A DISCOURSE CONCERNING THE GROUNDS & CAUSES of this miserable civil war; Wherein Ireland is exhausted, England wasted, and Scotland likely to be embroiled: and wherein not only Liberty, but Religion is endangered, etc.  
KING CHARLES was within few late years, quietly possessed of three flourishing Kingdoms; and for a while, as his subjects seerned to enjoy all the blandishments of peace under his reign, to the envy of other Nations; so he appeared eminently glorious in the inviolable loyalty and obedience of his subjects; ●o the inciting of envy amongst other Princes.  
But to that serene, delightful calm; a most dismal tempest hath since succeeded; and in so short a traverse of time a more woeful, desperate Catastrophe (than this which now confounds: both King and subjects) was scarce ever brought about in any other Country. All our gamesome Holidays passed, seem now to us like the sleep of jonah in the ship, the trance thereof only locked up our senses for a while, that we might be betrayed to the greater horror and amazement, when the incursion of unexpected ralamities should immediately seize us under so dead and stupid a condition. Ireland already is become as sad a spectacle as the ruthless hand of war ever made any since Vespasians days: and England, though it sinks a little more slowly, yet is in the posture of sinking, and is not to be supported but by a divine hand more than ordinary: and lastly, Scotland is but one degree only more removed from destruction. The greater the Popish faction is in Scotland, and the more potent that Court-party there is, which suggests to itself probable advantages out of the shipwreck of broken England, the more inevitably is that Nation owned and destined to the same ruin as England; let not dreams infatuate, she must expect the same line to be stretched over her, as England has, if she prevent not her fate by some sisterly assistance, whilst it is thus distant, she shall certainly unpitied perish at its nearer approach.  
But the Question is, Whence did these unnatural broils spring and arise; Hath the King's misgovernment, or the Nations rebellious disposition, caused these sudden distempers? has all this discord been stirred principally by Ecclesiastical or Civil Persons? and have their ends been temporal or spiritual? How does that commotion which was in Scotland differ in cause from ours in England; or this in England from that in Ireland? Has it been the same design carried on for many years together, from whose maturity at length all our troubles in all the three Nations have been derived? Or have the Scots occasionally aimed at one thing, the Irish at another, and the English at another? If the Rebels in Ireland, and the Parliament in England have purposes diametrically opposite, how is it that the King protests against both? how comes it, that he wages a war upon the Parliament, that is as favourable to the Irish, as destructive to the English? And if the Scots and the English propose the same thing, how is it that the English are thus implacably Prosecuted, whilst the Scots are friendly entreated? How is it, that Papists are so far united, yea, even in Ireland where they pretend for the King, contrary to the acknowledgement of our Court, yet all of them move undevided, and in England, where they fight for the King, and are accordingly entertained and allowed so to do; yet still they are unanimous, whereas Protestants hold no perfect correspondence any where, in Ireland they join against Papists, yet favour the Papists cause in England; and in England they fight under Popish Banners, and by consequence maintain the Romish faith, both in England and Ireland? And if these miseries have been not mere late accidental events, but the studied and prepared accomplishments and productions of divers former years, then whether is't more probable, that the Parliament, hath been this long time busy in plotting against the Court, or the Court against the Parliament?  
To give satisfaction to all men in all these Queeries, will be difficult; but to give satisfaction to all honest Protestants, and to convince all our most subtle enemies, be they Protestants or Papists, will not be impossible; and therefore my utmost skill shall endeavour it. And if this age will not give me credit therein, I am certain the next will; I will commandingly say, That it shall without dissent and denial receive and acknowledge these truths which I now deliver.  
The sons of the jews erected Trophies, and built Monuments of honour for those Prophets which had been stoned in the ages before, and yet at the same time, perhaps they maliciously murdered the true successors of the same Prophets; such difference is there betwixt the evidence of present and past truth; nevertheless, I shall for the present lie the less obnoxious to contradiction or distrust, because I shall not so much insist upon conjectures or nude averments of my own, as the censures of strangers and Papists; and the judgements of other Statesmen, whose partiality herein is the less to be suspected.  
The great tyranny and usurpation of Roman Prelates, who (to purchase to themselves an Ecclesiastical Empire, more large and uncontroleable than any temporal Monarch ever challenged) had perverted Religion and innovated the whole frame of Christianity; began to be discovered to many in England about 120 years since: Henry the eighth also, so fare as his own Crown was concerned therein, was willing to countenance the discovery; but as for a total reformation of Religion, or redemption of his subjects liberty from popish thraldom, no such thought ever entered into his breast. 'Twas indifferent to him on the same day, and in the same place, to hang a Papist maintaining the Pope's supremacy, and to burn a Protestant denying those corruptions of Religion whereupon that supemacy was founded: so indigested and rude a Chaos of Doctrine was that which he sought to authorize and to daub over with his untempered mortar. Edward the sixth, by a more blessed illumination, set himself to pull down the whole fabric, and to raze the very foundation of Hierarchy; and had it not been a work of more years, than it pleased God to add to his life, he surely had not left one stone upon another. Queen Marry set herself as entirely to repair the Pope's Empire, as her brother did to ruin it; yea, even to the effusion of much blood, with a more fierce zeal she laboured in it, and had not death overtaken her, and the hand of God otherwise crossed her, perhaps no hopes had been left for a new restauration under her successor. Queen Elizabeth, with as perfect an integrity as either her brothers was in maintenance of truth, or her sisters in maintenance of superstition, applied herself and her utmost power to restore Religion again in full conformity to her brother, and opposition to her sister.  
Two admirable Councillors she had, Cecyll and Bacon, both cordial and totally addicted to the Protestant Religion: the honour of whom leaves her honour unquestionable; for as much as to choose good instruments is the noblest testimony of goodness: and the influence of Princes upon servants, is greater than that of servants upon Princes. I have heard that the then Earl of Pembroke being solicited by other Court Grandees, to erter into a confederacy with them about some alteration in Church and State, he told them plainly, he durst not venture his manner of Wilton in the business, unless Cecyll and Bacon were first hanged at the Court gate; and to hang them would be a matter not to be compassed, till they with their Rhetoric in Cheapside should avert the Citizen's hearts from them, and that he left as a fond conceit. Nevertheless, in censure of Queen Elizabeth, some have said that she swept the room clean, but yet left all the dust heaped up behind the door, and did not carry it forth as she ought to have done. Their meaning, I conceive, is, that though she much awed and restrained both Prelates and Papists, so as they durst not attempt any thing against the constitution of this State, during her reign; yet she left them not in so desperate a condition, but that they did recover strength, and reunite again after her death. This censure seems to me too harsh: for Prelates without the copulation of Papists to gender a filthy spawn upon them, are not of any considerable danger; and Papists by her long and prosperous reign, were as much quelled and disabled, as possible they could be. If any dust was left behind the door, 'twas because her life-time was not extensive enough for the carrying it forth; forth reduction of Ireland was very late, she scarce survived it, and yet to make the Irish Protestants, was of fare more difficulty, and would consume longer time then to make them subjects.  
