of great extent, and the Enemy having more great Guns planted against us, than we against them, in spite of all the noise and thunder we made with ours, they forbore not incommodating us much, and especially our Trenches and Batteries with six pieces they had placed upon a Bastion a good distance on the right hand of the breach, and towards which there was not one of ours. Insomuch as during this siege, this Battery did us much mischief, and being planted at the foot of a Windmill on the Bastion, they called every shot that came the Miller's shot: However, the fourth at night it was attempted to raise a new battery of four Guns, upon the right hand of the approaches of the Guards, to remove those pieces from the Bastion that disturbed us. But this work being very near the Counterscarp, and many of the pioneers slain, 'tis possible they did not exactly pursue their directions, and therefore in the morning at break of day they found the work not being well pointed would do but little service against the Bastion, from whence the Miller played his pranks; besides it was not altogether near enough, however they finished it so that on the fifteenth at night they planted four Guns to batter the half moon on the right hand, in case we had stormed that, as some people advised, but others were for falling on only on that in the midst, which covered the Gate of Fere, alleging it was too much to storm three places at one time; in the mean time the works went on, and the seven Companies of Swiss, that relieved the fourteen French Companies, advanced very near the Counterscatp, so as it was conceived they were not above 80 paces off it.  
This day Monsieur was in the Trenches of the Guards Battery, where the Swisses were then with the Count de Soissons: he viewed their works to the very utmost Post, having done the same at the other Battery, that day the Regiments of Saux and Harcourt were there, where notwithstanding all they could say to the contrary he exposed himself much more than persons of his greatness ought in reason to do.  
The other Trench was relieved by the Regiments of Castelnau, and Turenne, who though they met with several halfmoons which the Enemy had made at the angles of the Counterscarpe, were not discouraged from proceeding considerably that night. Amongst the Swiss they lost several men; their Major called Demer, whilst he was giving directions, was shot with a musket in the leg, to no small inconvenience to the party, he being an old Officer, a brave man, and exceedingly experienced in all things of War; there was never another Officer hurt, but of the common Soldiers there were about sixty slain. I know not what the Regiments in the left hand Trenches lost, and therefore I shall say nothing of them.  
This day the Enemy made a show also of a sally, their Horse appearing along their Counterscarp betwixt our Battery and the Port de Malades; but the King being with his Guards near the contrevallation, with a Regiment that bore his own name, commanded by the Prince d' Marsillac, marches himself directly against them, & stopped their journey, they contenting themselves with the firing all the Cannon and Muskets they had, upon all that appeared in the Plain.  
The fifth at night the Trenches were relieved those of the Guards, by the Regiments of Lions and of Louvigny; and those of Picardy, by the Regiments of Saux and Harcourt; these Regiments advanced still, having but few Offices hurt, and not many Soldiers.  
The sixth the King's Regiment relieved the Regiments in the Guards Trenches, but they could proceed but little, because they came at a way that was paved, and as it were fortified with the ruins of Houses, which made the work very difficult, however they found when it was day they were not far from the Counterscarp, because they had several officers wounded, and many Soldiers killed.  
On the left hand the King's Regiment and the Lorrainers entered the Trenches, which they carried on within twelve or fifteen paces of the Counterscarp, without any considerable loss; amongst people of note there was only the Chevalier de Signac slain▪ a young Gentleman, and a Volunteer, who would needs assist every night in carrying on the works, exposing himself always as much as was possible in these sorts of employments.  
I do not always observe the names of the General Officers that Commanded in the Trenches; it is sufficient to tell you there were in the King's Army four Lieutenant Generals, that is to say the Marquis de Bellefons▪ the Marquis de Humieres, the Comte de Duras, and Pradelle; and four Marshals of the Camp, the Marquis of Vivonne, the Marquis of Peguilin, Podwits, and le Bret; of which, two, viz. one Lieutenant General, and one Marshal de Camp, were daily in the Trenches, and gave orders for the security of the Camp, which when they had done they gave constantly their account to the King, or the Marshal General, and then betook themselves to such places as had most need of them. There was every day also one of the Aides of the King's Camp that went to the Trenches to overlook what was done, & continued there as long as the Troops he came with all; there were six of them 〈◊〉 all, who relieved one another by turns, that is to say, the Comte de Lude, the Marquis de Soyecourt, the Comte de Chamilly, the Marquis de Villars, Biscarras, and the Baron de la Garde; of which number the Marquis de Soyecourt falling sick at that time, the Marquis d'Arcy-Martel was by the King deputed in his place.  
The Marshal de Aumonts' Troops being dispersed in several places during the siege of of Lille, the Count de Lorges, Martial of his Camp, was drawn out to assist against Lille, from whence he was Commanded to the Lies, to secure the passage there; but the necessity they had of having more Horse in the Line, made him be Countermanded; and that day the Regiments of Saux and Harcourt were in the Trenches he was there and received a shot in the lower part of his reins, and was the only General Officer was wounded; for that touch that le Bret received (who was a Marshal de Camp likewise) was but inconsiderable.  
