A VOYAGE TO The World OF CARTESIUS.  
Written Originally in French, and now Translated into English.  
LONDON: Printed, and sold by Thomas Bennet at the Half Moon in S. Paul's Churchyard, 1692.   

To my Friend JAMES LUDFORD OF ANSELY, Esq  
SIR,  
THO' all my Services and Respects necessarily devolve on you, as on the Inheriter of your Brother's Interests, yet you may lay a more immediate Claim to my Esteem and Observance, from your own repeated Favours and Obligations: In so much that I am bound by a double Tie of Gratitude, on all Occasions, to manifest my Resentments of them, and think myself unworthy privately to enjoy the Happiness, unless I declare to the World how much I am Obliged to you. You must needs, Sir, think me sincere in my Intentions, when, upon making so small and insignificant a Payment, I am willing to call the Public to witness, I am infinitely still your Debtor. I confess, the opportunity I have had of improving my Talon by the Advantage of your Brother's Tuition and Instructions, might (you may justly think) have enabled me to offer you an Original instead of a Translation, and the Transcribing his Character and Sense, might rather have been expected than my Authors. But for my Apology, I must plead my unhappiness in the loss of him, which yet is no more peculiar to me than to the whole Society of Magdalen-College, whereof he was a Member. He is there remembered as a Person in whom the Scholar and Gentleman were so well met, that neither of them spoiled the other: He was Learned without Arrogance; Genteel without Vanity; Witty without Affectation; Well bred, Airy, Gay and Easy, yet never relaxed his Mind so far as to abate in any part of its real Improvement. And, though to instance the Graces and extraordinary Endowments of his Body, would be thought perhaps to derogate from those of his Mind, and to make the Lustre of his Virtues stand indebted to his Person, yet I can not but think so curious an Habitation was designed to answer the Merit of the Inhabitant, whose outward Structure should represent the Quality of the Owner. But I do not mean to enlarge on his Character, for that is Work that must be wrought extremely Fine, or methinks 'tis Nauseous, even on the Dead; and, whatever I may pretend to the contrary, will look more like a Compliment to yourself, than justice to his Memory. The little I have said will suffice, I hope, to show that what I here offer you is not altogether unsuitable to his or your Genius, wherein Philosophy is divested of the Stiffness and Morosness of the Schools, and has assumed the Garb and Air of a more Ingenuous Education, than ordinary. Here is something, Sir, that will entertain your Philosophical Minutes, and something that will quicken those designed for your Diversion: and all so mixed and tempered, that the Author seems still to have kept his Eye on those two main ends, Pleasing and Instructing. Philosophy by this Method is become a la mode amongst the Women of greatest Quality in France, who pride themselves more in being accounted Partisans of a Sect, than Leaders in Dress and Fashion. And we may presume that the Power and Force of Imitation will reach the Minds of our English Ladies, when Learning shall be set off with the Allurements and Delight they meet with in reading a Romance. To provoke them therefore I have adventured upon this Translation, notwithstanding the Prohibition of French Commodities: But it is not from their judgements I expect the Approbation of my Endeavours: My chief Design was to please you; And if I shall in the least succeed in that Attempt, it will be abundant Honour and Satisfaction to  
Sir, Your most obliged, and most humble Servant, T. Taylor. Magd. Coll. Oxon. May, 7. 1692.   

ADVERTISEMENT OF THE AUTHOR.  
IT is almost three years since this Book was in a capacity of appearing; and if it were of any Concern to convince the World of this, it might be done by the Testimony of Persons unsuspected in this Affair; and such as would merit Credit when they determined it in favour of the Author. The Reader may perceive it in two or three places, that have some reference to those times, which were not thought necessary to be altered. Such is the War betwixt M. Arnauld and Malebranche Father of the Oratory, of which there is an account given, without any mention of the Cessation of Arms, or any pretence of a Truce which hath been since concluded. But it may be presumed not amiss, to advise such as think themselves not obliged to so exact an Inquiry into things of that Nature, that the Map of the Moon, whose Hemisphere is described at large in the Voyage to the World of Descartes, is no new thing, and that Pl●to, Aristotle, Gassendus, Mersennus, etc. are not Inhabitants of those Lands and Countries lately discovered in that vast Continent, nor, of those wherewith the Author of this Book hath enlarged the Map. Our Astronomers have been acquainted with those places long ago, and have established Principalities on behalf of those great Men whose Names they bear. This may be seen in the Almagestus of Ricciolus, and in many other Mathematicians, who writ Observations on the Eclipses of the Moon.  
Some may be farther inquisitive to demand, why Father Mersennus had the Honour to be made Cartesius his Partner, in the framing of his World, rather than so many other famous Cartesians he might have made choice of. To which I return, that Father Mersennus had the Preference, not only on the account of the particular Esteem and Love Cartesius, as well as other excellent Philosophers of his time, had for him, but because he was the almost only Gentleman that was in a condition to be an Assistant in that great Enterprise when he began it; the other Ingenious Cartesians having not left our World till after him.   

A General View Of the whole WORK.  
LUCIAN, in his Entry upon his true History, hath taken the most advantageous Method that possibly could be thought on. He proclaims forthwith to his Reader that whatever he shall say is false. After which giving his Imagination swing, he loads the Paper with all the Extravagancies his Fancy can supply him with. By this means he secures himself from that grand Concern which attends all sorts of Composition, and consists in preserving probability in the Narration; an Obligation otherwise indispensable to every Writer that pretends to give Relations. The worst of that Exordium is, it cannot be made use of twice, and that it gins to be Threadbare, as soon as it ceases to be entirely new. It is a Liberty the Public would never pardon in any one but him that had the good fortune first to light upon it: A gentile turn that no one can imitate without passing for a Plagiary, and a Grace of Wit that admits of nothing surprising or agreeable in a second Endeavour. That Consideration joined with the difficulty which may be easily guessed, I had to preserve the strict Law of probability in my History, will persuade those that shall read it, that I envied Lucian, more than once, this his so happy Expedient: Nor can I but acknowledge the same. Yet I must add, that a second Consideration would inevitably have determined me to a different Choice, although decency would have allowed me to make use of the former. I am a Philosopher: And the Profession I pretend to, bars all admittance unto such a management. The Character of a Philosopher is always to speak Truth, or to think he does; at least endeavour to be thought to speak it. For me to divest myself of all gaiety of Humour, and then to affect it (to follow the Example of the greatest Enemy the Philosophers have known) would have been poorly to support a Quality, I extremely value myself upon. So that I should be cautious of using the like Preamble, and acquainting my Readers that all they were to expect of me should be false. I certify them therefore from this time forward that I have a quite contrary design, and that I mean to set off my History with an Air of Truth, such as may be able to persuade the most Incredulous, did they lay by Prejudice in the reading of it, that what I say is most undoubtedly true. But such is the Nature of Prejudice and Prepossession, that after all the pains I have take to appear credible, I am conscious notwithstanding I shall not be believed. Let it be how it will: For after all I will by no means offer violence to the judgement of my Readers. Now see in few Words the design of the Work.  
I therein relate the Particulars of a Voyage which I made to the World of Cartesius. I begin the Voyage very advantageously, upon an occasion that Fortune presented me, and which seems worthy to be related. Through the whole Thread of the History, as I fall in with Emergencies, I explain with as little difficulty and as pleasantly as the Subject will bear, the most principal Points of Cartesius his Philosophy. I examine many of them in the way, and refute the greatest part of them in a manner clear, as I think, and intelligible enough; and which commonly has in it something new and unreceived. I have made it my business to diversify and enliven a Subject naturally dry and melancholy, as well by the variety of Accidents, which give me occasion to digress upon them, as by some peculiar and not incurious Instances of the History of Cartesianism: And likewise with some brisk and warm Discourses of such Gentlemen, as no one will be uneasy to hear Dispute. To conclude, my last and most principal Business to the Examination and Discussion of the general System of Cartesius his World, and his managery of the chiefest Parts of it, as he proposes it in his Book of Principles, and in that which is Entitled, A Treatise concerning Light, or the World of M. Descartes, which he mentions so often in his Letters to Father Mersennus, but was not printed till after his death. And I doubt not, in that discussion, to establish this one Proposition, that hath been often advanced, but still repulsed, and still, I am confident, will be, as a Paradox to many, That there is scarce any Philosophical Hypothesis more unjust and incoherent, or whose Conclusions have less connexion with its Principles, than that of Cartesius.  
That Proposition, I say, hath always seemed a Paradox, because it thwarts the generally received Opinion of that Philosophy. No one will deny but that some of his Principles being but mere Suppositions without Proof, the Mind cannot find that satisfaction it demands: But what they stand upon is, That these Suppositions being once received, all the rest doth follow in so direct a Line, in so great order and perspicuity, that the evidence of the Consqevences, expanding itself (as I may say) upon the Premises, the mind gins of its own accord to embrace for Truths, what were before proposed as bare Suppositions.  
This may be true of some parts of his Philosophy, and particularly of those wherein he treats of the Nature of some Sensible Qualities, in which a Man must almost be forced to acquiesce, that shall read them without Prepossession. But I am of opinion it is false in respect of the general Constructure of his World, and the Consequences he draws from it. 'Tis this part of his Philosophy which I shall more throughly examine, and it is this of all other, that hath hitherto best escaped the Censure. Plenty of Objections have been made against his Metaphysics, against the New Demonstrations, he hath pretended to give, for the existence of a Deity, his distinction of the Soul and Body, his System of Light, his Rules of Motion, as also those concerning Reflection and Refraction. Scarce any yet have given him disturbance upon the Hypothesis of his Vortexes, which is notwithstanding the Foundation of all he says touching the motion of the Planets, the ebbing and flowing of the Sea, the gravity and levity of Bodies; and of his whole System concerning Light, of which he himself has been so very fond.  
I will not say but they have augmented the Difficulties upon each of these last Heads, since a great many have attacked him thereupon: But I only say they have seldom or never examined them with relation to his general Hypothesis, by which I undertake to show, that commonly what he writes of particular Matters, is inconsistent with the whole; and it is mostly in that, the Relation of my Voyage hath something altogether new.  
For what remains, if I shall succeed in this last Affair, which was almost the only occasion of this Enterprise, I shall glory to have been the most mischievous Adversary Cartesius ever met with. For that which distinguishes that great Man from all the other Philosophers, is not the lucky Explication of some particular Phenomena's in Nature (that Praise is shared by an abundance of Philosophers, both Ancient and Modern) but that vastness of Capacity, and extent of Genius, whereby he could frame an entire System of the World, so well contrived, that taking for granted a few Principles most simple and easy to be understood, he could give a reason for all the Occurrencies of Nature. It is that Attempt, as most believe, by which he obtained his end, and which hath procured him so much Honour and Reputation. To show then his System to be full of Contradictions, that it is incoherent, that one Supposition destroys another, is to undertake him in his strongest hold, and to wound him in the part that is most sensible. We shall see in the pursuit of the History what ought to be our Thoughts of it.   

ERRATA.  
PH●nomena's read Phaenomena, wherever it is. p. 2. l. 15. r. lies. ib. l. 35. r. scouted. p. 18. l. 9 r. the. p. 19 l. 8. r. humours, all those Natural Functions, and all the ib. l. 27. r. Britanny. l. 29. r. of her. p. 21. l. 9 r. laxed. p. 23. l. 15. r. Vortex. p. 29. l. 25. r. meet me at: l. 34. r. she gave: l. 36. r. sad. p. 44. l. 2. imagines: l. 21. r. utmost. p. 45. l. 16. r. merited. p. 46. l. 16. r. murder. p. 51. l. 2. r. talked. p. 58. l. 5. r. could. p. 64. l. 2. r. in one: l. 25. deal not. p. 69. l. 26. r. Euripus. p. 73. r. Califtbenes. p. 76. l. 5. deal and: l. 7. r. Venturer. p. 77. r. unimpowered. p. 79. l. 6. deal we. p. 83. l. 3. r. and. p. 86. l. 8. r. Placart. p. 100 l. 4. r. ●a●sh: l. 17. r. Galilaeus. p. 112. l. 30. r. hairs. p. 118. l. 15. r. Peripape●icism. p. 121. l. 12. r. met. p. 122. l. 3. r. memoir. p. 131. l. 34. r. clawing. p. 141. l. 25. r. alone. p. 142. l. 20. after to insert be. p. 146. l. 10. r. conceiving. p. 147. l. 12. r. nettled. p. 153. l. 21. r. Elaterium. p. 155. l. 25. r. sect. p. 156. l. 19 r. shocked. p. 158. l. 9 deal them. p. 161. l. 4. r. clearing: l. 27. r. not truly. p. 162. l. 7. supposed; to the. end that. p. 173. l. 1. r. or. p. 179. l. 18. r. Vices. p. 182. l. 31. r. Des Arques. p. 163. l. 9 r. Tonques. p. 193 l. 35. r. petty. p. 201. l. 6. r. part: l. 34. r. Port. p. 211. l. 12. r. consists. p. 220. l. 19 r. Wreck: l. 21. r. dissipated. p. 245. l. 31. r. resist. p. 259. l. 19 deal more.   

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A Critical History of the Texts and Versions of the New Testament; wherein is firmly established the Truth of those Acts on which the Foundation of Christian Religion is laid: By Father Simon, of the Oratory. Together with a Refutation of such Passages as seem contrary to the Doctrine and Practice of the Church of England.  
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A VOYAGE TO The World of Cartesius.  
PART. 1.  
IT fares with the World of Monsieur Descartes, as with other lately discovered Lands, whereof such different Accounts are given, as often contradict one another. Scarce Mention was made of this New World, but an infinite Number of French, English and Dutchmen resolve to go see it. The Spaniard, however zealous for new Discoveries, understanding it was barren of Mines of Gold and Silver, of Indigo and Ginger, seemed not much concerned about it: Wherefore those that had most contributed unto it were not a little pleased, as believing, they had no Reason to apprehend the Inquisition's coming there to disturb them. Among other Things in that World the Earth takes a Turn about the Sun, as in that of Copernicus: And it is known that M. Descartes hath more than once, 
Desc. ●om. 2. let. 43, 75.  on that occasion, reflected on the Misfortune of poor Galileus. I cannot tell, but it may be on his Account he hath taken so much Pains to prove this Paradox, 
Part. 3. pr. n. 26.  That the Earth stands still, though at the same Time it is carried about the Sun by that Luminary's Vortex. Let it be how it will, many of those that give out they have best examined that Country, have made their Relations of it, but so differently, that a Man can scarce yet determine what he must believe: If you will credit one Party, they'll tell you, It is no World at all, but a perfect Chaos: That all lie in Disorder, and wild Confusion: That 'tis impossible for a Man to turn himself in it: That there is neither Light nor Colours, neither Heat nor Cold, Drought nor Moisture: That Plants and Animals there don't live. There you have not only Liberty, but positive Orders to doubt of every thing in Nature. Some there shall be that will dispute you out of the Name of a Man; though you have a Face like other Men; though you be made up of Flesh and Bone as they; though you Walk, and Eat, and Sleep, and, in a Word, perform all the Natural Functions of a Man; yet, I say, there are those that shall contest that Title with you, until having conversed you, and understood you speak consequentially, they shall be convinced that you have Reason.  
The Inhabitants look Proud and Scornful, and have not the least Respect for Antiquity. Aristotle, especially is scouled in all Companies, and upon all Occasions, by them, being looked upon as a Vain Babbler, and an Antique Teller of Dreams. It is said, There is neither good Christian nor good Catholic there, since they tamper with Principles too Delicate and Dangerous, in Matters relating to Religion. No Body can tell what to make of their Belief of the Creation of Our World, the Production of Matter and the Providence of God; who, with them, had no other Care upon him than to order the Cubical Particles of Matter to whirl about their Centre: After which he might sit Idle and Unconcerned, since all the rest could be managed without the least of his Assistance.  
On the other Side, we are assured, A most excellent Conduct shines through the whole Composition; That all is admirably contrived, and founded upon the Rules and Laws of Nature: That this World is indeed disburdened of an infinite Swarm of Accidents, Qualities, and Intentional Species, as of an unprofitable Lumber, wherewith the Philosophers have imbroiled and encumbered ours: But yet, notwithstanding it cannot be denied, but the Senses are subject to the same Impressions there as here, only with this Difference, that the Causes are more acknowledged, and better explained.  
As to the Point of Religion, nothing seems more justifiable than the Apology of these Gentlemen, which perhaps some have engaged too inconsiderately for an Affair of that Weight and Moment. Can we apprehend a greater Idea of God Almighty, than that which M. Descartes hath given? An Idea that he derived not from the Visible Creatures, that sleight and faint Ray of an infinitely perfect Being; but which his Mind found impressed upon itself, and which left no room for him to doubt of the Existence of a Sovereign Being, though he possessed neither Heaven nor Earth, nor any Body, nor indeed any other Soul than his: Can the Omnipotence of a Deity be advanced to a more transcendent Degree than he hath done it? God, according to him, can cause, That Two and Three shall not make Five; That four Sides shall not be requisite to make a Square; That the Whole shall be no bigger than One of its Parts; Effects that other Philosophers never scruple to place out of the Reach of the God head. But has not an Author of a little Piece, called, A Letter wrote to a Learned jesuite, clearly shown, That 'tis Descartes World that is described in the first Chapter of Genesis? Another Book hath since been published in Holland, with the Title of Cartesius Mosaisans, and is to the same effect. The Author of the Treatise concerning The Influence of the Stars, describes the End of the World upon Descartes his Hypothesis. Monsieur Scottanus, in a late Apology, that he offered for M. Descartes, against those that Endeavoured to render him obnoxious to the Suspicion of Atheism, observes to us the Respect he had for Religion, certifying us, That one of his Reasons for the reducing his Meditations to the Number of Six, was the Consideration of the Six Days which God employed in the Creation of the World. If we may credit Father Mersennus, a Learned and Noted Minim, and an intimate Acquaintance of Descartes, we shall find nothing of a more Christian Temper, and that inspires us more ravishingly with the Love of God than Descartes Philosophy. In short, there is nothing more edifying than the Letter that Philosopher wrote to the Sorbon Doctors, in dedicating his Meditations to them; which is so true, that not long since, a Friend of mine, not wont to be very Nice in those Matters, having read by chance the Letter at my House, which touched him; and finding farther the Title of Meditations in the Front of the Work, he seriously entreated me to lend him that Godly Book, to entertain his Devotions during Passion Week.  
This so strange Variety of Opinions, and Relations counter to one another, of a World, otherwise of no little Renown, provoked my Curiosity and induced me to be convinced of the Truth or Falsity of the Reports, in my own Person. All the Difficulty was to find a Guide to conduct me to a Country, to which there was no Road passable either for Horse or Foot, for Coach or Barge, by Land or Sea: But presently after my Resolve, I was happily favoured with the most lucky Occasion that could be wished, for the undertaking my Voyage with all the Pleasure and Ease imaginable. Having sojourned some Months in a Country Town, I struck up Acquaintance with an Old Standard, of about eighty Years, a Man of Parts, and that formerly had conversed much with M. Descartes. That Commerce had begot in him an unaccountable Zeal for the Tenets of that Philosopher, and exasperated him to declaim against the Method and Opinions of the School, the Prejudices of Childhood, and taught him to make external Eulogies on the Cartesian Philosophy. He had so given himself up to this Opinion, that he could no ways suffer, in Point of Philosophy, any one to deviate never so little from it. In a Conference that we had together upon such sort of Things, I desired to know if he kept up his Correspondence with any Car●esians of Worth and Reputation. No, (said he) I have broke with all Sorts of Persons that call themselves by that Name. I can no longer find among them that Zeal and Observance the first Cartesians, without Reserve attributed to that great Man. Every one now a days builds Systems according to his own Humour, and allows himself the Liberty of Adding or Retrenching what he pleases in the Platform M. Descartes hath laid; which is a concern of that critical Nature as cannot be once touched without spoiling the whole. Since the Death of the Famous M. Chersilier, I have forbore writing to any single Person, for I am persuaded, That the pure and unmixed Cartesianism was buried with him.  
You Gentlemen (replied I) are of a strange Constitution. All the Prefaces of your Books are filled with Invectives and Raileries, against those who implicitly espouse the Sentiments of an Author, and profess they will never desert him. It looks as if you, and the rest of the new Philosophers, had banded together in an offensive Confederacy, to make continual War upon the Followers of Aristotle on that Account; and at the same time you fall into the same Error for which ye reproach them, and are an hundred times more bigoted to your Descartes, than they to Aristotle. For my part, I know not how to blame the Conduct of those that are somewhat moderate, which you are so enraged against. If their Reason hath discovered to them another Path than what M. Descartes trod in, why are you angry if they follow it? Aristotle held Possession a long time, and reigned absolute Monarch in Philosophy. The Prescription and Vassalage of several Ages, confirmed his Title of Prince of Philosophers. Descartes is a Rebel, who durst encourage a Party against his Prince: What Right has he to demand a greater Submission unto him, than he was willing to allow to Aristotle?  
Because (answered he) Truth and Reason are manifestly on his side. That, replied I, is exactly the first step Rebellion ever makes, to enforce the justice of its Cause, and proclaim the public Welfare does depend upon it. But notwithstanding Sir (pursued I) I am more inclined to Neutrality in this Affair than you imagine. I have determined to dive to the bottom of Descartes' Philosophy, of which I have, as yet, but a dark and confused Knowledge, having never studied him in his own Works, but in the Books of his Disciples, as soon as they appeared, and that irregularly, and without Method. But as I am obliged to leave this Country very speedily, and have but a short time to advantage myself by your Ability in this Affair, therefore it was that I enquired, Whether you had any Communication of Letters, or Friendship with any good Cartesian of Paris, to whose Acquaintance you might recommend me, and who would be willing to instruct a Scholar so apt and forward as I pretend to be?  
That Proposal extremely inspirited my old Gentleman, and I perceived sudden Joy diffused itself all over his Countenance. Ever since I knew you (said he, taking me by the Hand) I have observed in you a passionate Concern for Truth; which is the best, and first Disposition Descartes requires to attain unto it. Trouble not yourself, you have still two Months good, which you must stay with me; and that's as much time as is required. I shall in a little time receive some News from M. Descartes, whereupon we'll take such Measures as shall much shorten your Journey.  
hay day! News from M. Descartes! (said I) why he has been Dead this forty Years. I should be sorry, answered he, to have let that Word escape me in another's Presence, but I let it ship purposely at present, to heighten your Desire of hearing from me those Things which few in the World are acquainted with, which presently will surprise you, and the Knowledge thereof will convey you in a trice to the end you desire. Hear me then:  
You must know (continued he) that Cartesius, like the ancient Leaders of Sects of Philosophers, avoided the publishing all the Mysteries of his Philosophy. Some he reserved which he only divulged to some particular Friends, of which I had the good Fortune to be one. All the peculiar Discoveries he had made, which he thought might be of Use, and either contribute to Morality, or serve to make any Progress in the Knowledge of Natural Being's, he hath obliged the Public with. But Prudence advised him to suppress such others, as some might have converted to an evil Use. The Immortality of the Soul is one of those Points, wherein he was obliged to observe that Method, and certainly is one of the most Important Articles in Philosophy. To prove this in a plain, familiar and intelligible way, such as shall force the Mind to give assent, and leave not the least Scruple behind is to undermine the chief Foundation of Libertinism and Atheism. This M. Descartes hath done, by demonstrating the distinction of the Soul and Body in a Man, by the only clear and distinct Conception that we have of those two kinds of Being. That Demonstration is one of the most fine and useful places of his admirable Meditations. And he was high-surprized to see it so ho●ly opposed, especially by Gassendus; which, though before he had asked his Permission, galled and vexed him, a little more perhaps than was convenient upon that occasion. Which gave rise to a Reflection in the Mouths of many at that time, and which betwixt ourselves was true enough, That M. Descartes did not understand Raillery. But he had Moderation enough in the heat of his Conflict, to decline the submitting to the Temptation, which had often invited him to confirm his Demonstration by Experiment, fearing it might prove of dangerous Consequence: And that is the Mystery which I am about to teach you.  
It was his way (as all know) to endeavour to make good by Experience, the Truths he had discovered by the mere Light of his Understanding He was in hopes, that having demonstrated with so clear conviction the distinction of the Soul and Body, he might make so far a Progress as to penetrate into the Secret of their Union, and at last come to that of separating, and reuniting them when he pleased. The Questions that his Illustrious Scholar, Elizabeth the Princess Palatine, used to make upon that Head, and the difficulty he found in himself to invent such Solutions as might be easily understood, put him, in short, upon the Undertaking. One day he proposed his Design to me, and some other of his Friends. We thought him Whimsical: And I remember I laughing made Reply, That there was but one way imaginable to effect it, which was, to find out the famous Caduceus of Mercury, which that God, they say, sometimes by Jupiter's Orders made use of, to separate the Souls from Bodies, and after a certain term of Years to join them unto new ones, according to the Principles of Pythagoras' Transmigration.  
That however did not divert Cartesius from raving on his Project, not ascertaining himself of the Success, nor judging yet he ought altogether to despair. That was it, that engaged him in a more exact Study than formerly of an Human Body, and occasioned him to make those most exquisite Discoveries in Anatomy. The first Conclusion that he drew from the Idea he had of the Soul, as of a being perfectly Indivisible, was, That it was not extended through the whole Body, as vulgarly it is taught. He showed the falsity of that Master Reason, which was used till then to confirm Men in their Prejudices, that in whatever part you prick the Body the Soul is sensible of Pain. Then said the Philosophers, It must be extended through the whole. He exposed the Weakness of that Argument by two Experiments, that manifestly prove the perception of Pain, and the Impression of Objects in Places where our Soul is not. The first is that of those Persons who have lost an Arm, who from Time to Time perceive an Aching in the Place where their Fingers used to be, as if they had their Arm entire, although their Fingers are not there, nor by Consequence their Soul. The second is of a Man that's Blind, which he often instances, who makes his Staff supply the Loss of his Eyes, to distinguish the Figure and Qualities of Objects: Who knows by the Assistance of his Stick, whether it be Water, Earth or Grass that he touches; whether the Floor be Rough or Smooth, etc. For it is certain he perceives all this by his Staff, although no one will say, That his Soul is in it. He then demonstrated, That the Impression of Objects upon our Body consisted only in the Vibration of the Nerves and Fibres, that are spread throughout the Parts, it being unnecessary the Soul should be co-extended with them. But it was suffcient to her for the perception of Objects, that that Vibration should be communicated to some principal part where she kept her Residence; just as the Vibration caused by the touch of a soft, or hard, of a rough or smooth Body, communicates itself to the Hand by the Mediation of the Staff; that as the Staff extended from the Hand to the Body, which it touches, is instrumental to the Soul for the perception of the Qualities of the Body; so likewise the Nerves drawn out, for instance, from the Brain to the Hand, may be ministerial to its perception of the Body that the Hand doth touch. And that in fine, The Pain, caused by the too near approach of a Finger to the Fire, doth no more suppose the Souls actual Presence in that part of the Body, than does the all of a Finger, of which a certain Maid complained from day to day, 
Let. de Desc.  whose Arm, being gangreen'd, was cut off without her Knowledge. For she only felt the Pain, because the Humours, or some other Cause, made a Concussion in the Nerves of her Arm, which ran before to the end of her Hand, and because they struck them in a manner like to that which was formerly requisite to excite a Pain in the Finger, before she lost her Arm.  
Having made this first Step, and drawn a Consequence of that Importance and Satisfaction, from so abstracted a Principle as the Indivisibility of the Soul; it was easy for him to prove she kept her Court no where but in the Brain. There it is that the Nerves do centre, or rather from thence they have their Origin. It is there that the Philosophers, if you except a few, and in those Vanhelmont, who seized with a Whim, placed the Soul in the Breast; it is there, I say, that the Philosophers generally agree to be found that which we call the Common Sense, that is to say, the only place where the Soul can be advised of all the different Impressions that external Objects make upon the Senses. But since the Brain is of large Extent, and besides that soft and whitish Substance, which commonly goes by that Name, hath Membranes, Glands, Ventricles or Cavities, it was something intricate to resolve, and precisely to determine in what place the Soul was seated. M. Descartes throughly examined the different Opinions of Philosophers and Physicians there upon, and after having solidly confuted the greatest part of their Sentiments, that were founded upon but weak and unsound Principles, he evidently concludes, The seat of the Soul must have three Conditions: First, it must be one▪ to the end that the Action of the same Object that at the same time strikes two Organs of the same Sense, should make no more than one Impression on the Soul, as to instance, she might not see two Men where there was but one. 
Tom. 2. Let. 36.  Secondly, it must be very near the Source of the Animal Spirits; that by their means she might easily move the Members. And in the third Place, it must be Movable; that the Soul causing it to move immediately, might be able to determine the Animal Spirits to glide towards some certain Muscles rather than others. Conditions no where to be met with but in a little Gland called Pineale or Conarium, situated betwixt all the Concavities of the Brain, supported and encompassed with Arteries, which made up the Lacis Choroides. It is that Lacis we may be assured that is the source of the Spirits, which, ascending from the Heart along the Carotides, receive the form of an Animal Spirit in that Gland, disengaging themselves there from the more gross parts of the Blood; and from thence they take their Course towards the different Muscles of our Body, partly dependently, partly independently on the Soul; as the Author of Nature has ordered it, with reference to the end he proposed to himself in the production of Mankind.  
So far M. Descartes took Reason along with him for his Guide; and for aught I know he might have stopped there, had not Fortune, or rather the good Providence of God (who often encourages the laudable Curiosity of those that apply themselves to the consideration of his wonderful Works) revealed to him in an extraordinary manner the Secret that he was in search of. And that was without doubt one of the most strange Effects of the desires of a Philosophical Soul, 
P. Malle.▪ branch.  which a famous Author styles a Natural Prayer, that never fails to be heard, when it is joined with a prudent and exact Management of our Reason.  
Should you believe me, added he, if I should tell you M. Descartes had often Fits of Ecstasy? Why not? Said I; that's not such incredible thing, of so Contemplative a Man as he was; nor is it a Case without a Precedent. Who has not heard of those of the famous Archimedes, in which he often lost himself, through his vehement Application to Mathematical Speculations, and in one of them his Life? Syracuse being taken by the Roman Army, whilst he was drawing Figures in his Chamber with that earnestness of Mind; the Tumult of a Town taken by Storm, was not loud enough to wake him: And he sooner was run through by the Soldiers that had forced his House, than he was apprehensive of their Approach.  
Alas! replied he, with a Sigh, you'll see in the Consequence of what I am relating, That the Ecstasies of M. Descartes were no less fatal, tho' they were not of the same Nature, and proceeded from a far different Cause. It happened one Day, whilst we were at Egmond, a little Town in Holland, which he delighted in, that he entered his Stove very early in the Morning (which he had caused to be built like that in Germany, where he began his Philosophy) and set himself to thinking, as he used to do. Two Hours after, I came in: I found him leaning over the Table, his Head hanging forward, supported with his left Hand, in which he held a little Snush Box, having his Finger near his Nose, as if he was taking Snush. As for the rest he was immovable, and held his Eyes open: The noise that I made in entering the Room not causing him to stir, I had the Patience to observe him half an Hour postured in that manner, without his perceiving of me. In the mean while there happened an Adventure that much surprised me: There stood upon the Cornish of the Wainscot in the Stove, a Bottle of the Queen of Hungary's Water; I was amazed to see it descend, whilst no Body came near it, and to pass through the Air towards M. Descartes. The Cork, with which it was stopped, came out of its own Accord, and the Bottle fastening itself to his Nose, hung there for some time. I protest I durst have swore at that moment, there had been no small Conjuring in the Business of our Philosopher and that some familiar Daemon, like that of Socrates, had inspired him with all the fine Things he still had taught us. But I was convinced not long after that there was nothing less in it, and I desire you to suspend your Judgement thereon. He awakened a little while after as in a start, and striking his Hand upon the Table, This time at last, said he, I have it. I thought him still in a Dream: And springing up forthwith upon his Chair, transported with Joy, without seeing me, he cut two Capers in the middle of the Room, still repeating, I have it, I have it. I burst out with Laughter to see that Frolic, a thing not customary with M. Descartes, being naturally of a Grave and Melancholy Temper; who hearing and seeing me at the same time, presently reddened, and afterwards fell a Laughing as well as I. And as I was urgent with him to give me the Reason of his Joy and Rapture: To punish you, says he, for having observed an Indecorum unbecoming a Philosopher, you shall not know't so soon: And with that he left the Room in which we were, and entered into his Closet, bolting it upon him. Nevertheless two days after he imparted to me the Mystery.  
We took a turn together out of Town, and after occasional Discourse of several Things; Well, said he, abruptly, without recourse to Mercury's Caduceus, I have found out the Secret, not only of the Union of the Soul and Body, but also how to separate them when I please: I have experienced it already. That was the Product of the Meditation, wherein you surprised me the other day; and when I seemed to you to awake of a sudden, I came farther a Field than you imagine: He spoke this in so serious and positive a way, that he seemed to be in earnest. It shall be your Fault, added he, if you are not convinced of the Truth of what I say, and of the Experiment. It is the most curious Secret in the World. I am resolved to commit it but to very few; but that Adherency which you have manifested until this time unto me, will not suffer me to be reserved in any thing. He went on, without giving me time to compliment his Generosity, and related that extraordinary Event in all its Circumstances.  
He told me, that being fixed attentively upon the Question which the Princess Elizabeth had proposed, touching the Union of the Soul and Body, and revolving in his Mind his former Thoughts upon that Subject, in the midst of that extraordinary Application, he found himself in such a strange Surprisal in an Instant, that he was not capable, when he told me of it, to express himself clearly thereupon, nor could he gain so distinct a Conception of it as when actually he was in it. All that he could tell me, was, That it resembled a Trance, because in that there is no use of the Senses; one can neither See, nor Hear, nor Feel the Impression of External Objects (unless they be extremely violent) and then there is an end of it: But herein it was quite different; since the Soul had Perceptions of itself, and was apprehensive of the Cessation of its Organical Functions: Which in a Trance is nothing so. That she was furnished with a World of Immaterial or purely Spiritual Notices, of which he had sometime discoursed to us, but in an abundantly more perfect and lively manner, than when his Attention was disturbed with the appearances of Fancy, which constantly interrupt it: That more Discoveries of Truth could be made thus in one Minute, than in ten years by the ordinary means; which Knowledge of Truth filled the Soul with so pure and satisfactory a Joy, that nothing is more true than what Aristotle says, likely upon the same Experience, That the complete Happiness of Man, in this Life, if there is any such thing, consists in the Contemplation of God and Natural Being's.  
But he told me, he had no sense of that perfect Joy, till he was fully enlightened upon the Point that then took up his Thoughts: Which was done in a Moment. He had the satisfaction not only to know, but to be sensible, in some measure, of the Truth of the greatest part of those Things which had employed his Meditations until that time; and of the Evidence of the Ideas he had framed concerning the Essence of the Body and Soul; to see her advanced upon her Pineal Gland he had conjectured, and to see that the Union of the Soul with the Body was nothing less, than that virtual, or rather imaginary Extension, by which she was supposed commensurate with the Limbs; much less those imaginary Modes, which the Schools makes use of, to confound and plague the Conceptions of Youth. But that which was of most Importance was, to see; that this Union was nothing in Effect, but these actual Commerce and Correspondence the Soul and Body had with one another. A Commerce that chief is maintained in this, that the Nerves spread through the Body, by their Vibration give occasion to the Soul of knowing the different impressions, External Objects make upon the Senses; and in that the Soul pursuant thereupon, by the Motion she immediately impresses upon the Pineal Gland where all the Nerves concentre, determines the Animal Spirits to their several marches through the Muscles, to produce in the Body such several Motions as she shall please to give, and especially those that are necessary to her Preservation.  
After that (pursued, my old Friend) M. Descartes entertained me with all that happened upon that occasion, and all the other Reflections he had made. The Principal of which was, That his Soul in that juncture no longer perceiving the Motions, external Objects caused upon his Body, and by consequence that Commerce, in which the Essence of Union consisted, being broken, she could behold herself as in a separate State, though in the mean time she resided at her usual Abode; that local Presence having the least share in her Union with the Body: She than had a mind to disengage herself from the Body, and see what would be the Event of that Separation. No sooner had she wished it, than it was so. And he farther experienced what he had often suggested to us before, that if the Machine of the Body had all its Organs sound and free; if it had its customary Heat in the Heart and Stomach, the circulation of the Blood, the filtration of the Humours, and all those natural Functions, all the Motions constantly performed in us without the notice of the Soul would go on as regularly in her absence, as when she was there. Moreover it fell out as she was busy in contemplating the operation of her Body at some paces distance from it, a Fly fortuned to tickle it in the Face; presently the Hand raised itself to the place, and unseated the Fly just as if the Soul had been actually in the Body. So true it is that the greatest part of the Motions of our Body, which we attribute to the Soul, are owing to the sole Disposition of the Machine.  
This Soul before she durst venture to wander very far from the Body, made her entry and exit sundry times; and judging by the disposition in which she saw it, she might without any apparent danger leave it for some time, she hazarded the undertaking a very long Voyage. She arrived at Beitany in the Houses of her Relations, and from thence she made a Sally unto Paris to the House of some other Acquaintance. She was much concerned to see that the People there had but an indiffernt Opinion of her Religion; the Country M. Descartes had chose to live in, and some unwaranted Inferences that one or other had drawn from his Principles, had given occasion to those rash Censures. It is notwithstanding true, that all the time he lived and when he died, he was a sound and honest Catholic.  
Finally, such was the success the Soul found in her Rambles when separate from the Body, that she could when she pleased in a Minute travel three or four thousand Leagues: In so much that this of M. Descartes parting from Egmond about half an hour after eight in the Morning, had traversed all France in an hour and an half, and was returned at ten.  
Bless me. said I to my old Gentleman, how expedient would that be for a Person that so passionately desires to see the Country as I do▪ You shall gratify your Curiosity, answered he; but hear me out.  
M. Descartes Soul being returned from her Voyage in France, found her Body almost in the same posture in which she left it. But as yet she was not fully Satisfied. She was unacquainted with the way and means that led her into this Condition: And she considered it was an hazardous Exploit, and that being once united to her Body, she might never, for aught she knew, be disjoined again, till Death should cause a final Separation. She applied herself therefore seriously to consider the Nature of her Body, and the disposition of all its Organs: She found that the Nerves employed in Sensation, and those that serve for Natural functions, as the beating of the Heart, the circulation of the Blood, etc. were of a Nature quite distinct. She saw that these were vehemently distended, and she concluded it might be for the better communicating the Animal Spirits to the Muscles with which the Nerves are united, and capacitating them to maintain and continue those natural Motions, the Soul is not ware of when united with the Body; and that, on the contrary, the Nerves made use of in Sensation, and by whose Means the Soul received the Impression of Objects, were almost all unbraced, and lax, which might prevent the Motion, caused by the Impulse of Objects, from being continued unto the Seat of the Soul: The Difficulty was to find the true Cause why one should be taxed without the other, and how she might bring it about to distend those that formerly were laxed.  
Mean while the Snush-Box, which I mentioned, his Body held in its lefthand, made M. Descartes call to mind, That before his Ecstasy he had taken Tabaccco-Snush, and he could not tell but so extraordinary an Effect might have been produced by the Virtue of that Tobacco. That which he took of was an unusual kind, which a Merchant of Amsterdam had brought over from an Island near China, and presented him: It was extremely strong, and M. Descartes, to mollify it had mixed a certain Herb in it, dried to Powder, whose Name he never would acquaint me with, nor the Place where it grew, though he presented me with a great Quantity of the same: He laid a sufficient Dose upon the Backside of his Hand, and gave it his Body to take; and at the same Time happened this prodigious Effect in his Brain; for all the Vapours raised there since his last taking were dislodged and dissipated in an instant. He observed it was only the Particles of the Tobacco that scattered the Foams of the Brain, and that those of the Herb which he had tempered with it being not so fine, and having very little Motion, fastened themselves in the Nerves that cause Sensation, and and made them loser than they were before.  
Seeing that Effect, he no longer doubted, but concluded it to be the Herb, which he mixed with the Tobacco, that caused his Trance, and took away his Senses; and that the Tobacco? at the same Time unhar bouring all the Fumes that might benight the Brain, left the Soul with the entire Liberty of knowing and reflecting on its self, as she had then experienced. After which he thought that Hungary Water was sufficient to brace the Nerves afresh, that serve for Sensation, since it is often used to recall those Persons that swoon away. The Soul takes the Bottle, I not long since mentioned, and brings it in the Air from the far Side of the Chamber to his Body, (and therein consists exactly the Magic of which I then suspected M. Descartes guilty) and moistens his Nostrils with it: The subtle Vapour of that Liquor effected what he aimed at; presently the laxed Nerves erect themselves, and the Soul straight seats itself in the Pineal Gland, and finds itself confederate with the Body as before. It was in that instant I perceived Descartes to come to himself. I told you, he locked himself forthwith in another Room, it was to make a second Experiment of his Tobacco and his Herb, which succeeded to his Heart's Desire: Since when, it was a Business of nothing for his Soul to leave the Body; and since his imparting to me the Secret, his Soul and mine have made an hundred Expeditions together, to instruct ourselves of the greatest Curiosities in Nature.  