The propogation of the true Faith therefore in Ireland, was a task which Queen Elizabeth was of necessity to leave to her successors; and 'tis very probable, had they begun where she desisted, and not deviated from her resolution, that Kingdom had long ere this, afforded as many Protestants as subjects; whereas now it denies both: for doubtless Q. Elizabeth at her decease, left Ireland in better disposition to conform to England, than she found England in at her sister's decease to revolt from Rome, and therefore with the same industry her successors might have done the same in Ireland as she had done in England. But alas, no such course was taken there, we have reason to think rather that Popery was cherished and preserved in Ireland, to make way for these tragical divisions, then that there was any design or undertaking to plant Protestantisme in it, for the establishing further union between the nations: The example of Q. Elizabeth, to whom the protection of God was as constant in saving her from the bloody Emissaries of Rome, did not work so strongly to animate King james: as the Apostasy of Henry the French King, whom God deserted for his desertion, did serve to intimidate him. The revolt of Henry the fourth, who gained the Title of Great by his warlike achievements, and the horrible conjuration of the Powder Traitors here in England made so strong impression upon the soft and mild temper of King james; that to temporise a little with Rome, for better security of his Person, appeared at that time very seasonable; wherefore to dally with Antichrist a little, letters were written to Cardinal Perrone, and answers received about a reconciliation of Religions, and in order thereunto, the rigour of penal laws was rebated; nay, countenance was showed to Papists, the grandour of Prelates and pomp of Ceremonies in the Church began to be affected. The nearer also that King james his end approached, the more it resembled salomon's, and grew tainted with the foul symptoms of a declination; in so much that scarce any but Papists were admitted to govern his Counsels, and then the whole Kingdom began to be exposed as a prey, to Spanish, French, Italian pensioners. It was well observed by the Duke of Rouen that no Prince in Europe so much opposed his own interests, both in civil and religious affairs as King james; for, doubtless the Pope by his agents in all Church matters, was more potent than the King himself; and so was Gundamore in matters of State, had not the French and Dutch, and some other Nations interfered with the Pope and Spantard, and given gold for some part in us rather to save us, then that we should be lost to their enemies; doubtless we had been disposed of quickly; our happiness was, that France was liberal enough to buy us from Spain, and Spain liberal enough to buy us from France, etc. though our misery was, that both sides pulled away more from us, than they parted withal from themselves. And now when three Kingdoms are under the subjection of one Prince, who is under the subjection of one lustful, rash, young Favourite, and that Favourite solely at the devotion of his vicious, opprobrious, mischievous mother, and that mother a mere Votaress to Rome, utterly forfeited, resigned, and sold to the commands of Jesuits: When our miserable Nations are in this ridiculous, preposterous posture of government, who can wonder that a Spanish or French Match for our Prince should be designed? As great a mass of treasure might have been received with a Germane Lady, and that with less expense (for the portion of Spain or France can scarce equal the charge of fetching it) all that can be said is, Pistols and Patachoons are more valuable than Dollars, in our judgement. Alliance also amongst Princes, if it be of any, it is of dangerous consequence, it is certain to produce real enmity and emulation: but it is uncertain to produce so much as a shadow of amity and union, especially amongst Princes of the Romish Religion. If we negotiate concerning a marriage with the Spanish Infanta, 'tis necessary that we keep fair intelligence with France, and capitulate strongly with the Germane Princes: and if we break off with Spain, and treat with the French Lady, 'tis necessary that we enter into a new confederacy with Spain, and prepare a Fleet for the Isle of Rhees. So much weaker than cobwebs are the bonds of matrimony amongst ambitious Monarches.  
Something also may be said against the incestuous extractions of the House of Austria, and the Florentine mixtures of the House of Bourbon; whereas the nobility, chastity, and beauty of the Germane Dames, hath ever been not only beyond all exception, but also beyond all comparison. Nothing then but Popery (unless we will add also the manifold mifchiefes of Popery) could be aimed at in a Popish Alliance by those devilish Engineers, which were the insolent Lords of our Lords, or rather of our Lords, Lords, Lords.  
And if we desire further satisfaction therein, let us consider the substance of the Pope's letter written the 20 of April, 1623. to our Prince in Spain, and our Princes Answer thereunto, as they are faithfully translated, and registered by Du Chesne the French Geographer, in his Book, fol. 1162.  
The Pope's Rhetoric in brief flows thus:  
MOst noble Prince: the former Kings of Britain have been very famous for their devotion to the Pope's Chair, and now though the state of the English Church be altered, yet the Court is adorned with such moral virtues, as may support our charity; and the more the glory of your most clement Father, and the resentment of your royal nature (or inclination) delights us, the more ardour there is in us, to open the gates of Heaven to you. We commend your design, which hath directed you to take a journey into Spain, to ally yourself to the House of Austria, it elevates us to the hope of extraordinary advantage; our open testimony is in this present affair, that you are he which has the principal care and regard of our Prelacy: for since you desire to take in marriage a daughter of Spain, we easily conjecture that your progenitors Zeal may again revive in your soul; and it's not credible, that he that loves such alliance should hate the Catholic Religion, or take delight in oppressing the holy Seat. Therefore public intercession is made continually by our command, that you may be put into possession of that most noble heritage, which your Ancestors have purchased for you, to defend the authority of the Sovereign Bishop, and to combat against the monsters of heresy. The most sacred Kings of England came formerly from England to Rome accompanied with Angels, to honour and do homage to the Prince of the Apostles in his Chair Apostolical: let their actions be as so many voices of God, to exhort you to the same, and to bring you back again into the lap of the Roman Church. Their sighs and groans are ancessant for your salvation, and you cannot give greater consolation to Christendom, than to put the Prince of the Apostles into possession of your most noble Isle, holding his authority as the defence of your Kengdomes, and as a Divine Oracle. Our great charity makes us desire, that you and your royal Father may be ennobled with the names of Deliverers and Restauratours of the ancient paternal Religion of Britain: and the care of our charity in this is no other, than to procure your happiness.  
The Answer in short is thus couched.  
Most holy Father: I received your Sanctities dispatch with grand contentment, and with a respect beseeming the piety and benevolence thereof. I have read the Eulogies of my Royal progenitors, who have exposed their estates and lives for the exaltation of the holy Chair, (set before mine eyes by your Holiness for imitation) with pleasure unexpressible, and as justly deserved by them. Neither was their courage against the enemies of the Cross less, than the thought and care which I have to unite all Christian Princes: nor do I esteem it a greater honour to be descended of so great Princes, than to represent them in the Zeal of their piety. The knowledge which I have of my most honoured Father's mind, and the concurrence of his Catholic Majesty, to whom the present divisions of Christian Princes is so grievous; and the foresight of your Holiness, who judged this marriage with the Infanta of Spain necessary for procuring of public union, and therefore designed it, are great encouragements to me. Wherefore 'tis most certain, I shall never be so extremely affectionate to any thing in the world, as to seek alliance with a Prince that hath the same sense of true Religion with myself. I have been always very far from encouraging novelties, or being a party in any faction against the Catholic, Apostolic, Roman Religion: but have sought all occasions to remove such suspicions from resting on me. And for the future, since we all believe in one jesus Christ, I will strain all my power to have but one religion and one faith; and I am resolved to spare nothing in the world, but to suffer all manner of discommodities, even to the hazard of life and estate, for the effecting hereof. It rests only, that I thank your Holiness for your permission and accord herein; and I pray God to bless you, for the great travail which your Holiness hath sustained in his Church.  
If this was Court-dissimulation, God's name was too far used in it, and the dissimulation has extended further than to language; the main affairs of our Court and Church, for many years together, have been conformable to the same expressions. And if here was plain meaning without dissimulation, no words of man can more fully and clearly justify Popery, and protest against the novelties and heresies of the Reformed Churches than these do. And the Pope, it seems, suspected no dissimulation herein, nor his Counsellors, and principal Ministers, (and yet they are not usually gulled, or blinded, or outdone in that kind of Craft) and for proof hereof, I will instance in Father john de Monte-Major of the Society of jesus, and I will be very brief herein, and confine myself only to him. This Jesuit was a subtle Statesman (●s we may perceive by his arguments now in print) and in the junto at Madrid, when the marriage of the Infanta with our Prince was upon debate, for answer to such difficulties and objections as some other of the junto had offered to oppose the marriage, he divers times insisted upon such points as these: Since the Prince is a man settled in his manners, and makes great account of our holy Law, it may with sufficient probability be heaped, that by the good example of the most illustrious Infanta, and all her Attendants, both men and women, and by the holiness and doctrine of her Confessor, he will be easily brought to our holy faith. fol. 6. a. And therefore as we have seen that the Prince and his father have kept their agreement made at the Treaty of peace, for the well using of Catholics; and we are informed out of England, that this year in the holy week within London, there have been at the Communion 4000 Catholics in the Ambassador's house, and that they have made 40 monuments, no body speaking one word to control them: fol. 7. a. Both the Prince and his father do extremely desire the friendship of his Holiness, and of Spain, which Henry the eighth little did care for: and that's the reason which moveth the Prince and his father to procure this marriage, is to establish the said friedship with the Apostolic See, and the Crown of Spain, fol. 7. b. Another principal thing to be observed is, that the Prince (at all other English and French Heretics do) believe that we are saved, keeping the religion of the Church of Rome. fol. 8. b. There are sufficient signs showing that the King of England is well affected to our Religion, since it appears he with such care and pains endeavours to match his son with a spouse so much Catholic, daughter to so Catholic Parents, and he being the only Heir of his Kingdom, against the advice of all the Heretics, and all his Counsellors, and all the enemies of this Crown, hath sent him with great danger of his health and life, etc. All which is a great sign, that he being moved with some great light from Heaven, desires to forsake the new Religion he professeth, and to return to the old one professed by his Predecessors, for so many ages. The Prince gives clear testimony to be well affected to our holy Law, since he believeth, and hath spoken it to divers persons, that those that follow the same are saved in it, etc. being Grandchild to a Grandmother that died a Martyr. fol. 9 a. Thus great hope may be, that the whole Kingdom shall be reduced to the Catholic Faith. fol. 9 b. It is to be noted how earnestly this match hath been pursued and treated for, both with his Holiness and other persons, debated in many Juntoes by most learned men. fol. 10. b. There shall be kept a public Church in London for the Catholics, a Bishop of that City, liberty of conscience, the children shall be brought up by their mother (the Infanta) till they be fourteen years of age, etc.  