Whilst things in the Camp were at this pass, there came intelligence from all parts that the Enemy was drawing together out of all his Garrisons, to form a body, and put some relief into the place; which occasioned a message to the Marquis de Crequy to march away with his Horse and Dragoons only, so as to be in the Camp the 23d of August, in the morning; being ordered for the more expedition to leave his Foot behind, with his Baggage, Powder and Ammunition, to come along after him, under the Command of Espence who was Marshal the Camp to his Army: The King thought good to keep only some of his Regiments of Horse, and 500 of his Dragoons, & send him away with the rest to Comene, a passage upon the Lies, where they were most fearful the Enemy would encamp; for that being but three Leagues from our Camp, they might give great disturbance to the quarters of Duras, Bellefons, and the Lorraines, whose Troops were weakest, for otherwise coming from a greater distance they did not apprehend they could come near our Lines, but we should hear of them.  
Besides this we had intelligence of their march every day; from Ath we had news they were coming that way, and it was probable might attempt that place (wherein there were very few Forces) though it were but to restore the courage of the people, who believed themselves utterly abandoned, seeing no effort made, either for their protection or defence. From Courtray we had advice the Enemy were passing to Gaunt, and so to take the Road to Burges, towards the Sea, where our Garrisons were but small, and our Towns in an ill condition, inasmuch as there was good reason of suspecting some enterprise or other was in hand; Especially they embarking Cannon upon the Canal at Gaunt, to be sent to Burges.  
But all these alarms, and the murmurings of several persons about the King, could not alter the Vicomte de Turenne's pace in the siege, who opposed all their Counsels that advised to deal a little more roundly with the besieged; but all that he pressed with vehemence to the Regiments when they went into the Trenches, was, that they should work well, and securely, not regarding how little they advanced; so that on the seventh day they had fifteen or twenty paces to the Counterscarp left, which not agreeing with the impatience of the Fr●nch, several persons took the liberty to decry him for making so great a business of this Town, and saying, that if they had handled this, as they had done Tournay and Douai, it had been ours before then, the Garrison being no stronger than in those places, seeing all the resistance they could make was only with the Musket, and that principally by volleys, and those most commonly without aim: 'Tis true, the Cannon they had within was well disposed, but it was only against our batteries, where we had twenty-eight pieces of great Cannon to silence the Enemies, if those that were to manage them would ply them hard: that in respect of those five or six pieces upon their Bastion on the right, where as I have said our Batteries could not play, it was an easy matter to make them unserviceable by planting five or six of ours upon a little rising before the Lorraine quarters that was open to the back of that Bastion, and from whence they might easily dismount their Guns: But all the design these people had, was but to lessen the Marshal General, whom they aspersed with protracting the War, for no other end, but to continue his own greatness and Authority.  
And through most quarters of the Army, this was the only discourse, which was intended only to hasten the siege. But the French Guards, and the Regiment of Picardy, having retaken their turn upon the 7th at night, it was imagined they might fall upon the Counterscarp that night; and accordingly the Marquis de Humieres disposing in the evening all his Troops into convenient places, about a eleven a clock shot off three pieces from our Batteries, which was the signal to fall on in two several places, the Guards on the right, and the Picards on the left, which they performed very readily, and with a commanded party ran immediately to their Pallisadoes: at first they made good resistance, and most of them that were drawn out having put themselves out of their reach, it was necessary the Bodies should advance, which they did, with the success they desired, for the Enemy seeing himself attaqu't in several places, began to lessen his fire; and their Pallisadoes being broken by our Cannon in many places, they left their works free for our Troops and Volunteers to get in, which they did, and immediately beat them from their works, and lodged themselves as largely and as conveniently as they could desire: There were some of our Volunteers, with the Marquis Rambures at the head of them, that charged to the very halfmoon, before the Gate, but not being above seven or eight, and the rest of the Officers and Soldiers busy in securing the quarters they had got, they were not relieved; and the Marquis, his Nephew, and three or four of that small party having been wounded they were forced to retire, and the Enemy remained Master of the halfmoon he had almost abandoned: the besieged also gave fire to a Mine that was under the point of the Counterscarp, at the place where the Guards stormed, but without any other effect then removing so much earth and rubbish as was necessary for the accommodation of our lodging. At this storm Cavois, and the Chevalier d' Assigny, both Lieutenants of the Guards, were slain, with four or five Sergeants, and about 100 common Soldiers killed and wounded.  
On the Picards side there were two Captains, Previgny-rambovillet, and Villedieu slain, of the Soldiers I know not the number. There were some Volunteers wounded also in these attaques, amongst the rest the Count of S. Paul, in the Arm, and the Chevalier of Lorraine in the leg, but both slightly. The next day being Thursday the twenty-fourth, the Swisses relieved the French Guards at ten in the morning: The Officers and Soldiers that had been in the storm, not being able to do more by reason of the ill weather it was, the Swisses carried on their Trenches along the Pallisades about eight paces for their enlargement, from the left to the Angle of return; where they made a double about six or seven fathoms, and at the same time began two Mines under their Parapet, with design to have attempted their halfmoon, as soon as they had finished them: one of them being complete about two hours after midnight, Aspremont, that managed them, was of opinion they should not spring it, because he was mistaken seven or eight Fathom, and the hollow of the Mine inclined a little too much to the right hand to be exactly under the corner of the halfmoon; insomuch as they spent the rest of the night in perfecting the other; where many Volunteers had put themselves for occasion of showing their courage, and most of them to accompany the Count de Soisson, who was always at the head of the work; yet he lodged twice in the Trenches for their once, being always on the Guards with the Swisses, who mounted at this work twice in six hours as well as the French Guards.  