As those that read the Works of M. Descartes are unacquainted with all that I have been relating, they with just Cause are amazed at a thing, which you will not startle at for the future. I mean the Particulars he descends to in his Physics, concerning the Properties of his three Elements, at how great soever remove from Sense they lie; concerning their Figure, their Motion, their Rank and File in the Composition of his World, and all particular Bodies, concerning the Disposition of his Vortexes, in which he proceeds so far as to observe the different size of the Balls of the second Element, 
Part. 3. Princip.  of which they consist, in their respective Places, how those that come nearest the Centre of the Water are the least of all; those that are a little removed are somewhat bigger, increasing still in Bigness unto a determinate Distance, after which they all are equal. Concerning the Formation of their Parts chamfered in Fashion of a Skrew, with which he explains the Nature and the different Phenomena's of the Loadstone, in a way so fine and easy, Phoenomena's that till then had puzzled and confounded all the Philosophers, even those that had so ready a Method of explaining all things by the Assistance of their occult Qualities: All this he saw intuitively, and of himself; and for me that speak to you, is it possible to think, That at the Age of seventy seven, and being of so weak a Constitution as I am; I say, is it possible for you to think I should have lived to this, and preserved my Health and Vigour as I do, unless I had had a perfect Knowledge of the Machine of my Body? Unless I had still filled and made-up the Breaches whereat Life leaks and runs out continually? I mean not, in applying the Remedies that Medicine prescribes, whose conjectures are so very uncertain, and from the Use of which Monsieur Descartes has so frequently dissuaded the Princess Elizabeth: 
Lett. de Descartes.  But in the Practice of that Critical Knowledge my Soul has of my Body, of which she perfectly is, and can be instructed as often as she pleases, by putting herself in the Capacity I have now been-speaking of. I must acknowledge Sir, replied I, then, it is a most admirable Secret and of Infinite Use; I am impatient till I learn it of you, and as soon as I know it I am persuaded I shall improve it to as great a Benefit as Adam would have done the Tree of Life in Paradise, if he had continued there. And I doubt not but if Origen had known it, he that looks upon the History of Scripture as Allegory, he would have believed the Tree of Life to be nothing but this Mystery which God had communicated unto Adam: But that which you was speaking of your Health, creates one Scruple in me; How Monsieur Descartes having to the Advantage of this fine Knowledge came to die at the Age of fifty four? Was he so much out of Love with his Life as to neglect the repairing those effluxes of his Machine, whose Failures and Disasters he could so easily foresee?  
Do you believe then, returned he, that M. Descartes is dead? I know not, said I, how you understand it, but methinks the Corpse of a Man should not be buried unless he was dead before; and all the World knows that in the Year 1650. 
M. Chersilier prefde Lett. de M. Descar●es.  the Body of M. Descartes was interred at Stockholm with great, Pomp and Solemnity, by the Care of M. Chanut, his particular Friend, and then Ambassador of France at the Court of Sweden: That since M. Dalibert hath ordered his Bones to be removed to Paris, and to be disposed of in the Church of S. Geneve, where his Epitaph is to be seen, engraven upon a fair White Marble: It seems to me once more, That all this supposes a Man as dead as dead can be.  
All these Particulars are true, said my Cartesian; but for all that it is false that M. Descartes is dead; for that we call Death is when our Body becoming incapable of Vital Functions, either by the Defailure of the Organs, which are wore out in the Succession of Years, or corrupted by some Disease, or endamaged by some Hurt or Wound, the Soul is obliged to quit her Habitation, following the Laws of their Union established by the Sovereign Master of the Universe: But Cartesius' Soul was by no means separated from his Body after this manner. Hear then the Matter of Fact.  
About three or four Months after his Arrival in Swedeland, where Queen Christina had invited him, and did him the Honour to entertain him in her Library an Hour in a Morning every Day: 
Pref. de let. de De●cartes.  He was seized in the midst of Winter with an Inflammation of the Lungs, seconded with a Giddiness in the Brain; but the Fever having left his Brain, there had been no great Difficulty in his Recovery. 
Lett. de Descartes.  Himself had wrote a little Time before to one of his Friends, That he had made some Discoveries in Anatomy, that insured his Life for an hundred Years: And 'tis known that M. Descartes did not use to go by Guessing, or advance any thing without a firm Assurance; but an unseasonable Misfortune rendered his Prediction fruitless; seeing he had not rested well that Night, his Soul had a Mind to take a little Turn for Recreation-sake; he takes his usual Doses of Snush, and his Soul leaves his Body in the Bed. By ill Luck the Physician, contrary to his Custom came to visit him at Midnight; the Noise he made, in entering the Chamber, did not awake his Body, whose Senses were perfectly laid asleep by virtue of the Herb, of which I spoke, that was mingled with the Tobacco: But having put to his Nose a Vial of extremely Spirituous Liquor, to fortify the Brain, it made a more quick and lively Sally upon the Organ of Sense than Hungary Water used to do, which M. Descartes Soul made use of when she would re-enter the Body, and conclude its Trance; it caused it to open its Eyes, and to give some Groans. The Physician asked it how he did? The Machine accustomed, some Days ago to answer to that Question, That he was very ill, made still the same reply; but to other Questions the Physician proposed (since the Soul was not there to talk rationally, and answer to the purpose) the Answers were full of Extravagance and Delirium, just as the Machine was determined by the Voice of the Doctor: It talked eternally of the Separation of its Soul from its Body, because the last Thoughts the Soul entertained in the Act of separating herself were those of that Separation, which had left some Figures or Traces stamped upon the Brain, answering to those Thoughts, and determining the Tongue to a Motion, requisite to pronounce such sort of Words. These Symptoms enduc'd the Doctor to believe he was again transported with a Raving in his Head; wherefore he is out of Hand blooded in the Foot, Cupping-Glasses are applied, and several other Violent Remedies, which so exhausted and altered his poor Body, that in a short Time it had spent all its Strength; it's natural Heat began to faint, and lose itself by little and little; a Defluction of his Brain fell into his Breast; and in a Word, it became a mere Cadaver, and unable to perform the Duties of Life, and to receive his Soul. Thus it happened; so that you see a Man may truly say, M. Descartes is not dead.  
Assuredly Sir (said I) this is not to die according to due Form and Method; nevertheless the Swedish Physician would be held Guiltless before all the Faculties of Europe; for he has followed the Rules of his Art he acted according to appearance, and if he did but understand what you are teaching me, That M. Descartes is not dead, he might boast of the Greatest and most unprecedented Exploit that was ever known in Medicine, I mean to have killed a Man without causing him to die. But Sir, I beseech you (continued I) acquaint me, if you know, What was the Destiny of M. Descartes Soul; for, according to the uncontroverted Principles of our Faith, a Soul in leaving this World receives her Arrest for Eternity, and either has her Portion in Paradise, Hell or Purgatory for some Time.  
That Question ruffled my old Gentleman; And in the Name of God (said he) almost in a Passion, rid yourself of that Ridiculous Custom you have taken up in the Schools, of introducing Questions of Religion in Matters purely Philosophical. M. Descartes had once thought to renounce his Philosophy, or at least refuse to publish his Works, to save him the Trouble of answering those impertinent Objections, which were made at every turn and upon all occasions. I am giving you clear Matter of Fact, and you desire me to Account for the Conduct of God. But in brief, have not I forestalled all your Difficulties, when I told you M. Descartes was not Dead? And since he is not Dead, why demand you if he has submitted to a Judgement, the Dead are only concerned in?  
I begged his Pardon for my Imprudence; and agreed with him, That nothing was more unseasonable and inconvenient, than such sort of occasional Questions, to a Philosopher that had made a System without regard to any thing of that Nature. And that likewise put me in mind of entreating my Readers, to use the same Candour towards me. That they will not wrangle with me, upon the Point of separate Souls, whole Shoals of which I meet with in my Voyage to the World of Descartes, nor tie me to answer all the Scruples, they might be able to raise on that Account. For therein bottom the most agreeable Passages of my History, with which I should not present the Public, but upon that Condition. I would entreat them to remember the Privilege these Cartesian Gentlemen take, who when perplexed in answering the Argument, brought against the Essence of Matter, and drawn from the Sacrament of the Host, think they have right to cry out, They are injured; That their Philosophy is sequestered from Things relating to Faith; That they are Philosophers and not Divines, and undertake the explaining the Mysteries of Nature, not of Religion: I would, I say, they'd do me the like Justice; or, if they had rather, the same Favour. And supposing any one so Religious, as to suspect me of the Heresy of those, who say, The Souls in parting from the Body are not doomed for Eternity; I wish he'd consider once more, that I am in this, an Historian and Philosopher, not a Theologist, and give a Relation of Descartes' World, am not making a Profession of Faith. Which the Character of an History (such as I am upon) will bear, far more independently of the Truths of our Religion, than a System of Philosophy. Any one that knows never so little must be forced to acknowledge this: Which being once supposed, I return to the Narrative of my Old Gentleman, who thus went on.  
M. Descartes' Soul returning to Stockholm, found herself in the like unlucky Circumstances, as did one Hermotimus, 
L. de Anima.  mentioned by Tertullian, who having procured the selfsame Secret as Descartes, left constantly a-nights, his Body asleep in Bed, whilst his Soul went a rambling through the World. Both one and the other, at their return, found their Lodgings out of a Capacity to receive them.  
The Task Descartes' Soul enjoined herself then, was, to meet at Paris. She would not tell me presently of the Accident, but only invited me to take a turn or two: No sooner said than done. With one Snuff of the Tobacco, I equipt myself to wait on her. My Soul was no sooner out of my Body, but she said, in Language Spiritual, she was about to tell me strange News. I am, says she, no longer Embodied; my Corpse is this day to be interred at Stockholm; and he gave me the Particulars of what I have been relating: Nor did she seem sab or afflicted thereupon. I then demanded of her if she experienced what the Philosopher's report, That the Soul being the substantial Form of the Body, when separated for good and all, is in statu violento. She answered me, she knew nothing of that violent State, but found herself incomparably better out, than in the Body: And that she had but one Concern upon her, to know in what part of the vast Space was best to settle her Abode in. That she would take my Directions in the thing, but that she found her Will inclined for the third Heaven. The third Heaven, according to the division Cartesius makes of the World, is the last of all, and that which is the farthest removed from us. For the first is nothing but the Vortex, in which is placed the Earth, whose Centre is the Body of the Sun, about which, the Celestial Matter that composes the Vortex, carries us, and makes us turn continually like the other Planets. The second Heaven is incomparably larger than that in which we are, and takes up all that mighty space in which we see the fixed Stars, which are so many Suns, and have each of them a Vortex, of which they are themselves the Centre, as our Sun is of this. Lastly, the third Heaven is all that Matter, or all that indefinite Extent, which we conceive above the Starry Heaven, and is void of Bounds, and in respect of which the space of all the other may be considered as a Point.  
Now many Reasons determined M. Descartes to choose his place of Residence in the highest Heaven. The first was, To avoid the Company of an Innumerable gang of Souls of Philosophers, that were vaulting and fluttering on all parts of this our Vortex; for, to tell you by the way, 'tis incredible how many Souls we met upon our Journey: And M. Descartes was much surprised to see the Secret, of which he took himself to be the first Inventor, made use of in all times, even by those of a very mean Quality, whereby they have escaped a dying, or whose Souls have lost their Bodies by some Accident, not unlike that of M. Descartes. But that which made their Company so disrelisht, and perfectly intolerable to Cartesius his Spirit, was, That these Souls, so disentangled as they were from Matter, were tinctured still with Prejudice, wherewith they were prepossessed, when united with their Bodies. That when he would have converssed with them about the Principles of Bodies, and the Causes of several Phoenomena's, they faintly supposed to him, or proved by the Authority of Aristotle, substantial Forms, absolute Accidents, and occult Qualities, as is done to this day in many Schools. And except some few Souls of the highest Rank, which he hath converted and proselyted to Cartesi●nism, all are inveterate and inleagued against him with as immoderate Fury, as the Philosophers of this World when he began to publish his Doctrine here.  
The second Reason that biased him to that Election, was, because he looked upon those indefinite Spaces as a new Discovery, of which he was the Author. For it was upon his forming a distinct Idea of Matter, whose Essence consisted in Extension, that he concluded Space, Extension and Matter, to be one and the same thing, signified under different Names: And being it was necessary to admit of a Space and an Extension above our World, since we have a most clear Conception of them, it was plain, That above our World there was Matter too, and as we can have no Idea of any Bounds or Limits that Matter has, it is necessary it should be Infinite or rather Indefinite.  
Finally, the third and most prevailing Reason of all, and which he intimated not to me, until we arrived upon the place, is, that well, conjecturing the Matter above the fixed Stars to be uninformed, and not yet shaped into a World, he was in good hopes that he was able to set it to work himself, and fancied that in dividing and agitating it, according to his Principles, he could reduce it to a World like this, excepting that it would be destitute of real Men, and only stored with Automatous Machine's in their Likeness. That Project was the Subject of the most part of his Books, especially of his Book of Principles, and that Entitled, The World of M. Descartes. We set out immediately for the third Heaven. I shall not descend to the Particulars of our Voyage. I hope in a few days you'll bear me Company there yourself. I'll only say, that upon our Coasting, we found all Things exactly in that Portrait we had drawn before, without Form, without due Order, or any regular posture of the Parts, as rude and unsightly Materials, that require the Hand of the Artist. We surveyed it all about, and bewildered ourselves a long time in the vast Deserts of the other World; which perfectly represented to me the Face of the Chaos, and that confused Mass of which the Poets speak. That interview, as much a Spirit as I was, filled me full of Horror, so hideously frightful it appeared. It is notwithstanding here (said the Spirit of M. Descartes) that I will fix; nor will I quit this Place till the Providence of God shall dispose of me for Eternity; he brought me into the World to reform and re-establish the Philosophy of it. I had with good success began the Business I was sent upon; but one unlucky Accident, not in my Power to foresee, prevented me from prosecuting my Design: That shall not hinder me from using the Knowledge he hath given me to the best Advantage. I presume, to accomplish here the System of my World, of which you have seen the Draught: Matter here is plenty and to spare, and only Motion's wanting; and I have all encouragement to hope, That God, who, of his Goodness, uses to condescend, in Quality of an Universal Cause, to the Thoughts and Inclinations of his Creatures, conformably to their Nature, will not be wanting to me. Being a separate Spirit, I can lay Claim to greater Motions far than those that set the Wheels of all the World below a going: I shall no sooner desire the Moving of this Matter, but God, pursuant to the Laws of his Providence will create so much Motion as I have a Mind to: There will be need of nothing more than the Determination of that Motion, and the Distribution of it, according to the particular Necessities of every part of Matter. That determination, as I have heretofore explained, depends on Second Causes, which Province will entirely belong to me; I know very well the Rules; the Consequences I have drawn from those Rules will infallibly compass my Design. In short, I find myself in a Capacity, according to my Principles to warrant the Success of my Enterprise; since notwithstanding the Machine I undertake is of an unwieldy Bigness, for I design to make it as capacious as our World, and must be composed of an infinite different Parts, since the Engines that must be played are innumerable, since the Combinations and the different Determinations of Motions must be infinite, it will not be the Work of one Day, nor one Year; half an Age is not too much for an Human Spirit for projecting such a Grand Design: But I am persuaded, my Principles supposed, it will be sufficient. I shall take no Satisfaction in Visitants, that shall come and interrupt me, during that Space of Time: I will now begin to enjoy the Pleasures of Solitude, which I could never find on Earth, and I entreat you to manifest my Intentions thereupon to all my Friends below, whom you think it convenient to acquaint with my Circumstances, without telling them precisely where I am▪ for once more I say, I would not have, them know exactly what's become of me, nor what I am a doing: The Men there, and especially the Philosophers, deserve not to be admitted to the Knowledge of these great Mysteries, they'd ridicule as fabulous what ever you should say concerning me, as they did for the most part entertain as Whim and Chimaera all that I revealed of my Project touching the Construction of a World. As for you, my dear Friend, I would that you return to your Body, which now you have left almost two Days; too long fasting may inflame it, and introduce a Fever▪ Above all, take Care you never finally abdicate it, upon your own Authority, which some of my Disciples have been guilty of, and so many Ancient Philosophers that we met in divers Places; for that is contrary to the Decree of Providence▪ Inquire in your Way for the Spirit of Father Mersennus, and send him hither; I'll take him to me for an Assistant, and to keep me company.  
Having received the last Orders of this dear Spirit, and obtained Permission to give him a Visit once at least, in three or four Years Time; having considered the great Violence I should suffer, in being so long distracted from him, and the Danger likewise I was in of being so for ever, in case I should die during that great Term of Years, he had destined to the completing of his World; we spiritually embraced each other, and I stood forwith for Paris. I cut it through a vast number of Vortexes and Planets, without discovering Father Mersennus; but at last I found him out in Mercury, in which he very much delighted, because that is a very jolly Planet: I intimated to him the Orders I had for him from M. Descartes, which he embraced with Joy, having been all-a-long his faithful Correspondent, and especially at Paris. Being I was in haste for my Departure, we had not much Discourse together, so we parted; he bent his Course towards the third Heaven, my Spirit took the Way that led to my own Home, where she reunited with my Body.  
Since that Time I have paid M. Descartes 〈◊〉 or seven Visits; the last was about two Months ago. He assured me then, He had dispatched almost all his Combinations, and that all was as good as demonstrated: And unless the most evident Principles of Geometry, Mechanics and statics were false, he was confident of the Performance. He promised to give me notice about this Time, to come and see him, to the end we might take a Review together, and examine his Design, and may be forthwith fall to work in the Production of his World, that is to say, to afford me the most Noble Diversion, of which an human Soul is capable. I daily expect a Message to departed, and it will be your own Fault only (added he) if you are not a Sharer in this Voyage, and gain a greater Stock of Knowledge in one Day than the most reputed Cartesians have in all their Life. This is the Sum of all I had to say.  
Scarce had he made an End of speaking, but a Country Gentleman, of no mean Rank, of a good and genteel Presence, though I disliked the impertinence of his Visit at that instant, entered his Chamber, in a Country Habit, saying, his Coach stood ready at the Gate, and that it was Time to go. It was a Design they had agreed on, to take the Air for a Fortnight; which obliged me to take my Leave of them and retire.  
I knew not what to think of this Relation: I never took him for an Enthusiast, that had given it me: And surely (thought I) this Story is too well pursued to be a Dream. I than conceived it might be some mysterious Allegory, containing all the Secrets of the Sect, of which he would give me afterwards the Explication. I applied myself however to the reading of my fine Descartes, and I compassed him during the Fortnight, though it cost me many a Headache, occasioned by the too great Intention of Thought: But I understood in the Consequence, That all he had said was far from Allegory, and that he ought to be taken in a Literal Sense, at the end of his Epistle.  
My old Friend being returned from the Country, sent me a Letter, the next Morning, in which he notified, He would see me before four and twenty Hours were at an end, and that I should put myself in a Readiness for my Voyage. I waited all the Day, with great Impatience; but seeing at last he did not come, about ten a Clock I went to Bed; half an Hour after, being yet awake, I was amazed to hear my Curtains drawn on all Sides my Bed, the Casements of my Windows to fly open with so vast a Noise, and to see, by the Assistance of the Moon, my old Gentleman in the middle of the Room, and another with him, habited in an unusual Dress: I protest I was seized with such a sudden Dread, that the Hair of my Head stood upright, and I sweat all over. The old Gentleman then approaching to my Bedside, said, You are fearful, take Courage a little, Don't you know me? I know you (answered I) in a trembling Tone, but what could I think to see you in my Chamber without entering at the Door, with such a Noise and Havoc as was here? What you should, and aught to think, (said he) is, that a Spirit separate from the Body, may enter any where without a Key, and needs not the Convenience of a Door: And for the Noise, it was first to wake you, and then for the Pleasure of surprising you, and putting you in a little Fright. Do not you remember the Conversation we had together a Fortnight since? I well remember it (said I) but was it all true you then related? Infallibly (said he) and I now am come to make good my Promise I then made you, of conducting you to M. Descartes' World: Here is the Reverend Father Mersennus, who is now come from him, to advise me all is ready; and that he would be glad, before he puts the Design of his World in Execution, to make a Trial in the Presence of some of his Friends; you shall be of the Party if you think fit: I advise you not to lose so fair an Opportunity. At the same Time Father Mersennus steps up, and bowing low to the Ground, confirmed what my old Philosopher had said, and added, That understanding by him the Character and Qualification of my Soul, he could undertake for a kind Reception from M. Descartes. Pardon Reverend Father (said I) my Astonishment, I am not accustomed to receive such Visits: Spirits I never saw before, and I could never have believed they had been so civil and well-bred as I now find them.  
Mean while, though I used all possible endeavours to compose my ●elf, I still was somewhat fearful: I was under strong Apprehensions there might be Sorcery and Witchcraft in the Case, and that under pretence of guiding me unto M. Descartes' World, they designed to convey me to the Witches Sabbath. On the other hand I feared to affront these Gentlemen-Spirits, who for the most part understand not Will and Humour. And my Memory furnished me with a parallel Case, of some certain People cajoled with the pretence of such sort of Mysteries, till having learned a part, and refusing to go on, they had their Neck writhe by the Devil or his Accomplices: I renounced all manner of covenanting in myself, and made use of all the Precautions my Prudence could suggest in that Conjuncture; after which, I spoke to them as fairly as I could, in this manner.  
Gentlemen, you make Profession of a Sect that gives it as a Maxim, That a Man must not assent to any thing but a Truth, fully and clearly manifest: And that it is distinguishes you from all others, and especially the Philosophers of the Schools. The Conversation I had with this Gentleman a fortnight ago, and the Critical Reading of M. Descartes since, joined with the present Circumstances, create some Scruples in my Mind, of which should be glad to be cleared before we go any farther. With you take kindly what I shall propose? We will hear you readily (〈◊〉 they) and you sh●ll have the satisfaction you demand. Only settle and compose yourself, for you seem a little disturbed: And resolve yourself you need not fear, and that you shall receive no harm.  
Those last Words a little revi●'d me, and I began to speak with a more steady Voice. It is not many days since I read in M. Descantes, That the Essence of the Soul consisted in being a thinking Substance, and that she hath neither Extension, hor Figure, nor Colour; which I know not how to reconcile with what I see at present: For you give me to understand, you be purely Spirits, yet I perceive in you different Colours, and I see you formed in the Figure of a Man, and you look like Being's that are extended: Rid me I pray you of this Perplexity. Father Mersennus presently tool the Word. What you propose (said he) stands to Reason: But it is easy to answer you, and plainly to expound the Thing by the evident Principles of true Philosophy. It is c●●tain a Soul is essentially a thinking Substance, and that she is neither Figured no● Coloured. We are purely Spirits indeed, and though we seem to have a Face, and Hands, and Feet; yet we have neither Face, nor Hands, nor Feet. He must be as addle-brained as was Tertullian, and bend on Error with as great a Zeal as he, when he engaged himself in that Affair. Who thinks the Soul is not only Corporal, but has also Parts proportioned to the Body, which she animates, and is therein just as a Sword is in the Scabbard▪ His devout Spirit that saw Souls of a blue Colour in his Prayer, had topsyturned his Mind upon that Subject.  
To make you therefore comprehend how you see us Coloured, Figured and Extended, with Face, Hands and Feet, though we have neither Extension, Colour, Figure, Hands nor Feet; you must know, your Soul, whilst she is united with the Body, cannot behold another Soul, so as in herself she is, cannot hear her Speak; or to explain myself more justly, cannot have the immediate Communication of her Thoughts. To the end then, you might know that we are here, and that we might make you understand our Thoughts, and the Design that brought us hither, it was expedient to make use of means proportioned to the Capacity your Soul at presents in. Now I would not have you imagine, that for this purpose I was forced to frame myself a Body of some Matter. But only call to mind what your reading of M. Descartes ought to teach you, That to see an Object, with regard unto your Soul, is nothing else than to perceive the Extension, Figures and Colours, of that Object. That that perception is not caused immediately by the Object, which being at a distance from our Body and our Soul, cannot act upon them of itself: That therefore's done by the Reflection of Infinite Rays of Light, which rallying from every part, and every point of the Object, strike and make the several Threads to quaver, of which the Optic Nerve's composed. That Concussion is communicated to the Brain, and to the place of Residence of the Soul; and it is pursuant to, and on the Account of that Concussion, the Soul forms an Idea of the Object which she perceives or apprehends in the manner we call Seeing. And it is according to the various Modifications of that Concussion, that she sees Objects at several distances under divers Figures, and of different Colours. From whence it follows, that the Perceptions or Ideas of the Soul, have no necessary dependence on the Objects; but only on the exterior Organ, which may be proved by a thousand Experiments, but especially by that of Phrenetick People, who perceive Objects quite different from what they really are; and see them where they are not.  
Now that you may perceive a Body in the place where I am, when no such thing is there, it is sufficient that your interior Organ should be moved in such a manner, as it would be if a Body was really there. That's the thing I now am actually doing upon your Optic Nerve, to make you know that I am here: That is it, which causes you to see a Body, though in truth there is none to see. And what I act upon the Organ of Sight, to make a Body appear, the same I do in proportion upon that of Hearing, to find you Sounds and Words. I impress a like Motion upon the Strings of your Nerves of the fifth Conjugation, as would the Vibrations and Undulations of the Air, were it agitated by the Motion of a Tongue and the Mouth of a Man, who should stand where I seem to do, and should utter the same Words you at present hear.  
Upon these Principles it was, 
F. Maignan.  that a Father of our Order has most ingeniously unfolded the Mysteries of the Holy Sacrament, without the assistance of that Medley of absolute Accidents, that could never be conceived. For, says he, when we are taught the Body of I. C. is under the appearance of Bread, nothing more is intimated, than that the Body of I. C. is truly there, where the Bread was, and seems still to us to be, to the end that Bread may appear where the Body of I. C. actually is▪ God acts upon our Senses. He there produces the selfsame Motions, and makes the same Impressions the Bread did before. So when our Lord presented himself to St. Magdalen in the form of a Gardener, it was by acting upon her Eyes, just as the Visage and Habit of the Gardener would have done, and not by clothing himself with the absolute Accidents of a Gardener.  
But that which you may gather from this present Experience, is, the manner how the Dead appear, who sometimes by God's Permission present themselves to those alive: For they appear by the same Method as I do actually myself. And those Bodies of Air or Water, which some pretend they attire themselves withal, are only the Whym●ies and Forgeries of their Imagination, who have treated of Devil's craft in supposing the Principles of the School Philosophy. Have you any farther Difficulty, said he, upon that Point?  
Ah! (Father, replied I) you have made it as clear as the Sun, and have given me infinite Satisfaction. Your Discourse is altogether Spiritual. I rely not much upon the Explication of that Father of your Order, upon the Mystery of the Eucharist. I take it for a Maxim with the wisest of the Catholic Philosophers, That all Novelty in such sort of Things is dangerous, at least always ought to be suspected. You have absolutely dispersed the Doubts that troubled me. It was indeed long ago that I had a Notion, Sensation was caused by the Local Motion of the Organs; but that Idea was not unperplexed. Aristotle had said it before Cartesius, 
Arist. in Probl.  but had not explained it. From this time forth I renounce for ever a great part of the Ideas I had framed thereupon. I solemnly abjure before you, all the Axioms that respect the Active, Passive, and passable Intellect. I acknowledge they are Terms that signify nothing, and are of no use but to make the Ignorant to stare, who cannot understand them, but imagine the Philosophers can.  
After that Protestation Father Mersennus' Soul moved my Organ in such a manner, as gave me to apprehend he was well pleased. Which made me take the boldness of proposing a second Scruple. Father (said I) I done't well understand what that World is of M. Descartes, where you would conduct me. For in reading M. Descartes I did conceive his World was nothing else, but this of ours, explained by the Principles of his Philosophy. And I distinctly remember I have read in a Letter, he had formerly wrote these Words; That he should think himself undeserving of the Name of a Natural Philosopher, if he could only tell how Things might be, without demonstrating they could not be otherwise. There he Bravadoes it a little. 
Let. 37. Tom. 2.  But that confirms me, that when he speaks the contrary, and says he pretends not to give an Account of Things as they are in the World, but only how they ought to be in a World, that he imagines he would be angry, should we credit him thereupon.  
What you say is true (replied Father Mersennus) M. Descartes designed not to be believed in that Particular. So that the World of M. Descartes, is in earnest, this World explained by the Principles of his Philosophy. But it is also true, that there is, or rather, will be very speedily, another World, that may more properly be called Descartes' World, since it will be of his own Contrivance. And that's the World with which this Gentleman, your Friend, has entertained you, and that we shall give you a sight of if you please. Nothing certainly (said I) will be more diverting: I would quit the Racing, or the Festivals of Versailles, to be Spectator of this Prodigy, which doubtless, is the compleatest Work of Philosophy, and the almost Masterpiece of Human Nature. But Sir (said I, turning to my old Gentleman) the Story of Descartes you have formerly related, gives me some disturbance. The Voyage you know is very long; and a World like this he is about, is not to be built in one Hour's time. I know my Soul loves her Body very well, and would be much concerned at her return, to find it incapacitated to receive her. And an hundred Accidents may happen, against which no one can give Security.  
We are provided for them all (said he:) Look towards the bottom of your Bed. Good God▪ (I cried out) scared out of my Senses: What is't I see? The Devil than is one of your Club! Wretched Mortal that I am! I am lost, undone: However I'll die without any familiarity with him. Monsieur avaunt. I renounce utterly your Enchantments and your Magic.  
Softly, foftly (said he) why all this Alarm? He is no Devil that you see, though Black: He's far from being a Devil: This is the Soul of a little Black that waits upon Descartes. To ease you of all Scruples and Disquiet in a word or two, I'll give you an Abbreviate of him.  
This Little Black was formerly Valet to M. 
Diverses letter's de Des●artes.  Regius the famous Professor of Physic in the University of Vtrecht, who, as is known, was then the intimate Friend, Disciple, and Admirer of M. Descartes. Upon these Accounts he merited the communication of his Secret, for the separating the Soul and Body. Since that they broke with each other, in so much that M. Descartes thought himself obliged to Write against him. Because he depraved his Doctrine, and made it give Offence. M. Regius, (who if Descartes' Character be true,) was none of the most Honourable and gentilest Gentlemen in the World, to revenge himself, and show how he scorned, and trampled on a thing, Cartesius set so high a rate upon, taught it this little Negro: One time above the rest, he went to make use of it. Returning one day from the Country, where his Master had sent him, much tired, he sat himself under the shade of an Oak: His Soul left his Body to its repose and rambled for Diversion I know not where. Mean while some Highwaymen killed a Man hard by him. The Grand Provost who was near, being advised of the Murder, came speedily with his Sergeants: The Noise they made was such, that it awaked the Body of the Little Black: And there happened something in the Adventure not unlike that, I told you lately, of Descartes. For the Machine determined by the Noise, and the strong Impression the Presence of armed Men made upon his Organ, began to fly. They pursue him, overtake him, and examine him. He contradicts himself at every Word, in his Answers, which, in the absence of his Soul, were not likely to be very coherent. The Grand Provost who was a little too expeditious in the Business, took his Flight, and the Astonishment that appeared in his Countenance and his Words, for an Evident convicton of the Crime, and caused him to be hanged upon a Tree, as an Accomplice of the Murder'● that was committed. The Soul returning not long after, found her Body hanging in that rascally Posture of a Malefactor. Forced then, as she was, to seek a now Abode, she was in a miserable condition. The majority of separate souls which play in all the vast extent of the World, being Souls of Philosophers, and Souls of great Importance, and having in a Convention held by the most considerable of them, declared that Opinion of Philosophy true, that holds an ●nequality in Souls of the same Species: They would not ways admit that the Soul of an ignorant Negro should enjoy the same Privilege as they, and gave her chase througout the Universe. In short, her good Fortune would, that she should, attempt to pass our Vortex and arrive at the very place Descartes' Soul had pitched upon to Meditate. He had Compassion on her, and allowed her the liberty to live with him. Father Mersennus brought her hither, in Case there should be occasion, and we'll leave her with your Body to take care on't.  
The Retail of a Story so well circumstanced, induced me to credit what was said, as true. I entreated both the Spirits to excuse the Transport▪ I was guilty of telling them, that the Figure and Colour he made use of to appear in, being the same the Devil ●urnishes himself with all, when he would be visible, had 〈◊〉 printed on my Mind that horrible Idea. I desired them to give me some Instructions, how I must be rigged to accompany them in that wondrous Voyage, that they proposed; saying, I hoped to make infinite Advantage of the Favour they vouchsafed me, and in their Society, to return so choice a Treasure of Knowledge, as would distinguish me from the rest of Mankind. Three things, says Father Mersennus, you have to do: The first is, To dismantle your Mind of all the Prejudices of Childhood, and the ordinary Philosophy. For 'tis strange to see how the Prejudices the Soul sucks in but by the Senses, should make so deep impression on the Understanding, with Time and Custom; which she chooses for the Rule of her Opinions. In so much, that Souls separated form their Bodies, otherwise than by Death, although during that separation they act independently on the Senses, do yet think, judge and reason conformably to their prejudice. Without that Precaution, you'll make a fruitless Voyage, and be but where you are, at your return.  
The second Requisite before our embarquing is, That you give Orders to this little Spirit●, after what Method he must treat your Body in your absence. Whereupon it is advisable to let you know, that when your Soul shall be in state of Separation, all things will be carried on in the usual Road, not only as to Natural Functions, but as to those Motions caused by External Objects; provided that you leave the Machine mounted in the same manner, as it is at present. So that if you used to wake, and rise at the sound of an Alarm, or at a certain Hour, as soon as that Hour shall strike, the Motion of the Timpanum of your Ears communicated to your Brain, shall make way for the Animal Spirits to glide along the Muscles, and to produce in your Legs and Arms, and your whole Body, such Motions as daily you yourself produced, for the taking of your Breeches, than your Doublet, and the rest of your Appurtenances, after one an other, and dressing you from Head to Foot. It shall walk as it used to do; traverse all the House upstairs, and down. It shall s●at itself at Table, as soon as the voice of the Page crying Dinner Sir is ready, shall strike upon its Ears: It shall Eat, shall Drink, and in a word, perform every Action it has been accustomed too; the Animal Spirits never failing to take their course towards certain parts of the Body, at the presence of certain Objects, and by consequence producing always certain Motions in the Body, in certain Circumstances. Now in all External Actions that we do, there is nothing but Motion, produced this way. And hence it is that Beasts who are undoubtedly as Mere Machine's as our Body, seem to us at the same time to act both with Variety, and Uniformity.  
The only Mischief that you need to fear, is, in case a Friend should come to visit you: Because the Body, without the Soul, would be incapable to maintain discourse, and must answer very impertinent to the Thing in hand. For betwixt ourselves it is only by Discourse that we Cartesians know that those Bodies we commonly call Men, are truly Men, and not merely Machine's: 
Let. 53. de Desc. Tom. 1.  But herein it is this Little Negro will be serviceable. M. Descartes hath taught him all the different Motions, possible to be made upon the Pineal Gland; and all the various Determinations, of which the Animal Spirits are capable by its means: And how the Words are formed in the Mouth, only by the motion of the Muscles that stir the Tongue, the lower Jaw, and Lips: And how particular Words are framed, only by the certain Motions of the Muscles, caused by that of the Animal Spirits, according to the different Questions, a Friend, suppose, that gives you a visit in the absence of your Soul should propound to you. The Little Negro by the various Motions he shall then impress upon your Gland, and, from thence upon the Animal Spirits, and Muscles, shall form without failure in your Mouth the Words that ought to be spoke, and such Answers as the Questions shall demand. And fear not he should make your Body speak any thing unbecoming of your Soul: For I'll say that for him, Negro as he is, he is no Fool.  
You may take yet an other way: It is but leaving your Body in the Bed, where it is, and in the Trance you'll put it by the taking Snush for the separating of your Soul. That Trance which consists in slackening the Sensitive Nerves, is not attended with any further trouble: Mean while, this little Negro, shall make your Figure, and shall so exactly Personate you, as if your Soul had made no expedition: And in that there ' I be no difficuty, no more than is in my appearing in the Formalities of a Friar, and this Gentleman's in the same Physiognomy, and dress you used to see him, as I have but just now explained it to you. And to observe to you by the by; you see the Cartesian Philosophy teaches without any Sin, what Apollonius Thyanaeus and many other Magicians could not do, without first giving themselves to the Devil.  
The third and last Thing you have to do, is, To take a little of the Gentleman's Snush, which he has brought you; so we'll hoist Sale, and stand off for the Road that will bring us to M. Descartes.  
Having returned thanks to Father Mersennus for the Instructions and Light he was pleased to give me; I assured him, as for the first Article, I durst undertake; for that I had all along been somewhat Sceptical in point of School●Philosophy, and that my Mind was free from the contagion of Prejudice, that commonly is caught there: And as to the Prejudices of Infancy, the reading M. Descartes had taught me to distrust them. And that whilst he was Discoursing I had armed myself with a fresh Resolution, of assenting to nothing but what I should most distinctly conceive, following M. Descartes' advice. I forbore to mention another Resolution I had made, which was, To fore arm myself, at least, as much against the Opinionativeness of the Cartesians as the ordinary Philosophers, well knowing they were as much conceited as their Neighbours.  
Touching his Directions, that respected my Body, in my Soul's Absence, I closed with the second Proposal; Seeing (said I) Reverend Father, it seems more simple and feasible than the former. I like it well (quoth he) since 'tis one of our Maxims in any System, to choose the most simple way, and that which costs least Trouble. However, that was not the Reason that resolved me, but because I thought therein less Danger, and was not so firmly persuaded that my Body would be so expert and active in the Absence of my Soul, as was pretended; and also because the Instance of Brutes which was urged, made little Impression on my Mind, unable to discard those Prejudices a Soul capable of Sense and Reason had confirmed. I desired Father Mersennus to give Orders to the Little Black to suit himself with my Person, 'to fee if it would fit him: Forthwith it was done; and I beheld another me at my Beds Feet, as the Sosia of Amphitryon saw another Sosia before his Lady's Gate, at his Return from the Camp; only with this Difference, that I at my Bed's Feet asked very courteously to me in the Bed, whereas the Sosia who returned from the Army was well cudgeled by himself Sosia, who stood before the Gate of Al●mena. I recommended to him above all the fast bolting of my Chamber-door, that no Body might enter, and the frequent visiting my Body Day by Day, and admonishing him to take Care it might always lie in a Convenient Posture.  
Upon my old Sophi●ter's presenting me a Dose of Snush, I demanded if it was the True: For I remembered I had heard a Story of one Apuleius, that one Qui pro Quo metamorphosed into an Ass at the same Time he expected to become a Bird. He told me, he carried but one sort, and that there was no Danger of Mistaking: I then presently took it, and sneezed (God bless me) three or four Times, with mighty Violence. Hereupon I fell into a Swoon, like that of M. Descartes, I described before, and in an instant my Soul, by the only Act of the Will, perceived her enlargement from the Body.  
I intent not to enter upon the Retail of Reflections I made upon my Soul, and on my Body, when they were divorced from one another; I will only say, I began from that Moment to perceive the Strength of Prejudice and Conceit, in obstructing the Knowledge of Truth; and how wise and rational is the Advice M. Descartes and his Followers give, precautioning us on that Respect, and yet at the same time, how little Care those Gentlemen had to make use of the Rules they prescribe to others. For the first thing my Gentlemen would persuade me, whether I would or not, was, that my Soul in the instant of Separation, saw herself seated on the pineal Gland. As I judged it unfitting to begin with them by a palpable Contradiction; I made answer, That the Separation was performed so heedlessly, I had no Time to make that Observation. What I said was true, and was also the least disobliging Answer I could find; for I perfectly remembered, and was throughly convinced of what I had lately read in M. Stenon the great Anatomist, who was a great admirer of M. Descartes, and looked upon him as the ingenious Contriver of a Novel Man, but showed and proved by ocular Demonstration, 
Anatomy du cerveau.  this Man of his a quite different Creature from that which God Created: And that the Pineal Gland has not the Situation, much less is capable of those Motions attributed to it, upon that Hypothesis, That the Vessels with which it is encompassed, are not Arteries, which might supply it with the Matter of the Animal Spirits, as M. Descartes supposes; but only Veins, that by consequence the Honour and Privilege it has given it, of being the Closet of the Soul, is without Foundation; and that perhaps it deserves not to be advanced (upon any more considerable Employ it has) above the other Glands, whose Office is usually of no great Importance in an Animal Body.  