Where such great Agents of the Hierarchy have not only delivered their judgements so plainly, but also set forth the reasons whereupon their judgements are grounded so clearly, I shall forbear any further to deliver mine. These things are public enough in the Spanish tongue. But let us stay no more upon times so long ago elapsed, let us for brevity sake omit all discourse concerning the wars in Bohemia, the Palatinate, Rochel, and other countries, where our false promises of supplies and aids, purposely (as is thought) destroyed the Protestant cause; let us now lightly pass over the former part of these last twenty years, and chief fix our discourse upon the alterations and innovations of the latter part thereof. Whilst the Queen was very young, and the plot of our Hierarchists not fully ripe, the Babylonish Mysteries were not fit to be revealed: and yet even in those times, the work went on darkly and insensibly, and some use was made of the very looseness and excess of those times, to help on the perfection thereof.  
This violent sharp malady, of which we labour so distressedly at this present, began to seize the vitals of this State, long before its violence appeared, and the venom thereof, as if it were of affinity with that of the Tarantula, whilst it was in its slow growth, caused rather fits of jollity, than pangs of dolour in us. That which is now murder, rapine, lamentation, was within these twenty years masking, triumphing, revelling; so that he that writes the story of our overthrow, must say that we drunk, and danced, and sported ourselves to death: some mortal and noxious potions may yet be delicate to the palate, and others of medicinal and salubrious virtue may offend the taste very much: so it is with times, some abounding in dissolute merriment, may yet conduce to a Nations overthrow, whilst others more sad and uncouth may be helpful towards a recovery. 'Tis not just therefore in the enemies of Parliaments, to ascribe the cause of our present miseries to the Parliament, or to exclaim against these times for being as yet miserable: neither ought they so much to boast of that false betraying jollity, which we seemed heretofore to enjoy. 'Tis now about ten years since a Nuntio came over from the Pope, the business before was transacted by Sir Toby Mathewes, and some other more privy Instruments; for we must not think that a Nuntio was sent, till his way was before made, and entertainment agreed upon, and that agreement also (we must needs think) had its preparations, and previous considerations: but to limit our discourse to these last ten years, and to give a very brief account of them, from the mouth of such as are not partial, let us in the first place make use of that Censure and Narrative which hath been lately published in Print, and is entitled, The Pope's Nuntio, etc. The Author of that Discourse, was a Venetian, and seems a man equally ingenuous and observing, and because he was a Papist, we may not think he did utter any untruth to the disadvantage of his own religion; and because he was employed in state-matters at Court, we may guess that what he composed was for the most part of things within his own knowledge and privity; the piece also is faithfully translated out of the Italian and French, and was valued and preferred as a thing not fit for vulgar eyes by great Statesmen of other Nations; and there are few of our own Nation and Religion that had any sight into Court affairs, but they know well, much more might have been said, and is likely yet to be discovered. However by the light of that Pamphlet, we shall be informed, that the word Popery is of various ambiguous signification; so that he which abjures the Romish Religion, may yet like well of a reconciliation with Rome. And Reconciliation in the next place, is a thing that may admit of such and such degrees and steps both of one side and the other, and such fraud may be used in a Treaty of reconciliation, that one side may condescend to more than is intended, and the other gain more than is pretended; and in all these points, our Venetian, if he be rightly and throughly understood, will satisfy our doubts, and clear our ambiguities; I shall desire therefore all impartial disengaged men, to review our Venetians discourse with me, and to give me leave to descant thereupon a little, whilst I fetch my considerations no higher nor further than the method and guidance of that Pamphlet directs me: our Venetian tells us, that King Charles once was heard to say, that He could at that time reconcile himself to the Church of Rome with much advantage: for our better information therein, and that we may neither mistake the King's intention, nor conceal our own danger, let us make use of our Venetians discourse in these five particulars:  

1 Let us from hence learn to understand what the reconciliation was; and how far each side should comply and submit according to the capitulation.  
2 Who were the parties to be reconciled.  
3 What were the expedients and means of effecting or speeding this reconciliation.  
4 What that profit and great advantage was, which the King promised to himself by this reconciliation.  
5 What the difficulties and obstacles were which did retard this reconciliation.   
1 We shall do well, first to take into our consideration the articles and capitulation betwixt both parties, whereby it was agreed how far the Papists should meet the Protestants, and how far the Protestants should advance towards the Papists; the Pope was to move towards us but very slowly, in a pace exceeding majestical; his Holiness was pleased, not without much difficulty to dispense with four things: First, that marriage might be permitted to Priests: Secondly, that the oath of allegiance and supremacy, so far as it concerned the King's temporal power, with some mild interpretations or alterations might be tolerated for his Majesty's security: Thirdly, that the Communion might be administered sub utraque specie: Fourthly, that the liturgy might be officiated in the English tongue. These two last articles were for the satisfaction of the people. 'Twas the great zeal of Canterbury to capitulate for these things, to make the entrance of Popery the more smooth at first; and this was about the latter end of August, or the beginning of September, 1636. during the residence of Signior Con; and though our Venetian help us not herein, yet this is known sufficiently, and can be averred otherwise; nevertheless, we may probably conjecture, that what did concern the King herein, should have been really performed, so far forth as other Catholic Princes usually enjoy, and expect as their due; and so far as the Bishops were to be independent both from King and Pope (which was the main scope and purpose of the agreement, though not mentioned at all in the articles) there was no fear of breach on the Pope's part, but so far as the inferior Clergy, and the people were concerned, the after performance (it is to be suspected) was to be left to the Pope's discretion, the conditions being only of temporal advantage, rather fit to induce than to confirm Popery. This seems the more likely to be true, because of the great facility which was in our Divines to comply with the Papists of their own accord without any allurements, or follicitation at all; the Papists were not so backward in walking towards Calvin, as the Protestants were hasty in running towards the Pope; for even before any Treaty at all, or before any Nuntio sent from Rome, we had condescended to many popish innovations, and alterations, both in doctrine and discipline; and 'twas at our entreaty, that any Nuntio was dispatched at all. It is not worth while to reckon up here, what novelties had been patronised, and by whom, how far Sparrow had paved the way for auricular confession, Watts for penance, Heylin for altar-worship, Montague for Saint-worship, Laud for the Mass, and many others; it is not worth while to recite, how far the sanctity of the Sabbath was depraved, and all strictness of life under the scandal of Puritanisme disparaged, or how far Arminianism, Socinianism, Atheism itself was countenanced, the easier to debosh the Clergy, and people, and to prepare them for alterations of any kind, it having been observed; that to some men irreligion itself seemed less offensive than the Popish Religion: our Venetians own words are; The Universities, Bishops and Divines of this Realm, do daily embrace Catholic opinions, though they profess it not with open mouth, for fear of the Puritans: for example, they hold that the Church of Rome is a true Church; that the Pope is superior to all Bishops; that to him it appertains to call general Counsels; that it is lawful to pray for the soul's departeds; that Altars ought to be erected; in sum, they believe all that is taught by the Church, but not by the Court of Rome. In another place he reports the King to be much a favourer of Confession, and says, that by his countenance, Catholics did increase daily.  