When it was day they wrought no further: nevertheless the Marquis being come the next morning to see what they had done over night, and having conferred with Pradelle Lieutenant General that day, and with the Comte de Soissons, the two last resolved to carry on their approaches to the Parapet before they were relieved, that so they might facilitate the attempting the halfmoon to the French Guards, who were to come to their relief; which was immediately undertaken, and very happily performed: for though it was done in the open day, and in spite of all their works, there was but one Soldier killed, and but two wounded, so as by Noon it was capable of receiving five and twenty or thirty men.  
At the same time the French Guards relieved the Trenches, and the Swiss put them in possession of this post, which seemed to be defensible enough; but the enemy having considered of what importance it was, they poured down Soldiers into the ditch of the halfmoon, which was almost dry, and made it inaccessible by a double Palisado on each side of the ditch, placed upon a kind of Freeze, with the points upwards on those on the outside to keep us from going down into the ditch, and the other planted on the top of the Parapet. An invention I had never seen before, and well enough contrived, to make our descent difficult, under which the Enemy lay secure, throwing their Granades into our Trenches, and making a noise as if they were upon the point of sallying; and being protected by their shot from the Courlin, and the traversers they had towards the halfmoon on the right hand, they terrified those that were at the head of the Trenches.  
Godonit, a Lieutenant, Commanded to that quarter, was slain by a Granado; Briconnet that came in his place, was killed there also; and Derville, a Lieutenant that succeeded both in his turn, was shot in three places, and carried off; after him S. Marcell, and S. Seine, two under-Lieutenants were both wounded; Magalotti, that Commanded the battalion of the Guards received a shot from a Musket in his side; Bonvizi, a Captain had another in his mouth, which carried away some of his teeth; Biscarras had one in his arm, and Montgimont, Major of the Regiment of Guards, had a wound he died of a short time after: There were besides some Sergeants, and a considerable number of Soldiers slain; and the work being cleared the Enemy with their Halberds overturned all, and did what they could to stop the mouth of the Mine up till night.  
That which happened in the Trenches being told the King, who from the difficulties of the siege began to be impatient, to bring it to an issue, and the rather because the Rains had incommoded them much, and Marcin was arrived at Ipre with 11 or 12000 men, with a design to fall upon some of our quarters, as he should have opportunity. He Commanded two Companies of Musquetiers into the Trench again, that night, with resolution to fall upon the halfmoon on so many sides as might assuredly render him Master thereof: which succeeded accordingly; the Musquetiers falling on at the same time, on the right and left hand of the point of the halfmoon, and the French Guards on the front, the besieged were not able to sustain them, but after some resistance, retired into the Town in confusion, leaving all their Arms, and some dead in the place, and seven or eight Prisoners: after this the Musquetiers Commanded the Bastines, and the Chevalier de Noailles, Martial de Logis, began to lodge; after them came others of the Regiment of Guards, who with the Chevalier Cauvesson, and Captain Camisson, were drawn out thence, and made a good post, which they kept till the next day about ten or eleven a clock, when the Swisses came to relieve them. The Enemy seeing the halfmoon on the left hand was lost also, they beat a parley, and desired to capitulate.  
This last halfmoon was stormed by the Regiments of Auvergne, and Roussillon, and by 200 commanded men out of the King's Regiment, of whom all the Officers almost were wounded, and some of the other Regiments also; there were some Sergeants killed, and Soldiers a good number; there was at the other storm some seven or eight of the King's Musquetiers, killed, and fifteen or twenty wounded, but of Officers there was only Colbert, Captain of the second Company, that received a shot, and that but slight too. There were several Volunteers hurt, and amongst the rest, the Marquis of Bourbonne lost an eye: The Guards also lost some Soldiers, but they had never an Officer killed, but Arcis Catinat, a Captain who was shot in the knee with a Musket Bullet, and died in a few days after.  
In short, cessation of Arms concluded, the News was carried with all speed to the King, about Saturday noon, and certainly it was as acceptable as could have come; for the Foot began to be weary of the service, and of the ill weather, which for the five or six last nights had been very bad; however the Trenches were reinforced with more exactness than before, because we understood very well the Enemy was at Ipre, and it was of highest reputation to his Majesty's honour that they should put in no relief, now it was so near a surrender.  
Upon this consideration he left his quarters at Loose, and removed to the Marquis of Humieres at Helesme, whither▪ he brought all his Guards the Corpse, and two battalions of French Foot and Swisses, that being the convenientest place to give relief to all quarters, but especially the Lorrainers, where they had no other Foot, than the two Lorraine Regiments, in whom they had no great confidence, as well for their number, as that they were ill armed. Besides, the King was there at the foot as it were of the Trenches, and had intelligence every moment, and his presence made all things be executed with more care and expedition.  
The Enemy having demanded parley, they sent out the Marquis of Richebourg with their propositions, who was received by the Marquis de Bellefons that day, Lieutenant General, and conveyed to the King, of whom he at first desired two or three day's time, in expectation of relief, engaging if they came not, to surrender upon reasonable conditions; but these proposals not answering the impatience the King was in of perfecting his conquest, he sent him back immediately, and commanded the Marquis of Bellefons to renew the Batteries, and ply their Guns as fast as they could. But some of them that attended Richebourg back, having told him his Propositions were unreasonable in the Condition the Town stood then, all their outworks being taken, and the Rampart that remained being hardly defensible; that it would bring the safety of the Town, and the prudence of the Governor in question, who had managed his affairs so honourably hitherto, if by delaying for a few hours, they should incense his Majesty, and make his own condition worse, and expose the people to the hazard of being plundered, and all the calamities of a Sack. Moreover, that he had been overseen not to bring some of the chief Citizens along with him (who were a considerable body) to have a care of their interest in the Capitulation. Now whether he was by these arguments effectually persuaded, or whether he had Order from the Governor, to abate of his former demands, he condescended to propose that some small time might be allowed him to return and confer with the several interests. In short, after some going to and fro, which continued till eight a clock at night, all things were agreed.  