These were my Thoughts, though I kept them to myself; and I was desirous, as much as possible, to accompany them in their Sentiments. I first observed to them how Digestion was performed in my Body, though my Soul was absent, by the only Virtue of that Acid Humour in the Stomach, which, by the Agitation of its insensible Parts, dissolves Meats no otherwise than Aqua Fortis dissolves Metals: How the most subtle Parts, separated from one another, made a Cream-like Liquor, called the Chyle: How the Peristaltique Motion of the Guts served to drive down the grosser Parts, and to give admittance to the Chyle into the Venae Lacteae of the Mesentery, through the imperceptible Pores, proportioned to the Figure of the Particles the Chyles composed of: How upon the Heats staying in my Heart, just as before, the Blood performed its circular usual Course, continuing all the consequent Effects, such as Nutrition, and the sound Constitution of the Limbs, placed at the greatest Distance: How, in short all the Motions were carried on, by the only Clockwork of the Machine.  
And here the Sticklers for the old Philosophy must not resent the Compliance I used on this Occasion; for if all that was absolutely false, it could never have been true in this present Juncture, seeing my Body was not corrupted, tho' my Soul had left it; but if the Motion and Circulation of the Humours once had ceased, it must of necessity have been corrupted: Whence it follows, That supposing my Soul separate from my Body, as I do then suppose it was, it is plain that all the Motions were performed, and performed only by their Dependence on the Disposition of the Machine.  
At last we thought of setting out: I asked then what Names and Titles of Dignity or Respect Souls used to treat each other with in their Spiritual Conversation; for that Souls being in French of the Feminine Gender, I was guilty all-a-long of an Absurdity, in calling the Soul of M. by the Name of Monsieur, yet I durst not use Madam nor Mademoiselle. As for you (said I to Father Mersennus 's Soul) I may ease myself of that Trouble for the future, by using your Reverence; so you may, said he, by addressing M— s Soul with your Lordship, both Titles are all a mode in Italy, and arrived from thence in France. But trouble not your Head about it, we continue the same Names we had in the World when in our Bodies, M. Descartes is M. Descartes still; this Gentleman is what he was before; I am called Father Mersennus, as you are M—, for we Cartesians are a little Platonical in the Business. With Plato what's a Man? He's a Soul that makes use of a Body: And you may call to Mind a Particular Passage among others in Cartesius his Method, where he says, Examining with Attention what I was, and that I could conceive my Body to be nothing— and on the contrary, if I did subsist a Moment without thinking, I had no Reason to believe I had an Existence in that Moment— I conceived I was a thing, or a Substance, whose whole Nature and Essence did merely consist in thinking; so that myself (I mean my Soul, by whose means only I am, what I am) myself, I say, is a thing wholly distinct from my Body. And I wonder (added Father Mersennus) the Philosophers and School-Divines have escaped this Passage, and have not before this ranked it in the Catalogue of his pretended Errors; especially since M. Arnauld reflected on it by the by. But let's be gone, said he, and let's make haste, we have lost a whole half Hour already; Time's very precious: And with that he Soars up in the Air with the Soul of the old Gentleman, and I without any more Demurs, set out to follow them.   

A VOYAGE TO The World of Cartesius.  
PART. II.  
THE Wether was very serene, the Air extremely clear, the Moon was in the Full, and the Stars glittered, methought, in an extraordinary manner, which made me wonderful impatient to contemplate those Glorious Bodies more nigh them, whose Splendour, Vastness, Number and Order have been thought a Subject of Admiration by all Ages, the worthiest Object of the Study and Meditation of Philosophers, and most sensible Proof of the Divinity; notwithstanding which, my Guides caused me to make a Halt upon the Pinnacle of a Tower, raised far above the rest of the Town, to observe the Nature of the Air of that low Region, and the Parts of which it is composed. Come on (says my old Gentleman) you shall know by your own Experience, the Truth of Descartes his Sentiments, in the Explication of Natural Being's. Remember what he says in his fourth Book of Principles, that the Air is only an Amass of branched and ragged Parts, of the third Element, extremely small, severed from one another, and floating in the middle of the Balls of the Second Element, whose Motions they obey. See how the Parts of the First Element are mingled through the whole, and fill up all the Intervals the little Globules and the branched Parts leave betwixt them; how the Fluidity of this Body, as well as all other we call Liquids, consists in the Motion of its insensible Parts, which have an indifferent Tendency to any Side; for being they are all in Motion, and have mostly quite different Determinations, we may readily conceive two things: First, That upon a Liquid Body's ceasing to be confined and bounded by a Solid one, it must diffuse itself on every Side, since its Parts are in a Motion every way. Secondly, That upon a solid Body's offering to pass through, finding all the Parts in Motion, it easily makes a Separation; since, to do this, 'tis only requisite to give them different Determinations instead of those they had before; it being certain that when Bodies, and especially small ones, are in Motion, a Motion so different as that in which the little Parts are found, 'tis the easiest thing in Nature to give them new Determinations, and by consequence to divide a Liquid Body, and pass through it. These two Phaenomena's then of a Liquid Body, being explained so cleverly and so intelligibly as you see they are, by the Principles of Philosophy; the Gentlemen Philosophers of the Schools would have a great Sway over my Mind, if they would oblige me to acknowledge Fluidity for an absolute Accident, distinguished from the Motion of the Insensible Parts of a Liquid Body.  
As much inclined as I was to defend the Interests of the old Philosophy, I must own this Reasoning, joined with that I saw myself, made great Impression on my Mind; for though I could perceive no such Thing as the little Globules of the Second Element, of which he talked, and which was a mere Illusion of a Soul intoxicated, as much as possible, with the Ideas and Prejudices of Cartesianism; yet I was forced to Acknowledge in the Air those little insensible Parts lose and disengaged of one another, that undoubtedly constitute all Liquid Bodies. I plainly saw that subtle Matter which Aristotle himself acknowledged under the Name of Etherial Matter, and taught to be dispersed throughout the World, in a most rapid Motion. Thereupon I could not disallow that plain Explication he had made of the Properties of a Liquid Body: And I must grant, That were Descartes' Philolosophy as reasonable in all its Parts as this, I might be a little tempted to turn Cartesian, without troubling myself to dispute the Globules with him of the Second Element, or offering such other Doubts and Scruples as then came into my Mind; with entire Submission I complemented upon all the rest, both these Companions of my Voyage; that is to say, upon the subtle Matter, and on that branchy Matter, which I termed in their Language without more ado, the Matter of the First and Third-Element. I much applauded their Explication of Fluidity, and commended it for its Neatness and Simplicity; but a little Adventure turned the Discourse, and had like to have spoiled the Fruit of all my former Complasance.  
There was on the top of the Tower on which we lighted, a kind of a Twirl that was in the Nature of a Weathercock, about seven Inches Diameter; its Substance was of Plate of Steel, very thin and light; its Sails were exactly equal, and the Pin on which it turned, smooth and polished: So that the gentlest Gale of Wind set it a going, and at the same time turned about a bend Iron Rod (for the observing the point of the Wind) whose end made the Axis to the Twirl. It fortuned that a Soldier of a Suitz Regiment that quartered in the Town, discharged his Musket in the Air: It was loaded with two Bullets, one of which as it flew, but just glanced upon the end of one of the Flyers of the Twirl: And yet impressed so considerable a Motion as lasted a long time. The Bullet continued its Motion almost in a right Line, and went very near as far and as swift, as the other Bullet that never touched upon the Weathercock. I had good Reason to take notice of that last Circumstance. Father Mersennus slipped not that occasion to demonstrate to me another of M. Descartes' Principles. You see (said he) these Flyers; if that Ball had not slanted upon one of them in passing, seeing there is not any breeze of Wind, do you think they would have left that quiet Posture they were in, and turned themselves about? No certainly (I replied.) The posture they were in a Moment since, could never have been changed for that they are in at present, but by the assistance of some External Cause that has made that alteration. But now (added he) that they are in a directly contrary State, do you believe they could quit the same, without the determination of some other Cause that should destroy their Motion, as the Bullet did their Rest? Father (said I) that Question seems more difficult than the other to resolve: I have heard it always held, as an unquestionable Axiom, That every Body, whilst it is in Motion, tends to its Repose as to its end. We'll grant you (replied he) that Philosophic Banterage every Body, whilst in Motion, has a tendency to rest, as to its end. A Body is endued with Reason and a Will, first to have an end, and then to make unto it. But if that Proposition is capable of receiving any tolerable meaning, it says no more than this, That in the situation and disposition Bodies have among themselves in the World, sensible Bodies that are moved do truly lose their Motion by Degrees, upon the opposition they receive from other Bodies, to which it is communicated, and at length they rest. For if nothing did destroy that State of Motion it would last for ever, by the same Rule, that if nothing did disturb the rest of a Body, it would always remain immovable. And this it is of which I had a desire to convince you, by the Example of this little Windmill, Fortune has presented us.  
Supposing this Gimcrack had turned in the midst of Water, as it does in the midst of Air, it is a plain Case, it's Motion would quickly have been destroyed by the great Resistance the Water would have made. If two of its Sails had been longer, larger and heavier, than the other two, the Motion had ceased sooner yet: Because that inequality would have been another Cause of a more forcible Resistance. Again, if you add to this, that the Pin on which it turns had been thicker, as also rusty and unpolished, the Motion had been lost still sooner, for the same Reason. But because it stands in Air, and in Air that's very fine; because it Sails are exactly poised, and its Axis slender, smooth and polished, the Resistance that it finds is less, and the Motion so much greater, and longer it will last. Whence we may thus conclude: Much Resistance destroys much Motion; a less Resistance destroys less; and a lesser yet, destroys a lesser Motion still; and so on: Hence, if there was no Resistance at all, the Motion would not flag, but continue always; hence as a Body would maintain its Rest, unless an external Cause disturbed it in the Possession of that State, so a Body would continue its Motion, as long as it should meet no Molestation in it. So then, the great Principle of M. Descartes is established, That a Body of its own Nature stays always in the Capacity it is placed; if it is at rest 'twil always rest; if it is of a Triangular Figure it will be of a Triangular Figure always; if it is in Motion it will for ever be so: But for the rest this Principle is not peculiar to Descartes, Galileus before him, Gassendus, Hobbes, Maignan, etc. suppose it true. And I remember likewise, That in making my Collections for my Commentaries upon Genesis, where I have introduced an infinite Number of Philological, Philosophical and Astronomical Dissertations, I have remarked more than one Place in Aristotle, where he either teaches of supposes the same Doctrine; and Vasques one of the subtlest of the School Philosophers has proved it at large, as to the concern of Motion: It may however be said, that no one ever carried it to that Pitch, and used it so dextrously, and with that Advantage as Descartes; and thence it was that particular Difference and Honour was paid him rather than to others upon that respect.  
I am much of your Opinion (I returned,) That General Principle is without Controversy one of those, the Mind of Man admits without offering Violence to itself; and the Difficulty that is found in applying it to Bodies, considered in Motion, proceeds only from that false Idea, so commonly received, of what we call Modes in Philosophy, and from our conceiting Motion as a positive being, and Rest as its Privation, though neither Motion is a Being, nor Rest the Privation of a Being, but one and the other are different and contrary States, of which a Body Natural is capable. But, Reverend Father, this Whirl-gig here has raised a Scruple in me, of which I'd fain discharge my Conscience; i● is grounded on another Principle of Descartes, concerning which you may call to mind, if you please, that the Ball that touched the Sail, seeing it but glanced upon it, lost nothing, or next to nothing of its Motion, that it had so far preserved, and we saw it arrive to its Journey's End as soon as (at least was but a Trice behind hand with) the other that never touched at all; and on the other Hand impressed a very considerable Motion on the Engine: For whether we measure the Quantity of the Motion, by the Bulk Compass of the Body moved; or whether we measure it by the largeness of the Space traversed by the Body, in those innumerable Circles it described, spite of the Resistance of the medium wherein it turned: Or likewise whether we consider the swiftness of the Motion, it is manifest the Ball communicated much more Motion to ●he other Body than it lost itself: And on the contrary, granting the supposition you have just made unto my Hands, to demonstrate a Proposition of Descartes; I mean, that the Sails had been unequally balanced, and of a different Bigness, that the Axle had been Gross, unsmooth, or rusty, and that the Ball had grazed on one of the Sails less obliquely than it did, it is certain, in these Circumstances the Ball had lost much more of its swiftness and its Motion, yet would have impressed or communicated much less than it hath at present. What now's become of those grand Principles of M. Descartes? that a Body at the same instant that it moves another, communicates exactly so much Motion to it as it loses, and precisely loses the same Quantity it communicates; for here the Bullet communicates a great deal, but loses little; and in the other Supposition it loses much, and communicates but little: What now becomes of those mighty Axioms that lay the Foundation of his Physics, and support the whole Frame and Structure of his World? 
Part. 2. princ. p. 37▪ let. 72. tom. 〈◊〉  That God in the Creation of the World, or Matter, created at the same Time in it a definite Quantity of Motion, or Transport (as he himself styles it) from one Place to another, which is always the same without Increase or▪ Diminution, although the Parts of which the World's composed, have sometimes more and sometimes less of it; forasmuch as what is lost in me, is of Necessity received into another: That God is the universal Cause of all the Motion in the World: That the Creatures have no Pretence to its Production, and can only determine that produced already, etc. For if a Body communicates more than it has in itself, God or the Body itself must needs produce the overplus of the new; and if a Body loses more than it communicates, that which is lost and not communicated, must of necessity be annihilated. And this is sufficient to demonstrate that the Quantity of Motion is not always the same in the World, but on the contrary it increases and decreases every Moment. In a Word, we see here a considerable Part of Matter put into a rapid Motion that before had none at all. I will suppose it was in an Equilibrium, and that a little thing would turn the Scales; that will not do our Business, it will still be true to say, there is a new Transport communicated to a large Quantity of Matter: That that Transport is no small one, since it carries a great deal of Matter through a great deal of Space; yet notwithstanding the Ball hath not lost the least imaginable, seeing it is carried as far, and as swift, within a Trifle, as it would have been if it had communicated none at all. But that which seemed of most Importance was, the Immutability of God, that was interessed in this Affair: For the Reason why M. Descartes was so zealous to preserve the same Quantity of Motion to a Grain, was because God's unchangeable. See where this Trifie now has led us? But what a Mischief would it be, if this petty Instance overturning the Principle of the Quantity of Motion, should shatter all those Seven fine Rules of Motion Descartes has established with so exact a Calculation? Mean while they all take it for granted, and subsist but on the Courtesy of that Supposition; however he makes no Scruple to conclude his Explication with this remarkable Passage, All this is so evident it needs no Demonstration.  
But not to lose Time in drawing other Inferences, 
Part. 2. princip.  methinks, my Reverend Father, I may at least with some Pretence of Reason say, M. Descartes here has weakly maintained his Resolution, that he made in his Stove in Germany, 
Meth. p. 〈◊〉 & 37.  when he there began to play the Philosopher; I mean, of avoiding, above all things, a too heady forwardness in his Determinations, and the establishing any Principle, without examining of it with all possible Diligence, and upon greater Evidence than the most palpable Demonstrations in Geometry afford; of having so strict an Eye in every thing, and of making so exact an Analysis of all the Propositions he advanced, that he might be certain nothing could escape him; for had he guarded himself with these Precautions, before he proposed his Doctrine concerning Motion, your Windmill, and an hundred Instances might have come in to his Head, and probably have altered his Opinion, at least prevented him from saying, These things were all so evident they seemed to need no Demonstration.  
I foresaw that this Discourse would not relish well with my Companions; and I am sure my old Blade began already to repent him of his Vouching for me to Father Mersennus, as a Person that with an implicit headstrong Resolution embraced Cartesianism. The Good Father however gently replied, That he had observed three Things in my Discourse, a little Malignity in my Reflections, abundance of false Prejudice that still stuck by me, whatever Assurance I had given to the contrary, and some Difficulties at the Bottom, for the clearing of which it was convenient to discourse Cartesius: But let them (said he) seem as Big and as Frightful as they can, they will presently disappear, upon his conversing with you; I have experienced it an hundred Times. No Man was ever more troublesome to him in Questions than myself, which I used to make on all Occasions, even till I wearied him. These Difficulties once I thought inexplicable; but one Letter, of about a Page he wrote me, dispersed all my Doubts, and gave me more Light into the Matters then in Hand, than the entire Volumes of other Men. I much expected the Reproach of Prejudice, for that's the ordinary Refuge of Cartesius, and the Gentlemen his Disciples, when they find themselves pressed a little home: I urged however that Point no further to him; I only excused myself from the Malignity he charged upon my Reflections, and upon the Hopes he gave me of the Solution of my Difficulties by M. Descartes, (I rejoined) You exceedingly rejoice me, Reverend Father, for I am a Cartesian in my Heart, though I am not a through paced one in my Mind, wanting sufficient Light to extricate my Doubts, which the Reading the Books of that Great Man has raised in me; but I have a sincere Love for Truth, and assure yourself, I shall wholly resign myself up unto her, so soon as M. Descartes shall present her to me.  
After that Protestation, which seemed a little to reinstate me in their good Oponion, we launched again: And it will not be amiss to advise my Reader here, this once for all, That whatever Room these Harangues and Disputes take up upon the Paper, they lasted but one single instant, since separate Spirits entertain each other a quite different way from that they use when in the Body, whose Tongue pronounces but one Syllable at a Time; one Spiritual Word that a Separate Soul shall speak unto another Soul, is more full and expressive than a thousand pronounced or written: And since my taking of this Voyage I have made a World of fine Discoveries, for the explaining the Way that Angels discourse together; I question not but to be in Print some Time or other upon that Occasion: I confess I shall speak many Things that for want of Use will not be understood; but my Book may find no less a Welcome and Esteem for that, but rather the good Fortune Books of Mysterious Divinity have met with, that have been for some Time the only ones in Fashion, recommended merely by their being unintelligible to those that read them, and pretending to be understood by the Composers; for it is known by too manifest Experience, the Authors of those Books are not always such mighty Saints as they would seem.  
We parted then from the Top of the Tower, before the Instrument desisted from its turning, and we steered towards the Globe of the Moon: My Soul perceived an unspeakable Pleasure to scud it in the Air, and to wander in those vast Spaces, she could only travel with the Eye before, when united with the Body; that minded me of a former Delight I had sometime ●asted in my Sleep, in dreaming that I whipped through the Air, without ever touching Ground, above which I thought myself exalted many Yards.  
We met upon the Road vast Troops of Separate Souls, of all Nations, Laplanders, Finlanders, 
Olaus mag. l. 3. c. 17. Tert. de anima.  brahmin's; and I then remembered what I had read in several Books, That the Secret of separating the Soul and Body was known among those People. But about fifty Leagues on this side that Planet, there is a Region very well stocked, especially with Philosophers, and those Stoics for the generality: And quite from that Place to my Arrival at the Globe of the Moon I descried how swingly History belies an infinite Number of Persons, that it supposes dead, like other Men; though, in truth, they are no more Dead than M. Descartes himself. I shall discourse with some of them as I go along.  
The Moon has an Atmosphere like the Earth, that by a moderate Computation may amount to three French Leagues in height. As we were just ready to strike Sail, we made a good Distance from us, three Souls that held a very serious Conference together; we judged they might be Souls of Consequence, by the deference many others in their Retinue seemed to pay them: Upon our enquiring who they were, we understood they were Socrates, Plato and Aristotle, that were met in Consult, for the Public Interest; for that being advised by certain News from our World, That the Venetians had beaten the Turks, not only out of Ancient Peloponesus, but also the Famous City of Athens, where heretofore these three Philosophers had made so great a Figure; they had resolved in their Debate, so soon as any Noble Venetian's Soul should arrive in these Quarters, to petition her to recommend their Interest to General Morisini and the Republick's Consideration; To require the replacing the Statues the Athenians had erected to them; To re-establish the Academy and the Lyceum with all their Privileges, and to restore the Marbles in the Prytaneum, whereon was engraven the Justification of Socrates, with the Execrations charged on Anytus and Melitus his Accusers: And in case they should push their Conquests as far as Macedonia, to have as great regard for Stagyra, at present Liba nova, as Alexander the Great had formerly on the account of his Master Aristotle, whose Country that was. I am surprised, says Father Mersennus, to see these Philosophers; I never heard any Mention of them here, nor did I ever meet them in all my Travels: It is true, I have observed in my Commentaries upon Genesis, That Plato and Trismegistus used to quit their Bodies, the better to contemplate the Sovereign Good; and that Socrates, as Alcibiades relates in Plato, had from Time to Time such sort of Ecstasies: 'Tis true also, I never took Aristotle for so great a Fool as to throw himself headlong into Eurip●s, for the Madness and Despair of being unable to comprehend the Flux and Reflux of the Sea: And many things I have read in that Philosopher, induced me to suspect he knew the Mystery of Separation; but I never thought to inform myself whether these Gentlemen made use of it to prevent their Dying. You'll see (he added) that as M. Descartes has determined to put the Project of his World in Execution, that he framed while he lived on Earth, so Plato will resolve upon the Undertaking that of his Republic, which we shall see fixed somewhere in those Vast and Desert Spaces above the Heavens, where he will convoy a Colony of Separate Souls, to constitute his Government.  
That supposed (said my old Gentleman) Lucian had but ill Intelligence from the other World, since in his Dialogues of the Dead he often talks of Socrates as a Man that had passed the Stygian-Lake in Caron's Boat, and as an old Inhabitant of Hell. 
Nouveaux Dial. de● Mor.  But what, Gentlemen (said I) do you say of our Modern Lucian, I mean the Author of the New Dialogues of the Dead, that without farther Ceremony places Monsieur Descartes in Hell, and brings him on the Stage discoursing with the pretended Demetrius of Moscovy? Is it reasonable to think, That Author, upon his entertaining us in that Work with some pretty Things, and diverting us with an abundance of choice Historical Observations, to think, I say, under that Shelter he had Right to put off all the Frolicks of his Imagination, without any regard to Truth? To place M. Descartes in Hell, at the same Time he's above the Heavens, is not this (to express myself in the Quodlibetique Style of our Friend M—) Aberrare toto Co●lo?  
In the interim we saw the three Philosopher's advance towards us: 'Tis known they were three of the finest Gentlemen, that have bore that Character in Antiquity, and that they have always been distinguished from that Rascality of Sophists and Cynics that generally were mere Andrew●, and only purchased the Reputation of Sages at the Expense of the most abusive Extravagances. Socrates made the Address, and in a most obliging manner told us: He easily perceived we were of France, not only because we came that Road, but also that he saw in us the Character and Genius of the Nation; which People was the most polite at present in the World; that though he had but little Commerce with our World, he had yet enough to be certified of that Particular. He demanded the Occasion of our Voyage, and where we were a going.  
Father Mersennus took the Word, and made answer, We were upon a Visit to a Friend of ours, that lived at a vast Distance; that we were happy in timing our Voyage so exactly, as to have the Opportunity of paying our most humble Respects to those Personages, that have given Renown and Glory to Antiquity, and whose Names after the Tract of two thousand Years were still acknowledged and held Venerable by all the Nations in the Earth.  
'Tis believed below we are dead, said Socrates; True (replied Father Mersennus) and I myself was guilty of that Universal Mistake: But here are two Gentlemen (continued he) meaning us, that are still Inhabitants of the lower World, and who will undeceive it as to that Particular. I shall not be sorry, for my part, answered he; and it would not be amiss to acquaint the People there, That the Soul of a Philosopher, such as I am, stayed not to be dismissed from the World by the Decree of a Faction of Corrupt Judges, and the Clamours of a Multitude, incensed by the Envy and Buffonery, of a Coxcomb of a Comedian. Hear the State of the Matter; well knowing the Rage and Popularity of my Enemies, I thought it not worth while to stay, but quitting my Body, I gave Orders to my Familiar Spirit, to enter in my Room, and to put a good Face upon the Business to the End; being more Secure of his Performance than my own, whatever Constancy and Resolvedness I found in myself. He acted his part to a Tittle; and I scarce think 'tis yet forgotten in the World, what Constancy appeared both in my Looks and Words, when the Sentence of my Death was heard pronounced; with what Undauntedness I was seen to take from the Executioner the Hemlock-potion that poisoned my Body, and the Fury of my Accusers, that were ready to burst with Malice, to see me a Philosopher to the last. It is true (I replied) that last Action of your Life has procured you a vast esteem among Posterity to this Day, and I question whether it will make for your Glory, for us to publish the true Matter of the Fact, as you have related it. No matter (said he) I have still a greater Love for Truth than my own Glory, and am more concerned for Her than for myself. Most bravely answered (I cried) and worthy of yourself; That one Sentence is worth all the Oration your Daemon harangued your Friends with, to comfort them in your Death, and I am resolved it shall lose nothing of its Value in the Carriage. If one fine Wit of our World had but heard it, he would certainly have canonised you for't; he, I say, that in reading your Story, was much put to't to forbear an Invocation, and crying Sancte Socrates ora pro nobis (That Extravagance is known to be Erasmus', and Socrates himself thought it very impertinent.)  
Aristotle next obliged us to disabuse the World of those false Reports, that were current of his Death; some making him die of the Colic; others affirming he poisoned himself; others again, That he drowned himself in Euripus; these last came nearest to the Truth. He told us then, That being disgraced, and banished from the Court, upon Suspicion he was dipped in the Conspiracy of Calisthene, his Friend, against Alexander, he retreated to Athens, where he opened his School of Philosophy; That he was there impeached of Atheism, as groundlessly as Socrates, by a Priest of Ceres; which obliged him to retire to Calcis: That one Day as he was taking a Turn upon the Bank of Euripus, and recollecting in his Mind the glorious Advantages he had lost, of making his Fortune, seeing all his Hopes unravelled, that he was for ever discarded from the Court, and discharged from Athens, the Melancholy that seized him made him resolve to leave the World; that, to that intent, he made use of the Secret Aesculapius had left him, from whom he had the Honour to descend in a Right Line by his Father Nicomachus, formerly Physician to his Majesty King Amyntas, the Grandfather of Alexander; he made use of it, I say, to separate himself from's Body, which he left in a Place where the Sea, in a high Tide, chanced to carry it off. Upon the finding of his Body drowned, every one made his Conjecture: The Court, that understood what Impression Disgrace would make upon the Spirit of a Courtier, whose Nature it is, more than may be supposed, upon Temptation, to dispatch themselves out of the World, concluded very rationally on the Point; but the Opinion of Aristotle's Disciples carried it. At that Time he was about explaining the Phoenomenon of the Flux and Reflux of the Seas: He had confessed contrary to his custom, that he did not throughly apprehend it: And that vexed him to the heart. Thence they readily concluded that the cause of his despair. One of them confidently proclaimed it in several parts of Greece. And as if he had been behind him, when he threw himself in the water, added the words he spoke unto the Sea, just upon his jump; Since I can not comprehend thee, thou shalt comprehend me. The Antithesis seemed very pretty. That gave Legs to the report, and by that Passport it arrived to us.  
There is something strange and new in these Particulars as well as in the Story of Socrates. And many of the Circumstances are left out in most of the Authors that have treated on this Subject. That encourages me to hope they'll meet with a kind Entertainment from the Public; since 'tis this that now a days lifts our Historians unto Reputation, and sets 'em above the common herd of Writers: And nothing ●akes so much as Paradox in History; since a Manuscript that shall thwart the long received Opinions of Mankind, is the only piece in fashion, especially if slanderous and invective, and the Extracts sent to the Compilers of the Holland-Iournals, and the News of the Republic of Learning to advance the Rate of these Books, are filled with hardly any thing but rare and admirable Discoveries. But 'tis not on the faith of Manuscripts I ground my Reports, things commonly subject to be questioned, but on the Testimony of the Persons mainly concerned in the History, and who have either done or suffered the thing therein related. And I challenge all the Burnet's in England to evince me false in any thing, by all the Histories of the Kingdom of the Moon.  
As for Plato, he told us, It did not so much trouble his Head, what were the Sentiments of Men concerning him, and thanked us for the offers of our Service that we made him: But Experience convinced us of the truth of Father Mersennus' conjecture, touching the Republic; and also that had his Reverence been a little more conversant in the Affairs of the Globe of the Moon, he would have made no wonder at his finding Plato and Aristotle thereabouts; since the first had effectually established his Republic there, and the second his Lyceum, both which we see geographically described in the Maps of that Country by Father Grimaldus a jesuit, 
Cartes Selenographiques.  one of the Notablest Mathematicians of the Age. We have nothing of certainty as to Socrates' abode; but 'tis more than probable his ordinary Resort is in his belov'd Disciple Plato's Commonwealth.  
After this little Intercourse, as we were taking leave of these Gentlemen, Socrates demanded what Friend it was we went so for to wait on? Father Mersennus answered, that it was Descartes: Descartes! (replied Aristotle:) What that mad Blade that came from the other World above thirty years ago? He that was made the Owl of all the Philosophers, not able to endure him here, and that forced him to seek out for other Quarters! Truly a very pretty Fellow, that to have treated me so Bully-like, and with that disdain I am told he did: Me, I say, that have been the Tutor to the greatest Prince and greatest Conqueror that ever was! Me, to whose Honour Philippe and Olympias erected Stat●es! Me, that have taught Philosophy in Athens, that have wrote so many Books and had a whole Regiment of Commentatours! Me whose Words had passed so long for Oracles, and the decisions of the Schools; Me, in fine, that all the Philosopher's plume themselves as having gained unto their Party, and not willing, nor indeed daring to confess, I take the contrary side! I would fain see that bold Merchant venture on the Benches. I have seen his Books and pity 'em. Would you guests (said he) turning hastily to Socrates and Plato; what is the first step he would have his Wise men make, in order to his safer conduct to the attainment of Truth? He makes him doubt of every Thing, and bids him take for false the most self-evident Proposition in the World, that Two and Three are Five, that the Whole, is greater than its Part, etc. You know Gentlemen, said he, what work the World have made with him thereupon. For my pared, I'd only ask the Gentleman one Question, Does he suppose a Man can doubt of every thing, or does he not? If not, Why makes he it the leading precepts of his Method? For in point of Precept and Method, 'tis necessary they be such as can be put in Practice. 
In Sy●opsi M●dit.  If he does suppose it, how is it he more than once mantains in his Meditations, and his Method, that the arguments of the Sceptics, which were next a kin to those he brings to fetter us in doubts, 
Rep. aux I●st. de Gashed.  were never capable of staggering one single person, that was in his Senses as to those apparent Truths? Does he think that those he has to deal with, have lost their Senses? Or does he imagine that the Arguments of the Sceptics would be more effectual in his Mouth, or in his Writings than in theirs, whose only Design, for the generality, was to torture and plague the other Sophists and to make themselves sport with those as should endeavour seriously to confute them? But never dreamed of one Monsieur Descartes that should one time or other Martial their Sophisms in the Van of his Method.  
But now supposing M. Descartes had induced me to doubt that Two and Three made Five; and that the Whole was bigger than its Part; I would fain know what Method he would take to rid me of this doubt, and to replace me in the Statu quo of certainty where I was before? This could not be done without the aid of another Proposition, more evident than the other; which must serve to convince me, that what I began to doubt, was undoubtedly, not to be doubted of. Now what is with him that high and mighty Proposition, that must brandish its Light on all the rest, and act the Sun among the other Stars? Why: I think, therefore I am. For, says he, '●is impossible to think unless I am. Most▪ admirably condluded! And is it less impossible that Two and Three should not be Five; that the Whole should not be bigger than its Part; than 'tis impossible I should▪ be mistaken, unless I think, and that I should think unless I am? If I could bring my Mind to doubt once of the two first Propositions, should I be much pained to make question of the third? Or if a Sceptic should be so impudent to deny me those, need he be more, to deny me this? And should not I find myself equally impower'd to demonstrate to him all the three? Descartes in that procedure pretends to silence a Sceptic that challenges him to demonstrate any thing; or to show him the evidence of a Proposition, himself pretends to have made him doubt of. The Sophist, resolved to deny the evidence of the plainest Proposition, baffles him: And so will I; telling him, I stay in the maze of Doubt into which he led me, and am like do to so, since the Proposition he brings to expedite me thence, is as blind and dark as those which he made me boggle at before.  
But probably (in pursuance of his humour) you are charmed with the wonderful progress he makes in his following Method. Reflecting, says my Great Philosopher, upon that first Conlusion, I think, therefore I am. I observe I am no other way assured of the certainty of it, than by having a clear and distinct Idea of what I there affirm: So that I can take it for a general Rule, that whatever I can clearly and distinctly conceive, is true. But is this the peculiar of that favourite Proposition, only I think therefore I am? Supposing that Descartes had left me in the capacity I was, and where I must be still, in spite of Fate, as to the certainty of these Propositions Two and Three are five, the Whole is bigger than its Part; might not I make the same reflection on these Propositions as he makes on his? And being not obliged to invent a Rule of Truth for the Gentlemen Sceptics, but only for myself, which I might make use of in forming all my Judgements, might not I be allowed to argue upon my Propositions as he does on his? The reason why I am ascertained of these Propositions, that is; why I not only doubt not of them, but perceive, I cannot doubt of them, if I would, is, that I have a clear and distinct perception of what I there affirm: And seeing I have such an one, can I still doubt whether I have or not? When to have and to judge I have, or rather to be sensible I have it, is the self same act of the Understanding. For in effect, from thence it is; from my own Conscience it is proceeds the impossibility of doub●ing of that Proposition, two and three are five, as well as of that other, I think therefore, I am, as all will agree that we are able to judge any whit nicely in such Cases. I might then equally from these and a thousand other Propositions draw the same Inference, Descar●es concludes from his, to make a Rule of Truth on, What I clearly and distinctly conceive is true. And it is as trifling as absurd, to make the Certainty and Evidence of such sort of Propositions, depend on the Certainty and Evidence of any other, since they are th●s certain and evident of themselves, not from any thing prejudicated or antecedent to them. All of them stand on the same Square as to their Conviction, and nothing's more unreasonable or against the Rules of Method, than to go to prove them by one another: Hence it is they are called Immediate Propositions; and even Descartes himself will own, That that General Principle, What I can distinctly conceive is true, is no ways a Rule of Truth for such kind of Propositions; but that their Rule of Truth, i. e. that which convinces me of their Truth, is, as I have been saying, the only Experience, and internal Sense alone my Mind has of that Truth, at the instant of forming those Propositions.  
Aristotle, whom the very Name of M. Descartes had put in Humour, stayed not long in so pleasant a Road, but pursued to push his Criticisms home. The greatest Pleasure (said he) I had in reading that admirable Piece, was to see a Man so ●oil, and perplex himself, as to lie open, not only to the most subtle Sceptic, but to the meanest Logician, that with three Grains of Wit and Sense, knew how to enforce the Rules of Logic he has learned: With that he run through his Method, his Meditations, and the first Part of his Book of Principles, so as to let us know, he had attentively examined them. He shown us, in presenting the Order and Array of Descartes' Propositions, that no Man ever went so preposterously to work as he, for the Inventing and Establishing a Rule of Truth: For that after having made us doubt of all Things, and next, in this dark Passage introduced one Spark of Light, all that we can distinctly conceive is true: He presently makes us suspect that again by Discourse drawn from his third Meditation. But many things which before seemed evident, are become again uncertain; which has determined me hitherto to question, whether Two and Three are Five: Hereupon it came into my Mind, That possibly there was a God, that could have made me of such a Composition, as I might be imposed upon in Things that seem most clear and evident: And as often as that Thought recurs of the Power of God, it is impossible for me not to own, but that, if he pleased, he might easily have framed me so, as to be mistaken in the Things I most clearly conceive: But otherwise, upon my steady beholding those Things I distinctly conceive, I am urged with so clear Conviction, as to be unable to forbear exclaiming. Deceive me who can; It is impossible, so long as I think, I should not be, or that I should not have been, since it is true at present that I am; and perhaps it may be equally impossible that Two and Three should not make Five, and so of other Things, wherein I see a palpable Contradiction. And indeed having no inducement to believe there is a God, a Deceiver, and not knowing as yet whether there be any at all, the Reason that makes me doubtful, being grounded but on that Suspicion, is but weak, and, as I may so say, Metaphysical. But to take away this Doubt itself, it is necessary to inquire, Whether there is a God? And supposing there be, Whether he can be a Deceiver?  
Here Aristotle began to descant, That Descartes had no longer Right to put off that Axiom for a Rule of Truth, All that we distinctly conceive is True: Seeing he had rendered it suspicious by that Reason, drawn from the Power of God; a Reason that appeared to him so forcible, that it was impossible, whilst he reflected on it, not to own, that God, had he pleased, could most easily have made us so, as to be mistaken in things we most distinctly conceive. This supposed, the Stress he laid upon the Evidence of his other Propositions, could at best but balance it, and render his Rule of Truth a Probability: Nay it could not do so much, since it was not to be done, but upon the Strength of the Evidence of the Propositions; a Rule that became a most uncertain and fallible, by that sole Argument, which he found impossible to resist, when he reflected on it: And that the Argument that made him suspect his Axioms, though founded on the bare Supposal of the Existence of a God, which as yet he had not examined, ought not to be regarded as so weak and trivial, in reference to a Man, that in pursuit of his Method acknowledges the Power of God, in case he does exist, extend to every thing, and possibly to the making us such sort of Creatures as might be deluded in things they most distinctly conceive. And that, last▪ it thwarted all the Rules of Method, for a Philosopher▪ that was yet in Doubt of the Truth of that Proposition; All that I distinctly can conceive is true: To dream of proving the Existence of a God, to clear him of that Doubt: For how would he be convinced of the Existence of a God, but by some evident Demonstration? And how shall he be convinced by some evident Demonstration, so long as he shall doubt, if what a Man distinctly conceives is true?  
From whence Aristotle concluded, Cartesius made a Circle in his Method; which is the most vile and unpardonable Fault that reasoning can be guilty o●: For, according to him, he could no ways be perfectly sure of that Principle, All I distinctly conceive is true: But because there is a God, and because that God is no Deceiver; nor could he know there was a God, and that that God was no Deceiver, but because he knew distinctly the Existence of a God, by the Idea he found in himself, and because he distinctly conceived, That to Deceive was a thing unworthy of God. In a Word, that he proved the First Proposition by the Second, and the Second by the First, without having the Right to suppose the Truth of either. But Gentlemen (continued he, in an insulting way) upon your Consideration, I pardon your Worthy Master that his unhappy Stumble: It was only a false Step he chanced to make in the Dark, notwithstanding which, he recovered himself, and stood upon his Legs. He concluded, For the Existence of a God, and many Truths that we undoubtedly and clearly know; the Conclusion is true though the Inference be false. But you must not take it ill if I add one Word more, a disgracing his Principles and Axioms one by one, 
In resp. ad object. 1.  make you sensible how ill founded is the Reputation of a Philosopher, said to Argue conclusively and closely. I remember I have read in that Author a Proposition pleasant enough; viz. That God could change the Essences of things; That the 〈◊〉 we call necessary are only True, because 〈◊〉 will have them so: And if God had willed it, as he might have willed it, if he pleased, that Two and Three should not make Five, that Proposition▪ Two and Three are Five at this Day would be false. When Descartes advances that Paradox, he would fain be believed to own a vast Respect for, and most humble Submission to the Omnipotency of God, and is angry with the other Philosopher's, and impleads them of almost Blasphemy, for presuming to say, God was not able to cause, that Two and Three should not make Five: Yet if you tract Descartes a little, you'll quickly find▪ That 'tis not altogether for his Devotion-sake he maintains that Thesis▪ but because that absurd Tenet was the evident Result of some other Points of his Doctrine: To have admitted of a Proposition so harsh as that, upon Constraint, and as a Conclusion drawn naturally from a Principle of his laying, would not have made much for his Honour, and would besides have discouraged others: That made him think it his best way to be beforehand with them, to make the Outcry first, and to wonder how the Philosophers could be so rash and inconsiderate as to prescribe Boundaries to the Almightiness of God. I shall not at present meddle with the Absurdity of that Proposition; I design not to correct all the Blunders of that Knight Errand of a Philosopher; it will be too Glorious for him to understand I have condescended to criticise upon him. But to enlarge a little on the Business in Hand, I say, should all I have urged against his Method be false; should all the Arguments wherewith the World has baited him, be Void and Null, that Paradox alone would totally overthrow him; and le● him suppose it true, 'tis impossible he should give a● any Rule of Truth: For if it hold, That the Truth of Propositions so depends on God, as that he could have caused those esteemed necessarily true, to have been false, it was in his Power to have made these two be false; What I conceive distinctly is true: To deceive is an Imperfection. If God was able to have done it, how knows Descartes but he actually has? What greater Reason has he to believe he hath not, rather than the contrary? Hath God revealed it to him? Upon his Principle, I'll doubt, not only as a Sceptic, but now I'll doubt in earnest; Thus his two Rules of Truth are no longer Rules of Truth. What now betides his Glorious Proposition, I think therefore I am? I have no need to be a Sceptic to discredit it: Why? Because I know not whether God from all Eternity designed it true or false. Nor could I purchase that knowledge without a Revelation; and still it must be questioned whether Revelation could ●erve for a Rule of Truth, in these our Circumstances. Thus Descartes Wiseman, who had already made so far a Progress as to know, he thought, and that he was, is here unfortunately non-plused. I have a world of Reflections more to make, and I should never be exhausted if I would enter upon his egregious Metaphysics, his new Demonstrations he pretends to give for the Existence of a God, the Distinction of the Soul and Body: Upon his way of answering Objections made against the rest of his Method, if I would trouble myself to let you see how (when his Propositions are attacked, and at once the connex●●● of them, or the Method he takes to come to the knowledge of Truth) he contents himself sometimes to defend his Propositions well or ill, without endeavouring to justify his Method, though that is the Piece in which he has pretended most to show his Excellency; and which is the most despicable of all at Bottom, as I think I have sufficiently proved to you: But this is enough to satisfy you, I have not passed Judgement on your Master without sufficient Knowledge of the Cause: And since I have delayed you too long, Gentlemen Cartesians, I am your most humble Servant; recommend me to your Illustrious Doctor.  