At the Council of Trent all matters concerning the Court of Rome, which are of themselves but disputable, were determined and enjoined as points of faith to be believed upon strict pain of damnation; but matters of faith indeed, concerning the Church of Rome, were left disputable, and no Anathema annexed to them. Now, the Court of England having contrary interests in this respect, was not so far Popish, and therefore Canterbury himself would ever profess against these Tridentine Papists, whom only he hated as Papists properly so called. Nevertheless, we must not conceive, that the English Laiety had been in a condition any whit better or gentler, because the King and the Clergy here were so stiff against the Court of Rome; for what the King & our great Primate did deny to the Pope, it was intended to be reserved in the same rigour to themselves. The Papist properly so called in Canterbury's sense so much to be abominated, was he which maintained a supremacy of the Pope here in England altogether incompatible with the oath of Allegiance, and not agreeing with the Archbishop's Metropolitical power. Without any Treaty, without any difficulty at all, all Popery which was not Popery properly so called; that is, all Popety so far as the people and inferior Clergy were interessed in it, so it did not savour of the Court of Rome; nay, let it savour of the Court of Rome, so it did not derogate any thing from the King in temporalibus, or the Archbishop's independecy in spiritualibus; so far it was acceptable to the Prelates, and they would be assisting to recommend, or enforce it on all others. This was the sum of our reconciliation with Rome.  
2 Secondly, I come now to the two parties which were to be reconciled; and they were the Protestants and Papists, divided hitherto by the Puritans: our Venetian resolves not only who are, but also what are Protestants and Puritans both; and as for the Papists, the third great faction, they need no description at all: if we desire to know who are Protestants, our Venetian tells us, They consist of the King, the Nobles Titular, that is, the Court Lords, and Gentlemen, or such of the Peerage and Gentry, as are ennobled and raised to more than ordinary favours, and honours, besides almost all the Prelates, and both the Universities: If we desire to know what it is that denominates them Protestant's, 'tis intimated in this that they hate Puritans more than they hate Papists, that they easily combine with Papists to extirpate Puritans, that they are such as have not so engaged themselves to the Reformed Religion, but that they have since set themselves to reduce themselves again to the old practice of their forefathers: that they are only very opinative in excluding the Pope's supremacy, and by this means have occasioned the Catholics, which frequented Protestant Churches for 12 years after the Reformation to sequester themselves. If we desire to know who are Puritans, He tells us, they consist of some Bishops, all the Gentry and Communality, and therefore are the most potent of all the three parties: If we desire to know what Puritans are, and what is intended in that denomination; he tells us, They are such as received the discipline of the French and Netherlanders, & hold not the English Reformation to be so perfect, as that which Calvin instituted at Geneva: That they hate Catholic more than they hate Protestants, that they would be easily quitted were it not for some great Patrons of theirs at Court, who for private ends take them into Protection.  
If this be a true account given (as it seems to me beyond all doubt) the greatest part of the Gentry and Communality of England, under the odious term of Puritans is to be oppressed, and destroyed merely because they honour Calvin, and are averse from the Pope. The name of Protestant also is to be appropriated to the King, the Nobility, the Prelates, and Universities, merely because they hate the Gentry and Commonalty, or the Generality thereof more than they hate Papists: and lastly the Papist and the Protestant that they may be more fully incorporated, both of them shall be gratified, and their Union solemnised, as it were with the ruin of the third and most Potent party of the Kingdom.  
This was that great and godly work which was so magnified by Doctor Heylin and and other Court Chaplains of late; this was that rare bloody machination which his Grace of Canterbury and the other Grandees of our Church recommended to us, as the pious inclination of the times, and as a more beautiful restoration of the Gospel, than that which Luther and Calvin laboured to advance. Rome had not such pregnant hopes of regaining England fifty years ago: for then (as a great Romanist complained) opposition was made, not only by a puritan-City, and a puritan-Parliament, but a puritan-Queene also. It should seem the City of London was puritanical from the beginning, and so was the Parliament; in which two is comprised all that is noble and worthy in the kingdom of England: but who would imagine that so inconsiderable a party as the Papists and semi-Papists were in Queen Elizabeth's days, should dare to asperse, not only the whole kingdom, but even the Queen herself? and who can wonder, if in these times, London and the Parliament have new brands of disgrace, worse than that of Puritan fixed upon them, (The King himself now appearing against them) if they could not go unbranded when that unparallelled Lady professed with them? yet we cannot ascribe this so much to the policy of the Clergy, as the blockishness of the Laity, that the Hierarchy prevails so far: for if whole Cities, whole Parliaments, whole Nations, are to be conquered with the mere calumnious words of Puritan, Roundhead, Anabaptist. etc. Who is able to stand before them? can it be imagined that the same faction should forbear to call us Roundheads which upbraided Q. Elizabeth as a Puritan, especially, when by their coming upon the King they have gotten that advantage now? Which then they had no hopes to get, nor can it be imagined that that party will fall from its preferment and hopes, rather than to satisfy so sottish a generation, it will take the pains to invent one reviling term of scurrility? surely the world for these many ages has had better experience both of the malice and subtlety of Rome.  
3 Thirdly, the means used for the effecting of this reconciliation, and for the sure transacting and close carrying of it on, are now to be considered. The King it should seem thought that without all scandal he might receive an Ambassador from the Pope, as well as from other Catholic Princes, and upon the proposition of the same by Panzani himself to the Queen, and to some others of power about the King by Panzani's friend; the thing seemed very reasonable, so that the Nuntio to be sent over were no Priest: howsoever for more privacies sake, it was ordered, that the Nuntio should address himself to the Queen, and not to the King immediately; and that the pretended business of his address should be to mediate a reconciliation betwixt the Regulars and Seculars in England. This would better blind the jealous Puritans, and make the true intent of the negotiation the more involved: and the case of Dr. Smith the Bishop of Chalcedon expelled by the persecution of the jesuites, for claiming jurisdiction as Universal ordinary in England, served well at this time for a specious colour. Reason of state none could be alleged for any intercourse between England and Rome, therefore the Church affairs must be the subject of our Embassy, the jesuites and the Seculars were embroiled in some contestation, & 'twas for the benefit of Rome to appease the heat of it. Without all doubt the Romish Council De propaganda side would not entertain agents from us to settle union between Calvinists and Lutherans, or between Remonstrants and Contra-Remonstrants: but we that have no such council nor no such design, instead of nourishing enmity amongst our adversaries, alloy it, and in stead of allaying enmity amongst friends, nourish it. Nothing can more clearly show, that the Court of England stands not disaffected to the prosperity of Rome, than this endeavour of making atonement betwixt the opposite Champions of that religion, and yet this was but the shell of the design, the kernel had more mischief in it: for we may understand by our Venetian, that Panzani out of his great circumspection and fineness, having matured the business of general reconciliation, so well for the further covering of his true design, he did apply himself after, to his pretended negotiation. And therefore upon the 22 of November 1635, almost a year after his arrival here procured some accord betwixt the Seculars and Regulars, though the jesuites would not come in. The truth is, the jesuites were then the principal body of the Regulars, governing them (as they do still also) the best families of England, nay the very Court itself, and so they not submitting to the accord, 'twas but nugatory, and a mere umbrage to all the world, except the phlegmatical dull English. Nay it is sufficiently proved by our Venetian, that all pacification betwixt the jesuites & Regulars is impossible, wherupon if Con comply with the jesuites, it is the same thing as if he did abandon the Seculars, and it is to be doubted that the business of Religion will be rather hindered than promoted thereby. And what greaterinstance need we of the jesuites predominance in Eng. than this, that notwithstanding the distaste of Canterb. and his dear, confident Chichester, they can excite the Pope's ordinary here, nay, & without all regard to the College of Sorbona, & to the Popes own interest, they dare inveigh not only against the person of some, but against the function of all Bishops? Wherefore the accommodation betwixt Seculars and Regulars, being so useless to Protestants, & so hopeless to Papists; we must not doubt but some design of more consequence was obscured under that pretext, for when we hear that the Pope and Cardinal Barbarini dispatched so many persons, of such quality hither, & that the King stood bare at their audience, and manifested so much grace in their reception, and that the Q●. and all the great Lords and Ladies, with extraordinary presents, and frequent visits, both given and taken, studied to do such honour to them, the matter in hand cannot seem ordinary. 'tis true, the Archbishop would not personally treat with Panzani; Windebank his creature was to intervene therein, neither could Panzani treat with the Archbishop, but by Franscis a Sanct Clara his friend on the other side, but this was merely for secrecies sake; for we know well what factions soever were in our Court, Panzani was not unacceptable to any, by the means of Windebank he obtained grace with Canterbury's party and by the means of Cottington he held correspondency with that party which was adverse. Panzani though not addicted to the Regulars, yet wanted no acceptance amongst the Cottingtonians, and Con though in grace with the jesuites, yet lost no esteem with the Canterburians. All sides conspire to undo Puritans, as if our Saviour were again to be crucified; Herod in this business can lay aside all emulations & variance with Pilate, and Pilate can as peaceably shake hands with Herod. It may be justly surmised also, that when there was so amicable & general a concurrence betwixt Canterbury, Chichester and the other 8. Bishops, (amongst whom we may boldly nominate Gloucester) as also Portland, Cotting. Windebank and so many other Lay Grandees cooperating in this zealous work of Reconciliation, the order of the jesuites was not in truth so odious to the Canterburians as was pretended openly at other times.  