The Governor and the Citizens having jointly sent out their Hostages, the Regiment of Castelnau, which was then in the Trenches on the left side, was about eleven that night put into possession of one of the Gates of the Town, and about eight or nine in the morning the Garrison marched out with Arms and Baggage, their Horse consisted of six Companies of the Regiment of Maciet, of four of Erbais, of three of Gavelans, two of Richebourg, and some others I know not whose, the whole number might be about 7 or 800. The Infantry consisted of 300 natural Spaniards, or thereabouts, drawn out of several Terces, and near as many from Naples, but not so good Soldiers, about as many English, and some 150 Irish, proper men, and who had the appearance of old Soldiers. There was also besides these a part of the Regiment of Rache, which were reported to be but six Companies, but they made up above 600 men, which made it be believed that they being composed of Walloons as they were, the most part of the Curlins of the Town and their new Levies had put themselves into those Companies, because there was not found one person of that kind, though we were informed during the siege that there was 1500 of them within: And this with the Governors' Company consisting of 30 men, was the whole number of their Foot, and all these by an inferior Officer with twenty of the Guards only conducted to the Ipre the Count de Broüay not being persuaded to go anywhere else, because it was rumoured in the Army they would attempt this place again.  
Whilst in this manner the Garrison marched out, and the Champagne Brigade, and two other of Horse, viz. that of Bissy, and that of Resnel entered the Town, the King gave order that the Army should march to see if by any means he could engage the Enemy. It is remarkable, that from the time the King understood they parleyed in the Town, all his trouble was to find out a way to give the Enemy Battle, whilst they were together. Having, to that end had conference with the Marshal Turenne, he made the Marquis of Crequy, with his Horse and Dragoons to march that very night, being Saturday; he gave order also to the Comte de Lillebonne with his Lorrainers, that he should follow the Marquis as fast as was possible: Insomuch as these Troops having refreshed a little at Menene, were the next day encamped beyond Harlebec; and having from thence past the Lis, at Deinse, were advanced as far as the Canal betwixt Bruges and Gaunt. The King having only passed through Lille as it were, and stayed the time of singing a Te deum, marched himself on Sunday after dinner; but it being late he could march that night not above three quarters of a League, which was near the Abbey of Marquette. The next day being Monday, the 29th, he marched very early in the morning, with a design to encamp also at Harlebec, where the two Brigades of Horse belonging to Choiseul and Fourilles were drawn out under the Marquis de Bellefons to march towards Gaunt, and to follow the steps of the Marquis de Crequy, and the Lorrainers. The next day the Army past the Lies at Deinse, where the King took up his quarter, his Troops encamping upon the way, whereby they might upon all occasions relieve the Marquis of Crequy, if there should be any necessity; and the same night he sent away Podwits, Marshal the Camp, with the two Horse Brigades of Ar●agnan an Montauban to join with the Marquis de Bellefons; but they hearing the Marquis had already past the Canal near the Village called Vinderhout, some three quarters of a League from Gaunt, at a Bridge the inhabitants had made for the convenience of their commerce, they followed the same way, and found them encamped in two Villages about a League and a half on the other side of the Bridge. The Marquis of Crequy being always about half a League before to interpose and stop them in case the Enemy's design were to return to Gaunt, as the King, and the Marshal General conceived they would, in which they found afterwards, they were not much deceived: for, Marcin, who was at Ipre, having no news on Sunday noon that Lille did capitulate, and considering there were no Forces left in Gaunt, Brussels, nor generally in all Brabant nor Hinault, he saw plainly all diligence was to be used to retire with his Troops to the relief of those places that might be in great necessity for want of them, so as he discampt within an hour after he had received the news, marching directly for Bruges, and from thence for Gaunt, but with his Horse only, because he judged the Foot would not be able to follow so fast, which obliged him to send them down the River from Ipre to Dixmude by water.  
Marcin being with the greatest diligence he could marched to Bruges, understood there by the people of the Country, that the Marquis of Crequy had passed the Canal, and that he was got into a Country very inconvenient for Horse, where he would have much a do to get off should he advance against him. Upon this he immediately sounds to horse, & putting himself at the head of about 40. divisions, he marched along the way to Gaunt, without any delay, to the place where he heard our Troops were; in which expedition he spent most part of that night, but coming near them, and having taken some Prisoners, he found the Marquis was not alone, that Bellefo●s was not far off, 〈◊〉 at last that the King had passed 〈…〉 at Deinse, all his Troops 〈…〉 along continually on that 〈…〉 know not well how well 〈…〉 this news was to him; but 〈…〉 rtain a party of his of a 〈…〉 100 came up to the Marquis his out Guards about two a clock after midnight, and only giving them an alarm retired.  