Socrates and Plato followed him, taking Leave more civilly, and more like Gentlemen than he: And Plato added, he was transported to see Aristotle's Reputation so run down in the World; and that he deserved it were it for nothing, but his Behaviour towards the Philosophers his Predecessors, and especially for his ill natured Carriage unto Plato himself: That he had used all Endeavours possible to suppress the Reputation with which they flourished in the World, and had used less reserve toward him than all the rest, although he had been his Master; and merely by his Calumnies in Point of Doctrine, he had raised himself to the Character of Prince of Philosophers.  
You know not, said I, what Time may still bring forth, and you need not despair of coming in Play again. Aristotle's Philosophy has had many Turns of Fortune within this Fifteen hundred Years; and I'll tell you, as a Piece of News from our World, That hardly more than fourscore Years ago, the Sovereign Bishop of the Christian Church was upon putting forth a Placate, commanding your Philosophy should be taught at Rome, instead of Aristotle's, and he had gained the Point, but for a great Man of that Time, called Bellarmine. If that had once passed at Rome, there had been a Fatal Stroke to Aristotle's Philosophy, and yours had carried it all the World over. You at once surprise and please me, (replied Plato) I am extremely Glad, and most highly obliged to you for this News: Aristotle shall know it, and I'll employ it to revenge the Insult of his late Discourse.  
Mean while my two Guides were enraged to hear their Master treated in so vile a manner; they had waited the End of his Discourse, to answer it, but observing him troop off without giving them the Opportunity, they endeavoured, what they could to stop him: As they saw it was in vain, the old Gentleman raillying, hollowed him at a Distance, So ho, Good Monsieur Aristotle, where may a Man find your Sphere of Fire? we have not met with it in our Voyage; though your Books give us Intelligence it was placed above the Air, and yet below the Moon. For my part I was highly gratified with that Encounter, and Discourse; I had the Pleasure to observe, That Spiritual Philosophers no more than Corporal could forbear disputing, and were no less jealous of their Sentiments and Reputation. I had the Happiness of this Diversion more than once in my Voyage, upon several Occasions; of which I shall give account.  
After the Departure of our three Philosophers▪ well, (said I to Father Mersennus) what think you, Father, now of Aristotle? Indeed he seemed to me a little hot; but after all, methinks he's no ill Disputant: That way of tracing M. Descartes step by step in his Method of the re-search of Truth, is very maliciously designed, and capable of raising Scruples, especially that last Argument taken from the Truth of Necessary Propositions, that with Descartes have their Dependence upon God, seemed perplexing enough: And I do not remember that any one has before hit upon the Use that he hath made on't.  
Stuff! mere Stuff! (he replied) All that Aristotle has said, scarce any thing was tolerable but the Circle he charged upon Descartes; and that's an antiquated Objection; I myself have touched upon it heretofore, as you may see in the Second Objections, that come after his Meditations, which are my own as well as the Sixth. I am glad I know so much, (I returned) they be both most worthy of you, and admirably proposed, and I am very well satisfied, That Circle is something more than imaginary; for 'tis not to be supposed, that Father Mers●nnus, Aristotle, M. Arnauld, who is the Author of the Fourth Set of Objections, and several others, had all met in the selfsame Point, but that there was something in it very like at least, what they there apprehended. But under the Rose, do you take that answer M. Decsartes gives to get out of that unlucky Circle, and that no one ever yet has took in hand to be satisfactory or fit to be received? He answers, That in saying, We knew nothing certainly, before our Conviction of the Existence of a God, he had expressly noted, That he only meant it of some Conclusions that might come into our Mind, at the s●me Time we reflected not on the Principles, from which they were derived.  
It would perhaps be somewhat difficult to make that Proposition capable of any tolerable Sense; but 'tis the easiest thing of an hundred to show it to be a mere Fetch and Evasion; and to disprove the Truth of the thing itself, it is but reading the same Place Aristotle now cited, of his Third Meditation, Page the thirty fifth and thirty sixth of his Method, Number the fifth of the first Part of his Principles; and one shall see he there makes us doubt of all, even of Principles that carry with them their own Evidence; including that Principle itself, What I distinctly▪ conceive is ●rue, by the Suspicion we have there is a God, who could so have constituted us, as we might be mistaken in things most clearly apprehended: So that when he says, We know nothing surely, before the Knowledge of a God, he speaks not only of some certain Conclusions that strike upon our Mind, separately from their Principles, but of all sorts of Knowledge, and of that itself, What we distinctly conceive is true. And hereupon it is yourself, Aristotle, M. Arnauld and others, have trapped him in a Circle.  
I own, That Answer may be found in some of his Letters, occasioned by the same Objection started to him afresh. I know that he repeats it not by way of Answer, but couching it cunningly in the First Part of his Principles, where he gives us an Abstract of his Method, and his Meditations; but that's not Salvo to the Business. Besides, those Words have a very ill Effect, in the First Part of his Principles, for they unhappily stand so near the other, that make us doubt of self-evident Propositions, because of the Suspicion we have of a God, that, may be, employs his Power to deceive us; that the Contradiction plainly strikes our Eyes.  
Nor has his famous Proposition, I think therefore I am, any better Success; for having given us that Proposition as the first of which we could be assured, we might demonstrate to him, That cannot be the first, since its certainty necessarily supposes the Truth of some others, and in those of these: It is impossible that that which thinks should not be; it is a Contradiction for any thing to think, and yet not be in the instant that it thinks. The Proposition (which is very remarkable) by which he proves that other, I think therefore I am, at the same Time he pretends it to be the first of all. He declares then, That when he says, that Proposition, I think therefore I am, is the first and most certain of all those which offer themselves to the Mind of a Man, who observes Method in Philosophy; he pretends not to deny but that he must be certain of this before; It is impossible that he that thinks should not be; as also of divers others. ●oyn this Acknowledgement with what he says in the foregoing Page, We must likewise doubt of other Things, which we held most certain, of Mathematical Demonstrations, even of Principles that we thought self-evident until now: What are then self-evident Propositions if not these? It is a Contradiction, That a thing should be and not be: A thing cannot be, and not be ●t the same Time, cannot act, and not be, and the like. He than supposes not the Truth of these Principles, because he doubts of them. And in Truth, the Reason he brings to make us doubt of self-evident Propositions extends equally to all. We must doubt, says he, of Principles that we call self-evident, because we have heard there is a God, who can do all Things; and who knows, but he may have so contrived us, as we might always be deceived, even in things that seem most evident? And be pleased to recollect, my Father, what Aristotle said in Concluding; That Descartes' Propositions were less to be found Fault with than their Connexion and their Disposal in his Method that he takes to come to Truth; and that the Truth of some certain Propositions was not absolutely contested, but only with reference to the Method that he takes, by which he forfeits the Privilege to suppose them, be they as true as may be, since according to that Method he is disabled from acquiring the Knowledge of their Truth. And it is upon that account, probably, he was put so out of Humour with Gassendus and Father Bourdin a jesuit, who were those that chief closed with him in that Loc●. Their Scruples are proposed in a lively manner in Latin; and it were well if the French Translation equalled the Original. But upon the mentioning the French Translation,  
Give me leave to add one little Remark, I made a few Days since, and thought not fit to communicate to others. M. Descartes' dear Disciples being possibly put to it (at least I so imagine) to disengage their Master of those petty Perplexities, of which I have been speaking; in the French Version, that has been put forth, of his Works, and which had his own Approbation, have somewhat sweetened that distasteful Proposition, in the first Part of his Principles. The Latin has it thus, Dubitabimus etiam de reliquis, quae antea pro maxime certis habuimus: Etiam de Mathematicis demonstrationibus, etiam de iis principiis quae hactenus putavimus ●sse per se nota. It would be natural to render it: We will doubt of other things, which before we held most certain; also of Mathematical Demonstrations; also of those Principles which hitherto we thought self-evident: They have turned it so, I say, in French, as to make us believe, That M. Descartes spoke not of self-evident Principles in general, but only of Mathematical: Nous dout●ro●s aussi de toutes les autres choses qui nous ont semble autrefois tres certains: Meme des demonstrations de Mathematique, & de ses principes, encore que d'eux-memes ils soient assez manifestes. We will doubt also of all those things we heretofore esteemed most certain, even of the Demonstrations of Mathematics and their Principles, though they are sufficiently manifest of themselves. If this was designedly done, as one may reasonably suppose, it was a little Innocent Legerdemain, that obliged Descartes and injured no Man; and prevented at least the Contradidiction should be visible. But to return to the Answer Descartes made to the Circle alleged, What think you Father, is't a good Defence? Or is it not to make a Retreat and Capitulate with his Enemies? Or ●●ther, to speak more plainly and truly, to unsay and contradict? In good Faith, Father, declare it ingenuously; you have treated Monsieur Descartes somewhat like a Friend, or rather as a generous Enemy, you have disarmed him: He was a Man that scorned to beg his Life; you foresaw too how high he'd carry it after the Combat, and still would challenge all he met with; yet for all that, you have thought fit to give him Quarter, as a Man that did deserve it in Consideration of those other great Services he has done Philosophy: I applaud your Generosity, and you have no reason to repent on't.  
That little Softening, with which I tempered the Harshness of my Critics, had its designed Effect, which was not wholly to sour Father Mersennus. He took it graciously enough, and only answered▪ in a rallying way, You are a very Wrangler, and delight to find a Quarrel; and the Humour that I see you are of, had you lived in Descartes' Time, you had certainly incurred his spending a whole Chapter on you. But all that you say comes to just nothing, as I could easily convince you; but the Discussion of Fact, and Contradiction is too tedious an Employment for us Travellers. I perceive too Monsieur is tired already with it, continued he, in showing me the old Gentleman, and only wants a Mouth to yawn. Come, says he, Monsieur, you seem something Melancholy, brighten a little, brighten; What do you think of?  
Think? of nothing said he. How M●nsieur, (I replied) What's that you spoke? certainly Blasphemy against the Doctrine of our Master: If Aristotle had heard you, what would he have said? Do you think of nothing? So, What's become of the Essence of the Soul, that according to Descartes is thinking? I had as lief you'd tell me that you have no Being as that you do not think.  
He took me up in a very serious Air, which sufficiently bespoke a greater Displeasure my Words had given him, than Father Mersennus before. You put a perverse Construction on my Proposition, which meant no more, than that my Mind was not possessed with Melancholy Ideas, as you thought: I am hearty glad, Monsieur, said I, for Gaiety and Briskness are never more necessary than in a journey: But since we are fallen bechance upon the Essence of the Soul, I could wish you'd plainly expound what Monsieur Descartes has said thereon; for as pure a Spirit as I am, I have no clear insight into my own Essence; and I wonder at it. A very ill Sign, said he, that's as much as to say, your Intellect is benighted still with Prejudice, and which I have already too much perceived in you: And I well observe, that Novice which we lately met has raised fresh Scruples in you by his Sophistry. Monsieur, I replied, to use no Disguise with you, I'll frankly lay open the Disposition of my Soul, in which I find it. I am ravished in my Thoughts to meet with those that contradict Descartes' Philosophy; that opens and enlarges my Mind: But how strong soever their Arguments appear, I secure myself against them, and still reserve my Mind docil and tractable for the Instructions of that great Genius, supposing he has the Leisure or the Goodness to bestow some on me, when I shall have the Happiness to see him. As for the Preconceptions of the Schools and Childhood, I have for the most part quit them, as I passed my Word before I undressed me of my Body: Yet I confess some still remain, concerning the Essence of the Body, and the Essence of the Soul, which I hardly can call by that Name, in the signification you employ it, since they seem grounded upon Experience and on solid Reason. I have however too great a Deference for M. Descartes, to be throughly confirmed that they are not false; so that I am willing to acknowledge, to speak in ●iner Language, a gloomy kind of Darkness overcasts my Mind in those Particulars; and I have not yet obtained the Privilege of Cartesian Souls, to have most distinct Ideas of those two kinds of Being, which make up the World. But once more I shall submit to your Instructions and Descartes'.  
He then began to explain the Doctrine of Cartesi●s thereupon, but said no more than I before had read in his Meditations, in his Method, in the first part of his Principles, and in some of his Letters. I shall not here give any Exposition of that Doctrine, because I shall have an occasion to speak of it upon an Adventure that befell us in the Globe of the Moon. I pretended out of Complaisance to have a better Taste of it than before, and to find more Solidity in it than when I read it by myself. That acknowledgement restated my Companions in their jocular Humour, who after much Merriment and Droll, upon Aristotle's Philosophy, wheeled about unto his Sphere of Fire, which according to his Map of the World ought to be situated under the Moon, of which yet we saw not the least sign or footstep in our Voyage. They were very Severe and Witty thereupon, and reminded me of a Suit commenced some years ago, by the Peripatetics against the new Philosophers, for di●sturbing them in the possession of that Sphere, warranted by the Prescription of so many Ages; and of a Decree made in favour of the Aristotelians, pursuant to a falsely supposed Survey they had take● of the place. 'Twas ordered that the Sphere of Fire should still remain where Aristotle had pi●ch'd it. Now as that Decree, say they, was ● Decree upon Request and not Contradictory, the new Philosophers may revive the Action, and bring the Process to a second Hearing: And in that Case you are able to give evidence of the Truth, and convict the Peripatetics of the invalidity of their Titles, in a Concern of that Importance.  
You may say what you please, said I, tho' that Sphere is not now to be found; If I was to judge in that Action, I should not so readily condem● Aristotle. It may have been dispersed, and spent in the space of almost two thousand years: For that many Stars that have formerly appeared in the Heavens now disappear: What's become of the seventh Pleiade, and of that seen the last Age in the Constellation of Cassiope? And supposing any one, since its ceasing to appear, should bring his Action against Tyco Brahe and others that observed it, as false Intelligencers, that abused the credulous World, do you think it would not be thrown out? And does not M. Descartes himself give us to apprehend that our Vortex, infinitely greater than the Sphere of Fire, shall be sometime swallowed up, when one lest thinks on't? And when by that Absorption the Sun shall become an Earth, and perhaps at once the subtle Matter which is conf●●'d in the Centre of our Earth, forcing its Passage through the Crusts that cover it, shall make that a Sun; granting that the Books of M. Descartes existed in another Vortex where are Men, would not they look on all he has wrote of our World as Fabulous and Romantic?  
However, granting that there never was a Sphere of Fire, it was ever admirably supposed. Never was System more exactly contrived than Aristotle's of the Elements. They all are ranged according to the Dignity or Meanness of their Nature. The Earth as the most unactive and ignoble Element, has the lowest Seat. The Water, less course and heavy than the Earth, takes place above it. The Air, by reason of its Subtlety, is exalted higher than the Water. And the Fire the most noble and most vigorous of them all, owns no Superior but the Stars, and the subtle Matter in which swim the Planets. The extent of each is likewise proportioned to the Merit of their Nature: Like Brethren they have divided the Estate of the four Qualities▪ each of them has two, one of which in the Superlative Degree. The Earth is cold and dry, the Water is cold and moist, the Air is hot and moist, the Fire is hot and dry. And to the end they may bear up still, in the perpetual Combats they give each other; if the prevailing Quality of one's more active, the predominant Quality of the others put them in a good posture of Defence against the effort of their Enemy. Can any thing be more justly or ingeniously imagined? In fine, with how many fine Thoughts has that Sphere of Fire, and that orderly Disposition of the Elements, furnished our Preachers heretofore, and still supplies those of Italy? But to mention something better in its kind, that one Devise of Father le Moine, of which the Sphere of Fire is the Substance, deserves there had been one, and would deserve there should be one still, and that it should endure for ever. Designing to signify the more pure are Friendships, the more durable they are, he painted the Sphere of Fire, with this Spanish Motto, Eterno porque Puro. This Fire's Eternal, because it's pure. What an unhappiness it is that that Thought so fine and solid as it is all over, should at last be false for want of a Sphere of Fire?  
Thus I was defending as well as I could, the Peripatetic Interest, whilst we arrived at the Globe of the Moon. I shall not be tedious in giving a large Description of it, since others have done't before me. I will only say that the Earth, looked to us that viewed it from the Moon, as the Moon appears to those that view it from the Earth, with this difference, that the Earth seemed bigger far, because it really is so. So we judged that the Earth, in respect of those that beheld it from the Moon, had the same Phases as the Moon, in regard of those that behold it from the Earth; that it had its Quadratures, its Oppositions, its Conjunctions, except that it could never be totally Eclipsed, by the reason of its greatness in comparison of the Moon, whose Shade could not have a Diameter so large as the Earth then in Conjunction.  
The Moon is a Mass of Matter much like that of which the Earth is composed. There you have Fields and Forests, Seas and Rivers. I saw no Animals indeed, but I am of Opinion if there were some transported they would thrive, and probably multiply. 
Empire de la Lu●e.  'Tis false that there are Men there, as Cyrano reports; but 'twas undesignedly that he deceived us, having first been deceived himself. One of the separate Souls which we found in great Multitudes, and which were there at his Arrival, told me the Original of that Error. A great Company of Souls surprised to see a Man with his Body, in a Land where the like was never seen before, had a mind to know the meaning of it. They agreed together to appear in Human Shape to him: They accost him, and inquire by what Method he accomplished so great a Voyage: Made him relate what he knew of our World; and as he seemed equally inquisitive as to the Transactions of the World of the Moon, and the Life the Inhabitants led there, the Familiar Spirit of Socrates, who was among the rest, took upon him to answer: And having declared who he was, as that Historian himself relates, he made him upon the Spot, a Fantastical System of the Republic and Society, which is the same he gives us in his Relation, where he seriously tells us, There are Men in the Moon; characters their Humour, describes their Employments, their Customs and Government. But 'tis worth the knowing that some fopperies he has inserted, he brought not from that Country, as the Soul assured me; and that many Profane Allusions and Libertine Reflections he there makes, were only the Fruits of a debauched Imagination and a corrupt Mind, such as was that Historians, or of the Imitation of an Author, yet more Atheistical than himself. I mean Lucian, one of whose Works was made the Plan to his History of the Moon.  
The Inequalities we found in the Globe of the Moon are partly Isles, wherewith the Seas there are pleasantly chequered, and partly Hills and Valleys in its Continent. They belong to several famous Astronomers or Philosophers, whose Names they bear, and who are the high and mighty States there. We landed in Gassendi, a Seat extraordinary fine and very apposite, and such in a Word as an Abbot, like Monsieur Gassendus, could make it, who wanted for neither Genius, Art nor Science, and who had no use for his Revenues, in gaming treating and living high. The Lord of the Manor was then absent, whom we should have been glad to have waited on, since we heard that he still continued his Civility and Moderation, which were his Natural Endowments. And though formerly there were some Misunderstandings betwixt him and Cartesius, yet he always very obligingly, and with a Mark of Distinction, entertained the Cartesians that came to pay a Visit, and especially Father Mersennus, who was his peculiar Friend. He was a Man that equalled M. Descartes in capacity of Genius, excelled him in the reach and extent of Science, but was less heady and conceited. He seemed somewhat a Pyrrhonist in Natural Philosophy, which in my Opinion is becoming enough of a Philosopher, who provided he looks into himself, must know by his own Experience the Limits of a Human Understanding, and the short Sightedness of its Views.  
From Gassendi, Father Mersennus conducted us to the Land that bears his Name. It is very conveniently situate upon the same Coast, as Gassendi, bordering upon the round Sea, which others call the Sea of Humours, which is a great Gulf of the Lunary Ocean, bounded on one side by 〈◊〉 Continent, on which lies Mersennus, and on the other by an Isthmus, at the end whereof, Northwards, is a Peninsule called Dream-land. Mersennus is only commendable for its Situation and Prospect, being a very hosky and barren Country by the reason of the abundant Heat there, from which it has taken a Name, and is called Hotland.  
We stayed in this place about half a quarter of an hour, when I intimated to ●. Mersennus, that before we prosecuted our journey, I should be glad to traverse the Hemisphere of the Moon wherein we were. That Hemisphere always faces our Earth, and 'tis false that the Moon turns upon its Centre, as some imagine: It only has a Motion of Vibration, which weighs it from East to West, and from West to East, which Motion Galilae●us first perceived, having observed by a Tube, that the place we call Grimaldi, is sometimes nearer and sometimes farther off the Oriental Zone of the Moon, and that the Caspian Sea, opposite to it, is sometimes nearer and sometimes farther off the Occidental Zone. Father Mersennus, willingly consented to my Proposal, for as much as he himself had never made that Voyage. We crossed the great Ocean, leaving on the left Hand the Isle of Winds, and on the right, that of Copernicus, and pass'd● over that of Pitheas, still pushing on quite to the Sea of Rains, which is bounded by a vast Land stretched from East to West, much like that of America, as it is deciphered in the Maps; whose Eastern part is called Fog-land, and the Western Haitland, both seemed like two mighty Deserts. Towards the middle of that Land, upon the Shore of the Sea of Rains, we discovered a kind of a large Town, of an oval Figure, which we had the Curiosity to go to see; but we found all the Avenues guarded with Souls who denied us Entrance, tho' civilly and obligingly enough. We demanded of one of them, What Town that was, and why there was no Admission? He answered, it was called Plato, and was the same where that Philosopher, whose Name it bore, had established his Commonwealth; that no Persons were admitted there, which he himself had not first examined, which Caution he observed, for fear some Stranger should bring thither the dangerous Maxims of the other World, which were the only Pestilence that Republic had to fear; that Plato was not at home at present, but would return in a little time; and in Case we desired to have Admission, we might, waiting the return of Plato, commence our Quarantine at Lazaret, which was a little Seat upon a rising Ground, we saw some distance from the Town; that that Quarantine was not a Quarantine of days▪ but a Quarantine of Years; because the Contagious Diseases a Spirit was tainted with, wer● purged off with far greater Difficulty than the Pestilential Airs of Bodies are dispersed, which come from infected Places. We thanked him for his offers, and told him, We came not there with a Design to settle, but that we were going farther; that if Plato had been in Town, he probably would have had some Condescension towards us; that we had met him in our Journey, and had received great Civilities from him: And that we must endeavour to be contented upon the disappointment of our Curiosity, on tha● occasion. So we bent on our Journey, dissatis●fied enough, from the Republic of Plato, where we little thought they had treated Strangers a● they do in China and japan.  
From thence we travelled over all that Land from North to South, after which we discovered another Sea, called the Sea of Cold, in which stood a very fair Island, which they said was Aristotle's; we made no Debate whether we should take it in our Road: The only Question was, Whether if we were asked who and what we were, we should declare ourselves Cartesians? It was my Sentiment not to carry it so high in an Enemy's Country: But Father Mersennus and my old Gentleman, concluded for the contrary, without more ado adding, there was nothing we need to fear; that if we were beset we had wherewithal to defend ourselves, and in point of Spiritual Assaults, the Number came not in the Account; that it was not the first time, there had been seen a single Cartesian, that fronted with good Success a Class of four hundred Peripatetics, marshaled by a Regent of consummate Experience. Only we must keep a strict Guard upon ourselves, to offer no Insult or Raillery, that might give Offence to those we conversed with.  
But it was a great Surprise to us upon our Approach, to see this Island under a stricter Guard than that of Plato. They were there in Battle Array, as in a Town that had the Enemy at the Gates, and expected the next News should be of being begirt with a close Siege. There was your Court of Guards advanced far into the Field, your Centuries upon all the Hills round about, and Scouts and Intelligences in all parts of the Air. As we came within three hundred Paces of the place, we saw a Detachment of about a dozen Souls, drawn from the Court of Guard, approach us. He that commanded them gave the Word, Stand, who's there, and to what Sect do you belong? Our old Veteran undauntedly cried, Long Live Descartes and the Cartesians. He was amazed at the Reply; ordered us not to stir a step, and forthwith dispatched an Advice to the Officer of the Guard.  
No sooner the Advice arrived to the Officer, but all his Troops at a Signal given, were armed capape, and gave us to understand by their looks they were in readiness to receive the Enemy: That is, they were accountred with Syllogisms, in all sorts of Modes and Figures whereof some concluded for the Soul of Beasts, others for the necessity of Substantial Forms, in mixed Bodies; others for Absolute Accidents, and such like Things, against which M. Descartes had declared. The Officer himself coming up, we presently knew him. He had been an ancient Professor in the University of Paris and formerly my Regent in Philosophy: O God said he, adressing himself to me, and must I have the Affliction of seeing you on the side of our Enemies condescending even to the servile Office of a Spy? Is this the Recompense you make for the Pains I have taken? Have you met with a course of Philosophy, comparable to mine, which was then reputed, the most gentile and solid in the whole University of Paris? Where's that Respect and Submission you owned in your greener years, for the Prince of Philosophers? What Obligation had you to take up arms against him? Monsieur (I replied) I still preserve that Respect, that Esteem and Friendship for you, which I own, inviolable, and I take it for a peculiar favour of Fortune to meet you here, to make a fresh Protestation of them. And I assure you, that I am neither come in quality of a Spy or Enemy, but if you please so to receive me, of a Voyager: 'Twas purely curiosity that brought me hither, by the way. As to the concern of Philosophy, I must acknowledge I am a little Sceptical in that Matter, and know not at present what I am. I am resolved to try all Sects before I am determined; so that you may, Sir, look upon me as a Man of an uninterested Country, and that contrives no Plot or Mischievous Design against your Commonwealth: These Gentlemen, indeed, are professed Car●esians, but they are Philosophers and Men of Honour, and have Esteem for Merit though it be on the contrary side; and who hold, that Liberty of Conscience in point of Philosophy, is the unviolable Charter of all honest well bred Men: But (I pursued) I am highly surprised at the bustle and disturbance in this Country: There's no Spanish Town in Flanders so readily Alarmed as yours; What is't you so much dread?  
That which we so much dread, said he, is, that Implacable Enemy of our Sovereign▪ your Descartes, who when on Earth, did all imaginable towards the extirpating the Peripatetics, and only desisted there, as we are from good Hands informed, to come to ruin them in this Country. It is now more than thirty years, so exact a Guard has been observed, to prevent a Surprise consequent to the Advice we have had, that in all this time he hath been forming a Party, and gathering all the Forces possible, in order to a Descent. This is the Intelligence we have received from a Dutch Professor of Philosophy, who acts here as Generalissimo in Aristotle's Absence. But Descartes may come as soon as he pleases; you see we are in a capacity to receive him.  
Well, Monsieur (said I) if that be all, you may sleep secure; Monsieur Descartes, I assure you, has no Design of an Invasion in his Head; he's a thousand Times farther off this Place than 'tis from hence to Earth; he is thinking of Building a New World above the Heavens; he has invited us to see the Execution of his Grand Design, and thither 'tis we are going: And to convince you of the Truth of what I say, 'tis but deputing, when we part, some Souls to bear us Company, and they shall bring you an account of what they there shall see.  
You rejoice me mightily, said he, for we Peripatetics are tired with these long Fatigues: but take it not ill, that I execute my Orders, and conduct you to the Governor of the Place, according to the Custom, That all Philosophers of a different Sect from ours, arriving here, give him an account what Project brought them hither; we have used this Course but since Descartes has given us these Alarms. So we took the Road that led to the Place, convoyed with a Detachment of about fifty Souls, Academiques for the most part and Collegians, who looked as if they did not wish us very well; that Place was only a great Garden that represented the Lyceum in Athens, where Aristotle used to teach his Scholars walking, whence they derived the Name of Peripatetics: 'Tis of a great extent and very finely kept, it is cut into abundance of Allies, whereof the four greatest meet in the middle of the Garden, at a round large Fountain, whereon is raised a stately Pedestal of the most delicate Marble I ever saw, on which stands the Statue of Alxander the Great, crowned by Victory with Laurels, trampling under Foot Sceptres and Crowns, and Bucklers and broken Arms, and the Treasures of Asia. Four great Statues, chained to the four Corners represent the Principal Nations Alexander conquered. I found that Monument so like that of the Place des Victoires, that I should have believed one had been the Pattern to the other, had not I at the same Time made Reflection, that the near Resemblance of those two Hero's, might easily have furnished the Minds of both the Undertakers with the same Ideas. All the Figures of the Monument, no less than the other Statues in several Parts of the Garden, as those of Philippus, Olympias, and many other illustrious Personages, who formerly honoured Aristo●le with their Friendship, are of Silver, for Silver is very cheap and common in the Globe of the Moon; and it is probably for that Reason Chemists who always affect Mystery in their Words, call that Metal by the Name of the Moon.  
As we were admiring that noble Monument, we were astonished to see all of a sudden, four Water-Spouts rise from the four Angles of the Pedestal, the largest and the highest that ever were; they mounted at least four hundred Poles in height, and they were brought from a River behind a neighbouring Mountain that was higher than the Wells of Dumb in Auvergn; over which the Water was carried by the admirable Contrivance of the Old Philosophy, that in supposing the Horror of a Vacuum in Nature, showed how with Pumps to s●ing Water infinitely high, which Secret is unfortunately lost in our World; for since the Time of Galileus we can raise Water no higher than three or four and thirty Foot. We saw these Water Spouts on every Side, the least of which exceeded the highest Trees that encompassed the Garden. From the middle of the Garden we observed four Halls of different Figure and Architecture, one at the End of each of the four Alleys: We were conducted to the biggest of them, which was of exquisite Beauty and Magnificence, being of Gold, Azure and Precious Stones. On both Sides, in the Intervals of the Windows was your Embossed Work of Silver, excellently carved; but that made a Gallimaw●ry odd and humorous enough; for on one Part on the Right-hand were represented the famous Exploits of Alexander, the defeat of Darius near the City Arbela, the Attack of Poru● his Army, the Passage of Granicus, and the Taking of the City Tyre. On the other were Triumphs of Aristotle over the rest of the Philosophers, and the Extravagancies of those that went for Wisemen before his Time.  
The first on the Lefthand exhibits Pythagoras, doctrining his Disciples, and presenting them with a sort of Table-Book, wherein, among others, were written these three Precepts: First, That they were to hear him full five Years without speaking a Word to contradict him. Secondly, They must lend an attentive Ear, especially in the Night, to the Music and Harmony of the Celestial Spheres, which only Wisemen are privileged to understand. And, Thirdly, they must abstain from eating Beans.  
The Second shows you Democritus laughing with Might and Main, and Heraclitus weeping in warm Tears, and a Troop of little Children hooping after them as after two Fools.  
In the Third we had Diogenes the Cynique, habited like a Morris-Dancer, mounted upon a Cross-way-stone, at bottom of which lay his Tub, expounding to an Auditory much like that of the Singers du pont neuf.  
In the last sat Aristotle on an exalted Seat, that looked more like a Throne than a Magisterial Chair, and at his Feet stood all the Philosophers that lived before him, in Admiration, and listening to him as an Oracle. Before the Throne of Aristotle were heaped the Books that represented the Writings of those same Philosophers, his Predecessors, which one was putting Fire to, to sacrifice them to the Goddess Wisdom, whose Head resembled a Sun, brandishing abundance of Rays upon the Face of Aristotle, and making a Glory round about it.  
At the Bottom of the Hall, upon a kind of Altar, stands a large Silver Statue of the beautiful Pythias, formerly Aristotle's Lady, for whom his Passion was so strong, as to Sacrifice unto her.  
At the Top of the Hall was a Ceiling, enriched with admirable Paintings, lately done, divided likewise betwixt Alexander and Aristotle, agreeable to the Emboss; for on one Side was the Hero receiving a Thunderbolt from the Hand of his pretended Father jupiter Ammon, to fulminate all the Princes of Asia; and on the other the Philosopher receiving another from the Hand of Minerva, to thunderclap all the Chieftains, of the New Sects of Philosophy, among which we easily knew M. Descartes, M. Gassendi, Father▪ Maignan, and many others.  
As we were taken up with the Curiosity of all these different Pieces of Sculpture and Painting, the Viceroy of the Place came in to give us Audience. Never was Man so much surprised as my old Gentleman, at first Sight of the Governor; he had formerly known him in Holland, when he there accompanied M. Descartes: He was called M. Voetius, the most resolved Peripatetique in the World, and the most avowed of all Descartes' Enemies; he that most disturbed the Quiet he came to seek in Holland, and the most obstinately as successfully opposed his Design of gaining a Party there: Whereas that Man acts the greatest part in the History of Cartesianism, of which, at the Entrance of my Relation I engaged to give some Particulars when occasion served; and seeing at the Intercourse of which I speak, we fell upon a Negotiation with him, as to a Project of Peace between the Peripatetics and the Cartesians; it will not perhaps be troublesome and impertinent, briefly to insert the Difference he had with M. Descartes, and the Motive that determined him to fix in the Globe of the Moon.  
M. Descartes, 
Dissert. de Meth.  after he had finished his Course of Philosophy, in the College de la Fleche, ceased not to be a Philosopher thereupon; nay pretends he commenced one but from that Time. As he was fully convinced there was far less to be gained from the most curious of Books and Libraries than from the great Volume of the World, the most Complete and Instructive of all others, to such as know how to study it as they ought; he pitched upon Travel. During nine or ten Years he run through most Countries; frequented the Court, as also the Armies of most Foreign Princes: But still as a Philosopher, i. e. continually making serious Reflections upon the Intellectual and Moral Part of Man, upon the different Customs of Countries, upon the contrary Judgements Men make of the selfsame things, conformably to the different Notions they have imbibed concerning them, endeavouring always herein to alembeck Truth from Falsehood, and to advantage himself equally by the Folly and Wisdom of other Men; that he might collect a System of Life, composed and regulated by defecated Reason, whose Happiness, as far as possible, should be independent of the Turns and Wheels of Fortune.  
He began to put his Project in Execution, in a certain Place in Germany, which he does not name, where he passed the Winter, at his Return from the Coronation of the Emperor Ferdinand III. where closeting himself whole Days together in his Stove, he recollected in his Mind all the Observations he had made, upon the Conduct of Mankind; which he employed to constitute his Rules of Morality, as they are at present in his Book, entitled, Dissertation de la methode de bien user de sa raison. From whence passing to Metaphysical Notices, and those of Natural Philosophy, he laid the Scheme to the most part of his Works he since hath left us; making at the same Time an Essay of his Physics, in the Mechanical Explanation of the Motion of the Heart and Arteries, which certainly is not the worst Piece we have of his Works.  
Next he deliberated what Place was most convenient for a Settlement; 
Ibid.  he was biased against his stay in Britanny, his Native Country, where his Family then bore, as it does to this Day, a considerable Port, foreseeing the Encumbrances he should find among his Relations, would inevitably retard his vehement Pursuit of Philosophy. In fine, he resolved on Holland, as a Retreat freest from Disturbance, where every one, said he, minds his own concerns, without meddling with other Men's; and where the Maintenance of those numerous Troops, served but to recommend with more Security to the whole Country the Advantages of Peace, in the midst of a raging War.  
He passed near eight Years in Peace and Quiet, 
Ibid.  making his ordinary abode at Egmond, a little Town on the Coast of Holland, insomuch that during all that Space▪ he never left the Country, but on the account of his Domestic Occasions, that indispensibly obliged him to make some Journeys into France. 
Ibid. p. 20▪  Happy, if his Zeal for the Public Good, and his Compassion for the Miserable Condition of Philosophy, had not made him transgress that excellent Moral Maxim he had prescribed himself, to leave the World as he found it, without endeavouring to reform it, or rectify its Ideas, to think only of finding Truth for himself, and of conquering his own Passions; but he was worsted first by that of Printing, and after by all the other, Authors are subject to, when they find their Opinions contradicted: For it must be confessed, although M. Descartes had form an Idea of a Wiseman to himself, much like that of the Stoics, yet any one may see in reading some of his Works, he was not yet arrived to that Apathy and Indolence which makes their Essential Character.  
No sooner had he impressed his Dioptriques, and his Meteors; Next that, his Dissertation concerning Method, and since his Meditations: But he found himself set upon from all Hands; all the Universities of Holland took the alarm. Doctor Revi●s for that of ●eyden, Voetius and Dem●tius for Vtrecht, Schook for that of Groiningue, ratified a triple Alliance against this upstart Enemy; who for his Part, before he declared and set up his Standard against Aristotle, had made underhand a considerable Party. Revius having engaged Doctor Tkill on his Side, a hot and active Man, undertook the Censuring his Meditations, throughout his Divinity; and the Affair was carried on so far that M. Descartes Friends advised him to interpose the Authority of the Prince of Orange and the French Ambassador, to put a Stop to its Progress: But he satisfied himself, to proclaim he was injured, and to demand Justice of the Procurators of Leyden, who thought they had done him a special Favour, in obliging their Doctor's Silence, and prohibiting them the mentioning Descartes and his Opinions in their Academic Exercises; a Proceedure that was not very Satisfactory to M. Descartes. He was a little better satisfied on the part of the University of Groiningue, which at the Solicitation of the French Ambassador, severely checked Schooks Outrageous Conduct.  
But all this was nothing in comparison with his great Concernment at Vtrecht, where Voetius fell like a Lion lose upon him. Voetius was one of the Supports of the University; whom the Quality of Divinity Professor, as also that of Minister and Rector, joined with his Reverend G●ey Heirs rendered awful and venerable to a Town, in which the Corporation of the University maintained a very considerable Grandeur: He had learned how to employ these Advantages to the gaining absolute Authority and Command over the Minds of Men, insomuch that his Sentiments were the Decisions in the University and Oracles in the Town. 'Tis known what they were in regard of the New Philosophy, which was the Reason why those of Descartes' Party durst not declare themselves: Notwithstanding, 
Let●. 〈◊〉 Des●.  at last, Regius the Physician, whom Descartes styles, his Proto-martyr, could no longer stifle the Hatred he had conceived against Substantial Forms; he affixed his Theses, wherein he had banished them, to substitute in their Room the different Configuration of the insensible Parts of every Body. This makes a great Noise in the University, some take one Side some another: This is the whole Discourse of the Town, News and Politics are hushed, and the Exchange now rings with nothing but Substantial Forms.  
Mean time Voetius slept not in an Affair of this Importance; he went to the first Disputes of Regius, suborned a great many Scholars he had gained, and placed them in several Parts of the Hall; who as soon as Regius his Disciple began to talk of Subtle Matter, of the Balls of the Second Element, of Ramous and Chamfered Particles, burst out a Laughing, set up an Hiss, clapped their Hands, and were seconded by the Doctors, the Friends of Voetius: That tumultuous Outcry dismounted poor Regius, and obliged him to cut off his Disputations. He wrote to M. Descartes▪ 
Tom. 1. d●● Le●●. de Des●.  desiring Counsel in this Conjuncture, and how he ought to behave himself in respect of Voetius, who had forthwith put up Theses in Defence of Substantial Forms; and against the other Points of the Cartesian Philosophy: He had particularly addressed them to the Faculty of Medicine, and the Professors of Philosophy, imploring their Protection of Substantials Forms against Regius.  
M. Descartes' Advice was, 
Tom. 1. Let. 89.  That he should forbear Public Disputations, endeavour to draw over Voetius to answer his Thes●s, but with all the deference and civility imaginable, to manifest a grand Respect and Esteem for his Adversary, yet so as still courageously to maintain the Cause of Truth▪ Regius took that Method, not without Fear it might cost him his Chair; and certainly he ran a great Risque. Voe●ius undertook him; put young Voetius his Son, and Schoo●, upon writing against him: And a little more had caused him to be condemned as an Heretic by the Divines: He had him before the Magistrates; nor had he so escaped, but upon giving Security for the exact Performance of what they ordered in a Public Decree, Never to teach Descartes' Philosophy, to hold fast to the ancient Dogmas and to make no Attaque for the future on Substantial Forms.  