4 We are now to consider the advantage, which was the main motive or allurement to invite the King to this Reconciliation. That cup of fornication which the Circe of Rome, (as the Scripture describes it) mingles and prepares for the Ks. of the earth, must needs be very delicious to the sense, aswell as it is pernicious to the understanding; it must needs please, as well as intoxicate, or else why should the great Potentates of the world be more apt to yield to the infatuation of it than common persons? That it does inebriate or debosh the understanding, must be consented to by all that consent to the truth of Scripture, and that there is a purpose of mischief in that strumpet, whose intoxications are so strong to captivate, and delude, cannot be doubted; the main knot & difficulty is, what the ingredients are, which render the Composition so ravishing and sweet to the palate of Princes. Our Venetian conceives, That the allurement or advantage is something temporal, and not religious, for in his censure great Princes & Politicians in their souls make no account of Religion, though in show they always endeavour to appear extremely zealous, and severely inflict exemplary punishments upon all such as temerate the purity of it; some men, he admits, may embrace Religion in sincerity, as it leads to true happiness, but 'tis hard for him to imagine that mighty Monarches, & their nearest privadoes should honour it at all, but for its secular commodities as it inclines the people to subjection, and preserves States from commotion. Neither must we censure this censure, as utterly causeless and injurious, for Paganism, Mahome anism, judaism, Papism, Socinianism, divide all the world amongst them, except one final inconsiderable remainder, & divide that remainder into 10 parts, and scarce one of those 10 is endued with that true power and tincture of Religion, which Scripture names regeneration; and if we yet make another subdivision, the mighty, the politic, the honourable of this world will scarce make up the 10 of that tenth part. The main bulk of mankind, either makes no profession at all to regard Religion, or else professeth a regard merely for the temporall conveniences which attend religion, or else falsely & hypocritically, rest in the mere shadow or ex ernal formalities of it. Our K. has been always bred up in the Prot▪ relig▪ and with deep vows has expressed often his sincere adherence to it, though our Venetian therefore being a Papist censured according to the principles of a Papist; for my part I shall nevertheless have none but charitable thoughts of our Kings hearty esteem of Religion in general, and of the Protestant religion in particular. 'tis not credible to me, that all religions should be indifferent, or of the like efficacy in the esteem of our King, or that the Romish religion should seem spiritually more efficacious to him, than Protestantisme, some advantages (I conceive) of a secular, political nature might have the force to dispose his heart to a reconciliation with Rome, but I am most confident, that no spiritual advantage was aimed at therein. For if the advantage had been celestial, and such as did appertain immediately to the soul, than all times had been alike opportune for reconciliation with the Church of Rome; nay the first opportunity was most to be embraced; but in this speech or the Kings cited by our Venetian, a fitness of season seems to be implied for the inviting to a present reconciliation. There is no doubt then remaining, nor nothing fit for our inquiry but what temporal advantage it was, which the K. expected and promised to himself, & what kind of reconciliation it was which he thought fit to conclude with Rome. As for the reconciliation that has been already spoken to, and as it is uncertain what the K. intended in his own breast, & how far he resolved to comply with the Pope; so it is most certain, that the Bish. & those Counsellors of his, which were most intimate with him, and most active in the negotiation with Panzani, etc. intended a total alreration of religion, & that he was grossly abused & deceived by them, if he himself intended otherwise. This has been made sufficiently manifest; I am now to make it as manifest, if I can, that even in those temporal advantages also, whereby the King was solicited, and incited to descend to any agreement at all with the Pope in any degree whatsoever, he was as grossly abused & deceived also. The sacerdotal Empire of Rome, though it be founded upon nothing else but mere delusions & incantations (as the holy S. of God himself perpetually inculcates to us) yet to flesh & blood those delusions & incantations are so powerful, that we may truly say it is a Throne very cunningly erected, and as firmly under-propped. The Romish Potion at first had only spiritual ingredients in it, the Bishops were compelled to act sanctity even almost to the life, before Princes would subject themselves, & at that time nothing but heaven was the allurement to d●spose Mon●rhs to such subjection. Nevertheless though we may wonder that innocent, well affected Ks. & Emperors should be so blinded with abundance of zeal, as to think that they could not sufficiently glorify God with their royalty, unless they disrobed themselves of some part of it, to communicate the same to Priests, who must needs grow the more temporal, & not the more spiritual thereby; yet that error was more excusable than ours is in these latter times. Prin. now adays (except some very few that are exceeding weak in their intellectuals) do not suffer themselves to be dementated & made drunk with any conceits of the Pope's holiness, if the Pope did not further sweeten his cup with promises of grandour & safety, and other temporal additions, 'twould scarce relish in these depraved, yet quicksighted times.  
Can any man imagine that Hen. 4, in France did totally, or King james in Eng. partially comply with Rome for conscience sake? no, 'tis impossible that such fine spirits & firm intellects, should be so far transformed by any Circean compound drink whatsoever; doubtless that which drew them in, to carouse was something proper, and peculiarly qualified for their relishes, and in probability it was respect of safety and security, rather than addition of power and supremacy. That power which Princs first parted with to the Pope, for religious reasons, enabled him to frame a great party of Clergymen, and Regular Orders, and to himself all that were eminent for learning, policy, & reputed piety; & being thus enabled, such Princes as were not to be beguiled by his pretences, he after oppressed by treachery. Wherefore now some Princes stoop to him for fear of damage, ut non noceat; others for hope of benefit ut prosit, and though his Empire be now in a great declination, and the world gins both to fortify themselves against his powder, poison & poniard on the one side; and to discover the falsity of his promises on the other side; yet still his industry never fails him. Howsoever those Princes which submit to the Pope for fear, are more worthy of blame, than those which submit for gain; for scarce ever did God leave any just Prince to the cruelty of the Pope's Emissaries, nor scarce ever was it known, that they came to timely ends, which succumbed to the Pope out of fear, as Hen. the 4 did, and as King james may be suspected to have done. But 'tis advantage that is the Pope's main bait, especially where Princes value Religion for the general profit which redounds from it, to humane society, than for any other excellence discerned in it; as our Venetian observes. And yet the misery and mischief rests not here, for as our great Potentates are not religious enough to addict themselves to divine worship, without respect of secular ends, so neither are they wise enough to pierce into the reality & truth of those ends. To serve the Pope does not so really advance the Prerogative of Princes, as to remain under God's allegiance, yet the Pope gains that obedience by empty promises, which God cannot receive by full assurances.  
Amongst other Princes; it seems (at least propable out of this discourse of our Venetian) King Charles hath inclined his ear in some part, to the delusory bewitching allurements of Rome in this point of temporal advantage, for though Popery under the gross notion of Popery, (I believe) was never approved of by our King, yet under the mask of qualifying, and dulcifying distinctions, it is to be feared it found some acceptance, as being a profession more disposing Subjects to security, and blind obedience, than Prostestantisme.  
This is the Pope's sole fortress, upon this impregnable rock shis throne planted, it is not so much his pretended predecessor Peter's confession, as this delusion that he builds upon, so that now the gates of Hell are not formidable to him. So long as Princes covet to be absolute, and so long as Popery is believed to favour absolute dominion, so long the See of Rome thinks itself secure, against all mines and barteries whatsoever. Nevertheless it is the dull sollie of Princes to expect temporal advantages from Rome, or to suppose the Reformed Religion is more adverse to Monarchy, than the Popish. Our Venetian tells us that the intentions both of the Court of Rome, and the Court of England, are contrary, and that in Secular things especially, for (saith he) it is not so much for the extirpation of other heresies, as for the establishing his own Supremacy, that the Pope strives in pursuance of his old pretences, and whereas on the contrary, the Court of England aims not at any alteration in faith, so much as the toleration of the oath of Supremacy, this the Pope knows to be contrary to his Maxims, and inconsistent with his temporal grandour, and therefore no accord can be possible betwixt them upon these terms: wherefore our great negotiators which were to treat with Panzani, Con, and Rosetti, what did they else, but abuse the King, proposing to him such temporal advantages, as they well knew were uncompassable? and contracting with another party who might gain much, but was certain to lose nothing. But some will say, are not the Princes of Spain, France, Germany, etc. more unlimited in their power over their subjects then the Princes of England, Denmark, Holland, etc. And is not this a good demonstration that the Catholic religion favours royalty more than the Protestants? I answer no; for this proves that subjects are more miserable, but not that Princes are more absolute amongst the Papists, for as much as where the Pope prevails, there is a Co-dominion and rivalty in rule, and this Protestant Princes are freed from.  