The Marquis of Crequy, who had kept those Guards on Horseback all night, commanded out a Cornet with 25 Horse, which was the Guard aforesaid, to follow them immediately, & either bring him some Prisoners, or be taken himself; which was performed happily enough, for within an hour he returned with some Cavaliers Prisoners, which eased the Marquis of the disquiet he was in, by informing him who they were had given him the alarm; and accordingly, at the same instant he gave order to all his Troops to march, keeping before him only that Regiment that had the Guard, which was that day the King's Regiment, Commanded by the Comte de Torigny Matignon, and which was the first of the Marquis de Rovurays Brigade. He had scarce past a League or such a matter in this order, but he overtook three of the Enemy's Troops; who made a head, and took up all the Ground they could possible in that place: our forelorns charged immediately, but having to do with those that were drawn, and stood firm in a good place, which is great advantage in an enclosed Country, they could move them but little; and there could have been nothing but Skirmishing at a distance, had not the Marquis dismounted 100 of his Dragoons commanded by Ranqueil, who being drawn upon the right and left hand of the way, and giving their Volleys at a convenient distance, the Enemy was so startled, that the Marquis, with the Marquis Peguilin, who was sent to him with some Troops from the Marshal d' Aumont, the Comte de Torigny, the Marquis du Rovuray, with ten or twelve Officers besides that were next them, having charged that Troop that had possessed itself of the way, they break it, so that all they that made head at first, took to their heels and fled in spite of all their Officers could do, and were pursued by our Horse above a League, where some of them made a stand, but 'twas but for a short time, for they were routed again, and pursued above two Leagues more, and not one person faced about unless some Officers, who paid dear for their valour. There were many killed, many of the most considerable wounded and taken Prisoners, amongst the rest, the Chevalier Vielleneuve Commissary General of their Horse, the Prince of Salme, the young Rhingrave, Vaudemont, and other Officers, I know not their names; there were also two pair of Kettledrums, and three or four Colours taken, with many Horse, and about 3 or 400 men, insomuch as the Enemy was chased into the Territories of Holland. We lost there some persons of condition, amongst the rest the Marquis of Crequy's Master of the Horse, Gassay Matignon, and some others were wounded, and the Marquis of Crequy and Peguilin had both of them their Horses shot under them.  
On the other side, the Marquis of Bellefons, who, as we said, following four Brigades of Horse, considering with himself that he was in the Rear of all, and that following their steps that were before, he should never see the Enemy, not being able to pass either of one hand or other, by reason of the hedges and enclosures on each side, and conceiving moreover in the confusion they were then in, the Enemy must needs retire to Bruges, he leaves the Troops of Crequy and the Lorrainers to pursue that way, and facing about with his own, he marches about two Leagues to the right hand, without meeting with any thing, when turning again a little to the left he had not marched long but he fell upon the heels of Marcin, who was marching away with 3000 Horse; after he had seen the Van of his Troops disordered, he le●t the way open for such as did run, and in good order retreats towards Bruges, having left his Cravates, and the Holstein Regiments (which he had great Confidence in, being most old Soldiers, and the Colonel a Dane, who not finding his conditions so good under the Emperor, had made a better bargain with the King of Spain) to bring off the Rear. Bellefons Van coming up to the Rear Guard, they charged them immediately with the Queen's Company, and Mousieurs; the first under Villiers Command, the other under Valseme, who were at the head of the Brigade of Choiseul, whose forlorn being well received, they durst not pass a little Bridge the Enemy had before them; but the gross of our Troop coming up, this Holstein Regiment, though it received the charge very well, and rallied often, was at last constrained to give Ground and run, but not with that confusion as they did on Crequy's side: There was 150 Prisoners, and amongst them some considerable Officers, as Don Antonio de Cordove Lieutenant General of their Horse, besides Kettledrums and Colours. On our side also there were some slain, and particularly of the two Companies of the Queen and Monsieur, who had been in the Van all the while: and some Officers wounded, as la Salle, Cornet to Monsieurs light Horse.  
It was not long they were engaged before the news arrived at the Camp, of which Pradelle advertising his Majesty, though it was not five a clock in the morning, his Majesty (who was then at Deinse) was on Horseback before most of his party understood the occasion. And in full Gallop taking his way that lead to the Canal, his Troops had some trouble to keep pace; when he came near the Bridge he put himself at the head of Rocehforts' Brigade, and having taken up for a while to give time for his train to come up, he made an Alt, attending some news from the Vicomte Turenne, who having already past with the Regiments of Monclar and Desfourneaux, was advanced as far as the Village where the Lorrainers lay to be always in readiness for the relief of those should have most need of them. Monsieur, and almost all the persons of quality of the Court, were in this party, and several Volunteers with them. But because the passage was straight and dangerous by reason of an old Channel, over which there was a Bridge of Stone, the Vicomte Turenne would not suffer his Troops to pass till he had first had certain news of the Marquis de Crequy: so as they continued there till two in the afternoon, before they learned by the Prisoners that were carried by, that the Enemy was routed, & our Troops returning to their Camp, which occasioned them all to repair to his Majesty, who was then at the Canal, who after consultation with the Marshal General resolved to stay where he was, till he had news of the Marquis de Bellefons also, for whom he was in great trouble, he not coming in till night.  
Resolution was then taken to encamp near Gaunt, and the King Commands 3000 Foot from the Guards Brigad from Device, having with him no Infantry at all, but some select parties drawn out of the Queen's Regiments and the Sourches, which the Marquis of Crequy had with him to dispose here and there as he saw occasion.  