That Blow went with M. Descartes to the Quick, though he seems in his Letter to Regius to make slight on't, insomuch that he could not forbear revenging himself; venting a Pamphlet underhand, called the History of Voetius; in which he scurvily treated him, and ridiculed him severely. That turned the Bend of Voetius' Fury on himself, who quitting thenceforward Regius, whom he saw foiled and grovelling, and looked upon as a Forlorn-Hope, sent out to Piqueer and Skirmish, by Descartes, thought he must double his Forces to make an Onset on this New Sect, and assault it in its Leader. As ill Fortune still would have it, Descartes and Regius fell to Swords-points, and sharpened their Quills against each other, as if it had been the Fate of that Philosopher, at that Time, to have all the Learned Men of Holland for his Enemies, whose Names did terminate in Ius, Revius, Demmatius, the two Voetius' and Regius.  
The first thing that was done at Vtrecht, 
Let. de Des●.  was to damn Descartes in all Companies as an Atheist, as another Vaninus, who under pretence of establishing by his Arguments the Existence of a God, aimed only to rout and confute it. Voetius▪ declaimed eternally against him in his Lectures, in his Disputations, in his Sermons. He pitched purposely on Theses of Atheism, where he brought in every thing that might bring an Odium on Descartes. And so successfully did they decry him, that when the News of his Death arrived several Years after at Vtrecht, Prejudice was so deeply rooted, as to make an addition of dreadful Circumstances, and it was the Current Report of the Town, That he died the most impious and wicked Villain in the World, without Faith, 
C●e●gh●on Ep. ad Regium.  without Religion, like julian the Apostate, casting up a thousand Blasphemies against jesus Christ.  
Voetius endeavoured to uncement the most intimate Friends he had, 
Tom. 2. des Let▪ de Desc.  and as much a Protestant Minister as he was, wrote to Father Mersennus in France, to enter in a League with him, and to excite him to write against Descartes, but sped not in that Negotiation. He accused him of being a Clandestine Enemy to the Religion of the Country, and seemed by that to be willing to impeach him as a Traitor to the State. He added, he was an Emissary and Spy of the Iesuit●, and held an Epistolary▪ Correspondence with them, and produced one Letter, especially against him, which he had wrote to Father Dine●, sometime after Confessor to the King. So true it is that Titus Oats is not the first that thought of persuading the Protestants of his Country, 
Hist. Conj●r. Angle●erre▪  the jesuits gave Commissions in England to levy an Army, in which they had the Disposal of all places of trust, and made general Officers, Colonels and Captains.  
In short; Voetius partly by hi● Reputation and Vogue, partly by his Intrigues, brought it about, that Descartes' Philosophy should be condemned throughout the University, of which he was Rector: He cited him by the order of the Magistrates, with a great noise, at the sound of a Bell, by the notice of a Beadle, to come and answer to the Calumnies he was said to have written against Voetius. In so much that his Friends advised him ●o be upon his Guard, as being scarce secure in the place where he was, though it was out of the Reach and Jurisdiction of Vtrecht. Two Papers, wherein M. Descartes mentioned Voetius, one of which was the Letter he had wrote to Father Dinet, were declared defamatory Libels. That Declaration was Printed, and affixed and sent to the principal Towns of the United Provinces. If we may believe M. Descartes, there was no less Design on Foot, than the Banishing him all the Provinces by a Decree, the loading him with prodigious Fines, the burning his Books by the Hand of the common Hangman, to which, some said, Voetius had resolved to make so great a Fire in burning of them, as the Flame of it should enlighten all the Countries thereabouts. In a word, M. Descartes was forced to get clear of these Troubles, to employ the credit of his Friends, and the Interest of the French Ambassador, that might hinder it from proceeding any farther.  
These Quarrels were kept up many Years▪ and M. Descartes foreseeing the Apologies he he designed to have presented to the Magistrates of Leyden and Vtrecht, to justify himself, and demand the reparation of his Honour, would be ineffectual in the procuring such satisfaction as he pretended due to him, thought often of leaving Holland, where he found not the Repose he at first proposed to himself. The Letters he received from the Court of France at that time, with the promise of a good Pension, if he would come and live at Paris, determined him to departed: But the Troubles of the Kingdom unluckily-stoped the Career of his good Fortune. Letters were sent him in Parchment curiously sealed, and full of the greatest Praises in the World: But that was all; nor had he his Letters gratis. Never Parchment, as he pleasantly says, cost him so dear, and was so unuseful as that: Nothing could hinder him from returning to his beloved Holland, without fear of falling afresh into the Hands of Voetius, Schook and Revius: But not long after, the Queen of Sueden sent for him to Stockholm, where 'tis vulgarly said he died.  
What I have hitherto said of the difference of Voetius with M. Descartes, has been taken for the most part out of the Letters of that Philosopher. Voetius informed us in the Globe of the Moon, of the other Particulars that concerned himself, to wit, That after M. Descartes' Departure from Holland, he grew reconciled to Regius the Physician, who in the Feast of Reconciliation, as a Badge of the real Intentions of his future Friendship, presented him with some of Descartes' Snush, which he often made use of, but especially to come to the Lyceum in the Moon; that having highly merited of Aristotle, by those famous Exploits managed against Regius and Descartes, in the Defence of the Peripatetic Philosophy, that Prince of Philosopher's had offered him the Employ we saw him in possession of; that he nevertheless waved the accepting of it, till, understanding that Descartes' Soul left no Stone unturned to bring the Souls of these Parts over to him, his Zeal for the Ancient Philosophy had wrought upon him to quit his Body, in order to oppose the Designs of that dangerous Enemy.  
This is that very Voetius that was formerly the Hero of Peripa●ecism in Holland. Our Greeting notwithstanding was extraordinary civil on both Hands; and after our mutual Compliments to each other, he expressed the Joy he had to hear M. Descartes was hatching not ill Design upon the Lyceum of the Moon. He confessed likewise the Regret he had for urging that Philosopher heretofore so far: But that his own Reputation in Holland was incompatible with Descartes'. That if he had once permitted the new Philosophy, to take Footing in the University of Vtrecht, he must either have been obliged to learn it, or hold his Tongue in all Disputes: And he found much uneasiness to consent to one or the other: That he was then too old to become Descartes' Scholar; and that it was easily guessed how ungrateful a Task it had been for an old Philosophy Professor, to hear all his Decisions disputed, without the Privilege of defending them, at least by way of Arguing; for that Descartes having thrown out of Doors the Terms made use of in the Schools, he had been obliged in all public Acts, to stand as a Person that was Deaf and Dumb: He that had always been renowned for his Subtlety and Penetration. That he had observed in his Philosophy many good Things, among abundance of others that seemed somewhat hard. And that having often discoursed Aristotle concerning that Philosophy, they had both concluded it would not be impossible to make some Accommodation, and if we were willing, it would be no trouble to him, to enter in a particular Conference thereupon: We gladly embraced his Offer, and after having ordered his Attendants to retire, he spoke as follows:  
You may easily see, Gentlemen, by the Rank I hold there, I have a great share in the Favours of the Prince our Sovereign: I have yet a greater in his Confidence: You will readily think so, by one Profession he has made me, and which I am well assured I may safely venture to make you in his Name. It is this, That his Interests are indeed closely united with the Interests of those Philosophers that writ themselves Aristotelians, but at the bottom they are no more the same than are their Sentiments in point of Philosophy: But notwithstanding he hath hitherto dispensed with the Promiscuous confounding of them. The Pleasure, and at once the Honour to see himself Marching at the Head of all the Philosophers in Europe, that with an unanimous Consent attributed to him the Quality of their Prince, was well worth the trouble of conniving at the diametrical Repugnance he saw in the reasoning of most of those, who declared to be entirely his. That division itself, which was to be found among his most zealous Partisans, who took it to be a greater Honour, and made it of more Concernment to have engaged him on their side, than Truth itself, did not a little contribute to his Glory: To see himself independently on Reason, by the sole weight of his Authority made Umpire of all the disagreeing Philosophers; to enjoy peaceably the Privilege of Infallibility, among those that disputed it with Pope and Councils, had something charming in it, that induced him to think it best to be contented, without being much concerned at their taking or mistaking of his meaning; seeing, whatever they say, he only, by the Voice of both Parties was always in the right. But since that M. Descartes, M. Gassendi, and some others, have thrown off the Yoke of his Authority, and to justify their Conduct have undertaken, and with Success enough, to show the Absurdity, or the unsoundness of some Opinions of the Schools, of which they pretend to make him the Warantee, because the best of his Disciples have awarded them unto him with an universal Consent: He hath thought fit to declare himself on the first occasion, and to entreat the Public, as also those Gentlemen the new Philosophers, to do him Justice in that Particular. He protests then to separate his Interest in many Articles from theirs, that style themselves his Disciples: He declares that in the Questions of the Schools, many things go under his Name which are none of his; as is for Instance, that most Childish Notion of the Horror of a Vacuum. That he himself hath certified and proved by Experience, the Pressure of the Air, which at this Day is made a Principle in the Physical Expilcation of such Phenomena's, as have most alliance to the Question of a Vacuum. That he is no ways the Father of an infinite little Being's, introduced in the School Philosophy. That his Writings have often been misinterpreted, and Men have commonly taken for Natural Being's, what in his Idea were only Denomina●●ions and Metaphysical Attributes.  
This Calm, continued he, with which I speak, after that ungovernable Obstinacy you formerly knew me guilty of, might stand for my Credentials, as to you, in Aristotle's Absence: But I will farther add, that since you meet him out of the Globe of the Moon, he hath dispatched an Express, in which he gives orders, that if you passed this way, I should not fail to inform you of his Thoughts and Intentions, and to let you know that whatever Warmth appeared in him in his Discourse against Descartes, he would notwithstanding gladly hearken to some Accommodation with him: Furthermore this is no unpremeditated Resolution. The Expedient has been formed, and written long ago, and the Fault will not be ours if you do not see it, and take upon you the presenting it to Descartes, if you so think convenient. We returned, we most joyfully accepted it, and that we thought ourselves happy any ways to contribute to the Reconciliation of the two greatest Philosophers the World has known, and the Reunion of two Parties, that were at present the only considerable in Europe. He took forthwith out of a Cabinet that was at the end of the Hall, and where, upon handsome Shelves, stood a good sight of Books, excellently bound, and that looked exactly like Books the new Philosophers have composed, within this thirty or forty Years, and that Aristotle and Voetius had undoubtedly read; he took, I say, from a Cabinet, a kind of Memoirs, with this Title in Latin Words, De Consensu Philosophiae Veteris & Novae. We have, said I, an Ingenious Man of our Wo●ld, that has wrote a Book with the same Inscription. 
M. Du Ha●el.  I myself have read it (he replied) and a Man may easily see by the way it is wrote in, the Author is well versed in all parts of Philosophy. He is a Gentleman unbiased as to one side or other, is throughly acquainted with the Interests of each Party, and therefore the fittest Person that I know to mediate in that Affair. A preliminary Point is taken from his Preface, which is much in the right on't, and whereto Aristotle and Descartes must forthwith accord; that the Sect-Leaders of Philosophy, Neque omnia, neque nihil viderunt. With that he presented us the Project of Accommodation, and desired us to read it at our leisure, in our Voyage; as also to take with us, as we had offered at our Arrival, some Aristotelian Souls, to accompany us to Descartes' Place of Residence, to the end he might know by them, what that Philosopher had resolved upon the Propositions laid down in that Treaty. We thanked him for the Honour he did us, in intrusting us with so Important a Negotiation; assured him, we would do all that lay in us towards the facilitating its Success; and after much Expression and Acknowledgement of his Civilities, we begged his leave we might pursue our Voyage, since we had a vast way still to go, and had spent many Hours in that we had passed already. He conducted us out of the Lyceum, and giving some Instructions to two Souls of the Country, that seemed Spirits of Note and Fashion, ordered them to wait on us, so made his Congee.  
Designing to run over that whole Hemisphere of the Moon that is opposed to our Earth, we kept on our Road to the North, and leaving Democritus on the left, we passed through Thales, and drove on quite to Zoroaster; from whence we made a double towards the West, through desert Lands, where we saw the ruins of some ancient Towns, as of Atlas, Cepheus, Hermes, without meeting Man, Woman or Child, till we came to the Lake of Dreams, on whose Banks we found three separate Spirits, with whom we were taken up one Moment in Discourse, as we passed along.  
We surprised the two first, stoutly Cursing and Banning their Wives they had formerly in the World. One of which was, that Hermotimus mentioned by Tertullian and Pliny, who leaving his Body a-bed, to make a Ramble, as his Custom was, his Wife, that did not love him, slipped not the opportunity of calling up her Servants, to whom she shown, not without tearing her Hair and playing the Madwoman, the Body of her Husband unsouled and breathless, and carried the Humour on so well, that the Body was burnt, according to the custom of the Country, before the Soul returned, who was from thenceforth forced to seek another Habitation.  
The other Spirit was a Roman Senator, whose Name was Lamia, whose Wife had tricked out of the World by the same Project, though, a little more it had miscarried. For as he related it, The Soul being returned to look its Body, where 'twas left, not finding it, and seeing the Family Mourning, begun to smell how the Matter stood: It Posted presently to the place where was built the Funeral Pile to burn the Body, and arrived there, just as the Fire began to seize it. The Soul thought it inconvenient to reunite herself with it, for fear it might be obliged to be burnt alive, she only moved its Tongue, so as many of the Standards by heard these Words twice distinctly repeated, I am not dead, I am not dead. But seeing the Masters of the Funeral Ceremonies, who had undoubtedly received an Item from the Dame, unconcerned as 'ere, she left it to be burnt, and came to fix in the Globe of the Moon.  
The third, whom we found two Leagues farther in a ghastly Grot, was the famous john Duns Scotus, commonly called Scot, or the Subtle Doctor. He has passed for a dead Man unto this day, on which Account some have given out most ridiculous Stories, and highly disadvantageous to the Reputation of so worthy a Person, and which have still been well confuted. But the truth is that he is not dead; and that having by the subtlety of his Mind, found out the Secret so many others have procured, his Corpse was taken for dead, and was buried in the absence of his Soul, which took Sanctuary in the Globe of the Moon. He was encompassed by a Crowd of little (I know not what you call them, for they were not Being's, but I think) Formalities. He was the first Father of them in the Philosophical World, and he that gave them first Repute. They be the prettyest, littlest, slender,— you'd think them next to nothing. Perceiving we were Philosophers, to be a little more affable than ordinary, he began to ask us what we thought of an Universal a part rei, and whether we did not take it to be Objective Precisions? Our old Gentleman, who besides his Cartesian Ideas upon Philosophy, had still a Relic of that gruff and surly Humour Aristotle's Compliments had provoked, answered him in a careless Air, We concern not our Heads much with such insipid Trifles; that it was but Irish Gibberish, and that none of us had any Pretensions to the Elegy Buchanan gives his Country Philosphers, otherwise Men of Sense and Worth, Gens ratione furens & mentem pasta Chimeris. Trifles and Chimeras, replied Scotus! They are the finest and most solid Questions in Philosophy. By this it was we distinguished ourselves in my time; by that Subtlety wherewith I handled these Questions, I was advanced to the quality of Doctor Subtilis. Trifles and Chimaeras, quoth a! You French Philosophers, have you ever read the History of the University of Paris? If you have not read it, read it: You will see if these things were looked on heretofore as Trifles. You will see under the Reign of the young Lewis, one Rousselin of Britanny, at the Head of the Nominals, disputing Hand to Fist in the University of Paris, against those who held an Universal a part rei, and from Arguments they came to Swords, that there was Manslaughter in the Case. You will see, what I have been told is done, since I quit your World. That in the reign of Lewis the Eleventh, the Court and Parliament interposed themselves in Philosophical Differences, which you call Trifles; that by the order of the King, the Books of the Nominals were chained and padlocked, strictly prohibiting the opening them ever after: And I would to God, those Decrees had not been repealed by the Asserters of that empty Philosophy, which will have Universality consist in Names and Conceptions: Then at this day I should have reigned absolute in the Schools.  
But (continued he) taking Courage, Are not you of that Party of Philosophers I have heard talk of some time since, and whose Works I have likewise seen in a Visit I made Aristotle, who have a certain British Cavalier for their Leader, called Descartes? Yea verily, replied our old Cartesian, and we take it as an Honour so to be. Be gone, cried he, all in a Rage and Passion▪ Away with you! Hence Heretics, as you are, who take it for an Honour to be of a Sect, which by its Principles is obliged to renounce the Faith of our most Holy Mysteries. Your Descartes holds that a determinate Extension is essential to a Body, and that a Body being once of the size of a Cubical Foot, it would be as great a Contradiction to lose that Extension, as to conceive a Mountain without a Valley. It will be then a Contradiction that the Body of the Saviour of the World which had the bulk of many Feet, should be comprehended in the space of the least Particle of the Consecrated Host. Once more be gone Excommunicates: And since you will stay here in spite of me, I abandon the place; and forthwith he marched off.  
That his extraordinary Zeal was no less surprising than diverting. But that which pleased me most, was, That upon our leaving that place, the two Aristotelian Souls which Voetius had deputed to accompany us, began by the way to resume the Argument of Scotus, and to urge it vigorously against Father Mersennus and my old Man, who were much perplexed to rid their Hands of it. But they proposed an Argument against the manner whereby M. Descartes, and after him M. Rohault undertake to explain the Mystery of the Eucharist, without the assistance of absolute Accidents; which may merit a place in this Relation.  
M. Descartes in his Answer to the fourth Set of Objections, proposed against his Metaphysical Meditations, explains the Mystery of the Eucharist as follows. He says, That the Body of I. C. after the Consecration, is in the selfsame place the Bread was in before; but that it is so precisely in the same space, that in what place soever, it was true to affirm before the Consecration, here is Bread; it is true to say after the Consecration, here is the Body of I. C. So that if we conceive that before the Consecration there was, whether in the Surface or in the Substance of the Bread, little Piramidal, Cubical or Triangular Spaces, filled with Piramidal, Cubical or Triangular Parts of Bread, we must conceive, after the Consecration, those little Spaces are possessed in the same exactness by the Body of I. C. From whence it follows, according to him, That when 'tis said the Body of I. C. is comprehended in the same Dimensions, and the very Superficies as the Bread, by that word Superficies is to be understood, not only that external Surface that terminates the total Figure of the Bread, but also that which terminates all the parts which are in the depth and substance of it, separated from one another by the Pores, and little Intervals that are filled up with Air, or some other Heterogeneous Bodies: In so much that should some insensible parts of the Bread be put in motion by the Air, or some other Body, the new Substance, that takes the place of those insensible Parts, is equally put in Motion.  
Upon that Supposition M. Descartes argues thus. Whatever makes an Impression upon our Senses is only the Superficies of a Body. Every Body therefore that has the same Superficies as the Bread, will make the same Impressions on our Senses as the Bread. Therefore since the Body of I. C. is so precisely in the same space as the Bread, that it hath the same Superficies to an Hair, it must inevitably make the same Impressions on our Senses as the Bread, that is, it must reflect the Light, as the Bread did, and with the same Modifications: And from hence we see in it the same Colour and the same Figure. It must be pressed towards the Centre of the Earth, by the Impulse of the same Matter that pressed the Bread before, because of the Figuration of its Parts of which it was composed; and hence we perceive in it the same Gravity. It must vibrate the Nerves of our Tongue, and insinuate itself into the Pores, just as did the insensible parts of the Bread; and hence we apprehend in it the same Taste, etc. From whence he concludes, That Mystery may be admirably explained, without the encumbrance of absolute Accidents, which are kept in service without any occasion for them.  
See then one Difficulty among many others our Peripatetics proposed against that Explication; we will demonstrate (said they) that, granting that Hypothesis, the Bread is not at all changed into the Body of jesus Christ in the Eucharist, but that after the Consecration, the Bread still remains in the Host.  
In order to their Demonstration they demanded of Father Mersennus and the old Gentleman: I. Whether by the Principles of Descartes, the Matter of all Bodies considered in itself, and independently of the different Modifications of its Parts was not of the same Species? They answered, Yes. II. If that which constituted the Specific Difference of Bodies was not, according to them, the different Configuration, the different Situation, and the different Motions of the Parts of those Bodies? They acknowledged it. That supposed, said they, we'll evidently prove, That the Substance in the Eucharist, after its Consecration, is nothing else but Bread; for the Matter or the Substance, which hath the same Configuration of Parts, the same Motion, and in a Word, all the same Modifications that constitute the Essence of Bread, is Bread, according to the aforesaid Principle: But the Substance found in the Dimensions of the Host, after the Consecration, has all those Modifications; and 'tis only by the Means of those Modifications we conceive it to have the same Superficies as the Bread, taking the Word Superficies in the same Sense Descartes gives it: And 'tis in virtue of those Modifications that that Superficies makes the same Impressions on our Senses as the Bread did before the Consecration: And 'tis from the same Reason that it reflects its Light precisely to the same Angles as the Bread: That it receives all the same Impulses, and the same Determinations of the Matter, that bushes it towards the Centre, as the Bread: That it communicates the same Vibrations to the Nerves of the Tongue as the Bread: Therefore the Substance that is in the Space of the Host, after the Consecration, according to Descartes' Principles, has the Form or the Essence of Bread; therefore it is Bread, which was to be demonstrated. And from thence our Catholic Peripatetics concluded, It was not without good Ground that Recourse was had to Absolute Accidents, in the Explication of that Mystery.  
They made yet one Reflection more upon a Saying Descartes adjoins to his Explication, and which ruins his Answer. Notwithstanding, says he, the Body of jesus Christ, to speak properly, is not there, as in a Place, but Sacramentally. For, said they, What is it, for God's sake, to be in a Place in proper speaking, but entirely to fill a Space? to hinder the Passage of other Bodies that present themselves; to reflect the Light, to be pressed downward; to have Motion, etc. But all this, according to Descartes, agrees to the Body of jesus Christ in the Sacrament of the Host. And on the contrary, the Notion commonly received of a Sacramental Existence attributes not to a Body in that Capacity all those Properties; for none of those that have spoke of the Body of jesus Christ in the Sacrament, have supposed it was that which reflects the Light, etc. Nay, they say the quite contrary.  
So they concluded, deriding the Vanity of the Applause M. Descartes assumes to himself in that Place, upon the Intelligible Manner, wherewith he pretends to have explained that Mystery, and upon the Obligations he has laid on the Orthodox Divines, for having furnished them with an Opinion more agreeable with Divinity than those usually received. Applause, as well grounded as the Prophecy he made a little after, by which one Day it shall come to pass, that as soon as the World shall be reclaimed from the Prejudices of the School, all the Opinions of our Old Philosophers and Divines thereupon, shall disappear and vanish as Shadows, at the Approach of that Light, wherewith those Glorious Principles of the New Philosophy shall fill the Minds of all such as know how well to use them.  
For my part, I was of Opinion, upon hearing Monsieur Descartes so refuted, that he had better have stuck to his general Answer, be it as bad as it will, That he was a Philosopher and not a Divine, and that he pretended not to explain the Mysteries of our Religion by the Principles of his Philosophy. I was astonished too in that Occurrence, That such sort of Answers had the good Luck to meet with no Reply, especially having to do with M. Arnauld, who would never willingly take the last Blow in Point of Disputes and Books. But I am persuaded I have since found the Solution of that Difficulty in a Letter M. Decsartes wrote to a Father of the Oratory, a Sorbon Doctor. He says, speaking of M. Arnauld, That his only Judgement, as young a Doctor as he was, was of more Weight with him, than that of half the Ancient Doctors of the Sorbon. Was not a Clearing of that nature able to disarm the most incensed Adversary in the World?  
During that Dispute, wherein Father Mersennus and the Old Blade thought it unnecessary to keep to Mood and Figure, and were content to evade the Objection by much raillery upon Absolute Accidents, alleging they ought to be banished to the Desert of Scotus, to make up his Train and Attendance, with all his little Formalities; We crossed the Calm Sea, and turning short to the Right, we passed through Hipparchus, Ptolomeus, and the Peninsula of the Stars, and from thence we cut through the Sea of Clouds. We entered into the Demy-Island of Dreams, I mentioned in the beginning; so called from the little Mansions in the Globe of the Moon, inhabited for the most Part with Chemists, that are in Pursuit of the Philosopher's Stone, having not been able to find it upon Earth; and a World of judicial Astrologers, who still are as great Asses as they were in the other World, and spend all their Time in making Almanacs, and correcting by exact Supputations the false Horoscopes they made in their Life time.  
Among others we found Cardan, who though he was possessed of a good Copyhold Eastward, on the Shoar of the Ocean of Tempests, could not yet forbear making frequent Visits of his Brethren of the same Society. He passed away his Time but discontentedly, having not yet conquered the Shagrin and Melancholy, occasioned by that Notable Horoscope of Edward VI King of England, whose most remarkable Fortunes and Adventures he had foretold, quite to the Fiftieth Year of his Age, who yet had the confounded Luck to die at Fifteen. Two other things, much of the same Nature, entertained his Thoughts in that deep Melancholy: The first was the Death of his Son, whose Horoscope had proved Faulty, he having not foreseen what yet came to pass, That he should be executed at Milan, in the four and twentieth Year of his Age, for poisoning his Wife. The other thing was the uncharitable behaviour of Scaliger and Monsieur de Thou, in publishing in their Books to all Posterity, That he was suffered to die with Hunger. For after all, said he to us, they are Liars, for were I dead, 'twas impossible I should be here. I must confess, that having foretold the Day of my Death, in my Horoscope, I made myself, and finding I was mistaken, seeing at the Time prescribed no Sign or Symptom of approaching Death, I shut myself in my Closet; and not having Confidence to appear from thenceforth in the Sight of Men, since every Moment of my Life to come had been the continual Reproach of my Mistake, I even resolved to quit my Body, and come and inhabit here. And this, Gentlemen, is the real Truth of the Matter. We took occasion to extenuate the Causes of his Affliction, by telling him of the Reputation he always had, with a non obstante to all that, in the World, as an extraordinary Man, and distinguished from the Vulgar: After which we took our Leave of him, and posted from thence to Mersennus, where we launched for our Voyage over the Moon. There it was that the two Philosophers stepping aside for some Moment's, we read, altogether, the Project of Accommodation betwixt Aristotle and M. Descartes, which Voetius had given us charge of, and whose principal Articles I shall here relate. It was divided into two Parts; The first was to regulate the Method, how the Aristotelians and Cartesians must for the future demean themselves towards one another, in their Books, Disputes and Conversations. The Second, which was very long, contained several Propositions, that the Aristotelians remitted, to make some Advances nearer the Cartesians, demanding the like Abatements from the Cartesians, whereby they might approach better the Aristotelians. That Second Part was rather a Confutation of many Cartesian Opinions than a Treaty of Accommodation, which gave me to conjecture it would fail of the Success they promised to themselves, or at least pretended to propose themselves. 'Tis easy to see that Aristotle, or at lest Voetius his Secretary was well informed of our Sublunary Occurrences, and what was for and against his Party and his Adversary's.  

A Treaty of Accommodation betwixt Aristotle, Prince of Philosophers, and M. Descartes, Chief of the New Sect.  

PART I.  
THey shall not for the future Abuse or Vilify each other; that Way being unphilosophical, and being likewise already exploded the Schools, by the Worthiest and best of the Professors.  
The Ladies and knowing Women must no longer treat Aristotle on their Besides as a Fop and a Pedant: They ought to know he has been a Soldier, a Man of Courtship and Intrigue, who, before he became a Philosopher, took his Pleasure and spent his Estate, that was no little one, being Son of the Chief Physician to Amyntas, Grandfather of Alexander; and perhaps there was never a Philosopher in the World more a Courtier and a Gentleman than he.  
On the other Hand the Old Professors of Philosophy must remember to be more sparing of their Epithets, of which they are commonly too liberal on Cartesius his Account; constantly styling him Enthusiast, Madman, sometimes Heretic and Atheist. Voetius from henceforth voluntarily makes him an Authentic Satisfaction as to all those Points, in default of that which the Procurators of Leyden and Vtretcht denied him, corrupted by the Friends of the aforesaid Sieur Voetius; who is his most humble Servant.  
Aristotle shall disclaim all those Books composed against M. Descartes, in an Injurious and Abusive Way, such as is that Tract entitled, Deliriorum Cartesii Ventilatio. At least he shall order, That they be corrected, and that in the New Edition Care be taken to retrench some Expressions a little too strong and biting.  
M. Descartes also, on his part, shall give Orders, That in the New Impressions of the Works of some of his Followers, some Prefaces be lopped off, or rather some Malicious Satyrs against the School Philosophers, not caring to distinguish them from one another, and throwing unjustly upon all, the Faults of some Particulars, such as are the Passion of Wrangling, Confusion, Equivocal Terms, and Ignorance in the most Courteous Parts of Physics.  
It shall be prohibited all the Cartesians to give a Character of Aristotle's Merit, before they have read him, especially before they have seen his Logic, his Rhetoric, his History of Animals, and others, where he treats Natural Philosophy in Particulars: And they shall take heed of giving a Judgement on that Philosopher's Parts by his Books De Phisico auditu, that are not so clear and perspicuous as his others; the Author having his private Reasons for his writing in that manner; which have yet been more confounded in Tract of Time, by a swarm of Translators and Commentators, who often talk Greek in Latin, and whereof some understood neither.  
Be it prohibited likewise all the Peripatetics to be angry at Descartes' philosophy before they have throughly examined it, under the Penalty of rendering themselves ridiculous, as some have done, who have placed him in the Catalogue of Atomists; that is, of such as fancy Bodies composed of Atoms or indivisible Parts; or as another that wrote ingenuously to M. Descartes himself, he had plainly seen with his Eyes the Subtle Matter, having by the luckiest Accident imaginable observed an abundance of little Bodies playing in the Air, by the Advantage of a Sunbeam, that passed through a chink of one of his Casements.  
Lastly, Aristotle entreats the Gentlemen Cartesians, not to father upon him whatever they find in the Books of his Disciples, without consulting himself; promising on his part, to give no one the Title of Cartesian but upon mature Deliberation, especially in regard of certain young Abbots, Cavaliers, Proctors and Physicians, that call themselves Cartesians in all Companies, for a Pretence to Parts and Ingenuity, which they sometimes get the Repute of, by that only Confidence of talking at all rates of Subtle Matter, Globules of the Second Element, Vortexes, Automatas and Phenomena's without understanding any thing but Terms.   

The Second Part of the Treaty.  
WHereas the Article of Substantial Eorms hath occasioned the greatest Noise and Division between both Parties, as may be seen by the Registers of the Universities of Vtrecht, Leyden, Groninguen, Angers, and as would be testified by those of the University of Paris, Caen, and several others, had Care been taken for the Recording all the Acts and Deliberations held upon that Affair; it is therefore necessary both one and the other, each as to their particular, should remit something for Peace and Quietness-sake.  
Aristotle complained forthwith of the Delicacy of the first Cartesians, who thought it advisable to take Disgust at the very Name of Substantial Forms. For suppose, said he, that no more was meant by that Word than the Principle of the Properties of every Body, and that which is the Cause why one Body so differs from another, that Use has given it a particular Name, and made it a Species distinct from other Kind's of Bodies: What hath that Term so Distasteful and Extraordinary? As to the Idea the Peripatetics have affixed to it, making it to speak, an Incomplete Substance distinct from Matter; he said, That Definition being no where to be found in his Writings, at least in express Terms, he might, if he thought good, disown it, and devolve upon the Arabian Commentators, as on the Creators of that Being, all the Railleries' and fine Things pretended to be spoke by the new Philosophers on that Chapter. But that he was not yet in that Humour, the Cartesians having concluded nothing rationally against that System. That an Incomplete Substance was no Chimaera, since the reasonable Soul in Man is undoubtedly so. That their grand Axiom brought to demolish Substantial material Forms, viz. Whatever is Material is Matter; was palpably false, as they have been answered an hundred times, seeing Motion and Figure, which are material Things, are notwithstanding devoid of Matter; and also that he looked upon the ordinary Doctrine of Substantial Forms, as his true Doctrine. Nevertheless, adjoined he, we shall see what use M. Descartes will make of it, and what Advances he will offer on his part. When he shall have granted Brutes a Soul, the Peripatetics will consider whether they shall recede from some other Point.  
Upon which, he brought many Arguments to persuade him to be less hardy and intractable thereupon. He represented how that Article of his Philosophy had shockt the whole World. That his earnestness and zeal for that Opinion had been excusable, if he had been the first Author; but it is well known a Spaniard, called Pereyra, first lit upon that Notion; and some were so malicious as to say, he had drawn it from the Spaniard's Book before he deduced it from his own Principles. That he had already gained, by that Opinion, as much Honour as could be expected; that it was looked upon in the World as an Ingenious Paradox, on which he and his Disciples had descanted very subtly, and had sufficiently plagued and tormented the School Philosophers; but that the latter and more intelligent sort of Men could not forbear Laughing, when they seriously undertook to maintain it as a Truth. That 'twas known this was the first Effect the Preface to a Book, Entitled, 
L' Ame des Betes.  The Soul of Beasts, produced in the Mind of its Readers. A Book wrote indeed with a great deal of Wit, but wherein the Author too seriously drives at the Conversion of the Philosophers upon that Subject. That no one had brought one substantial Reason to destroy the prejudice of all Mankind in that particular. That no one had yet demonstrated that a middle Being, betwixt Spirit and Matter, was a thing impossible. That the Promise the Cartesians had made, to explain all that we see admirable in Beasts, by the sole disposition of the Machine was whimsical, and not to be relied on, since it never had been put in Practice. That when they talked of these Matters in general, they sometimes spoke plausibly enough; but when they descended to Particulars, they were either much to be pitied or not endured. That the only Idea of the manner of Brutus' acting on infinite occasions, compared with t●at Paradox, made it look extravagant. That whereas 'twas answered, that Argument proved too much, and made for the reasoning of Beasts; it must be acknowledged that Instance perplexed the Philosophers, and gave them trouble to get clear off; yet after all, whatever pain it put them to, their Argument lost nothing of its Force; and the Instance on the other hand infinitely increased the difficulty. For if it be hard to comprehend, that Beasts should not have Reason, upon seeing them act in so admirable and methodical a manner, how much more difficult would it be to deny them bare Perception? And lastly, for Descartes to give up that point, would not be construed to retract; having himself declared, he could not demonstrate, that Beasts had not an apprehensive Soul, 
Let. 67. Tom. 1.  no more than it could be demonstrated unto him, they had.  
After that, Aristotle passed to another Point, which had some Connexion with the former; which was, The Essence of the Soul, made by M. Descartes to consist in actual Thinking, as he makes the Essence of a Body to consist in actual and determinate Extension. He tells them, That though he has many Scruples, as to his Method and Manner whereby he offers to demonstrate the distinction of the Soul and Body, and that many People continued dissatisfied a little with the Answers he gave to the Objections of Gassendus and M. Arnauld; notwithstanding he would not dispute him that Glory of having said something thereon, wholly New and very Ingenious. That he is likewise disposed to follow his Opinion touching the Essence of the Soul, provided he would satisfy him as to one Difficulty taken from Experience.  
Many Persons, said he, have made you that Objection: That if the Essence of the Soul consisted in actual Thought, it were impossible she should exist without thinking; and thus it would follow, we should have Thought whilst we were in our Mother's Belly. You will not scruple in the least that Consequence: And as to what's rejoined by them, that had we constantly Thought, whilst we were in that Capacity, we must necessarily have remembered some one of those Thoughts, at least, that we had there: You answer, The reason of our Non-remembrance, is, because the Memory consists in certain Traces, which being made in the Brain, upon thinking of an Object, are there preserved; and that the Brain of Infants is too moist and soft for the preservation of those Traces, at least in such a manner as is requisite to cause remembrance. But you are pressed upon that Answer, 
Lettr. Tom. 2.  for as much as in several places of your Writings, you distinguish Memory into two sorts, whereof one depends upon the Body, and those Tracks or Footsteps impressed upon the Brain; and the other, which is purely intellectual, depends upon the Soul above. You also distinguish Notices into two kinds: The one that depend upon the Organ, and the other Immaterial, that are wholly Independent on it. Now we can easily apprehend that the disposition of the Brain of an Infant, may be in the cause why the Soul recollects not those Thoughts which have their dependence on it; but in regard of the Memory wholly intellectual, those pure Conceptions, those immaterial Notices which are altogether independent on the Organ, and the different Plaits or Impresses of the Brain, the humidity of the Brain can be of no Moment, and we must undoubtedly remember those Thoughts, and the Motions of the Will that have pursued them. You will say, that an Infant in the Mother's Womb is destitute of those pure Notices, and of the use of the intellectual Memory. 
Tom. 2. Let. 4. 38.  But that is the thing I am ask a sufficient Reason for, and of which I should be highly pleased to be convinced. In effect Voetius had given express Orders to both his Envoys, to see that M. Descartes gave a clear Explication of the Point.  
From the Essence of the Soul they proceeded to the Essence of the Body. Aristotle entered on that Article with an acknowledgement of an Error he formerly fell into, advertising at the same time M. Descartes to take care to avoid the like Misfortune. I believed, said he, the World was from all Eternity, upon a false Principle I suffered myself to prepossessed with, to wit, That God was a necessary Being in his Actions, as well as in his Existence. You have one also, of which the self same Error is the necessary Consequence: And I am not the first that has put you in mind of it. You not only affirm, That the Essence of Matter consists in Extension, but farther, That Matter, Extension and Space, are but three different Names of one and the same Thing: From whence, with you, it follows, That wherever we conceive Extension and Space, there must necessarily be Matter. And from thence you conclude, the World is boundless and infinite, or, as you choose to speak, indefinite in Extension. Your Adversaries of the Terrestrial World have endeavoured to demonstrate, That bottoming on those same Principles, the World and Matter must always have been, and that Matter must necessarily continue always. For as there is Matter at present, where we conceive at present Space and Extension, so by the same Reason there always has been, and ever will be, Matter, where we conceive there ever has been, and ever will be Space and Extension. But we conceive that there always has been, and that there always will be Space and Extension, where the World at present stands. This is a nice Point, and might justify the Conduct of the Doctors and Magistrates of Vtrecht on your Respect. Betwixt ourselves (continued he) the reasoning that bewildered you in that unextricable Maze is a mere Sophism. A real Attribute, say you, cannot comport with nothing. Now to be extended, is a real Attribute, it cannot therefore agree with nothing. It agrees notwithstanding with Space, and with what we imagine above the Firmament, and call by the Name of Space. Therefore that which is above the Firmament is real. Therefore that which is in the Indefinite above the Firmament, is Matter. Therefore Matter, Extension and Space, are the selfsame thing.  
You ought to have apprehended the defect of that Reasoning from two Respects. First, from the Consequence that is taken from thence, concluding for the Eternity of the World, and which voluntarily offers itself to the Mind. Secondly, that supposing it false, as indeed it is, that the World should be Eternal, they'll demonstrate to you by an Argument, exactly like yours, that another Attribute, no less real than tha● you term so, comports with nothing. For if the World is not Eternal, it is plain a Man may truly say, that nothing is Eternal; since, excepting God, there has Nothing been from all Eternity. Now to be Eternal, is methinks, as real an Attribute as to be extended. But as it is a manifest Absurdity to affirm, a real Attribute can accord with nothing, it is necessary to reconcile it all, that you agree with your Adversaries, that those Words, Extended and Eternal, when attributed to Nothing and to Space, make in our Minds quite contrary Ideas, to what we have upon our attributing them to a Being or a Body. When we attribute them to a Being or a Body, they signify something Positive; when we attribute them to Nothing and to Space, they give a Negative signification. In a Word, when 'tis said, nothing is Eternal, no more is meant, than that there has been no Being created from all Eternity. And when 'tis said, There is only an extended Space beyond the Firmament, it is understood there is no Body there, and that there may be one to fill up that Void, and nothing of a Body, which we there conceive. We cannot speak of Nothing and of Space, but we must speak Something of them. We cannot express what we think of them, but by the Terms in use: Those Terms are the same we employ to speak of Being's: But if we make Reflection on the Ideas, we shall see they are wholly different, nor are they ruined and destroyed by one another, as is pretended.  
This puts me in Mind of a little Instance, subtle enough upon this Subject, which formerly Dr. More, an English Gentleman, gave you, he whose Eulogies went so far as to apply to you what Horac● said of Homer; Qui nil molitur inepte. He proposed this Question to you. Suppose that God should destroy the World, and reproduce it a little after, might not it be said there would be, or at least, that we conceive there would be some Interval between the Destruction and Reproduction of the World, although nothing of real interceded betwixt them both? From whence he proceeded to conclude, That supposing in a Chamber God should annihilate all the Bodies that are between the Walls, there would yet be Length, Breadth and Depth, although at the same time there was nothing real there. He thought to have foiled you, supposing you would readily have assented to his first Proposition, of which there seemed no Doubt or Scruple: But I am persuaded he found himself well enough Matched, when you denied him that we could conceive in his Hypothesis, any Duration or Interval, between the Destruction and new Production of the World.  