Neither is this Co-dominion so light a thing as some men think, for the Pope's yoke is a hard yoke, and the Pope's burden is a heavy burden, he is Antichrist in this, as in all other things, that is, contrary to Christ.  
A late Venetian Ambassador being in discourse here at his own table, about entertaining of the Pope's Nuntios, expostulated openly in this manner; What wonder is this that the King being freed from Rome, should be so inclineable to subject his neck to the yoke again? Can we at Venice once fully acquit ourselves of this bondage, we should be sufficiently careful and resolved to keep ourselves for ever free. And this speech was the more remarkable, in regard that the Venetians better know what the Pope's claims are in spiritualibus, & in ordine ad spiritualia, than our English do; and yet though of all Catholics they are the wisest, and have best rampired themselves against the excess of the Pope's jurisdiction; yet we see there is still some thing remaining in the spiritual yoke, that grieus their necks and draws some regret from them, the secret of all is but this, (for to the Great Lords of the earth, it remains still a secret and unfathomable, though to true Protestents it be a plain ordinary naked truth) Popery as it doth more countenance and uphold cruel tyranny in Princes, so it doth also more foment dissension, and rebellion in subjects then the reformed Religion.  
And there is no contradiction at all in this (none but half witted men will think so) for whilst Princes will allow the Pope more than is his due, he will assist in any oppression whatsoever, but let any thing be denied to him, and then he present-looseneth the bonds of allegiance, making Subjects as unjust scourges to their Lords, as he had made the Lords before to their Subjects, what countries do not abound with stories of this kind? it would be mere loss of time to set forth what seas of blood have been shed in Europe, by unnatural civil broils, raised betwixt Subjects and their Lords in the Pope's quarrels merely, I shall desire all true English men to read Mr. Princes late treatises, concerning this subject, and to compare them with histories of other countries. The Pope's promises to Kings, are like the tempters to our Saviour, all these royalties and glories will I bestow upon you, but with this proviso, that you then prostrate yourselves to serve me, but what is that service which he requires? that they may endure a base vassalage under him then their Subjects do under them.  
On the contrary the Protestant Religion seasons us, with such unstained loyalty, that Princes do presume thereupon, & fear the less to grieve, & provoke us, as by Contzens the Jesuits advertisements, & the practice of divers Princes in Europe of late is testified too clearly, well may we wonder then at the frontless impudence of such Papists as upbraid Protestants with disobedience to Magistracy, especially when they charge it as a sin resulting, & issuing out of the Protestant principles, themselves. What doth Barclay imagine of his reader's stupidity, when in his book contra Monarchomachos, he inveighes against his country man Buchanan, as injurious to Royalty, and imputes this, as an effect, or product of the Protestant Religion?  
His Relgion was ever infamous for excommunicating, murdering, deposing Princes, and imbruing nations in unnatuall, treasonable, execrable wars, whereas the Protestant Religion equally abhors both cruelty in princes, and disloyalty in Subjects, aiming at nothing but that Kingly prerogative and popular liberty, may be even balanced; and yet this foul railer, here inverts nature, calling white black, and black white.  
The King of England hath some Subjects wherein none hath an interest, but himself, and he hath other Subjects wherein the Pope hath an interest as well as himself, the first are English, the second are Irish, in whether Nations loyalty he may rather confide I cannot tell, (for at this present he bends himself with more violence against the Englsh, then Irish) but the end will reveal to the confusion of his malignant seducers, that there was nothing but fidelity in English Protestants, nor nothing but perfidy in Irish Papists, I shall use no other instances: If there be any curse impendent over the Nation, both King and People, it is this, that this truth is not yet sufficiently credited and acknowledged.  
But to our present negotiation again, it seemed to our Venetian, that the King aimed at such a dispensation from the Pope, as that his Catholic Subiests might resort to our Protestant Churches, and take the oath of Supremacy, and fidelity, and that the Pope's jurisdiction here should be declared, to be but of humane right, etc. but what needed the King to seek these things from the Pope? or what hope was there to obtain them at all? and if they were to be obtained, but not without the loss of other things, ten times more precious, and profitable to the King, what advantage was in them?  
We cannot apprehend that the King should expect any good from Rome of himself, some strong enchanting solicitation there must be, to induce him, and that by such, as aimed not at his, but their own interests, and this our Venetian lays open and makes clear enough for he tells us that the Court of Rome treated according to its own maxim, and in pursuance of its old pretences. The Pope's end was temporal grandour, and what co●ld all the Pope's vassals, here more expect then his advancement? but the Pope and his party, were but Treaters of one side, the question is, who were Treaters on the other side, and what it was, which they were to treat for. This question is without question, for the Merchants of our side, were our Prelate's, some whereof being single, were to be made Cardinals, and others were to receive pensions from Rome, as our Venetian tells us. The Protestant Religion doth not so much affect the outward opulence, pomp, and splendour, of the Church, (that is of Clergy men) as the Popish doth, and therefore the main body of the Clergy, and the Universities have been long conspiring to alter Religion, at least in that point, and rather than fail in that, they care not how they debosh the Church inducing an hotohpodge (as Mr. Cheynell has well observed of Arminianism, Popery, Socinianisne, any thing rather than a plain Gospel. If Canterbury may not be allowed to be Alterius Orbis Papa, as some of his predecessors were called, and as able to give check to the Crown of England, and if Scholars generally may not insult and lord it in Church and state, as the use was amongst our ignorant forefathers, they will make a league with Rome, nay with hell itself, rather than endure it. The Religion of Scotland is a nasty invention, the discipline of Geneva is a profaine confusion, the City of London is a nest of Anabaptists, the Parliament a crowd of croundheads: All Protestants that are not for beautified Altars, gilt Organs, clinquant copes, are worse Christians than the Romish Catholics: how soever the true Protestant desires not to see the Clergy despicable, or the house of God to be without bread, or order confounded in the Church, these are scandals invented to make all men odious that are not addicted to the Popish gaiety & tyranny of Priests. That Reformation which the Parliament aims at will avoid all unjustice and extremes, and if the Clergy stand not in their own light, Religion will flourish and the Church prosper better than they have done hitherto: for the Vine which is the most natural resemblance of the Church that can be, proves equally unfertile by luxuriance, when her branches for want of pruning spread abroad too wildly, as it does by endurance when she bleeds too prodigally under the dressers knife, And this cannot be unknown to the Parliament.  
5 We come now to view the true obstickles and impe●chments of this Reconciliation, one hindrance was Sr. Toby Mathewes his ambition, who thinking his employment lessened, and his person cheapened by the coming over of feig. Panzani, and not finding such compliance from Panzani, as he expected, openly expressed himself an adversary to his undertake. the great stomach also of the Jesuits, who before had the sway at Court; did not well brook a lay Legate here in England, and if the reconciliation thrived, they did perhaps fear that the English Nation might rather incline to favour the seculars then themselves. Then the Pope doubtless (with reverence be it spoken to his infallibility) was a little too majestical at first in his moving towards us, he saw us so precipitate in our pace towards him that he thought he himself might safely stand upon rigorous punctilios. The King required from the Pope only such natural allegiance of his subjects as other Catholic Princes use to have paid them, without further distinguishing, and yet his holiness did conceive it was too much to tolarate this oath for the assurance of that. His holiness thought it rather fit that the very words formerly conceived and enacted by the states of the whole kingdom, should be presently expunged or altered: and though the King was contented to qualify and correct the letter of the law, by a milder declaration, and interpretation, yet even that was not held satisfaction enough.  