In the mean time there were some proposed to his Majesty to summon Gaunt, alleging that the Town being great, and having only a Garrison of 200 men in the Castle, and seeing the Troops that were coming to their relief broken and repelled, they might in probability enter into a new Treaty under the protection of France, which was reported to have been already proposed by some of the principal inhabitants, adding moreover that we were to make use of our time, & not neglect such opportunities which happened but seldom, and that there could be no inconvenience at all in the attempt; but the King gave no ear to those propositions, but made answer that he was not in a condition to do it at that time; notwithstanding this expedient was found out, the Comte of Chamilly, as of himself, should desire to speak with some of his acquaintance in the Town, it being impossible but he had gained some in the time of his residence there with the Prince of Condy, and under this pretence give them notice of his Majesty's intention, and sound them what effect the taking of Lille, and the routing of Marcin had had upon their spirits: But this trade lasted not long, for the Governor would not suffer Chamilly to come into the Town, nor speak with any particular person; so as he went as he came, and they thought no more of the Conquest of Gaunt.  
The next morning, which was the last of August the, King returned with his Army to Deinse, from whence he went to Lille, the first of September, leaving the Camp with the Marshal General, with whom he was agreed what course they should steer. It was reported a resolution was taken to attempt no more that year, but to put their Troops into their Winter quarter's the latter end of October, and as many as they could in the places newly conquered, that they might have some refreshments, after the tediousness of the Campania, which began earlier than ordinary, and was more troublesome, by reason their great marches had put them into an ill condition, most of them after a seven years' peace having been unaccustomed to the incommodities of War.  
The Vicomte Turenne remained at Deinse, and the King went from Lille to Arras, where the Queen attended him; from Arras both their Majesties went on to Peronne, and from thence arrived the sixth of September at S. Germane.  
After which the Marshal General having news about the ninth or tenth of the same month that the Enemy was returned to Alost, and fortifying apace, he marched immediately, and in three days coming before the Town, they within refusing to open the Gates, he stormed them the same day he arrived, without any intrenchments at all: the French Guards, and the Regiment of Picardy, with some select men, fell on on two or three several places, but found more resistance than they expected: They lost several out of Picardy, which had thirteen or fourteen Officers wounded, and many Soldiers slain; of the Guards there was one Ensign killed, and some Soldiers, and Bartillac a Lieutenant was with a Musquet-shot shot into the body.  
However the next morning the Enemy surrendered; and marched out with their Arms according to Articles, and presently after we fell a demolishing the works, which though at that time could be of no advantage to us, would have very much incommoded us had the Enemy had time to have maintained them; the Army continued here some time, and from thence went and encamped at Likerque, where there was a Castle made some show of holding out, but not long: Here the Army rested some time, that is, as long as they found any forage; and afterwards they changed their quarters and marched to Gamerage between Ath and Brussels, that they might at once keep what they had got, and eat up the Enemy's Country.  
At length the time being come for drawing into Winter quarters, every Officer General that was designed to any Command went to the quarter appointed him. The Marquis de Bellefons should have Commanded Lille, Orchies, Douai, Courtray, and Armentieres; but whether that employment pleased him not, or whether he had other designs on Foot, he came to the Court himself, and begged of his Majesty he might be permitted to serve him in some other place: Insomuch as the Marquis d' Humieres had his Command, and he the Marquis of Humieres', which was Charleroy, and all the Country between the Sambre and the Meuse. The Count of Duras had under him all the Troops in Tournay, Oudenarde, and Ath: The Comte de Passage was dispatched towards the Sea side with his Troops for securing Bruges, and Furnes. The Government of Bergue was given to Casaux, and that of Furnes, to the Baron de le Garde; Courtray was given to Pertuis Captain of the Guards to Monsieur Turenne: Genlis had Armentieres; Le Brett, Douai, and Rochefort and Oudenarde, who had been Governor there before in the former Wars. They put men also into Orchies, S. Amand, and such other places as he believed might facilitate their Contribution. The Marquis of Crequy, with the most part of the Forces he had commanded this Campagnia, was sent back into Luxembourg, and he had with him for Officers Podwits and the Espence: the Count de Vivonne stayed at Lille, with the Marquis of Hunieres. In short, all the Officers General, which had served in this Campania, except Pradelle and the Marquis of Peguilin, had Commands during the Winter.  
Many people admire that the King broke the course of his Conquest so suddenly, seeing he was absolute Master of the Field, and that after defeat of Marcin, the terror was so great all over the Low Countries, he seemed to have no more to do then to take his choice which Town was the next he would take in; but it ought to be considered, that the ●ear being far gone, and the ●oot much lessened, it was no easy matter to undertake great enterprises, for as much as those places that remained to be taken were very strong and well provided with all things necessary for a long siege; or else of so small importance, they were not worth the pains of thinking of them. Besides, the great Towns we had taken, as Lille, Tournay, Douai, and Courtray, were very hard to be kept; and leaving sufficient Garrisons there, we had not men enough to attempt any thing against Cambray, Valenciennes, or Monts, or any other strong Town in the Country. Wherefore the safest Council was followed, which was to keep what we had got, till we should see what party would side with the house of Austria, and its Allies: And perchance also his Majesty would not take away all hopes of an accommodation from the people, all his Neighbours having interposed, and principally the English, Swede, and Hollander, who offered upon a cessation of Arms to see his Majesty should have reason done. The Pope also had put in, and sent a Nuntio on purpose to Cologne, where all the Deputies of the Princes of Europe were to meet, in oder to find out some expedient for a Peace.  