The Author of a Letter wrote some years ago to a Cartesian Philosopher, afforded the Reader Sport and Diversion enough upon that Point, by several very pretty Hypotheses which he offers. But as I am not given to Trifles, and 'tis unbefitting a Philosopher of my Character to be merry, I shall only make use of your own Principles. I'll take that Hypothesis that supposes the Air in a Chamber to be destroyed by God, without any admittance or production of another Body there. That Hypothesis, once received, makes it manifest, That Extension may be conceived without a Body, and by Consequence, that the Essence of Matter consists not in Extension. You will not admit of this Hypothesis: But I am going to show, that it implies no Contradiction, by a reasoning much like one of those you make use of in another Case, and take for Demonstration.  
For according to you, seeing I distinctly conceive a thing that thinks, not conceiving Extension, and because I distinctly conceive Extension, not concerning a thing that thinks; I have good Grounds for my Conclusion, that a thing which thinks is distinguished from Extension and that Extension is distinguished from a thing that thinks. Thus it is you demonstrate the distinction of the Body and Soul, and thus it is evident, one may exist without the other, with Contradiction; and that from this grand Maxim, That the difference of Ideas is the only means we have of knowing the real distinction of Things, and their Independence upon one another. Upon that Principle thus I argue. I most distinctly conceive the Destruction or Annihilation of a Body, without conceiving the production of another Body. Therefore it is no Contradiction a Body should be destroyed without another Body's Production. Therefore it is no Contradiction the Air betwixt the four Walls of a Chamber should be destroyed, and yet no other Body produced in its room.  
Or thus, which turns to the same Account. I most distinctly conceive a part of Matter, setting aside all others, and I most distinctly conceive all other without that, for Instance without conceiving the Air enclosed in a Chamber. My Hypothesis then is established, as well as the Consequences that naturally follow, against your Opinion, touching the Essence of Matter. So that if you have any Inclination towards a Peace, you will be content to say, that considering Things in their natural Capacity, Matter is necessarily extended; but will willingly give up that Expression that hath disgusted all the World: That Extension, Matter and Space, were all the very same thing.  
That Insult which Aristotle made upon M. Descartes, in▪ bandying one part of his Principles against another, worsted my old Gentleman's Patience, and rattled him so, that ' was ten to one but he had tore the Paper on the spot. He proposed our going off without acquainting Aristotle's Ambassadors, who were straggled a good way from us, telling us, the Company of such sort of Cattle was not very pleasing: But we represented to him how dishonourable a thing, and unbecoming of Descartes that would be. That that Paper was not so much a Project of Peace, as a Challenge and Defiance, Aristotle had sent h●●; that probably he might slight it, and probably he might think it worth while to answer it: That M. Descartes had so wonderful a Gift of persuading and captivating Spirits, and the production of a World was a thing of that surprising Nature, that doubtless the two Souls that bore us Company, must be converted to Cartesianism, provided M. Descartes would be at the pains of explaining his System to them in a plausible and familiar manner. These Reasons settled him again, and we pursued in the reading of the Paper, in expectation of the two Souls.  
From the Essence of the Body and Soul, Aristotle passed on to their Union, and the Relations they have betwixt themselves. He began with great Encomiums on M. Descartes for having opened the Eyes of the Philosophers, and showing them the Unusefulness as well as Absurdity of their Intentional Species, in many cases, alleging, That he had taught nothing on that Occasion, that aught to be held so strange and incomprehensible by the Peripatetics, had not they deserted the Sentiments of their acknowledged Master, to follow the Whimsies and Imaginations of his Commentators. That he himself had remarked in many Places, That the Sense of Feeling was dispersed throughout the Body, and through all the Organs of the other Senses: That Vision, Taste, the Perception of Sounds and Smells were only caused by the local Motion of some Bodies, that touched and moved the Organs of the different Senses; that in effect, if that Motion were insufficient for the Soul's perceiving Objects, those intentional Species substituted in their Place, would be as far from serving Turn. That he was not for rejecting M. Descartes' Doctrine concerning the Seat of the Soul in the Pineal Gland, were it proposed only as a pure Hypothesis, since all that others say amounts to nothing better; but it was insufferable that System should be urged as a settled and demonstrated Truth. And that the Respect M. Descartes still pretended for Truth and Experience ought to make him qualify and moderate his Assertions thereupon.  
He entreated him likewise to be more Human and good-natured towards those who taught the Soul was expanded through the Body; and this is what he added to show the Cartesians were a little Unreasonable in that Affair: For, said he, when you assert the Soul is placed in the Pineal Gland, either you suppose she takes up all the extent of that Gland, or that she only possesses one indivisible part of it; if she possesses all the Capacity of the Gland, she herself must thence be extended; for that Consequence entirely resembles yours, which you draw against the Philosophers, who make the Soul expanded throughout the Body. If she only possesses an indivisible Part thereof, there must necessarily be some part of Matter that is indivisible, and not extended: And thus in admiting that disjunctive Proposition, you appropriate to the Soul, what you affirm belongs to Matter only, otherwise you grant an Attribute to Matter, which on all other occasions you deny, and pretend according to your Principles, however we understand it, that it is the only peculiar of a Spiritual Soul. Besides, all the Nerves, where are the Radiations of the Spirits, that enter in and out of the Pineal Gland, can neither part from the same indivisible Point of the Gland, nor meet there; so that if the Soul was in an indivisible Point of that Gland, she could not have the Perception of all Objects there. But if you reply, The Soul is not in the Gland as a Body is in another Body, or as a Body is in a Place, but that the Soul in quality of a Spirit is not in that Gland, but because she acts there, because she thinks there, wills there and perceives Objects there; and that, since the Different Impressions of Objects terminate in divers Points of the Gland, where she is advertised of them, it may be said, the Soul is in all the Gland: The Philosophers that undertake you, are ready to take you up with a fresh Objection: For if the Soul acts, wills, thinks, apprehends Objects in all the Gland, that is to say, in a very divisible Space; and if that be sufficient to affirm she is in all the Pineal Gland, it will be true, according to their Hypothesis to say, The Soul is in all the Body, since it acts and perceives Objects in all the Body; she sees them in the Eye, as you say, she perceives them in that part of the Pineal Gland, where the Optic Nerve doth point, or the Rays of the Spirits that proceed from that Nerve; she perceives Sounds in the Ear, or as you say, she perceives them in another Point of the Pineal Gland, where the Nerves do centre, or the Rays that serve for that Perception.  
Thus that pretended bugbear of Philosophy, I mean the Presence of the Soul throughout the Body, that causes her to feel in the Hand, when that is pricked, and makes her move it presently, and withdraw it, upon the Sense of the Compunction, that makes her stir the Foot in order to advance, methinks is no longer monstrous or frightful, nor a Prejudice of Infancy evidently false, seeing that Presence of the Soul throughout the Body is no other than that which is allowed her in the Pineal Gland, the Pineal Gland being extended as well as the whole Body; for the Diminutivenss of the Extension makes nothing to the Purpose: Why therefore should that Virtual Extension of a Spirit be turned to a Jest and Ridicule, when 'tis the same as is admitted by the Cartesians, when both are well explained? and undoubtedly all the Sensations may very near be as justly explained upon this Hypothesis, as upon that of the Pineal Gland.  
From all which Aristotle concluded, That M. Descartes had better acknowledge with the wisest and least conceited of the Philosophers, that the Relation the Soul had with the Body in the Perception of Objects, was an incomprehensible Mystery to the Mind of Man: That the manner of Objects acting on the Senses, as also how their Action was carried to the Brain, might be very well explained, but that a Bar was put to all farther Progress, unless a Man would run himself into an unintelligible Jargon, or advance Propositions dangerous in themselves, or in the Conclusions that might be deduced from them.  
He went on in commending M. Descartes for his Integrity, 
Lett. de Desc. Tom. 1. Lett. 69.  manifested in his declaring there was nothing in the Idea of a Soul, or a Spirit, that included an Impossibility of the Production of Motion by them; and at once he blamed the Inconsiderateness of the Cartesians, who fool-hardily advanced, That no Creature whatsoever had the Power of producing Motion. It is true, adjoined he, with a little dash of Malice, that Paradox, as ill founded as it is, is one of the Principal Pillars of the Cartesian System: For without it how should an equal Quantity of Motion be kept up in the World, where there are so many Souls, so many Angels, and so many Devils, whose greatest Pastime it is to produce and create Hurly-burlies every Moment? But M. Descartes is so much more Praise worthy for preferring the Interests of Truth before those of his own System, as dear and beloved as it was.  
The next Article was upon that grand Paradox of M. Descartes, 
In resp. ad 5. object. Let. 110. Tom. 1.  That the Essences of Things and Truths commonly called necessary, are not independent of God, and that they are only eternal and immutable, because God hath willed it so: That God is the total and efficient Cause of the Truth of Propositions: That it was equally arbitrary for God to cause that it should be false, that all the Lines drawn from the centre to the Circumference should be equal, as to create the World: See then the Abridgement of what Aristotle spoke at length upon that Subject.  
He said, He did not well understand what was the Sense and Meaning of those Words, God is the efficient and total Cause of the Truth of Propositions: For the Truth of a Proposition, since it is not a Being, but a mere Relation of Conformity that it hath with its Object, could not, to speak properly, have an efficient Cause; and if in some Sense it might be said to have an efficient Cause, that could be nothing but the Mind or Tongue of him that Frames and Pronounces the Proposition. Again, he demanded if M. Descartes spoke in general of all Necessary Truths, or only of some Particulars. He could not (continued he) speak of all: For doubtless he did not believe that God was, or had been able to make these Propositions false, There is a God; God is the free Cause of all Being's; God is a necessary Being. He must therefore only speak of Propositions relating to the Creatures, because according as he expresses himself in one of his Letters, 
Ibid.  God is the Author of the Essence as well as the Existence of the Creatures: But that he had made a Reflection, That the Truths which respect the Essence of the Creatures have a necessary Connexion with those that appertain to the Essence of God; and that if it was possible for the one to be false, the other might be so too: As, for example, this, The Creature essentially depends on God, is a Proposition belonging to the Essence of the Creature, which if it could be false, that other would fall into the same Circumstance. God is the absolute Master and free Cause of all Being's; for neither the one could be true without the other's being so, nor could the one be false unless the other was likewise false: Whereupon Aristotle advised M. Descartes to have a special Care, lest the profound Respect he affected towards the Omnipotence of God, should not only degenerate into Superstition, but should proceed so far as to bring him to Blasphemous Conclusions.  
After that Aristotle made a frank and honest Acknowledgement, That Descartes had explained the Nature of most sensible Qualities in a finer and exacter way than he had done: As of the Hardness of Bodies, of Liquidity, of the Power of the Elaverium, of Cold, of Heat, etc. And to manifest he had no other Concern than for the Interests of Truth, he retracted, without Ceremony his Position of the Eternity of the World, and his Sphere of Fire. But since that Sphere of Fire makes one of the principal Parts of the Peripatetic System, and is one of the chief Ornaments of his World, he presumed that M. Descartes could do no less than abandon all his Vortexes in Exchange, against which he urged many Reasons: But Voetius having understood from us that M. Descartes was ready to put his World in Execution, and the Design of our Journey was, that we might be Witnesses of that mighty Action, he wrote a Postscript in the Margin, in which he promised to submit himself to that Experience; and supposing it should answer the Pretensions of M. Descartes, his Vortexes should be received, at least as a good Hypothesis, for the explaining the Phenomena of the World, which God hath made. But he farther adjoined, That in case M. Descartes should fail in his Attempt, he should be obliged thus far to condescend, That his Physics, which turn for the most part upon those Hinges, is an Edifice without Foundation: And that he should rest contented with the Praise common to all the Leaders of a Sect, viz. That his Philosophy had something that was Good and True in it, and that he should avow with the rest of Mankind, that to build a World, and establish a System of Philosophy, true in all its Principles and Conclusions, was a Point the Mind of Man in its utmost Endeavours could never reach.  
Lastly, as to M. Descartes' Demonstrations touching the Existence of God, the Rules of Motion, and some other Opinions, for which that Philosopher had engaged a greater Zeal and Earnestness, and which required a more through Discussion: Aristotle proposed to him the pitching on some Neutral and Unprejudiced Place, where they might confer together before disinterested Arbitratours, to whose Determinations they should submit themselves.  
He concluded with a gracious Offer of associating him in the Empire of Philosophy, upon those only Conditions comprised in that Project. He admonished him to fix some Bounds to his Ambition, assuring him of the Vanity of his Hopes if he pursued to carry them any farther; for that his own Authority was too well established throughout all Europe, to be endangered by the Erterprises of a new Comer: That almost all Universities and Colleges had renewed the Oath of Allegiance to him, and had made an Offensive and Defensive League against the New Philosophy: That some Ladies and fine Wits of the great World, that seemed to set up for Patrons and Protectors of a new Party in France, were not such as much stress might be laid upon: That a Philosophical Dress of Mind would be as changeable among the French Ladies, as the other Modes and Fashions for the Body: That few were to be found already that valued themselves thereupon: And that 'twas said, since the Play of one Moliere, the Name of a Learned Woman was become a kind of an Affront. That though several Learned Men, and many Mathematicians were taken formerly with the new Ideas, there were a very few at present, that cared for the Name of Cartesians: Some having presently deserted, to take the part of the Gassendists: Others having cut out Systems for themselves, composed of what they thought best in both the ancient and new Philosophers: And almost all affecting to be Originals without tying themselves to any Se●t Ancient or Modern whatsoever. An effect of more pernicious Consequence than is imagined, of an ill Example which has been given, by the new Schism made in Philosophy.  
Scarce had we made an end of reading our Paper, when the two Paripateticks reentered in Mersennus, and told us, That from the Western Coast they descried something as an Opaque Body, that they knew not what to make of, sailing through the Air with wonderful Speed. I'll venture my Life on't, says our old Gentleman, it is some incrusted Star, that tumbles from Vortex to Vortex, after having lost its own; and is become a Comet. We made towards it with all haste, and the Cartesian Conjecture of the good old Man gave us good Diversion, when a few Moment's after we perceived it was nothing but a Man mounted on an extremely black and condensed Cloud, whose whole Accoutrement looked exactly like that of a Magician, that was either going to or coming from the Devil's Sabbath. In effect, Father Mersennus, who knew him, informed us that he was a Chinese Mandarin, the Precedent of the Magicians of his Country, whom he had often met in our Vortex, and about a year ago, had had a Conference with him upon the Existence of a God, and that he had proved it to him by the Demonstrations of M. Descartes, that as resolved and case-hardened an Atheist as he found him, his Demonstrations had s●ock'd him so as he had promised to examine them at his leisure. He moved us to proceed to meet him to learn what was the Success of his Conference, and whether the Mandarin was converted. So we advanced towards him; but only Father Mersennus put on a visible Countenance. They saluted each other, and after some Compliments passed, Father Mersennus demanded, Whether he still doubted of the Existence of a God? He answered, he was throughly convinced; and that he owned himself under a great Obligation to him, for having put him upon the Examination of a Point, of which he was ashamed to have so much as doubted, for want of making some Reflections, with which a most ordinary capacity might have furnished him. God be praised (exclaimed Father Mersennus) what Joy is here for M. Descartes when we shall certify him that his Philosophy has conveyed the Knowledge of God to the ends of the Earth! It was certainly with very good Reason he wrote to me upon a time, that he was undetermined whether he should publish his Works of Philosophy, 
Tom. 2. Let. 37.  but that he thought himself obliged in Conscience, not to deprive the Public of five or six Sheets, that contained the Demonstrations of the Existence of a God.  
Father (replied the Mandarin) I would not advise you to communicate to M. Descartes the Success his Demonstrations had in China. They passed there for pure Paralogisms, at least two of them that are most in his Esteem, and that are drawn from the Idea of a God, and a Being absolutely Perfect. And my Obligation to you consists not in your having communicated to me those Demonstrations, but in that having communicated them, in order to my examining them, it took me in the Head, after having observed their weakness, to discuss some other which that Philosopher makes light of in comparison of his own, and which yet are those, I own my Conviction to. A certain European Doctor, by the Name of Thomas Aquinas, whose Sums the Jesuits have translated into Chinese, which I consulted upon that occasion, and the explication made me by the Mandarin Verbiest, who arrived in China out of Europe, some years since▪ have made a hundred times more Impression on my Mind, than all the Cartesian Visions that seemed extremely shallow.  
That Answer Thunder struck the poor Father Mersennus, who demanded hastily of the Mandarin what fault he found with M. Descartes' Demonstrations? He set himself presently to refute them, in so much, that we had the pleasure of seeing their Civilities and Compliments changed into a real Dispute.  
To let you see, said the Mandarin, that it is not on a groundless Supposition, I condemn your Demonstrations for Paralogisms, you must know that after I had heard them from you, I fortuned to find them in the Hands of a young Hollander in China, who was upon a Voyage with his Country-Merchants, your Descartes' Meditations. Seeing I was already in part acquainted with their Contents, and wished to be more satisfactorily instructed, he made me a Present of them, and there I read afresh all those Demonstrations, all the Objections made him thereupon, and all the Answers he returns. The first Reflection that I made in general upon my Reading, was, that those Demonstrations and Answers given to the contrary Objections, left me wholly, at least very much, in doubt, and my Mind fluctuating in as great uncertainty as before, concerning the Point that was in Dispute; and that though I did not see forthwith the Faults of them, yet methoughts I saw them. Upon that I presented them to two of my Friends, of the Tribunal of Mathematics, constituted of able Men, that are accustomed to a Geometrical Method, especially since the European Mathematicians arrived in China. After they had run them over, one of the two assured me, without deciding any thing, that if those Demonstrations were true Demonstrations, they were admirable, since they were extremely plain and simple: The other adjoined, that that Simplicity itself rendered them suspicious, for as much as, said he, the more simple they are, the more they ought to have of the ordinary Effect of Demonstration, on the Minds of those they are proposed to. Now I am insensible of that Effect: My Mind finds not the evidence so strong as to be carried away with it: On the contrary, I perceive, I know not what Doubts and Scruples, that stand in the way of my Assent, and that induce it to believe those Reasonings are false. And I remark, added he, that all, as well Friends as Enemies, of that Philosopher, that have wrote their Opinion of his Demonstrations, have made the same Reflection, and Experimented the same thing, as I myself. We set ourselves therefore to a serious Examination of them, and began with that which M. Descantes proposes first of all in the Geometrical Abridgement of his Meditation.  
An Attribute which we see distinctly contained in the Idea of a thing may be truly affirmed of that thing. But in the Idea of God, that is to say, in the Idea of a Being absolutely perfect, I distinctly perceive necessary Existence is contained; since necessary Existence is a Perfection, and a Being infinitely perfect, comprehends all sorts of Perfections. Therefore I can affirm Existence of a Being absolutely perfect, and say with Truth and the greatest Assurance, that God exists.  
Upon a second reading of that Demonstration and Examination of each particular Proposition of it, whatever appearance of Truth they seemed to carry with them, all our Scruples began to grow in us afresh. We applied ourselves to the finding out the Cause: We examined ourselves, according to the Council of the Author of the Demonstration: And we descended into our own Breast, to see if we had not hoarded up some Prejudices that might block out those Propositions, whose Evidence, we thought, deserved admittance. We found none at all there, having been to that Instant very indifferent as to the truth of that Conclusion; and supposing the Balance was not in an exact Equilibrium, we certainly inclined towards the side of the Existence of a God, rather than the other. So that the Prejudice which favoured that Existence, was more to be feared on our Account, than on the contrary. Moreover we were conscious to ourselves, we were not concerned at the reputation of Descartes, and that we were untouched with Envy, with which he seems to suspect some of his Countrymen tainted, who had declared against his Demonstrations. That encouraged us to believe, our Scruples proceeded from the Demonstration itself, which by Consequence, must only carry a seeming Evidence; since a real and true Evidence of a Demonstration or a Proposition, is necessarily accompanied with a satisfaction and tranquillity of Mind, that perceives itself enlightened in so lively a manner, as makes it impossible to doubt or withstand the Truth. Hence it is that maugre the Wranglings of those Descartes calls septics, it is impossible to have any Scruple concerning first Principles, any ways to doubt, if the Whole be bigger than its Part; and whether it is impossible that the same Thing should be, and not be at the same time. Reflecting therefore upon that Argumentation, we supposed it must needs seem evident, and at the same time we experienced from within ourselves, that nothing was less really so. All the Difficulty was to discover the Spring of that false Light, and to find out what it was that dazzled, instead of clea●ing our Perspectives. We presumed we might be understood, and our meaning thereupon be clearly explained by these Reflections.  
The Axiom that makes the first Proposition in Descartes' Reasoning, is true but upon the Supposition of two Things. First, that the Idea of which he speaks be a real one, that is, such a one as represents a real, at least a possible Object. Secondly, that the Mind, which forms that Idea, be clearly convinced that it is real. Thus because the Idea of a right-lined Triangle is real, and a Geometrician acknowledges it as such, perceiving distinctly the equality of the three Angles with two Rights, upon that Idea he may truly affirm of that Triangle, that it has three Angles equal to two Rights.  
But if the Idea is not real, or if I am not evidently assured it is so, it is false that I can affirm a real Attribute of it, which I distinctly perceive in it. Take for Instance, that imaginary Idea of A Mountain without a Valley, in as much as it represents a Mountain to me, I have an Idea of an Height; yet I can truly and absolutely affirm, that a Mountain without a Valley is high.  
If the Idea is real, and yet is not evident to me that it is so, it is true that the Attribute I distinctly apprehend in it, agrees to the thing it represents: But it is false that I can affirm that Attribute of the thing in Hand, or that I can demonstrate to myself that property from that Idea. As supposing this Idea was a real one A Horse that has Perception and Sense: Descartes that thought it was not real, could not conclude from thence, That an Horse was capable of Pain and Pleasure; although that property is distinctly contained in the Idea of a Being furnished with Sense and Apprehension.  
That once supposed to the end, I may demonstrate the Existence of God, by that sole Idea (A Being absolutely perfect) it is not only requisite it should be a real Idea, as it certainly is, but that it be evident to me, abstractedly from all the usual Demonstrations, that that Idea is a real one, that is, that it represents to me a real Object, at least a possible one, and no Chimaera. Now I maintain, before Descartes, that Idea is not evidently real, before the ordinary Demonstrations: For if it be evidently real, it is either ●o of its self, or from the Disquisition I make of the Ideas it is composed of. It is not so of itself: For if that Idea were manifest of itself, our Mind could never make a Problem of it, nor demand seriously of itself before the Demonstration; Is a Being infinitely perfect, a real Being, or an Imaginary one? No more than it could make a Question of these, Is the Whole bigger than its Part? Can a Thing be and not be at the same time? Since they are manifestly real of themselves. But our Mind before Demonstration, can make itself this Demand, whether a Being absolutely perfect, is really a Being, or in Fancy only? And a Man that never had reflected on the things that prove the Existence of a God, would not be in the least surprised, to hear that Question seriously proposed, as he would be, should any one ask, as if he were in Doubt, whether the Whole is bigger than its Part. That Idea than is not manifestly real of itself. It remains then that the Evidence of its reality must be fetched from the Examination that we make thereon. If so, M. Descartes ought to have minded us of that Precaution, before we entered on his Demonstration. But I prove that antecedently to Demonstration, the reality of that Idea can neither be evident to us of itself, nor by the discussion of the Terms contained in't. First, because the Attribute is not comprehended in the Idea of the Subject: Since it is not essential to a Being to be absolutely perfect. Secondly, because that Discussion affords me many seeming Contradictions, which my Mind knows not how to reconcile before the ordinary Demonstrations. For to examine and unravel that Idea, which of its self is very general and confused, is to retail all Perfections, whereof not one must be wanting to a Being absolutely perfect. Now among those Perfections, there are some that blunt and repulse the Mind, because she has not so great a reach as to conceive them. For Instance, that that Being should be of itself, that that Being should be Almighty and Independent of every thing in its acting, even to the Power of producing Being's out of Nothing. There are others that seem to her inconsistent in the same Subject. For instance, she conceives Liberty and Immutability, Immensity and Indivisibility, the Properties of Bodies and of Spirits, as so many Perfections. She sees that the Perfections which agree to several Being's separately, must all be united in that absolutely perfect Being. Conceiving therefore a Being absolutely perfect, the represents it at once as a free Being, and an Immutable, as one that can desire and be averse to the same thing, though its Will be always Unchangeable, that is, Omnipresent, without being extended or divisible, that is, a pure Spirit, and at the same time includes all the Perfections of Bodies possible to be produced.  
Nay I dare presume to say, that this Idea thus analyzed, in respect of a Mind, that never made any Reflection on the Reasons that conclude the Existence of a necessary Being, discovering so many Contradictions in that necessary Being, would as soon represent it as an Imaginary Being, as a real one, and that, not supposing those usual Reasons, that prove to us a first cause of all Being's, and the Reflections that follow them, we should as easily regard that Being as impossible as possible. From whence I at least conclude, that the Idea of a Being absolutely perfect, cannot be looked on as an Idea undoubtedly real, by him that examines it, before his Acquaintance with the ordinary Demonstrations. Consequently, that he that examines it cannot absolutely attribute Existence to that Being, and which is the same thing, cannot demonstrate to himself the Existence of a God, from the Idea of a Being infinitely perfect.  
The defect therefore of Descartes' Paralogism, consists in this, that he supposes, before any Demonstrations, the Idea of a Being absolutely perfect, to be taken by the Mind for real, and as having a real Object, which is palpably false.  
All this discovers the Original of the Scruples all the World have had, as to that Demonstrations, and which those themselves have not been clear of, whom the difficulty of resolving so subtle a Paralogism hath drawn over to Descartes' Party, who doubtless had they been honest and sincere, must have confessed they still felt some disquiet in their Mind on that Particular; and that it was by mere Violence they had at last accustomed their Understanding to tell them, that Demonstration was evident. This was the Fault which some felt, rather than saw, that made them deny Existence to be enclosed in the Idea of a Being infinitely perfect. For absolutely speaking, although it is comprised in the Catalogue of Perfections, appropriate to that Being, yet the Mind to which the Idea was not manifestly real, took it not in, and excluded it, in making that very Problem, Does a Being absolutely perfect Exist? Until the Arguments independent of that Idea had resolved the Problem, and convinced it that such a Being did Exist.  
And let not Descartes say, that that Idea including nothing but Perfections, it is evident it includes nothing but what is Real; for a Chimerous Idea may be composed of only Real Ideas; here than is one exactly like that we are in dispute of, A Triangle that hath all the Perfections of Triangles. That Idea, though it includes nothing besides real Perfections, is notwithstanding a Chimaera, since for Instance a rectangled Triangle has opposite Properties to those of an Equilateral, and that Opposition is the reason they are inconsistent with one another. So, though all the Perfections of Being's are real, it does not follow that that Idea, A Being that hath all the Perfections of Being's, should be a real Idea; and the Opposition I observe betwixt some of those Perfections, naturally influences my Mind, unless prevented by the ordinary Demonstrations, to doubt, at least, whether that Idea is not a Chimaera, as well as the other I have been speaking of. From hence it is that in pursuance to the Demonstrations that convince me of the Existence of that Being, but that give me no clear and distinct Knowledge of its Essence, I confine myself to say, That Being must contain the Perfections of all other Being's eminently, that is to say, in a way I don't conceive, and which would never have come into my Head, or at least would never have been looked on by me as certainly and evidently possible, unless I had been convinced of the Existence of the first Being, before the discussion of its Essence.  
That Solution of Descartes' first Paralogism, made way to the discovery of that other Default of his, where he concludes the Existence of God from the objective reality of the Idea (as he speaks) which we have of God. That Idea, (says he) which I find in my Mind, has an infinite objective reality, since it represents to me an infinite Being. Therefore it has that infinite Being for its cause; therefore an infinite Being exists: For otherwise the Effect would have perfections, that were not in its cause.  
Those who have undertaken that arguing, give us to understand, they have found it to be a greater Paralogism than the former, and bring many Reasons for it, which M. Descartes refutes as well as he is able: For my own Part, my Opinion is, That M. Descartes supposes in that Reasoning, what lay on him to be proved: For he not only supposes that that Idea has an objective reality, but farther, that I can be ascertained independently of the common Demonstrations, that it effectively has an objective Reality, or that it has a Real and not an imaginary Object: But I am incapable of knowing whether its Object be real or imaginary, before the Demonstrations, as I have already proved: And if I can doubt whether that Object is not a Chimaera, I cannot suppose it has an Objective Reality, but aught to fear it has an Objective Vanity, if I may be allowed so to speak; and in that Case I can by no means conclude, That God has impressed it on my Mind, and consequently that there is a God: But I ought to think, That probably it proceeds from nothing, as Descartes expresses himself, That is, from an Imperfection of Mind that hath produced it, as it could produce this same a Mountain without a Valley. Hence it is clear and manifest, that those two pretended Demonstrations are mere Paralogisms, and that both are maimed and lame in the same part, and defective on the same account.  
Besides, M. Descartes can never demonstrate to me the Truth of the Proposition, on which all his reasoning depends; viz. That the Cause of an Idea ought to contain formally or eminently all the Perfections which the Idea represents; for when 'tis said, The Cause contains all the Perfections of the effect, that is not meant, nor is it evidently true, but of such Perfections as the effect possesses, and not of those it only represents; for the Perfections the Idea represents, are not the Perfections of the Idea, the only Perfection of the Idea being to represent all those Perfections: A Quality that hath nothing of Infinite in it, and consequently supposes not an infinite Cause.  
I say that Quality includes nothing of Infinity, because the Perfection of an Idea is not measured by the Dignity of the Object that it represents, but by the manner wherewith it represents it; which being most imperfect in the Case before us, cannot be infinite. And this single Instance which I subjoin to all that Descartes' Adversaries have said upon the Matter, is sufficient to show, That the Proposition on which is grounded his whose Reasoning, will not pass for a Principle of a Demonstration.  
Lastly, continued the Chinese, Supposing the Reasonings of that Philosopher were not false or sophistical, they would scarce merit the Name of Demonstrations in the Subject they proceed upon: There never can be Demonstrations of the Existence of a God, whilst they are not received as such, that is, whilst they are not received as convincing Arguments beyond reply, the Truth of which is so prevalent as to destroy all contrary Prejudice. Now dark and clouded Minds can never be pierced by that Metaphysical Subtlety: Those of a middle Rank find themselves perplexed, whether by their Prejudices, or for want of Penetration; most of those of the first and most exalted Order, discover in them, or think they do discover very knotty Difficulties. All this put together makes one general Prejudice on their Consideration, that never read them, and which might warrant their Prudence to conclude, if there were no other Demonstrations of the Existence of God, there were certainly noneat all. So that my Advice to your Philosopher and his Followers is, Not so highly to prefer his Demonstrations before those commonly made use of: For if it be true that all others are inevident in comparison of these, very mischievus Consequences might be drawn from that Principle, against the Existence of a First Being, of which the Libertines (if I may judge by those of the Empire of China) would not fail to make advantage.  
Whether the Spirit that drove on the Cloud, on which the Mandarin was horsed, and which was one of the grimmest and blackest Devils in all Hell, grew soured and uneasy at these Discourses, from which Inferences might be drawn very prejudicial to the Interests of the Sabbath, or whether the Mandarin was himself in haste, and expected to hear nothing new upon that Affair, he had no sooner uttered that last Sentence, but we saw him on a sudden hurried towards the East with an incredible Swiftness.  
Father Mersennus, that stood on Thorns to give him Answer, could not forbear following him, and kept him Pace for above thirty Degrees. He returned to us about a quarter of an Hour after, and spoke a little angrily. It is strange how the Enemies of Descartes make their Insults, and treacherously fall upon us, then betake them to their Heels, without giving us so much as Time to put ourselves in a Posture of Defence, and to reply to that noisy Trumpery which they think to put off at the rate of Oracles: If the Mandarin, no less than Aristotle had relied upon their Forces, and believed, as they pretend, their Arguments a Match for Descartes, they would not have shrunk when they were to grapple, and would at least have tarried the Answer that was to be made them; but these are Donquixots of Knight Errants, that bravado it by discharging a Pistol in the Air, and never stand to it before the Enemy, which they make as if they did encounter. But in the Time that I have accompanied our Mandarin, I have overturned his Ideas: He has promised me that this Day twelvemonth he will be again in Mersennus, where we shall have a fair and leisurely Conference upon Descartes' Demonstrations; then, gentlemans, I desire your Company, said he, and if I do not convince my Gentleman, so as to stop his Mouth for the future, I'll commence Peripatetic on the Spot, and utterly renounce Cartesianism. We promised him to wait on him at that Time: But, Father, said I, we have been long upon the Road, yet have made no great Progress in our Journey, I desire we may dispatch it as soon as possible, for I am in fear for my Body, and would not for a World it should stay without me above four and twenty Hours. With that he looked towards the Earth, to see what Hour it was, and told me, it was but seven Hours since we left France, and provided we made no Halts in our way, in five Hours, at latest, we shall arrive in Descartes' World.  
So we left Mersennus, and departed from the Moon, by the Northside of that Globe; we made towards the Starry Heaven with all the Speed we were capable of; that is to say, in one Minute we compassed many thousand Leagues. It is a prodigious, and inconceivable thing, the multitude of the Stars; a Man can discover from the Earth, with the best Glasses, but a very inconsiderable Part, in respect of those that lie out of Sight. We crossed the Sign Sagittary, where I took pleasure in observing the principal Stars, that are usually described on the Celestial Globes; that Sign resembles an Archer near as much as I resemble an House; whereof yo● may imagine my two Eyes the Windows, my two Arms the Jettings that flank the Main of the Lodgings, represented by the rest of my Body.  
Had I a mind to divert myself, as Ovid does, in his Description of the Chariot of Phaeton, I might make a thousand pretty Astronomical Allusions, and could create in my Road many new Zodiacs, in which a multitude of Animals celebrated in the Fables that some have left behind them upon Earth, might take place, and have Reparation made for the Wrongs done them by the capriciousness of Poets and Astronomers, that have given the Pre-eminence to others of perhaps not half so great Worth and Magnitude: But the Reader may easily imagine to himself all that. I shall say no more of the Conferences we had in the rest of our Voyage, where I was little more than Auditor. The two Peripatetics held a Dispute almost all the way with Father Mersennus and the old Gentleman, upon several Points of the New Philosophy, but all they said amounted to little more than may be seen in Father de la Grange and other Books, that treat of such sort of Things. It pleased me to see with what Heat each maintained his Party, and endeavoured to draw me over to it; but I was satisfied in praising first one and then the other, without giving up myself to either, and only took upon me the Quality of Arbitrator, (which they seemed by common Consent to award me) for the moderating the too great Vehemence and Zeal for the Sect that sometimes transported them a little farther than was allowable. Mean while I took notice, That Father Mersennus, that conducted us, made us still leave, from Time to Time, the direct Road, to fetch a Compass about, and aimed to keep us at a Distance from the Body of the Stars, or, to speak in the Cartesian Phrase, from the Centre of the Vortexes. I demanded the reason of his doing so; telling him, one of my greatest Curiosities would be to contemplate a Star at hand, and to consider the Motion of the subtle Matter in the Centre of the Vortex, and that, that was the readiest way to convince me there were Vortexes, such as Descartes has described. He answered, it would be more convenient to satisfy my Curiosity as I returned, after that M. Descartes had himself explained the different Determinations, the Subtle Matter is capable of, in a Vortex; that thereby I should better take his Meaning, and before that it would be but a new Subject of Confusion to myself, and of cavilling to the Peripatetic Gentlemen. It behoved him to hold to that, and I had from thence forward but a very ill Opinion of the Vortexes, of which I saw no likelihood in the Motions of the Matter at a good Remove from the Stars. But at last we arrived to the Third Heaven, which was the End of our Voyage. The Occurrences, that happened in my Stay there, shall be the Subject of the Third Part of my Relation.     

A VOYAGE TO The World of Cartesius.  
PART III.  
THE Third Heaven of the World of Descartes, is the same with what the Philosophers heretofore called the Imaginary Spaces; but seeing the Word Imaginary seemed to import nothing but what was Chimerical, and in the Imagination only he chose rather to term it the Indefinite Spaces. There have not been wanting some that have started Difficulties upon the Term Indefinite, which in several Places he seems to substitute in the Place of Infinite, without any Necessity; but at last his Disciples have made it al-a-mode, and Custom hath warranted its Use. As soon as I set Footing in those vast Regions, I descried indeed the finest and most advantageous Place possible to be imagined for the Building of a World in, nay for the Construction of Millions and Infinite Worlds, but I saw no Materials proper to begin, or to make the least Part of so great an Edifice.  
Having travelled six or seven thousand Leagues without any News of Tidings of Descartes, we agreed to separate ourselves, that we might find him out the easier: Father Mersennus took one way, the Old Gentleman and I, with the two Peripatetic Souls the other. In short, Father Mersennus found him, and quickly after we had parted, we saw them both together, making towards us. The obliging way wherewith he received me, certified me, T●●t Father Mersennus had given him a good Character of me, and spoke of me as a Man that in Time would prove one of his most zealous Followers. He likewise very respectfully saluted the two Peripatetics, but gave them to understand the Pains they had taken, in coming to treat of an Accommodation with him, were manifestly to very little purpose: That Father Mersennus had already sufficiently advised him of the Propositions they designed to offer, which he assured them he should not be very forward to condescend to; notwithstanding he would give them a favourable Audience, and satisfy them beforehand he had no ill Design upon the Kingdom of Aristotle; thereupon, giving Orders to Father Mersennus to entertain the two Gentlemen, he accosted the Old Sage and myself in particular.  
The Discourse began with the ample Protestations of Friendship, M. Descartes and the Old Stager made each other, mutually expressing the Joy they had in seeing one another: The Old Gentleman, out of hand took upon him to make my Elegy, speaking a thousand fine obliging things of me to Descartes; especially he cried up the uninterested Love I had for Truth, the Desire of Learning that always had appeared in me, and the Readiness I had promised, to embrace the Instructions, in the Inquest of which I had made so long a Voyage. I waved, as modestly as possible the other Praises that were given me; but added, That for the Love of Truth and Desire of Learning, I must stand up, as for my only considerable Accomplishments; that as to the Readiness I had engaged to receive M. Descartes' Instructions, that ought not to come into the Account, since a Master of his Character and Worth, and a Genius so Admirable and Transcendent beyond all others, as his was, had Right to demand and require that entire Submission from all that pretended to Wisdom or Equity in the World.  
You are pleased to carry your Compliment a little too high, replied M. Descartes, and I question whether the generality of those that are reputed the Wise and Equitable Persons of the World, would subscribe to that Homage and Submission you their Representative vouch for them: I question too, according to the Rules of Physionomy of Spirits, whether I ought to build much upon that pretended Tractableness, wherein you pride yourself so much; methinks I perceive still at bottom of your Soul some kind of, I know not what, Prejudices, that indispose it for the Knowledge of Truth. Tell me, in beholding this vast Space, (continued he) what is't you think you see? Monsieur, (I replied) that is a perplexing Question, but to convince you that I speak from my Heart, in promising to be instructive, I will make Answer to your Question just as my Thoughts are of it: According to you I ought to say, That beholding the great Space, I see a Body or Matter; but without Dissimulation, methinks, in effect I see just Nothing.  
At that my Old Sophister tipped the Wink upon me, which I took not at that instant, nor understood the Meaning of it till after. 'Tis enough, says M. Descartes, let us talk of something else: Give me an account, pray, how goes Philosophy in your World, if you have any News of it; for these many Years I have been ignorant almost of all the Concerns there, as well from the Indifference and Disregard I have found in me ever since my quitting the Body, for the Sentiments of Men, as that Monsieur here, who is the only Person that has visited me since, having retired in the Country many Years ago, has been incapable of hearing the Particulars of Affairs that concern Cartesianism, contenting himself to learn, and to assure me from Time to Time, my Philosophy continued still to have very many Friends, and very many Enemies.  