In the next place also our Prelates were contented to allow the Pope a priority above all Bishops, but a superiority seemed more than due, especially in England the Arch Bishop was resolved to be the supreme Ordinary himself, and yet his holiness did not think it agreeable to his Vice-Godship to admit of that honour as due to the Archbishop. The dispute was not whether the Archbishop should execute that office in his own name and right, or by allowance and deputation from the Pope, nor was there any clause of salvo jure to either of them, as yet thought on. these were tender points not to be insisted on too roughly, at such a time as this, when bothsides were so far resolved of a reconciliation before hand. There must be a more mind and easy way of composing things then so: for as the Pope had rather we should remain Protestants, and so desperate of salvation, then that his supremacy should be too fare impeached; so Canterbury had rather we should not turn Papists then that his Primacy should be too fare disabled. The bargain therefore at first unqualified was thus. The Pope demanded to have a Legate in England that should be a Bishop, and not favour the oath of Allegiance, on the other side the King here would have the oath of allegiance favoured, and the Bishops thought it needless, for the Pope to have any other agents, or deputies here besides themselves. This difference could hardly be composed all the time of Seig. Panzani, but at last the Bishops durst not wholly neglect the King's interest, and so the oath of allegiance was included in the bargain, and the King would not oppose the Bishop's interest, and so a lay Legate was agreed upon, and it was for the Pope's honour that a Legate should be for the saving of his authority, and therefore because the Pope could not withstand both King, and Bishops, such a Legate was agreed upon as should favour the oath, yet be no Bishop. It was pressed home to the Pope, that the Archbishop and his party, were passionate seekers of this Reconciliation. and in order, and preparation thereunto, had already brought in many Rites, Ceremonies, and Doctrines, nearly approaching the Church of Rome, and that if the work were not sped during his life time, greater difficulties and reincounters were likely to interpose after his death, and yet for a good space the Pope thought the conditions too unequal. So little weight and proportion did the souls of millions hold, in comparison of one temporal flower, of the pope's garland, and therefore Panzanies skill, and industry, for a whole year could scarce master these animosities, and facilitate the business for his next successors: nevertheless, the Pope at last, grew more a Courtier, and stooped a little to a smoothy compliance by his more crafty ministers, Con, & Rosetti and now the plot of the agreement is perfected, and there wants nothing, but the putting of it into execution. Without a effected but by their utter subversion, the wished reconciliation could not yet be consummated, and the Puritans being the greater part of the Kingdom by fare, this task must needs be very cumbersome, Confession (as our Venetian heard say) was a thing held fit to be urged upon us by violence, but fear of commotion hindered it, and we may very probably conjecture that some other grosser points of Popery had been obtruded upon us also by the higher powers, but that the cursed indisposition of the Puritans was such, that there was great hazard in the attempt Howsoever our stout Prelates were not out of all hope of carrying their design, either by fraud or force, or a mixture of both, and therefore seeing things so equally poized in England Scotland and Ireland, they were resolved that no mere hazard should wholly deter them from adventuring the utmost. Scotland appeared wholly almost puritanical, but to counterpoise that, Ireland appeared as generally Popish, and for England, though the major part there was puritanical, yet the more potent in place and authority▪ and the more exquisite in subtlety, or rather treachery was Popish or Protestant, that is inclined to combine with Papists, and therefore in all this there was little odds, to disanimate them, neither was their any fear of foreign forces: for under the deceitful pretence of our head-ship and association, the Protestants in Germany and France were already much weakened and betrayed, and made jealous of adhering to us, they being brought to such a condition that they could not help themselves at home, much less annoy enemies abroad. Also the King of Denmark and Prince of Aurange, though Protestants, yet were Politicians, and therefore the interest of Royalty, would questionless prevail more with them, than the interest of Religion. It would please them better to see the Prerogative gained in England, to the damage of Religion, than religion to prosper, by the diminution of Prerogative. It only remains then that in England they plotted Reconciliation be first put in execution, and advanced by as slow insensible degrees, as may be, and great art must be used, when Churches, Altars, etc. beg in to be decored; be made to believe, not that popery is to be induced, but that a fair reconciliation between both Churches is to be procured; and not that Protestantisme is to be at all in any considerable matter changed, but that Puritanisme be exterminated. Also when not only fair allurements, but the two great Carnificines of the Land, The Star-Chamber and High-Commission have by rigour prevailed as far as may be; and when by all other means the English are enured, and familiarized to some popish rites under the fair pretence of conforming to Reverend Antiquity. Then the Scots (who are not so apt to be enamoured with the splendour and pomp of Churchmen as we are) must be by all means assailed, and urged to union and conformity with the Church of England.  
And because it is expected that the Scots should be more jealous of the least encroachments of Popery, and more adventurous to secure themselves in such jealousy, and more unanimous in their adventure; therefore their country is to be made the first Scene of the war. And since it would be too gross to impeach the whole Nation of Puritanisme, therefore their crime must be rebellion; and the better to embark the English in the quarrel, that in the Scots they might destroy themselves, some new disguise must be put upon the war; it must be divulged, that in stead of settling Bishops in their Sees, and bringing in the English liturgy, the King has need to be established in his Throne, and Scotland to be preserved from Anarchie. All the dispute is; Whether Subjects may make resistance by force of Arms against a just, pious, clement Prince, the name of Bellum Episcopale is dis-owned: the Title of the Lords anointed will better support the envy of these broils; and it is suggested to the English, that both the Laws and Natives of Scotland are more antimonarchical than those of England.  
All these trains, notwithstanding the Puritan faction in England (that is, all cordial Protestants) abominated the grounds of that war, and in conclusion, the popish faction, and the Bishops, Nobility, Universities and Clergy, which only challenge the name of Protestants, were not able to put the King into such a condition of strength, but that he was driven to give the Scots their demanded satisfaction. Hereupon likewise a resolution is taken to summon a Parliament in England, as is pretended for the disbanding of the two Armies, and composing these Nationall breaches; but some think, for the turning one or both these Armies another way, and raising farther divisions in the bowels of England; but God so overruled the matter, that the Scots did peaceably retire, and our soldiers disband without attempting any thing against the Parliament.  
And now to recover life again in this so foiled an enterprise, nothing will serve, but that the Irish, (who were placed as in Ambuscado for the purpose) must rise all in Arms, and most perfidiously execute a secret bloody massacre upon all the British Protestants in that Kingdom. Doubtless (if ever Rome shown her excellent skill) 'twas in that silent deep conspiracy, if ever she shown her fiery zeal, 'twas in that horrid infernal Tragedy: If ever she discovered herself to the Christian world in her lively colours of whore, witch, murtheress, 'twas in this unparallelled villainy. By this means the Popish affairs are in better state than ever; for Scotland stands gazing on, as if she were lost, in admiration, and Ireland is become not only entire for the business for its own strength, but is backed also with some supply out of Flaunders, and other Countries; and even the King's party in England (though they hold not open intelligence with them) yet act all the parts of perfect friends and allies to them.  
The Irish Rebels are secured by the diversion of our Cavaliers here, and our Cavaliers here are secured by the diversion made there by the Rebels; both sides profess and avow the same cause, and draw their swords against the same Parliament Roundheads; and were it not that our shipping did prevent their meetings, doubtless our Cavaliers would procure some forces from Ireland, and the Irish would be supplied with other necessaries out of England; and yet 'tis advantage to the popish abettors here, to disclaim the advantage of Communion with their popish abettors there.  
That very Army also (which to the great exhausting of the good party in England levied to oppugn the Rebels) is solicited to join against those, by whom it is levied; and supplies sent for Ireland by the Parliament of England are intercepted by the King's forces, and thus the Parliament (more unfortunate than the Pelican) makes wounds in her own breast, to draw out blood, not for her friends, but for her enemy's advantage. In this strange confluence of unexpected mischiefs, whilst the Parliament finds herself so relinquished by her friends, so surrounded with enemies of contrary factions and pretences, and so undermined with daily new treasons, She makes her mos● humble address to the King to settle the Posse or Militia of this Kingdom, in faithful well reputed hands; the King at first, in great darkness, neither grants, nor seems to deny the request, he professeth no dislike to the persons nominated, but allegeth, that by this means, the Commissioners should neither be authorised solely by his Commission, nor should be discharged at his mere pleasure. The Scots had obtained this due righteous satisfaction before, and doubtless had taken it as an utter defiance, or invasion, had they not obtained it; but England is denied so much right (even after its example, and the good consequence thereof in Scotland) yet remains too insensible of their own danger in this fatal sad denial. Nevertheless, the contrary faction takes this as the certain trump of war; and leaving us to our deep melancholy, bestirs itself towin the City of London, and all military persons to the King; and though the City will not prove unfirme to the Parliament, yet the Cavaliers all flock to the Court (and there caressed by the Queen) vow themselves to any design whatsoever.  