Here ends the Narrative of the French Writers. Unto which for the Readers satisfaction I shall subjoin the proceedings of the French in Franche Comte the beginning of the next year Campagne, and those few Occurrences in the Netherlands, between the French and Spaniards, which happened between the end of the Campagne, and the conclusion of the Peace.  
THe French Army being retired into their Winter Quarters, Prisoners were exchanged on both sides, and the first action of their new Dominion, was to oblige the Towns lately conquered to contribute towards their maintenance: The Tax was so high that 50000 Livres were imposed upon Lille alone; which Place, and divers other French Garrisons, became shortly after much infested with sicknesses, to which great numbers of the Conquerors themselves were forced to yield without quarter. Now although the terms on which the Towns abovesaid had resigned themselves into the French hands, were fair and easy enough, yet such is the humour of that Nation, that they are by all the world observed to govern their good fortune with little moderation, as accordingly they did at Lille, insomuch that soon after there happened a great Tumult in▪ this City by a quarrel arising between the Citizens and Soldiers; which came to that height, that one of the Captains of the Guard, and about twenty Soldiers, were killed. This accident occasioned an additional supply of three thousand Soldiers more to be added to that Garrison, besides the King's Regiment of Guards, formerly designed to take up their quarter there. And for terror to the City for the future, ten or a dozen of the Citizens were hanged, as the principal causes of this fray, and the whole City disarmed.  
The French King, though retired to Paris (where, and at Versailles, he made most magnificent Entertainments for his whole Court, as Triumphs for his Conquests) yet had his eye still towards the Low Countries, and accordingly designed an Army of twenty thousand men to be sent into Alsatia as soon as the next season should open the Campagne, under the Command of the Prince of Condy; intending also to send another of fifteen thousand into Catalonia, of which his brother the Duke of Orleans was designed General. But the Diet of Ratisbone refusing to undertake the Protection of the Low-Countries, as part of the Roman Empire, in a Warlike manner, till milder courses should be tried, agreed to endeavour to procure a Treaty between the two Crowns; and accordingly several of the Electors sent Agents to the Courts of both Kings. A suspension of Arms was proposed by the King of France, but not accepted, by the Governor of the Spanish-Netherlands, who about the Middle of Winter had a Successor designed him; and by particular Commission from the Queen of Spain he was constituted Sole Plenipotentiary for Negotiating a Peace, whereof the Pope was likewise nominated by her to be Sole Mediator, and the place Aix la Chappelle. Some months passed before it was believed that these Overtures would come to any thing; during which the French King employed all possible diligence in making preparations to invade Franche Comte with an Army under the Prince of Condy, and leaving Paris, put himself upon the way to go thither in person, where he arrived about the beginning of February: On the first of which month, the Prince of Condy with his Army invested the City of Besanzon, sending a summons for its surrender, from whence he was answered that they were ready to receive his Majesty as into an Imperial City. But it being replied, that their City ceased to be so by the Treaty of Munster; and offers being made to them, that upon the giving up their City, they should not have their Privileges in the least infringed, they thought fit to surrender without any resistance. In the mean time the Duke of Luxemburg, with a Regiment of Orleans, and a body of Horse Commanded by the Monsieur de Bligny, with some few other Musquetiers appeared before Salines, immedialy entering the Suburbs, where some opposition was made, the defendants s●tting fire to some houses, and discharging in several great and small shot, killing only one French Soldier, and wounding about eight of the Light-horsemen; but finding little encouragement to make a long defence, they presently surrendered both Town and Castle. The same fortune also ran Besterans, with with the Castle of Rochfort, and some other small Forts. The Government of Bisanzan, was soon after conferred on the Marquis de Villers, and a Swiss Garrison placed therein; and that of Sallies on Monesiur de Maupean.  
On the eleventh of the same month the Prince of Condy came with his Army before Dole, which had been reinforced a little before with an Army of 3 or 4000 Forces of the Militia of the Country; and about two days after the King in person arrived at the Leaguer from Dijon; upon whose coming, Two of the halfmoons belonging to the Town, fell down of themselves and one of their Bastions cleft; which somewhat disheartened the defendants, who nevertheless, refused to return an answer to the summons sent to them; whereupon his Majesty ordered a Battery of thirty Guns to be raised against the Town.  
The Artillery having made a considerable breach in the works on the west side of the Town, order was given to assault the Counterscarpe, on the 25th of February at eight in the Evening in three places, viz. by the Guards Commanded by the Duke de Roquelour; by the Regiments of S. Vallier, and de la Ferte, Commanded by the Count de Guadagne, and the Lion's Regiment Commanded by the Count de Chamilly, who after a stout resistance made themselves masters that night of the Outworks, lodging themselves upon the Counterscarpe, and gaining some halfmoons, in one of which the Marquis de Villeroy, particularly showed eminent proofs of his Valour, himself siezing one of his Enemy's Ensigns. In this attaque were slain the Marquis de Fourilles, Captain of the Guards, with the Lieutenant Colonel of the Regiment of Villeroy, and some other inferior Officers; the Count de S. Mesme, the Sieur Bonvise, and some others hurt.  