And I am not much better instructed, I answered, with what regards your Sect, having but begun to interest myself in its Affairs, since those few Days I have had the Honour of this Gentleman's Acquaintance; however, I will inform you of all that I could hear, or that has come to my Knowledge, without giving myself much Trouble of Enquiry. Your Philosophy, as you know, was set up with all the Advantages and Disadvantages of Novelty, and it has experienced the Fortune which all New Doctrines use to find. Many there are that have embraced it with Admiration, and defended it with Earnestness and Passion. It hath met with the Patronage and Protection of Persons commendable for their Parts, Capacity and Politeness; but almost all Bodies and Universities have rejected it, and declared against it: Each acted in that as in all things else, according to the Principle of Self-interest: Some took your Side, as apprehending themselves thereby distinguished and advanced above the Herd; others denied it, as fearing the diminution of their Credit: The Motive and Pretence of both Parties was the Love of Truth and uncorrupt Doctrine. The Posture of present Affairs hath almost the same Face still; yet if we judge by the Books, whether of Philosophy or Medicine, brought from England, Holland and Germany, Cartesianism hath made very considerable Progress in those Parts. Scarce once in an Age is printed any Course of Philosophy according to the Method of the Schools; and almost all the Works of that Nature, that at this Time are public in France, are Physical Tracts that suppose the Principles of the New Philosophy: Such Books as treat of an Universal, of Metaphysical Degrees of Ens Rationis, create Fears in the Booksellers Minds; they'll cumber themselves with no more of them, and endeavour to rid their Hands of all that they have left, at any rate, as Merchants do their Stuffs when the Fashion's over. All those Questions, heretofore so famous, wherewith the Presses have groaned for almost two hundred Years, and that have found Employment for so many Printers, are not where heard of but in the Schools of the Public Professors. Out of the Desks there is no talk of the Thomists, the Scotists and the Nominals, at least there is no Distinction made betwixt them; all are numbered in the same Predicament, and on the same Side which they call the Old Philosophy, to which is opposed the Philosophy of Descartes, or the New Philosophy.  
You have had the good Fortune with your Lustre to efface all the New Philosophers that have risen both in and since your Time; and to make use of a Comparison, that bating the Odium of the Subject it is taken form, hath nothing in it but what makes for your Renown; As in Spain the Name of Lutheran is indifferently given to all Heretics of whatever Sect or Faction, so the Title of Cartesian is attributed to all those that have undertaken to make Refinements in Point of Natural Philosophy. I have seen more than one bold Venturer, that in full Dispute hath listed Gassendus among your Followers, though you was undoubtedly his Junior by several Years: And I know a certain College, where the Professor durst not speak of Insensible Matter, of the Rules of Motion, of the Perspicuity of Ideas, lest he should be forthwith accused of Cartesianism.  
For the rest (excepting in the Exercises of some Honest Religious Persons, that doubtless have not ill Design, but not having read you, would yet assume to themselves the Honour of engaging you) that treating you as an Atheist, is quite out of Doors, as is the making that Proposition a Precedent for your Religion, which you advance in the Entrance on your Metaphysics, That we must doubt of every Thing; yet some of the finest and clearest Heads do not stick seriously to affirm, That the late Conversions of the Huguenots in France have robbed you of many Disciples; for upon their Conviction of the Real Presence of the Sacred Body of I. C. in the Eucharist, they confidently assert the Falsity of some of your Principles, which they are at a Fault to reconcile with the Reality of that Mystery.  
But no matter, all such as have a sound and unprejudiced Notion of Things, though they stand diameter to your Opinions, do you Justice, and give you an Encomium that seems none of the least; which is, that they acknowledge you have opened the Eyes of the Philosophers of our Times to the Discovery of the Rises of their Method in Philosophy, by that just and reasonable Reproach of the little Concern they had, for the most part, to dive to the Bottom of the Things they treat of, whether in Metaphysics or in Physics, and the little Application they bring with them, both in framing to themselves and giving their Disciples clear and distinct Ideas of the Things disputed of; the Abuse that was made of the subtlety of Mind, perverted only to the multiplying Wranglings and trifling Disputes, to the inventing of new Equivocal Terms, to the confounding rather than enlightening certain abstracted Questions, prudently enough introduced the Schools, for Exercise and an Occasion of Dispute and Emulation, to the Minds of Youth, but ridiculously made the main Stress and Essentials of Philosophy, that from thence had degenerated into an Empty Science, composed of Words and Terms that signify nothing: The little Observation made upon Experience, that is the Mother of Philosophy: The implicit Dependence they had on the Sentiment of another, often superficially considered and ill understood.  
I can also assure you, that kind of Advice, though envidiously at first received, has not failed of its Effect. The Desk-Philosophy has changed its Countenance in the principal Colleges of France. The most ingenious of the Professors affect to treat of the ordinary Questions, and those that are most crabbed with greater Solidity and Method, with more Justness and Exactness, persuaded that those Questions thus handled have a greater Power than is imagined to form a Juvenile Mind, if it is capable of it, to render it Correct and Just, to accustom it insensibly to make those so necessary Abstractions, in order to the avoiding Mistakes and Fallacies in the Train of a Reasoning, spun through a Discourse, in the Examination of a Mathematical Demonstration, the Discussion of a Physical Experiment, or perhaps a Political Interest or Concern.  
Since when Men are more shy of calling the Proofs they bring for their Opinions, Demonstrations, they are not so eager to declare War against those that talk otherwise than themselves, and that often say the same thing. They have learned to doubt of certain Axioms that have hitherto been held Sacred and Inviolable, and upon Examination have sometimes found them unworthy of so great a Title. Occult Qualities are under a Suspicion, and a Cloud, having lost considerably of their Reputation. The Horror of a Vacuum is not where received but in the Shools, where no one will be at the charge of Glass Tubes, and certain Instruments which manifestly prove the absurdity of that hackneyed Solution, that hath been constantly given to the most curious and extraordinary Phenomena's of Nature. All sort of Experiments are daily made. That of the Gravity of the Air is tried a thousand different ways; and there is scarce any little Pretender to Physic in the Town, but has at his Fingers ends the History of M. Paschal's Experiment.  
Here M. Descartes, interrupting me, demanded what was that Experiment of M. Paschal? I answered, it was that made in the year, 1648. upon the Well of Dumb with Torricelli's Tube. Wherein the Quick Silver was observed to fall a great deal lower at the top of the Mountain, than in the middle, or at the bottom; from whence hath been evidently concluded the Gravity of the Air. Does that, replied M. Descartes, go by the Name of M. P.— is Experiment? It is then, because he put it in Practice, or rather because he occasioned it to be practised by M. Perrier; for assuredly it is not because he invented it, or foresaw the Success. And if that Experiment ought to bear the Name of its Author, it might more truly be entitled, the Experiment of Descartes. For it was I that desired him two years before to make the Trial, 
Let. 77. Tom. 3.  and assured him of the Success, as being entirely conformable to my Principles, without which it had never come into his Head, being he was of the contrary Opinion. That Man is Fortunate, continued M. Descartes, in point of Reputation. A great many Persons were formerly made to believe he had composed a Book of Coniques, extracted from himself by the mere dint of Reason, at sixteen years of Age: That Book was sent me; and before I had read it half, 
Tom. 2. Let. 38.  I concluded he had made great Advantage of Monsieur des Argues's Instructions; which Conjecture, a little after was confirmed by his own Confession. What you say (replied I) a little surprises me; for in the Preface to a Tract, De l' Equilibre des Liqueurs, Printed after M. P.— is Death, your Testimony is quoted upon that Particular, and it is not altogether conformable to that you give at present: For there is no notice taken of the assistance he received from M. des Argues. It is only said, the thing appeared to you so prodigiously uncredible, that you would not believe it. But that you was persuaded that M. P— the Father, was the genuine Author of the Piece, but was willing to confer the Honour on his Son. I know not, said he, what they have made me speak or think in that Preface, but I am very well assured I say nothing at present, but what I had wrote in plain Terms to Father Mersennus, 
Tom. 2. Let. 38.  after I had seen the Work.  
After all, said I, Monsieur, I am not much surprised that M. Paschal at sixteen years of Age, without any foreign Succour, wrote a Book of Coniques, and by chance jumped in his Thoughts with M. Descartes; he that at twelve years old, before the sight of any Books of Geometry, made himself particular Definitions, Figures, than Axioms, and pushed on his Notices so far, that when he was caught at his Operations, he was already arrived to the thirty second Proposition of the first Book of Euclid, which he had never read.  
Do you credit that, said M. Descartes? Why should I not, said I! It is so affirmed and circumstanced in the Preface, I have mentioned, as leaves no room to doubt of it. M. Paschal, the Father, desirous that his Son's 〈◊〉 time should be employed in the gaining of the Tongue, which he taught him himself, was cautious to conceal from him the very Names of things, that are used in Mathematics, and constantly forbore to mention 'em to his. Friends when he was present: Notwithstanding according to the Author of the Preface, The Passion that Child had for such sort of Science, joined to his piercing Understanding, served him instead of a Master; seeing his Tasks that were ordered him, robbed him of all other opportunities, but his Hours of Recreation (a Circumstance very remarkable) he laid out all he could of those in these Speculations. He was constrained, says he, to make his own Definitions, calling a Circle a Round, a Line a Bar, and so of the rest. After his Definitions, he made him Axioms; and as we: proceed from one thing to another in that Science, he carried his Researches so far, that he was arrived to the thirty second Proposition of Euclid. As he had made that Progress, his Father accidently entered the Room he was in, and found him so attentive on the Proposition he was upon, that it was a good while before he took notice of his Approach. But it was a far greater Surprise to him, upon his Demand, What he was a doing? To hear him say, He was in search of such a Thing, which was exactly the thirty second Proposition of the first Book of Euclid. He asked him then, What made him think of that? He answered, it was his Discovery of such an other Thing; thus, as it were, analyzing and explaining his meaning still, by the Names of a Bar and a Round, he came down to the Definitions and Axioms of his own Contrivance. M. Paschal was so astonished at the greatness and force of his Son's Genius, that leaving him, without speaking another Word, he went at the same juncture to a Friend's House of his, one M. Pailleur, admirable in the Mathematics. When he came there, he stood immovable as a Statue, and as a Man transported. M. Pailleur observing that, and seeing him in Tears, was very much affrighted, and prayed him to conceal no longer from him the cause of his Displeasure. I weep not, said M. Paschal, out of any Grief, but Joy. You know what pains I have still taken to prevent all Knowledge of Geometry in my Son, for fear it should take him off his other Studies. Yet see what he has done; upon that he related all to him that I have said: And M. Paschal, by the Advice of his Friend, desisted to offer violence to his Son's Inclinations, who was yet but a dozen years of Age, and gave him an Euclid.  
Seriously, said I to M. Descartes, do you think a Man could have the Face to circumstantiate a Lie so methodically as this? Can any thing seem more probable than the Circles he calls Rounds, and the Lines that he calls Barrs? Is not that enough to persuade us of the Truth of his Axioms, and the thirty second Proposition of Euclid? What can be more Natural, than the Surprisal of M. Paschal the Father, excepting perhaps it was a little too long, who took thereupon his Cloak, and ordered his Horses to be put in the Coach, yet remained, at his Arrival at M. Pilleur's House, in so immovable a posture, as was capable to scare him? After all it is very fine and extraordinary, and it would be great pity it should be false.  
And I say (replied M. Descartes) it is greater pity that it should be true, and that any should believe it: For if once it be credited, that a Child of twelve years old, that hath never seen a Book of Geometry, and in whose Presence all endeavours have been used to suppress the very Name of it, whose Mind all day long was taken up with quite different Notices, who had no time to spare but his hours of Recreation, which no Body probably ordered him to pass away in Solitude, should be able to frame to himself a Method of Geometry, invent Axioms, and arrive at last to the thirty second Propositon of Euclid, I say, if such like things be once received for Truth, the Public will become the Subject and Game on which, in a short time, the most Romantic Panegyrists shall sport the Extravagancies of their Imaginations. That way of praising is injurious to the Persons praised, and a Commendation so improbable as that, renders the Truths themselves suspected, that shall be found in Company with it. M. Paschal was a Man of a most exalted Capacity, but was far from being an Angel or a Devil. I told M. Descartes thereupon, I chanced into a Company not long since, where one was speaking much to the same purpose as he had done, upon this Topick, and there fortuned a Gentleman to be there, a Friend to a Society that was under no mighty Obligations to M. P. who seeing all People ridicule that Fable, said, in a careless leering Air, that the Author of the Preface and his Friends, did, at most, but Justice to M. Paschal▪ and that they had rather been too backward in that they had said no more; and as he was urged to unmask himself, as to the meaning of a thing every one perceived he was not very serious in, he added, That Hyperbole, as extravagant as it looked to him, appeared but a very mean return for the Obligations they were under, for his Letters to the Provincial, in which he had done 'em very signal Favours that were worth these, and that were on a more important Occasion. To which all agreed, and 'twas acknowledged M. Paschal's Services to those Gentlemen could not be repaid in a better Coin. Yet I must needs tell you M. P. wrote only, by the Memoirs that were given him, and that he thought true, as false and precarious as they were, not knowing the Spirit of a Party wherein he was engaged. Undoubtedly he was rather overreached himself, than any design he had to impose on others. Let us say no more on this occasion; and M. Descartes recalled me to the Chapter concerning Cartesianism.  
He enquired then, what Strength he had in the Universities, and most celebrated Colleges of France? And how his Doctrine was looked upon there? I told him, without Ceremony, what I knew concerning it: That I knew no College that openly professed his Doctrine, that most of them were discharged from Teaching of it: That in the University of Paris, extreme care was taken lest the Professors should give too much liberty on that side: That Cartesianism had been the Debate of several Assemblies, and how that I had heard, from some Body, that it had been talked of putting it down by an Act of Parliament; it was proposed to the late Chief Precedent, M. de la Moignon, but that that Expedient was not prosecuted. That the University of Caen, which next to that of Paris is the most flourishing, at least, for Philosophy, had in one Thousand six Hundred Seventy seven, declared against that Doctrine, and condemned it as contrary to Orthodox Divinity; denying all hopes to any that should undertake to maintain it, of their admission to any Degree in the University; and forbidding all such as were already admitted, the teaching it viva voce, or by Writing, upon pain of forfeiting their Privileges and Degrees; that the Example of Angers had been imitated therein, that two years before had made the like Decrees, which had been confirmed by a Placart of the King put forth at Versailles in the year, 1675. and that most of the other Universities had gone in imitation of the same Proceed.  
This News chafed M. Descartes. And what, said he, has no one in these occasions undertaken my Defence? Would no Corporation, no Community declare for my Doctrine? We have seen whole Orders take on them the quality of Scotists and Thomists, and to carry the Interests, some of an Universal a part rei, others of an Universal a part mentis, sometimes beyond the Bounds of a laudable Emulation; whilst a Philosophy so Solid and Curious as mine, shall be abandoned to the Humours and Caprice of the Universities. I had pardoned the Hollanders, that their illnatured Behaviour, who were not obliged indeed to have those Considerations for a Stranger, as I was in respect of them; but I could never have believed they would have treated me so in France, my Native Country; to which I am sure I have given much Honour and Reputation. Why were my Bones translated from Sweden to Paris, if at the same time they entombed them with Pomp and Funeral Eulogies, they blasted my Memory throughout the Kingdom? I quitted, it's true, the World, a little with the soon: But after all, I left it not before I had acquired a most wonderful Esteem. I had taken infallible Measures for the securing my Party: And my Affairs had never been reduced to so damned a Plight, had my Disciples trod in my Steps, and kept their Eye exactly on my Views and my Designs.  
For I must confess, said he, I was not exempt from the Weakness and Blind Side of all Leaders of a Sect. I was concerned for the Progress of my own, though I feigned to seem as indifferent for that as any thing else; and the Hopes I had one Day to see it take Place of all the rest, served as an Incentive to encourage my Endeavours: I had drawn up myself a System of my Management, for the accomplishing my Design. My first Prospect was that of cajoling the jesuits, and sounding them, to try if I could engage them in my Interests, or at least make a Party among them; that would have been a Parting-Blow indeed, and my Affairs for ever after would have stood secure of any Rival or Competitor: They are possessed of the Colleges of the principal Towns in France, and there are among them a great many Men of excellent Sense, and capable of protecting my Opinions, if once they were admitted. 
Diverses Lett. de Des●. Tom: 3.  I sent them my Works, desiring them to examine them, and assuring them, I would submit them to their Judgement. Circumstances were very favourable at that Juncture; their Provincial was my Countryman, my Friend, and my Relation: My Regent in Philosophy, who was still living, and whom I had observed to be a better Naturalist than most of the Philosophers of that Time, wished me very well. In short, I questioned not my Success; but I was highly surprised upon Father Mersennus his acquainting me from Paris that Father Bourdin, the Mathematician of the jesuits College, had published Theses in opposition to my Docrin. Those were the first that appeared against me in France; such a Thunderclap as that gave me quickly to understand how the Society stood affected, and how little Stress I ought to lay upon the Friendship of some Particulars. Not long after the same Mathematician wrote against my Meditations, in no very serious Style, turning them to Droll and Ridicule; which occasioned on my part a very smart and vigorous Answer. I complained thereof to Father Dinet, in a Letter that I printed with my Meditations: In a Word, an open Breach was made betwixt the jesuits and myself. I desired Father Mersennus very carefully to watch the Behaviour of the Fathers towards me, and to give me Intelligence of all. I made a Resolution too to fall upon them, and confute some one of their Printed Courses that was most in Vogue; but I desisted from that Design for some particular Reasons.  
Mean while I had another String to my Bow: There was set up a Party at that Time in France, diametrically opposite to the jesuits, composed of those who writ themselves S. Austin's Disciples, and who were zealous Sticklers for M. jansenius, the Bishop of Ypres his Doctrine. Monsieur Arnauld, as young a Doctor as he was, had already got an extraordinary Fame: In the concern I had with him upon account of some Objections he raised against my Meditations, which I answered with the greatest Expression of Esteem I had for his Intellectual Capacity, I found out what he was, that is, a Man ambitious of Distinction and Novelty, and of whom one might be sure, if once one had engaged him in a Party, recommendable with those two Temptations: Therefore I was well assured of him; and I believe the Resentment I expressed towards the jesuits, was that which most endeared him: This fell out so well, that from thenceforth you should not see a jansenist Philosopher that was not a Cartesian. It was likewise these Gentlemen that brought Philosophy in Fashion among the Ladies; and I had Advice from Paris at that Time, That nothing was more customary in their Dressing-Rooms than the Parallel of Monsieur d'Ypres and de Molina, of Aristotle and Descartes.  
I dreamed next of hooking in some Fraternity or other; well-remembring what I used to hear the late M. jansenius say, That such sort of People espouse an Interest without knowing what it is; and he was of Advice it would be of no small moment for his S. Austin to be seconded with some such Herd; because, added he, when they are once embarked, nothing can put a Stop to them pro & contra. I had an Eye upon the Minim Fryens, upon the Score of Father Mersennus, who was my intimate Friend, and in great Repute with the Order; but I considered that though those Fathers had Men of Parts and Learning among them, yet they were little abroad, and taught not publicly: Again, Father Mersennus assured me, That if the Matter was brought before the Chapter, Aristotle's Party would infallibly carry it, 'cause of the Old ones, who had for a long Time equipt themselves with all sorts of Philosophical Furniture, and would never be at the Charge of suiting themselves afresh.  
You did well in avoiding that Game (interrupted our Old Gentleman) for since that a Father of their Order, one Father Magnan, a Rational, Understanding Man, striking a little out of the Usual Road, and treading in a new Track, has, as I am informed, been chastised in a General Chapter, and Prohibitions have been made for any to embrace his Principle; and since the main of their Studies as well as of other Seminaries, are Metaphysics and Divinity: What is properly called Physics is not very current; the Offensive and Defensive League entered by several Orders for Physical Predetermination, against Mean Science, is the grand concern that hath found them Employment for almost an hundred Years.  
And it will continue them in Employment still, (replied M. Descartes) for the same Reason as made me take those Measures I speak of, that is, because Predetermination and Mean Science are become the Sentiments of the Order and Community; a Quality I designed to give my Philosophy, to eternalise it: But, however, when I quitted the World, I left Things in so good a tendency that way, as encouraged me to hope I had a main Party in the Congregation of the Fathers of the Oratory. It is a considerable Body in France, whose Business is Study, many whereof have rendered themselves Famous by their Knowledge and their Writings. The Emulation that is between them and the jesuits, with a Salvo to the Esteem and Respect they have for one another, was enough to procure me an Hearing in their Congregation: What, have those Fathers forsaken me?  
You make me call to Mind, said I thereupon, some Passages in that Business, that may be worth your Hearing. I know not whether you have reason to be satisfied or dissatisfied with the Reverend Fathers, you shall be Judge yourself. About ten or a dozen Years ago there happened some Divisions in the University of Angers, occasioned by the Fathers of the Oratory's defending certain Theses, wherein much New Philosophy was interwoven, partly according to your Principles, partly according to the particular Notions of the Professors: 
Recueil de ce qui s●est passe en l' Vniversite d● Angers.  The University took alarm at Sight of those Innovations, and would not suffer the Theses to pass: She gave the Court an Account of it, and the Father General. The Court was inclined for the University, which obliged the Father General to order in the Congregation, That no one should swerve from the Ancient Opinions, or any ways teach the New Philosophy. But here comes a Cup of Comfort for you; speedily after came out a Printed Letter, penned in excellent Latin, to the Reverend Father Senault, General of the Oratory, entitled, Epistola eorum quotquot in Oratoriana Congregatione Cartesianam doctrinam amant: Wherein, after having laid down the Motives that induced them to beseech him not to straiten and infringe their Minds; on that Particular were added these Words, ut noris quam late Cartesiana haec labes, (si labes est)— grassetur. Plusquam ducenti numero sumus, quos pestis ista infecit.  
Hereby you see what Strength you had in that Congregation: Which yet was no Impediment to the Proceedure and Decree of the General Assembly of the Oratory in 1678. declaring she embraced no Party; but that she always had, and would still maintain that Freedom and Privilege of preserving Sound and wholesome Doctrine; and that she laid restraint on none but such as were censured by the Church, or as savoured of the Sentiments of jansenius and Baius in Divinity, or of the Opinions of Descartes in Philosophy.  
Oh the Base and Cowardly— cried M. Descartes, all enraged. Softly, Monsieur, I replied, if you yourself had headed a Corporation, whose Essential Interests you had engaged to maintain, you would have had very different Thoughts from those you now have under the Quality of a Leader of a Sect. Neither Prudence nor Conscience could oblige a Man to become the Martyr of a Philosopher. Matters are of a quite distinct Nature in Point of Philosophy and Religion: A Man may allow of the Opinions of a Philosopher, considered in themselves, and at the same Time be included in such Circumstances as make it prudence to Acquiesce.  
But two things there are, which I have already observed to you, which should make you overlook those Paltry Affronts you Philosophy has met with. The first is, that what is in it more choice and better than ordinary, gins to be authorised in the Schools of the most zealous Peripatetics; who no longer oppose the Truth, that you have insused into them, but only so husband Aristotle's Stake, as it may not be said that ever any Philosopher had a clearer View than he. You know the Adventure of the last Age in France; the wisest Heads of the Kingdom could do no otherwise than approve the greatest Part of the Regulations made in the Council of Trent, notwithstanding there were Reasons that obstructed the adhering to that Cowncil, on Discipline-account. What was done? The States of Blois made Ordinances exactly like a great Part of the Decrees of that Council: Thus, without admiting the Council, they followed in effect the Purport of it. The Peripatetics have in some sort transcribed the Conduct of those grave Politicians. 'Tis a Crime among them to be a Cartesian, but 'tis an Honour to make good Use of the best Part of M. Descartes. And to compare the Fortune of your Doctrine with that of another that in our Days hath made such a Bustle in the World, before the Propositions of jansenius had been condemned at Rome, his Followers highly complimented him upon them: His was the Pure and Uncorrupt Doctrine that was copied from the great S. Augustin; but they had no sooner been censured as Heretical, but they vanished in a Trice, and could not be found in jansenius his Book: No one could hearty believe they ever had been there, and in Spite of Bulls of Popes and Ordinances of Bishops, 'twas reckoned a Mortal Sin to sign a Condemnation of Propositions, and a Form of Faith, without the Distinction of De jure & de Facto. The quite contrary happened in the Affair I am speaking of.  
At first, when the Cartesians made Mention of Subtle Matter, and ridiculed the Horror of a Vacuum, talked of the Elastic Virtue of the Air, the Pressure of its Columns, and the manner of the Impression of Objects on our Senses, Aristotle was brought to confront them with a quite contrary Doctrine.  
Since that Time, upon Examination of the Reasons on which your Propositions in those Instances depended, they would not say that you were in the Right; but many undertook to affirm, That Aristotle had taught the greatest Part of that before you. There hath been since discovered in his Writings an Ethereal Matter, the manner of Sensations by the Concussion of the Organs; the Demonstration of the Gravity of the Air, and the most delicate Truths of the Equilibrium of Liquors: So instead of the jansenists abandoning, or seeming to abandon the Right, and sheltering themselves under the Fact, the Peripatetics fall on Possession of the Right by the Fact itself; that is, the Peripatetics now find in Aristotle what according to themselves had not been visible for these thirty Years. On the contrary, the jansenists have lost Sight of the Propositions they had pointed to us heretofore themselves, before they were condemned: So that would you make any Abatements, as I hope you will, that I may make good my Promise I made Voetius your Old Friend in Holland, we should see M. Descartes turn Peripatetic, and Aristotle Cartesian.  
The other Thing, that is Matter of Consolation to you, and that in Defiance to all the Efforts of your Enemies must encourage you to hope for the Immortality of Cartesianism, is the uncontrollable Liberty that's left to every one of Writing for and against it: And that at this Day the most Solid and Ingenious Patron of the New Philosophy, is a celebrated Father of the Oratory, whose Books are in great Reputation. He forthwith required his Name and Character. He is called, said I, Father Malebranche: He's a Man of an extraordinary piercing Judgement, of profound Thought, that has a wonderful Gift at methodizing his Reflections, which he opens and displays in the neatest and most lively manner imaginable; that knows however to give an Air of Truth and a probable Turn, to the most extraordinary and abstracted Notions; that is skilled to the utmost Perfection, in preparing the Mind of his Reader, and interessing him in his own Thoughts. In short, he is the most charming Cartesian that I know. His principal Work is called, The Search of Truth; and it is from that in particular that he hath been acknowledged for such as I have described him: Yet I cannot conceal from you a little Accident that may somewhat allay the Joy that News must excite in you; which is, That this Illustrious Champion of the New Philosophy, has been sometime since at Variance with M. Arnauld, whose Friend he had ever been before, which made a kind of Civil War. The Onset and Defence on both Sides is managed with Vigour and Courage; each of them combat in their own way: Volumes of five or six hundred Pages apiece are sent out by M. Arnauld in the turning of an Hand: The other is less luxuriant, but more strict and pressing: He takes those Captains for his Precedent, who only make use of some select Troops, without any regard to Number, that always march close and in good Order, who let the Enemy wheel about as often as they please, but are sure to break their Ranks whenever they see an Advantage. Discourse is various concerning the Motives of that War; M. Arnauld is the Aggressor: The most refined Politicians, who, as you know, never fail to make the best of their Talon on such Occasions, say, It is a Trick and Evasion of the Old Doctor, who has several other such at command. Some Years ago there appeared two Books against him; one was tituled, The Spirit of M. Arnauld, wrote by a French Protestant Minister, retired to Holland; that's a very roguish Book, I must confess, and full of Venom and Gall, but he leaves M. Arnauld inextricably in the Briars; he not only turns his own Weapons upon him, but also against the Catholic Religion, and concludes directly from the Principles and Practice of M. Arnauld, that most of the Arguments he takes to be most forcible and Advantageous to the Catholic Religion, are nul and insignificant, are mere Show and Outside, fit only to dazzle the Eyes of the Ignorant, and such as cannot penetrate to the Bottom of Things.  
The other Book, which was printed the first of the two, but was not made public till some time after, was written by a jesuite against a French Translation of the New Testament, commonly called, The Mons New Testament, done by the Gentlemen du Port Royal, and whereof M. Arnauld took upon him the Patronage and Defence. That Book of the Jesuit is Solidly, Scholarlike and Politely wrote. He very pertinently comes over M. Arnauld on many Occasions, and adds from time to time, in those Places, he challenges him to give an Answer to such and such a Point: Notwithstanding, those two Books found no Reply; and no one could say they were unanswered, because they were despised and did not deserve the Pains. Religion itself was engaged, that Answer should be made the first (as hath since been done by another Hand) and M. Arnauld's Honour and Reputation were interested to satisfy the Scruples, the Evidence of Fact, and the Force of Reasons in the second, had raised in the Minds of Men. See then what was the sense of the Politicians of the Commonwealth of Learning.  
'Tis known by long Experience, that M. Arnauld never used to be very Dormant in the case of Books wrote against him. Whence then proceeds this extraordinary Patience, he would fain seem to have at present? Whence comes it, that instead of defending himself against his Enemies, that make voluntary Insults to attack him, and fall so foully on him, he makes himself new Adversaries, and out of a gaiety of Humour falls to Daggers-drawing with his Friends and Allies, whilst his Country is abandoned to the Pillage and Discretion of his Enemies? Here is, say they, the short and the long of the Business. Those two Books Nonplus M. Arnauld. The first upon several Articles presents you with an Argumentum ad Hominem, and is beyond Reply. The second is penned with that Circumspection and Exactness, as Wards off all Passes, gives not the least hold, and blocks up all the outlets, where ere his Adversary might escape him. It would be no part of Prudence to engage on so disadvantageous Terms. He must not, however, be seen to balk or decline the Challenge; (and besides M. Arnauld had resolved to leave the World, whenever he desisted to make a noise in it, and to Writ and Dispute whatever it cost him:) Therefore he cunningly procures himself a Diversion. He picks a random Quarrel with Father Malebranche, threatening an Attack on a Treatise of his, concerning Nature and Grace, which he had presumed to publish contrary to his Advice. He compiles a great Volume, against two or three Chapters of the Research of Truth. That Book is answered. M. Arnauld thereupon makes his Reply. Father Malebranche charges again. M. Arnauld makes yet another Onset. Here some are inquisitive, why M. Arnauld neglects to answer both M. jurieu and the jesuite? hay day! cry others, how would you have him answer them? Does not Father Malebranche find him his Hands full? Whose little Volumes he's forced to overwhelm with bulky Books, to obstruct the entrance of that monstrous Impiety into the Church, viz. the Doctrine of a Corporeal God: Without which no Man can find out what he means by his intelligible Extension, that is, he says, in God. However the other Concern is urgent and requires Dispatch. But what would you have a Man do? they add. Is it possible he should be every where at once? Whilst the King of Poland marched with all the Forces of his Kingdom to raise the Siege of Vienna, was he not necessitated to suffer the Garrison of Kaminiec to overrun Podolia, and the Tartars to enslave V●raine?  
If that Conjecture is not true, said M. Descartes, it is however very probable, and those Gamesters play the Politician not amiss. But what (pursued he) is the Subject of Dispute betwixt those two famous Authors? For I assure you, I perceive a Concern upon me, upon their Account. The Matter in Debate (I answered) is of the Nature of Ideas, and the manner of our apprehending Objects that are without us. M. Arnauld would have it, that our Ideas are nothing but the Modifications of our Soul. Father Malebranche pretends, that that Opinion is unwarrantable, and maintains we have no other perception of Objects than in God; who being every where, is intimately united with our Soul, and who following the general Laws of the Union of the Body and Soul, communicates to us the Idea of the Object that he hath in himself, and at once makes us apprehend the Impression of it. Both one and the other strive upon occasion, to engage you on their side, or to show rather, that they advance nothing contradictory to your Thoughts upon Ideas: But I am of Opinion, you never penetrated so deep in that Affair, as that either of them can gain much by your Authority.  
What you say of me is true (replied M. Descartes;) but which at last of these two Combatants have got the better on't? I answered him, I was not rash and inconsiderate enough, to set up for a Decider of the Difference and Advantages of those two Hero's: That I could only say that they fell to't in earnest: That though M. Arnauld had proposed to himself the encountering Father Malebranche's Tract of Nature and of Grace, he thought it advisable to begin with the Confutation of what he had written touching Ideas in his Search of Truth, looking on that past (to use his Thought and his Expression) as 〈◊〉 Outworks of the place he had a Design to ruin. That the Subject being very Abstracted and Metaphysical, and above the ordinary Capacity of Men, and Father Malebranche's System on that Particular, requiring a very great Attention to comprehend it, M. Arnauld seemed to have taken designedly that Method of Assault, for the making a more advantageous Effort on his Adversary; but that Father Malebranche, without giving up his Outworks, wherein he acquit himself admirably well, had drawn them into the Body of the place, that is to say, had incorporated them with the Interests of Grace, which is very disadvantageous Ground, and too slippery a stand for M. Arnauld, where he was very closely pressed. Yet that I durst not undertake for the Success of Father Malebranche's Self on that Side, because of the great Experience of M. Arnauld in such sort of War, wherein he undoubtedly merits the Encomium Admiral Chatillon used to give himself, viz. He had wherewith to be distinguished from the greatest Captains that ever were, in that having been always beaten by his Enemies, having lost all the Battles he had been obliged to Fight, after all his Misfortunes, he still stood upon his Legs, in a capacity to relieve his Party, and bearing still a Part and Figure, able to disquiet those by whom he had been worsted. I might likewise add, without affronting Father Malebranche, he is already sensible of the loss he has sustained since that first Breach: For before that unhappiness, and whilst he was a Friend of M. Arnauld, he was every where extolled for a sublime and infinitely penetrating Genius; and at present, he's a Man that speaks nothing but Perple it 〈◊〉 and Contradictions, whom one can neither understand nor follow without danger of Error: So true it is that M. Arnauld's Friendship is at this day, as it ever has been, a prodigious bank of Merit to those that are so fortunate to enjoy it, and that Societies, no less than particular Persons that were destitute of that Advantage, would be very little better for their Reputation.  
As I was thus entertaining Discourse with M. Descartes, I perceived in an Instant a change in me, that carried something in it much like what we experience in some sudden Faintings, wherein all things seem to alter and turn colour. I could never have believed a Soul separate from the Body, had been capable of such an Accident. M. Descartes, who was ware of it, and well understood the cause, left me for a moment to wait on Aristotle's Ambassadors. I knew not what Intercourse they had, till the old Gentleman's Information, on our return to th'other World. He told me Mr. Descartes declined entering all Dispute and Business with them; only assuring them he had not the least Design of making any Inroad into Aristotle's Dominions; but that he thought it a difficult piece of Work to effect a through Accommodation; and that it would be proper for each to preserve their Liberty in Opinion, as before, without being restless, and concerned to bring over that of others to it; notwithstanding to the end their Voyage might not be wholly ineffectual, he promised to see that the Cartesians behaved themselves with greater Respect and Esteem towards Aristotle, upon condition Aristotle would restrain the Peripatetics from flying out with that outrage against Cartesianism.  
To come to my Spiritual Metamorphosis, I knew not the reason of that neither till my return; and it was this. We must suppose that as long as our Soul is united with our Body, the most part of its Ideas and Conceptions depend on the disposition of our Brain. The diversity of that Disposition consists, as say the Peripatetics, in the difference of the Species, Apparitions or Images of Objects, contained in the Cavities of the Brain, or imprinted on its Substance. The new Philosophers more truly say, That those kind of Pictures are nothing but the Traces and Footsteps stamped on the Brain, by the ordinary Current of the Animal Spirits, that flow in great Plenty, as in little Rivers, and wear themselves a kind of Channel, to which they usually keep. In what way soever that different Disposition causes the different Ideas and different Judgements of the Soul (for it is an inscrutable Mystery) it is certain it is done, and that different Ideas suppose different Traces. So that should a dissection be made of a Peripatetic and a Cartesian Brain, with the help of good Microscopes, for the discovery of those Prints that are tightly fine, one should see a prodigious difference in the Complexion of those two Brains. I never indeed questioned that Truth, but I thought that dependence of the Soul lasted no longer than it was in the Body, and that as soon as the Separation was performed, it had no more Correspondence with it: But I experimented the contrary, and my Fellow-Travellers assured me that so long as the Body has its Organs sound and free, let the Soul be ten thousand Worlds apart, it will receive the same Impressions, as if it resided in it: And that if M. Descartes' Snush had not laxed the sensitive Nerves, I should have seen, whilst I was in Descartes' World all the Occurrencies, the Eyes of my Body were presented with. I should have heard every noise that beat upon the Drum of my Ears: And so of all the rest.  
So astonishing an Effect as this makes no Impression on Philosophical Souls: For if they be Peripatetics they presently explain it by the Sympathy betwixt the Soul and Body of the same individual; and if they be Cartesians they expound it by the general Laws of the Soul and Body's Union, which is in cause that God on occasion of such and such Motions made in the Body, produces such and such Thoughts or Perceptions in the Soul; and say they, one of these Laws is, That whilst the Organs of the Body are capacitated for Employment, the Soul wherever she is, receives the Impressions of Objects that affect them; it being as easy a thing for God to advertise the Soul of that Impression, when she is remote from the Body, as when present, proximity of Place being wholly insignificant in the thing; since, according to them, the Motion of the Organs is not the real cause that produces Sensations, but only the occasional cause, that is, that which offers an occasion to God Almighty of producing them in the Soul.  
My Old Gentleman then, as I was saying, in our Return confessed the Trick Father Mersennus and himself had agreed to play me: They had given Instructions, before they departed, to the little Negro, that was commissioned to guard my Corpse, at such an Hour, in which they easily foresaw we should be arrived to M. Descartes' World, to take Care so to determine the Animal Spirits in my Brain, as they might no longer keep the beaten Tracks they had been used to, for the exciting Peripatetic Species in my Mind, but to make them glide in such a Current as was necessary, and as he knew how, for the implanting Cartesian Ideas in their Room; which he performed with that Dexterity, that whether it was by the Legerdemain of Sympathy, or by virtue of the General Laws of Union of the Body and Soul, my Notions were all in an instant turned topsie turvy: And I, that a Moment since could see nothing in that Immense Space, in which I was, began to perceive Matter there, and to be convinced that Space, Extension and Matter were all one and the same thing. After which, as often as M. Decsartes bade us to conceive how such and such Motions were effected in Matter, I saw them more distinctly than your most clarified Cartesians do your Chamfered Parts of Matter wreathed in shape of little Skrews, by the Struggle they have to squeeze betwixt the Balls of the Second Element, or to constitute a little Vortex, round the Loadstone, and to cause that wonderful affinity that is found betwixt that Stone and the Poles of the Earth, and with it and Iron.  
It is plain that an Universal Revolution of Ideas, like this, cannot happen in the Soul, without causing an extraordinary Commotion in its Substance, no more than a general Alteration of Humours can occur in the Body, without a Change of its Constitution. I was therefore infinitely surprised at so prodigious a Change, being wholly unable to give any probable Guess at its Cause, but could not help attributing it to some Secret in M. Descartes' Philosophy; who returning quickly after, addressed me in a more Familiar Air than at my first Reception. Well, what, shall we begin to fall to work upon our World? I see you are at present capable and worthy of reaping that Satisfaction. Monsieur, said I, I know not where I am, nor what I ought to think of myself: But certainly nothing can more effectually dispose me to a Belief that you are capable of becoming the Creator of a World, than that Power you manifest over Spirits. Yes, Monsieur, I acknowledge Space, Matter and Extension to be the selfsame Thing: I see plainly in that Space, Materials for the Building a New World; and if you once accomplish so vast and prodigious a Work, from this Time forward I renounce my Body to live here with you for ever and ever, to the End of the World, nothing seeming comparable to the Advantage of living with the most Wife and Puissant Soul, that ever came out of the Almighty's Hands.  
You'll be better advised than that, replied M. Descartes; it behoves you to expect the Orders of the Sovereign Being for an entire Dismission from your Body; nor is there any Necessity for it, to have all the Satisfaction that you wish. In less than two Hours Time I'll make you a World, wherein shall be a Sun, an Earth, Planets, Comets, and every thing you see more Curious and observable in yours; and since this World I am about to make is not to stand for good and all, but is only an Essay of another I intent to build at my Leisure, of far greater Capacity and Perfection; I can easily interrupt and break the Motions, to let you see in a little Time the different Changes, which occur not in the Parts of the great World, but in the Process of Years.  
Come on then, let us begin, said he, but follow me exactly in the Principles I lay down, and the Reflections I shall make you observe: Above all interrupt me not. After these few Words M. Des●artes prepared himself for the executing his Projection: Which was by the Exposition, or rather Supposition of some of his most Important Principles, thought necessary to qualify us for the comprehending the Dispatch of that grand Masterpiece.  
Conceive, in the first Place (said he) that all this vast Space is Matter: For this Space is extended, and nothing is not capable of being so. This Space therefore is an extended Substance, or which is the same Thing, Matter. Whoever can doubt of this Truth, can doubt if a Mountain can be without a Valley. Conceive in the second Place, That in Nature there are two inviolable Laws: The first is, That every Body will ever maintain the Post and Capacity it has once been put in, will never change it till some External Cause shall force it; if it is in rest, it will be in Rest eternally; if it is in Motion it will continue eternally in Motion; if it is of a Square Figure it will preserve its Square Figure always.  