Something also is plotted both against the City and Parliament, but proving uneffectuall, because both are so safe against the Popish party and the Cavaliers: therefore it is pretended, that they are unsafe to the King and his Children, and it is spread abroad, that the King is in danger of being surprised by those, who should have been surprised by his, if God had not otherwise provided.  
The King is counselled in the next place therefore to retire to some remote Port Town of strength, commodious for receipt of Forces both foreign and domestical; and his eye is upon Hull, where a great Magazine of Arms is, but in that he is forestalled by the Parliament. This gives the King occasion to levy men at York, for the safeguard of his person, whilst all intentions of an Army were solemnly abjured by himself; and the same seconded by the Lords subscriptions: and this was a good help to increase his Guard into the proportion of an Army, and to give good hope that he might not only remain safe in York, but also march forth to storm Hull. But soft, I am not to pass the story of that march, that was the Rubicon of this war, and it is beyond my purpose to trace the business any further; what hath since followed on both sides, was enforced by these beginnings.  
I must now leave off my discovery, Venit Hespe●us; the day itself would fail me, if I should prosecute these things too far. He which takes all these premises into just consideration, can want nothing else to convince and satisfy, who were the chief Incendiaries of this war, and who were the persons that did commence and continue all our broils. That the people of these our Kingdoms have of late years, since Queen Elizabeth's death, so prodigiously degenerated, as of honourable to become generally dishonourable, of loyal to become universally disloyal, of natural to become totally unnatural, is monstrous to believe. But that King james and King Charles have varied from the government of Queen Elizabeth, and to hold a good understanding with Rome, have not been so fixedly devoted to the true interests of the reformed Religion, and their subjects prosperity, as that blessed Lady was, is a truth that Heaven and earth will give testimony to. That ambitious Prelates have been our prime Firebrands is manifest also; for without their strong enchantments, our Kings would not have been so far alienated from us, and without that alienation, the Papists could not have so far trampled upon us. To compass to themselves an Empire above Princes, 't'as been ever the charm of Priests to make promises and assurances, that they will elevate Princes as far above their Subjects, by an addition of royalty, and enlargement of prerogative. In this, all Priests conspire, that prefer earth before Heaven, be they Protestant or Popish, be they English or Romish, the difference is only this: the English Prelate affects Popery for Tyrannies sake, whereas the Romish prelate affects Tyranny for poperies sake; but both affect both for their own preferments sake: for without Tyranny popery cannot be enforced, and without popery Tyranny cannot be supported; and as both cannot be established, but by a conspiracy of both parties, so neither is that conspiracy sufficient, unless the King also be won by it. Therefore in the Scots war it was suggested to the King, that the Crown could not stand without the Mitre, and thereupon amongst the Plebeians it was dispersed and maintained, that the Bishops fought to maintain the King's Crown, not that the King fought to uphold the Bishop's Mitre. And what difference is there now in our case? Is not this war in England a mere reviving of that war which was in Scotland? Did not our prelates as openly embark the King in their quarrel then, as they do now? And do not our prelates struggle and stir as unanimously now, and stand for the same ends, and adhere to the same confederates, the papists, as they did then? One drop of water is not more like another, than the Scottish war is like this. And if it be objected, that the prelate's now incense not the King against the Scots, and therefore there is something new in the difference, more than was in that: and further, that they disclaim and abhor the Irish rebellion, and therefore they combine not with papists. This answer is readily given. The Scots, 'tis true, are fairly entertained in words, but in deeds, all the hostility offered to us is aimed at them, and will reach them in the next place, their ruin is most inevitably involved in ours, and the Stoccado that pierces it, will easily find a passage thorough our bodies into theirs. I am sure they are too wise a Nation to apprehend otherwise: so also for the Irish rebels 'tis as true, they are ignominiously entertained in words, but indeed all the hostility offered to us, is amity to them, 'tis arms, moneys, supplies sent to them; their protection is involved in our destruction, and our graves are their strongest bulwarks. But oh! how is it, that I am constrained to mention that detestable word Ireland? How is it, that that habitation of Zim and Ohim should enter my mind, to make there as dismal a mansion of horror as itself? Had I such fountains of tears in my head as jeremiah had, to power out upon the slain Protestants there, 'twould be some relaxation of grief to me; or had I the bitterness of soul which David had, when the Image of judas, traitorously imbrued in his Lord and Saviour's blood represented itself to him, that I might power out all his Prophetical execrations upo● them, and their posterities, who have animated and enabled the rebels there; (especial, if any of them were Protestants, or of the British race, or in high place of authority) that, perhaps, would disburden the too too pressing agonies of my spirit. But alas, alas, perhaps it is more seasonable for me, to pray that the Celestial groans of Manasses, than the infernal tortures of judas may be given by God to those deeplingaged sinners, upon whom this woeful guilt lies. I now wander, and am lost; I must return to the business in hand: I hear some say, that the Parliament did first plot and contrive against the Court of England; and that all this in the Court hath been but a defensive contriving or counterplotting. Nothing more absurd, nothing more impossilbe, nothing more inconsistent with the means, nothing more repugnant to the ends of Parliaments: we must suppose that there are about ten Anabaptists now in Parliament, that first expelled the major and better part there, and then overcame the major and better part of such as remain unexpelled; then by authority of Parliament, and the help of some few other Anabaptists in the City, they master and enslave the major and better part also by far, and then by some tumults there raised, they drive the King and all his popish prelatical courtly and military Adherents from the City; then they impose taxes upon the Kingdom, for the maintaining of divers Armies, and thereby tyrannize as the Decemviri did in Rome, in spite of King, in spite of Nobility, in spite of Gentry, in spite of Commonalty, in spite of Protestants, in spite of Papists, in spite of their own Armies. And then not being sufficiently disconsonant to reason and nature, we must suppose that these ten Anabaptists have been in travail with this design almost 40 years before King james began to comply with Prelates and Papists, and before Prelates and Papists began to conspire against Protestants, under the names of Puritans, these Anabaptists were consulting in a close junto, how to get themselves chosen of a Parliament, then how to get a Parliament called, then how to preserve that Parliament from being ever dissolved, then how to effect all these divine miracles, by such means as none but themselves should ever be able to discern or comprehend. Is not this a rare subject for our great wits at Court to work into Proclamations and Declarations? 'Tis reported that the Lord Digby of late, being at Mr. Knightley's house in Northamptonshire in a parlour there, whilst his Soldiers were busily searching, and plundering, and rifling other rooms, he smote his hand upon the table, and swore; That that was the table whereat all these civil wars had been plotted at least a dozen years before. It should seem Mr. Pym had sojourned sometime in that house and that was sufficient for an inference, that the nest of Anabaptists had been there too, and that that nest had studied something, which neither our King's Cabinet Counsellors, nor the Iuntoes of Italy or Spain could make defeisable. But if there were some means for Parliaments thus to debase Prerogative, and disable Monarchy. To what end should they attempt it? Is it for the felicity of Parliaments, to subject themselves to ten unlimitable Anabaptists, rather than to endure one most admirably bounded Prince, and rather to make the whole Land a stage of blood, horrout, and cruelty, than to be presidented by the loyalty, policy, and religion of their Ancestors? Other men have spoken and written of this sufficiently. And besides, if it were possible, if it were profitable for Parliaments to turn public oppressors, yet sense and experience tells us, that this Parliament hath not used any oppression, but with much difficulty been redeemed from oppression. But of this sufficiently also hath been written and spoken.  
It remains therefore, that we compare the means, the ends, the practices of Parliaments, with those of Princes, Papists, Prelates, etc. and taking a view of what hath been already set forth in this Discourse, parallel the same with that which is objected by the other side, and it cannot be denied, but prelate's and papists' have been formerly conspirers and drawers on of the Scotch war, and other alterations in Church and State, as is here discovered. Then the question is, whether or no they have since desisted, or changed their resolutions: some change perhaps there is, but not such as may secure us; for before they did combat against us de victoria, now de vita; hope of victory before inflamed them, but fear of ruin now exasperates them; and in this respect our danger is not the less, but the more.  
FINIS.