The next day his Majesty sent the Marquis de Grammont, to invite them again to a surrender, and he so effectually prevailed upon them, by representing to them th● small probability they had of making a long defence, the great dangers they might run by their further opposition, and the assurance his Majesty gave them for the preservation of their Privileges upon their surrender, that they presently agreed upon Terms, and his Majesty entered the Town the next day, causing Te Deum to be sung for their happy success, and confirming the Government upon the Count de Guadagne.  
The next day, the Army appeared before Grace, and within two days began to open their Trenches; but by the mediation of the Marquis de Yennes, formerly Governor of Franche Comte for the Spaniard, the City was soon prevailed upon to open the Gates. His Majesty conferred the Government of this Place upon the Sieur de Bissy, Campmaster and Commander of a Brigade of Horse.  
About the same time Joux, a considerable place of strength upon the borders of Switzerland, surrendered to a part of the French Army at the first summons, and the Command thereof was given to the Sieur de Chamarante, one of his Majesty's Bedchamber; so likewise did the Fort of S. Anne.  
Thy County being thus almost entirely reduced in the short space of one month, the King in favour of the Prince of Condy, united the same to the Duchy of Burgundy) the Prince's Government) and Granted two Reversions thereof, one to the Duke d' Enguyen his son, and the other to the Duke de Bourbon his Grandson. He likewise made the Marquis d' Yennes Lieutenant General of his Forces there, allowing him the same Pension which formerly he received from Spain, and giving the Command of a Regiment of Horse to the Count de S. Amour his Nephew, for his good service in winning the said Marquis to a compliance, whereby the nimble Conquest of this County was much facilitated.  
This settlement being constituted there, the French Forces drew off towards Luxembourg, and the King returned to Paris in the latter end of February.  
During the Winter, the French and Spanish Forces in Flanders, made several excursion in Parties with various success; nothing considerable being achieved by the Former, but the reduction of the Castles of Winnedale and Ligny.  
The King of great Britain, and the States of the United Netherlands having entered into a League for an efficacious Mediation of Peace between the two Crowns now in War, and obtained from the Most Christian King a promise he would lay down his Arms on a condition the Spaniards would either quit to him all those places already taken by him in the last years Expedition; or else transfer to him the Remainder of their right to the Duchy of Luxembourg (or to the County of Burgundy) together with Cambray, Cambresis, Douai, Air, S. Omers, Bergue, S. Wynox, Fuernes and Link, with their dependences; (in which case the French wer● to restore to the Spaniards all the places already taken) In which League it was further agreed between the King of England and those States, to employ force to bring the two Crowns to accept of these terms, if either of them should refuse the same; The French King accepted of the same, and in order to an accommodation accordingly proposed a cessation of all Acts of Hostility during the months of March, April, and May following; to which also the Marquis de Castle Rodrigo consented, and nominated the Baron of Bergeyck to be sent with sufficient Powers and Instructions to Aix la Chappelle to assist at the Treaty of Peace there.  
Notwithstanding the cessation, the French forbore not to make all possible Preparations for War; and Monsieur de Bellefons and Duras pretending want of notice of the cessation, (which they would not take from any besides their General) invested Guena, and in a few days constrained the same to be surrendered.  
But the French King thought not fit to hold a place, which had been taken during the Truce; and therefore, even before the Treaty, gave order for the delivering of it back into the hands of the Spaniards: But withal he declared that he would take the Field in the beginning of April, and unless the Peace were perfectly concluded by the 25th of May next ensuing, it should be free for him to pursue his Conquests; yet obliging himself, in case of Peace by that time to restore back to the Spaniards all such places as he should make himself master of by his Arms.  
Monsieur Colbert was employed by his French Majesty to Aix la Chappel for negotiating the Peace, and the Heer Van Beverning by the United Provinces, as Sir William Temple, Resident at Brussels for his Majesty of Great Britain was likewise ordered thither for the same effect: Signieur Aug. Franciotti Plenipotentiary for the Pope, and three Plenipotentiaries more from the three Ecclesiastical Electors of Germany.  
In the mean time the French King gives command for the demolishing of the Fortifications of most of the considerable Towns which he had taken in Franche Comte, and also for the building of a Citadel at Besanzon. The former was accordingly executed; but in regard the Peace began now to be hopeful, it was thought fit to forbore the latter.  
After many doubts concerning the issue of this Treaty, at last the Plenipotentiaries signed an agreement on the second of May, which being ratified by the French King and the Queen Regent of Spain, was proclaimed at Brussels on the 30th of the same month, and shortly after sworn to by both Kings.  
The substance of this conclusion was, (1.) That the most Christian King should keep and effectually enjoy all Places, Forts, etc. that he had taken or fortified by Arms during the last years Campagne, viz. The fortresses of Charleroy, the Towns of Binch and Atthe, the the Places of Douai, the Fort of Scarpe being comprised, Tournay, Oudenard, Lille, Armentieres, Courtray, Bergues, and Fuernes, and all their Baliwicks, Castlewicks', Appurtenances and dependences, by what name soever called, as far as ever they extend; the Catholic King for himself and his Successors renouncing and disclaiming the same for ever. (2.) That immediately after the Publication of the Peace, the French King should withdraw his Forces from the Garrisons of all Places, Towns, Castles and Forts of the County of Burgundy, commonly called lafoy Franche Comte, and restore the same to the Catholic King. (3.) That the Treaty of of the Pyreneans stand good and valid, without any prejudice by this present Treaty.  
FINIS.