The Line A G is the Tangent, the Stone would describe, supposing it to be freed from the Sling at the Point A.  
These Principles are the rich and fruitful Sources of that infinity of admirable Truths, of which True Philosophy is composed, and the only Rules I will and aught to follow, in the Production of the World I am about.  
This short Speech ended, I was wonderfully edified in seeing M. Descartes fall to Prayers▪ and make an humble Acknowledgement to God of all those intellectual Gifts and Blessings he had vouchsafed him.  
Sovereign Being (said he) thou bearest me witness, That never Mortal acknowledged that absolute Dominion thou hast over all thy Creatures, with greater Respect and Submission than myself: So long as I had my Being in the Land of the Living, I made it my Business to convince Men of that entire Dependence they have on thee, having persuaded many of that important Truth, That thou art the only Being which can produce every thing in the World: That it is a punishable Pride in Men to conceit themselves capable of causing the least Motion imaginable in Matter; and that the very Motion their Soul supposes she influences on the Body, which she animates, is purely the effect of thy Almighty Power, that in concurrence with the Laws thy Wisdom itself has confirmed, moves the Members of the Body with such exactness and celerity, on occasion of the Desires and Inclinations of the Soul, as persuades her, it is herself that moves them; though at the same Time she confesses her Ignorance of the manner whereby it must be done. That bright and lively influx, wherewith thou hast enlightened my Understanding, hath guided me out of that Labyrinth of common Delusion, and opened me the way and Method I ought to take, in the Study and Contemplation of thy wonderful Works. Though I at present undertake to work upon that immense Matter, which thy infinite Bounty seems to have left at my Disposal, and though I have assumed the Freedom of warranting my Disciples the Production of a World like that of thy own Making; yet it is wholly in Dependence on thy Power I have made this account. Yea, Lord, I shall contribute in no wise to that Operation, but by the Desires of my Will, which thou out of thy gracious Goodness wilt be pleased to second, by impressing so much Motion on this Matter as I shall wish for, and by giving this Motion Determinations necessary to the End which I propose; Reason and Experience having taught me, That every pure Spirit, such as am I myself, by one of the Universal Rules, to which thou conformest thy external Actions, hath Right and Privilege of so much Motion as is sufficient to move the Matter of a World. Manifest then, Lord, thy Power in Condescension to a Spiritual Creature, that makes this humble Confession of his Weakness, and give us farther occasion to praise and glorify thy Name.  
Having finished his Devotion, M. Descartes marked out a round Space, of about five hundred Leagues diameter, for the making a little Sampler of his World, whereupon thus he spoke.  
Gentlemen, I shall at present only represent you the Solary Vortex of your World, and all that is therein; that is to say, the Sun, the Earth, the Planets, the Elements, the Disposition of its principal Parts, and the different Relations and Dependences they have on one another; if you will honour me with a Visit some Years hence, you shall see the Great World finished.  
The first thing I shall do is to divide in almost equal Parts all the Matter comprehended in the Space I have chalked out. All those Parts shall be very Small, but yet they must be less before I have done with them: They must not all be of a Spherical Figure, 'cause if they were all so shaped, there must necessarily be an Interval, or Void betwixt them: But a Void is impossible; they must therefore be of all Shapes and Figures, but angular for the generality.  
Secondly, whereas the Union of the Parts of Matter purely consist, in that Repose they are in, one by another; that Division I propose to make, will last no longer than I shall agitate them several ways, and drive them on every Side.  
Thirdly, Since the Fluidity of Matter is nothing but the Motion of its smallest Parts, agitated different ways; upon my Division and Agitation of it in that wise, I shall make it fluid, as hard and consistent as it is at present.  
Again, this round Space of five hundred Leagues, which I have cut out for the building of my little World, being once made fluid, I shall divide it into twenty Parts, or twenty Vortexes, that shall be severally constituted of infinite insensible Parts of Matter.  
S The Vortex of the Sun.  
Finally, you must conceive each Vortex as a kind of Firmament, at whose Centre will be an Astre or fixed Star; so that in making twenty Vortexes, in the Space which I have laid out, I shall make twenty fixed Stars: But at these fixed S●ars you'll be surprised, and will have the pleasure of observing, that but one in twenty will continue, which will represent your Sun: All the rest will become partly Planets, partly Comets: Nor will there of those twenty, above one great Vortex remain, which will be that of the Sun, in which will be formed two little new ones, to represent the Vortex of your Earth, and that of jupiter. This will be sufficient, Monsieur, said he, addressing himself to me in particular, to qualify you for the comprehending the Work I am going to complete. For the rest of my Principles and Conclusions, which you have seen in my Physics, I shall more commodiously explain them in the performance itself, as occasion shall be offered.  
With that M. Descartes, Father Mersennus, and my old Gentleman, betook themselves to three different Stations in the Space, and began to agitate and churn the Matter with a prodigious Alacrity. The twenty Vortex were come in an Instant, each having their Motion determined on every side, and being so ordered that the Poles of one Vortex were terminated at the Eclipctic of an other. And hence it is that M. Descartes calls the Circle of a Vortex, 
Part. 3. P●incip.  that which is remotest from its Poles.  
Whereas the parts of every Vortex were seen out of hand to be figured Angularwise for the generality, and to move round about their Centre, there was a mighty grating and clashing occasioned by the Fraction of Angles, that necessarily followed the Struggle every Part made to turn its self about its own Centre. And that was the first Reflection M. Descartes occasioned me to make, for the explaining to me the Origin and Production of the Elements, as they are distinguished in his Physics. You see, said he, how from the agitation of Matter necessarily issue the Elements, at which the Philosophers of your World have blanched and bogled so. From a Cube or any Angular Body whatsoever, to make a round one, what more is required than the paring off the Angles and Inequalities that are found in the Surface of it? And what but this is done in the Motion I have impressed on all the little parts about their Centre? Is it possible they should turn thus without a mutual Unhorning one another? And can that continual rubbing of one against another, fail to polish them more exactly than if they had been turned in a Lathe? These little Balls constitute that kind of Matter which I call my second Element.  
But now in the Interim of the shivering of these Angles, you see (and 'tis impossible to be otherwise) there is a World of little Filings, prodigiously less than the Balls of the second Element; and it is that diminutive Dust which I call the Matter of the first Element. But lastly, among the parts of the first Element, as minute as they are, there are some less than others, and whereas they are nothing but the Scrape of the second Element, they are of very irregular Figures, and full of Angles: Which is the reason they entangle and fetter themselves with one another, and cake into a ragged and gross Mass, which I call the Matter of the third Element: And these are my three Elements, which as you see, I had reason to defy the World to find a fault with.  
Here M. Descartes was some Moment's without speaking to me, being extraordinary busy in the management of his Project, and the critical regulation of the first Motions of his Vortexes. Mean while the little parts of the Matter of every Vortex, by the means of their turning on their Centre and rubbing against each other, evened and polished themselves by little and little, and still as they became perfectly Globular, they lost of their Bulk and decreased in Size. Then it was that I began to see the Consequences of the Rules of Motion, which M. Descartes had readily supposed. For seeing these little Balls took up less room than formerly, and seeing they kept still a turning round, and their Figure rendered them more fit for Motion, I perceived them presently to quit the Centre of the Vortex, and to gain the Circumference. By that Effort obliging the Matter of the first Element, that was dispersed through all the Vortex, to fall down to the Centre; and to constitute a Mass of that extremely fine and powdered Dust, that still whirled round, and attempted to recover the Circumference from which the Balls of the second Element had chased it: But all in vain, because the Figure of the parts of the second Element maintained them in their Post; and all that could possibly be done by the Matter of the first, was upon occasion to slip into the Intervals, the Balls in the Circumference of the Vortex, sometimes left betwixt them.  
The Satisfaction M. Descartes observed I took at that petty Play, and the Facility I manifested in perceiving or conceiving whatever he commanded me, highly pleased him, and engaged him to explain to me one of the most curious Mysteries in Philosophy. I could wish, said he, you had your Body here, you would let in those admirable Deductions from the Principles I have laid, with a greater Gusto and Delight. Now you only see in the Centre of the Vortexes a heap of Dust or of subtle Matter, of the first Element; but had you your Body and your Organs with you, capable of the Impressions that heap of Dust would make, you'd see for every heap of Dust a Sun. Monsieur (continued he) that very Sun, whose Splendour and Beauty you so often have admired in your World is nothing, in affect, but an Amass of that same Dust; but Dust instigated with such a Motion as I explain in my Philosophy, and you at present see.  
To give you a clear Insight in this Matter, I need only suppose one thing; which I am sure you want deny me; and which, on occasion, I could show you in Aristotle himself, to wit, that Vision is caused merely by the vibration, of the Threads wherewith the optic Nerve is wrought. And it is on Account of that vibration, that a Man falling rudely on his Head, or who walking in the dark, runs his Face against a Post, sees a sudden flash of Light like the glaring of a Candle. It tortures the Naturalists to explain the manner how that vibration causes us to perceive all luminous and bright Objects. Upon what Hypothesis soever they proceed, they meet with inconquerable Difficulties: But at the bottom, and in earnest it is no more than this.  
He then went on in explaining to me all the Properties of Light, and the Demonstrations he hath given concerning the Reflection and Refraction of its Rays. He was very large and copious upon that Subject: For that piece of his Philosophy, together with that where he explains the Phaenomena's of the Loadstone, is his darling and beloved Theme. I shall not descend to the Particulars of that Discourse, for fear of wearying my Reader, as also frightening some, to whom Lines crossing one another with A. B. C. are as terrible as Magic, and the sight thereof enough to make them shut the Book, and never open it after. And this is the Reason I will make use of them as little as possibly I can.  
He would not for any thing whatever have forgotten to remark to me those little ●●annel'd Parts, whose Service is so very necessary to him, nor the way that they are wrought. Amongst the Parts of the first Element, which are made of the filings of the Second, there are some, that by reason of their irregular Figure, are not so rapid as the other. Those of this Nature easily hook themselves together, and make up little Bodies larger than the other parts of the first Element; and as in their turning about, they are often obliged to pass betwixt the Balls of the second Element, 
Numb 90.  they accommodate themselves for that Passage, and as they squeeze betwixt them, writhe themselves into the Shape of a Skrew, or become like little Pillars chamfered with three Furrows, or gutterworked and turned as you see the Shell of a Snail. They are chief to be found toward the Poles of the Vortex, having their Determination toward the Centre. Now whereas some of them enter by way of the Northern Pole, others by the Southern, whilst the Vortex turns upon its Axis; it is apparent to every Cartesian, that those which proceed from the North-Coast must be turned Shell-wife a different way, from those that proceed from the South. And Instance M. Descartes took care to inculcate throughly in me: For it is principally upon that, the Power and Virtue of the Loadstone do depend: 
Numb. 91.  But it shall not be long, said he, before you see some particular Effect of these little channeled Parts.  
Take notice, said he, how things go in that Star that's next you. How some of the chamfered Parts that come fromward the Poles of their Vortex, mingle themselves with the Matter of that Star, and not being able to keep pace with it in Motion, are thrown out of the Star; just as the scummy Parts of a boiling Liquor are separated from the other, and rise above the Liquor. See how they link themselves to one another, and by that Union lose the quality of the first Element, and take on them that of the third. Upon their gathering and condensing in a very great quantity, it is manifest they must hinder the action of the first Element, whereby it bushes the Balls of the Second Element to the Circumference, 
Fig. Seq.  and consequently must interrupt that Motion and Pressure in which Light consists. And now you may see exactly what those Stains are which you sometimes discover on the Face of the Sun of your World. They are nothing else but the drossy and scummy Parts of the third Element, gathered in Heaps and expanded on its Surface.  
Now the wreek and scattering of those Stains which are still a gathering, and as easily dissipanated, diffusing itself far and near throughout the Circumference of the Vortex, will constitute a thin and ra●ify'd Body, like the Air about your Earth, 
Numb. 92.  at least, the finest part of it; and I have formerly observed, that that of the Vortex of your Sun is extended as far as the Sphere of Mercury.  
Mean time of these Occurrences, the old Gentleman in haste, came and acquainted Descartes, That on that Coast he had been on, there were three or four Vortexes that began to jumble and fall to Loggerheads; and that if he did not speedily come and part them, there needed nothing more to tear and shatter all his World in pieces.  
Poor honest old Gentleman, said M. Descartes: That which makes him so solicitous for my World, is one of the finest Phenomena's that can possibly be seen, and by which I'll demonstrate to you how Comets are begot in yours; and how, in time, a fixed Star may become a Planet. Let us go and cure him of his Fears.  
When we came there we found two Stars, whose Surface was almost wholly overgrown with Scurf, and whose Vortexes began to be drained and sucked up by those round about them. If you have read my Book of Principles, and my Treatise concerning Light, says M. Descartes to me, you will easily conclude in what this little bu●tle and disorder ought to end; and I strange, said he to the old Gentleman, you should be frighted at it. Call to mind then what I there teach, how that which preserves a Vortex in the midst of several others, is that impulse caused by the Matter of the Star in its attempt to obtain a remove from the Centre towards the Circumference: For the Star, by that Impulse, pushing and supporting the Matter of its Vortex keeps the other Vortexes within their Bounds, and loses no Ground in the Dimensions of its Circuit. For, we must consider all these Vortexes, as so many Antagonists that dispute it to an Inch, and so long as their Forces are equally matched, gain no Advantage over each other; but as soon as one of them is any ways weakened or disabled, it becomes a Prey to all the rest, each taking in a part of its Space, and at last usurping it all. Now when a Star gins to be overrun with this Scurf, and crusted with a mass of the parts of the third Element, it can no longer push with so much force as it did before, the Matter of its Vortex towards the Circumference; and then the other that surround it, and whose Matter is endeavouring to get as far as possible from its Centre, finding no longer so much Motion, nor by consequence so much Resistance, expatiate and stretch themselves out, and oblige the Matter of that impoverished Vortex, to circuit along with them, and by little and little each Enrich themselves. In so much, that some Moment's hence, you shall see those Vortexes increase their Circumference with the Spoils of this poor Vortex, till at last they come to the Star itself, which will be made their Sport: That is to say, it will descend towards the Centre of some one of those Vortexes, there to continue in the quality of a Pla●et, to turn with that Vortex, and to observe the Motions of the conquering Star: Or it will beconstrained by the Motion that shall be given it, to bound from Vortex to Vortex, and to make a long Pilgrimage in Habit of a Comet, until its Crusts shall break: And then perhaps it will recover the eminency of a Star, and will take its revenge on some other, by appropriating its Vortex to its self.  
We waited then some Moment's, and saw happen what M. Descartes had foretold; all the the Vortex was drained dry, the Matter of one of the neighbouring Vortexes surrounded the crusted Star, and influencing it with a violent Motion, carried it clever off: But since that Star, by reason of its Solidity, that consisted partly in its Figure, most proper for Motion, partly in the close Connexion of the Parts of the third Element, that covered it, and the paucity of its Pores in the Superficies: I say, since that Star, by reason of its solidity, was capable of a far greater Motion than the Mass of Celestial Matter that encompassed it, and carried it along; having by degrees arrived to a mighty Speed, in the turning of a Hand it gained the Brink of the Circumference of the Vortex, and out it flew amain, and continuing its Motion by the Tangent of the Circle it had begun to describe, passed on to another Vortex, and from that to another, till I knew not what became on't: For M. D●scartes interrupted the Attention I was in to pursue it, to instruct me, That the Adventure I had seen at present usually happened, and would still from Time to Time in our World: And that what we there call Comets, were nothing else but Stars that have lost their Vortex and Light by that congealing Matter, and then passed from Vortex to Vortex, 
V Fig. Vor●.  becoming visible to us all the Time they traverse our Solary Vortex, and ceasing to be seen as soon as they entered in another.  
Immediately after the Ruin of the Vortex I have been speaking of, there were seven others that ran the same Risque, and became seven Comets. Whereupon Monsieur Descartes pursued: It is not amiss, in order to your better understanding the Effects that are speedily to follow, to give Names to the Principal Stars that are left: We have still a dozen of them, but we will trouble our Heads at present with no more then▪ eight. That then, continued he, pointing out the greatest Star of all, and which had the greatest Vortex, we will call the Sun; that other shall be Saturn; let the next on the Lefthand be jupiter; that on the Right shall be named Mars; that other we'll name Earth; and the nearest to us of all shall be christened the Moon: Of these two little ones, the one shall be Venus and the other Mercury. By and by I will name the other four. Having for some Time considered the admirable Disposition of all these Vortexes, that, in spite of their Fluidity, did not at▪ all mix and incorporate with one another, a thing no one would believe unless he saw it, and which cannot be comprehended but by a Cartesian Soul; for no other Philosopher till this Day hath been able to conceive it possible. We saw Mercury and Venus begin to be overspread with the rising Scum, and forthwith the Vortex of the Sun with the other neighbouring Vortexes to get ground prodigiously on those two Stars, till at last their Heaven or their Vortex being entirely swallowed up, they fell in with that of the Sun, somewhat near the Centre, and began to turn about him, floating in the Matter of his Vortex. The same thing happened a little while after to four petty Stars, whose Vortexes bordered upon that of jupiter, where they were obliged to descend, and take the same Lot therein, as Venus and Mercury in that of Sol. M. Descartes called these four the Satellites of jupiter, because they represent the four Planets that turn about jupiter in our World. last, the Earth in like manner made herself Mistress of the Moon, and obliged her to attend her in quality of her Planet; for that is the Name which is given to degraded Stars, because of their only Employment that is left; which is, to wander in the Zodiac, and to turn eternally about those that have robbed them of their Vortex.  
M. Descartes exemplifyed this Matter by certain Whirlpools we sometimes see in Rivers, whereof one great one, that often contains in it many little ones, represents the great Solary Vortex, and the little ones represent the Vortexes of jupiter and the Earth. Those little Whirlpools are carried along by the Motion of the greater, and turn about its Centre, whilst themselves make every thing that comes in the Reach of their Circumference, suppose Straws, or little Chips, to turn about their own: Thus the Earth carries round the Moon in her Vortex, and jupiter his Satellites in his.  
1 The Centre of the Earth, full of the Matter of the First Element. M the internal Shell that covers it. C the Place of Metals. D Water. E Earth, on which we tread. V Air.  
The lowest of these Subordinations was, according to my Position, an Arch of very Solid and Heavy Matter, and there I place the origin of Metals. The Second, which I ranged above it, was a Liquid Body, constituted of the Parts of the third Element, pretty long, very flexible and pliant, as it were little Eels, tempered with an abundance of the Parts of the second Element, which was nothing else but what we usually call Water. Lastly, above all this I supposed a third Vault, made of the most clinging and craggy Parts of the third Element, whose sensible Parts were only Stones, Sand, Day and Mud, and which was very porous: And this is the outward Surface of the Earth, on part of which tread Mortal Men.  
You plainly see then, said M. Descartes, that to show you the Train of all these Things would demand a great deal of Time: But the Hour of your Departure hastens on, I remit you therefore to my Book for Satisfaction in all those Particulars. I am going now to make an Abridgement of all those Motions, and to show you in as little Time as we are speaking on't, this Earth, exactly like yours, with Mountains, Valleys, Plains and Seas. No sooner said than done: He falls to determining the Motion of an infinite Number of those long and flexible Parts of the third Element, and agitating them, by playing among them the Parts of the second, in the several Places, where he had heaped them to gether, we saw presently a kind of Sea diffuse itself over the Face of the Earth; it was a less Trouble to him to raise Mountains, by only amassing together an abundance of the branchy Parts of the third Element, and causing them to link and grapple with each other, whereby there stood in many Places great and mighty Piles, nothing differing from our Mountains. That Earth looked very bare and naked, without Trees, without Herbs, without Flowers; for to produce all those Things that are the greatest Ornaments to our Earth, was a Business that would take up longer Time.  
This done, he employed the rest of the Time that we stayed with him, in the consideration chief of two Things: First, of the Gravity, or rather of the Motion of Bodies we call Heavy, towards the Centre. And secondly, of the Manner of the Ebbing and Flowing of the Sea. He began with the first, and explained it at this rate.  
S the Sun. T the Earth. AB CD the little Vortex of the Earth. NA CZ the great Orb wherein the Earth is carried round the Sun.  
And it is for the same Reason, that a Terrestrial Body forced into the Air, is obliged to descend towards the Centre of the Earth, because it has less Force to digress from the Centre than has the Mass of Air, which it ought to dismount to get into its Place: And the Reason why it hath less Force to digress from the Centre is, because it contains much more Matter of the third Element, and much less of the second than the Mass of Air equal to it in Bigness. Now the Matter of the third Element is dull and more unactive, and unable to get rid of the Centre, than the Matter of the second, it must therefore descend. Your Peripatetic Quality, continued he, and Democritus, and Gassendi's Chains made of linked Atoms, are not worth a Straw, in comparison of what I say, and with that he cast a Stone on high, to show us by Experience the Truth of what he had been Teaching.  
1 The Figure of the Vortex of the Earth.  
He made us forthwith acknowledge the Truth of all those Principles and Effects that naturally follow them; for upon his placing the Moon perpendicular to the Equator of the Earth, we immediately saw first the Sea pressed by that Matter to sink lower, and its Waters thus pressed and crowded hurry towards the Poles, and spread themselves successively on the Shores, proportionably to their Distance from the Equator. 2. The Terrestrial Globe rolling on his Axle from West to East, we beheld the Pressure of the Moon to light on several Places after one another, according to the Succession of Meridian's. 3. That successive Pressure of the different Parts of the Sea had this necessary effect, viz. to cause it to swell and fall in several Places, according to the plain and evident Rules of Staticks, which gave us a most exquisite and natural Idea of the Flux and Reflux of the Sea, consisting in this, that by how much it is mounted, by so much it is depressed, and as often as it mounts in one Place it is depressed in another; all these Motions going on regularly after each other, and being set, and punctual, as to Space of Time.  
Again, since the Diameter of the Vortex, wherein this little Moon must necessarily be in its Conjunctions and Oppositions, was the least of all; and on the contrary, that in which it would be found in its quadratures the greatest, it was evident to us, that the depression and sinking of the Waters must be far greater in the Conjunctions and Oppositions than in the Quadratures, and consequently that the Sea must flow with greater impetuosity and Vehemence towards the Shore, or which is all one, that the Tides be far greater in the New and Full Moons than at any other Time, and in the Equinoxes than in the Solstices, as it really happens in our World.  
He next observed to us the particular Phenomena's of the Flux and Reflux, founded on the same Principles, and minded us especially of the Reason, why we never see any Ebbing and Flowing in Lakes and Ponds, let them be never so great, unless they have some Communication with the Sea: For if, said he, those Lakes and Ponds be beyond the Tropics, they are never at all pressed by the Moon; and for those that are under the Torrid Zone, within the Tropics, they take not up a compass of Ground, enough to cause that one Side of their Superficies should be more pressed than the other by the Globe of the Moon. Now that Inequality of Pressure is the only cause of that Vicissitude of Motions, which we call the Flux and Reflux of the Sea.  
I was wonderfully taken with this Explication, and that way of solving the Flux and Reflux is so handsome, that those that demonstrate to M. Descartes the Earth cannot have a Vortex, at least an Oval one, aught upon that Consideration to show themselves a little merciful to him: But these Philosophers are a very ungentile and brutish sort of Creatures, and know not what it is to be generous towards their Adversaries.  
Mean while all the other Motions were performed in the little World with all possible exactness, Mercury, Venus, Mars, and the rest of the Planets, having once obtained their Post in the Vortex of the Sun, were extraordinary punctual to their Courses. He began to exhale Vapours, and to form them into Clouds, about the little Earth. To say no more, I was charmed with all these Prodigies: But we must now resolve on our Departure, and 'twas high Time we were a going. It was well-nigh four and twenty Hours since we left the Earth, and M. Descartes, who, as I have noted before, disapproved of their Conduct that deserted their Body before Death, and the Orders of the Sovereign Being, had dismissed them, advised us himself to defer the entire Satisfaction of our Curiosity till another Time. I made him a courteous Acknowledgement and Resentment of his Favours, assuring him of the vast Esteem I had both for his Person and Doctrine. I begged the Favour of proposing to him the Scruples that might occur hereafter upon his Philosophy, whenever I had an Opportunity of sending a Letter to him. He expressed on his Part a World of Kindness for me, exhorted me to a most sincere and hearty Love of Truth, and presented me with two Hyperbolical Glasses to make me a Perspective Glass, wherewith, he assured me, I might stand on the Earth, and discover all the Curiosities of the Globe of the Moon, and the Animals themselves, 
Let. de Descart.  if there were any. He hath demonstrated in his Dioptrics the Excellence of that Figure, for the Glasses of a Telescope, beyond all other. He endeavoured to have them made in Holland, and contrived an Engine for that Purpose, but he could not find Artists capable of accomplishing his Design and his Idea with that Exactness as was necessary. He brought us on our Way as far as the second Heaven, which is that of Stars, and left Father Mersennus with us, to conduct us Home.  
Some distance from the Stars, Aristotle's Ambassadors meeting some Philosophers of their Country and Acquaintance, desired us not to take it amiss, that they accompanied them, and took their Leave, but indifferently satisfied with their Voyage and Negotiation. Seeing we were in great haste, we stayed no where on the Road, and avoided all Harangues and Disputes with every Person whatsoever, though we met in divers Places very many Spirits, that would willingly have joined Discourse with us. Father Mersennus, as we passed along, made me observe the Disposition of the Vortexes, and the situation of the different Elements that composed them, and especially the Balls of the second Element, that I had no Apprehension of so long as I was stocked with Peripatetic Notions, but that I saw take up the greatest part of the Universe, since I was turned Cartesian. In less than six Hours Time we arrived at my House, where there fell out a most unfortunate Disaster; for in pitching with a most violent descent, and not considering the Glasses I had with me, as I passed athwart my Chamber-wall, and my Glasses in Bodily Quality, could not enter, they were stopped, and dashed in a thousand Pieces, by the reason of the unaccountable Swiftness wherewith they flew against the Stones; and thus I was deprived of the Pleasure of making the Experiment, that M. Descartes had warranted, of seeing from our Earth all the Occurrences in the Globe of the Moon as distinctly as if I was personally there.  
I found my Body somewhat fainty and very feverish, by the reason of a Fast of above thirty Hours. Before I entered I would have persuaded the little Negro to reinstate my Brain in its Quondam- capacity, fearing lest he had unhinged some Clockwork there: For that there must be something more than ordinary in that Machine, to cause such prodigious Alterations in the Soul of Man; and I had been very finely served, if having been reunited with my Body, I had found myself a Fool; but the little arch Devil of a Spirit refused to do it, telling me withal, That I was highly obliged to him, for setting me right in my Ideas. I must therefore venture on't for better for worse; so that having thanked Father Mersennus and my old Gentleman, for the favour vouchsafed me by their Company in so fine a Voyage, my Soul entered her Body, and failed not in quality of a Cartesian Soul, to seat herself in the Pin●al Gland of my Brain.  
I had requested Father Mersennus to oblige me so far as to see me again before he returned to M. Descartes' World, that I might convey a Letter of Thanks by him to that great Philosopher, that had treated me so generously and gently. He promised me he would, and accordingly returned at a Month's end, which he spent partly in the World, in dispatching some Commissions of M. Descartes, partly in the several Planets and different Places of the wide Space, which he traversed i● search of some old Cartesians, on that Philosopher's Account, to inform them of his Place of Residence, and of the grand Design he was ready to put in Execution. I gave him the Letter, which I have joined to this Relation, and with which i'll finish it.   

A VOYAGE TO The World of Cartesius.  
PART IU.  
MY Soul thus seated on the Pineal Gland of my Brain, as a Queen upon her Throne, to conduct and govern all the Mo●●ons of the Machine of my Body, was extremely pleased with the change of her Ideas; and complimented herself with the honourable new Character of Cartesian, wherewith I began to be distinguished amongst the Learned. I found myself immediately disposed for the Humour and Spirit of that Tribe of Philosophers; and could not mention, without disdain, the Philosophy of the Colleges, good only, said I, to corrupt the Mind, and fill it with empty and confused Ideas, and fit for nothing but to entertain the vanity of a Pedant. Descartes was the first, and indeed the only Philosopher, the World has ever known; the re●t in respect of him were mere Children Wranglers and Legendaries. Being invited some days after to a Thesis of Philosophy, it cannot be imagined what Violence it was to me to resolve to go. I could not forbear gaping all the while I stayed, looking down from the exaltation of my Soul, with pity on all I heard. One of the first things I did, was the degrading the Suarez's, Fonseca's, Smigletius' and Goudin's, &c. in my Library, cashiering them of the considerable Post they held, and abandoning them to a mouldy Chest of Lumber, there to lie at the Mercy of the Dust and Vermin, to be succeeded by M. Descartes, bound in a fine Turkey Cover, and all his illustrious Disciples.  
Before my Conversion to Cartesianism, I was so pitiful and tenderhearted, that I could not so much as see a Chicken killed: But since I was once persuaded that Beasts were destitute both of Knowledge and Sense, scarce a Dog in all the Town, wherein I was, could escape me, for the making Anatomical Dissections, wherein I myself was Operator, without the least inkling of Compassion or Remorse; as also at the opening of the Disputes and Assemblies of the Learned, which I thought good to keep at my House, for the inhancing and propagating the Doctrine of my Master in the Country; the first Oration I made before them, was an Invective against the Ignorance and Injustice of that Senator, the Ar●opagite, that caused a Noble Man's Child to be declared for ever Incapacitated from entering on the Public Government, whom he had observed take pleasure in pricking out the Eyes of Jackdaws, that were given him to play with.  
Notwithstanding, I must ingenuously confess, that as resolved a Cartesian as I was, I was not insensible of some weighty Scruples, the more Ingenious sort raised in me, in our Conferences. I perceived also that the farther I went, the more they increased, and if M. Descartes does not settle and compose the Fluctuation of my Mind, by a just and clever Answer to the Letter I have wrote him on that Subject, I have great Fears the Traces of my Brain will change, and the Animal Spirits resume their wont Current. This is the Copy of the Letter I sent to M. Descartes, that contains the principal of those Difficulties, which I thought not unworthy of the Public.  

A Letter to M. Descartes.  
Monsieur,  
I Cannot sufficiently express my Acknowledgements, of the Honours and Civilities I received from you, during that transitory Stay I made in your Parts of the highest Heavens: The few good Qualities and Accomplishments, you must necessarily find in me, prevented not your treating me as a Person qualified with the greatest Merit. For you to build an entire World before my Face, and to give yourself the trouble of making me comprehend the whole Contrivance, to see all the Wheels and Springs of so admirable a Machine, was an Honour greater in its kind, than what the King vouchsafes Ambassadors, Princes and mighty Personages, by commanding all the Water-works to be played for them at Versailles. You may infallibly reckon from that time, that I am devotedly at your Service; and that having made yourself absolute Master of my Understanding, by those sublimated Notices you have communicated, you have yet more irresistibly captivated my Will, by those extraordinary Favours you have heaped upon me.  
The Reverend Father Mersennus, who readily condescended to the trouble of this Letter, will inform you more at large, both what my real Sentiments are of your Person and your Doctrine. My Behaviour, since my return, hath throughly convinced him, that there never was a Disciple more Zealous than myself, for the Honour, Growth and Advancement of the Sect. In less than a Month, since my Arrival from your World, I have cast Terror and Confusion in the Face of Peripateticism throughout the Land. I have inspirited with new Life and Courage, those few drooping Cartesians that remained, but lived in Obscurity and Silence, solacing themselves with the private enjoyment of Truth, but were very remiss in promoting her Interest there, where she had been but ill received. Twice every Week I hold public Disputes at my House, and endeavour therein, as much as possible, to give Vogue and Reputation to your Doctrine; I have already made some Conquests among the Peripatetics, many whereof appear there, and excepting two or three, who are ungovernably headstrong and conceited, they will all be my own, as soon as I shall have answered some pretty substantial Objections, they have proposed against several Points of your Philosophy. The chief of which respect the general Construction of your World. And whereas in that Affair, they pretend to destroy your Conclusions by your own Principles, and some amongst them are Men of Parts, that give a specious and probable turn to their Arguments, in so much that I have sometimes been put to't to find the Fallacy, I thought myself obliged to have recourse unto the Oracle, and that I could do nothing better than consult You yourself, as you gave me Permission, and entreat you to communicate your Thoughts, as soon as possible thereupon. A Voyage from the third Heaven to this Place, is no great business for your little Moor. Thus then these Gentlemen, to my best Remembrance, fell to Work.  
They began by proposing two or three trite Arguments, daily made use of in the Desks, to confute your System; and to show that it is a mere Chimaera, and not to be suffered as a simple Hypothesis, should they grant the Principles you yourself lay down. M. Descartes (say they) supposes, first, That God creates Matter; secondly, That he divides it into infinite little cubical Parts, and lastly, determining several great Portions of this Matter, he puts them in a circular Motion, and at once makes the little cubical Parts, of which the great Portions, called by him Vortexes, are composed, to turn about their proper Centre. But it is impossible, they adjoin, to conceive the division and motion of Matter upon his Principles.  
For● as to the division, it can be conceived but by one of these two ways; either by supposing betwixt the Parts divided some empty Spaces, or imagining those Intervals filled up with some Bodies or Matter of a different Nature from the Parts. And thus though Nature every where is full, we conceive four Dice laid close to one another, as four distinct cubical Bodies; for though there is nothing of a void betwixt them, we yet perceive a little Interval filled with Air, that hinders our Conception of them, as of one single Body: But by the Principles of Cartesianism, we can conceive it neither one way nor the other. For we must not suppose a Vacuity betwixt the Parts divided, since a Vacuum is utterly thrown out of that System. Nor is it easier to conceive a Body of a different Nature, since the distinction of Bodies, according to the Author of the System, is not to be conceived, till after the agitation and motion of Matter. That division therefore is an Absurdity.  
As to the business of Motion, that's in a worse Case still; for how is it possible to conceive that all those cubical Parts, that are universally hard, impenetrable and incapable of Compression, should turn about their Centre, and break in pieces, unless they find or make a Vacuum? For the diminutiveness of them will not help us out, since let them be as little as you can suppose them, they are still hard and impenetrable as Adamant, and all combine together to desist the Motion of each Particular. That Hypothesis therefore is indefensible, and Descartes his very first Supposition is denied.  
These, Monsieur, were the first Passes these Gentlemen made at me, the first Blows I was to ward off, in the Defence of the System of your World. They had been taken out of the Books of very Ingenious Men; and whereas the Gentlemen, your Disciples (as if it was their Maxim and their Method, never to be put out of their own Road, which is barely to give an Exposition and a Proof of their Doctrine) trouble not much their Heads with Objections that are made them, since they are not obliged to the formal Answer of the Desk; these Arguments passed for unanswerable, and such as at the very entrance of Dispute baffled the Cartesian. But the more impregnable my Adversaries appeared in so good Accoutrements and Arms, the more my Honour was advanced in disabling and disarming them.  
As I had diligently read your Works, and above all, the Book of Principles, and that Entitled, a Treatise concerning Light, or M. Descartes' World, I answered the first Argument, by pleading a false Indictment charged on you, for making a distinction of Instants betwixt the Division and the Motion, as if you had held that God divided the Matter in one Instant, and moved it another: I said you never supposed that Matter was divided before its Motion: That the manner of proposing your System in the third Part of Principles, supposed no such distinction, and that in the Treatise of Light, where you described the formation of the World, you said positively the contrary; advertising your Reader, That that Division of Matter consisted not in God's separating its Parts, so as to leave a Vacuity betwixt them; but that all the distinction, you supposed God made in them, consisted in the diversity of Motions that he gave, causing some from the first instant of their Creation to commence their Motion one way, some another; so that in this Instance Division and Motion were the same Thing, or at farthest one could not be without the other. That you would be as forward as any of them to confess, That nothing was more absurd, in reference to your other Principles, than to suppose the Parts of Matter still and in Repose, and yet divided, since, according to you, the Union of the Parts of a solid Body, such as Matter must be conceived before its Motion, consists in that Rest they enjoy by one another: And farther, that it was full as easy to comprehend how Division was made by Motion, and yet cotemporary with the same Motion, as to understand how I can tear a Sheet of Paper, by dividing it in two half Sheets, one whereof I hand towards the East, the other towards the West. I hereupon produced the Books that I had cited, and showed them the very Places in dispute: They were convinced by plain Matter of Fact, and had no more to urge against it.  
But we had not so soon done with the Motion of Matter; we must necessary still dispute, tho' very calmly, without the least Passion or wrangling, since the generality of those I had to deal with were well bred, honest Gentlemen, that would submit to Reason. The Question was, to explain, how the Parts of Matter, which we conceived so closely pressed against one another, as not the least Interval was left betwixt them, throughout the Mass, and which we also supposed solid, from a settled Rest could skip into Motion.  
After these Gentlemen had copiously discoursed upon the Subject, I asked them, If as staunch Peripatetics as they were, they were throughly convinced, that the Fludity of Water, for instance, Was an absolute Quality, that when it was congealed it became Solid, by an absoute Accident, called Solidity, and that when it was dissolved, it became Liquid by an absolute Accident called Fluidity? That one of these Accidents made Led run when heated, and the other fixed it when it began to cool? And on the contrary, if having read the Delicate Natural and Intelligible Way of M. Descartes' explaining the Nature of Fluidity, and the Properties of Fluid Bodies, by the Motion of the insensible Parts of those Bodies (a Motion which the mere Dissolution of Salts in common Water, and of Metals in Aqua Fortis evidently demonstrates) they were not at least come over to us in that Point? The most of them answered, That as they were persuaded there was no doing without absolute Qualities, in the explication of an abundance of Phenomenas', that which they could most easily part with was Fluidity, and that they would not quarrel with me thereupon.  
This supposed (said I) Gentlemen, you shall be speedily satisfied, or more perplexed than M. Descartes; for in short, in your own System, the World is full, there's an Abhorrence of a Vacuum through the whole: Motion, notwithstanding, both is and does continue, the Sensible and Insensible Parts of Bodies are moved, nor does their Hardness and Impenetrability stop their Progress. Why may not M. Descartes' Matter, that is no more impenetrable than yours, enjoy the same Privilege and Charter? Why must his Motion be more impossible? both you and us suppose the self same Thing, and we have no more to do than defend ourselves against the Epicureans, who think they demonstrate by Motion, the Necessity of their little insensible Vacuities interspersed throughout all Bodies. Their pretended Domonstration amounts to this; To the end a Body may move, it is necessary it disturb another Body from its Place: That other cannot stir, because it has not where to go, if all is full: Therefore Motion will be impossible, if there is no Receptacle or a Vacuum. On the other Hand, supposing a Vacuum among Bodies, they may be compressed in lesser Room, and consequently may make Way for such as press against them; and thus Motion will be made. This is a mere Fallacy of theirs, which both you and we can easily unriddle, by only telling the Epicureans, That to conceive how Motion is performed without a Vacuum, we need only understand, That a Body is never moved alone, but that in the same Instant one Body quits its Place, another crowds in and takes it: And when I conceive one Body may in the same Moment take the Place another Body leaves, I perfectly conceive Motion, for there lies all the Mystery.  
My Peripatetics seemed surprised to see me come over them thus readily, with so neat a Conclusion, drawn from a Principle they had so freely granted me, and doubtless repent them of their Condescension: But I proceeded, by telling them, I scorned to take an Advantage over them from their Courtesy, though they were obliged to it by the Evidence of the Truth, and I was unwilling they should reproach me, as perhaps they did already in their Hearts, for having used Surprise, and abused their good Nature to ensnare them; and therefore I would endeavour by their own Principles to enforce to them, at least the Probability of the Truth I was defending.  
Gentlemen (said I) there are Prejudices in the Case that we are upon, proceeding from the Imagination more than Reason: We imagine, in the first Place, That a Body which we fancy in the midst of the Matter of the World, is far more pressed, if we suppose that Matter Solid, than it would be upon Supposition it were Fluid, which is manifestly false: For if the World be full, whether with Solid Matter or with Fluid, there is neither more nor less of it, but an equal Quantity in each Supposition; and consequently its Parts are no more close and crowded, supposing it Hard than if you suppose it Fluid. Again, we are apt to believe, That a Body, whilst it is Liquid, is ever ready to give way to the Motion of another Body; and on the contrary, whilst 'tis Solid, it is incapable of that Compliance, if encompassed with other Solid Bodies. The first is proved evidently false, by a very common Experiment: Fill a Glass Bottle with Water, whose Neck is long and slender, then turn the Mouth of it downwards, placing it perpendicularly upright, the Water by its own Weight is forced towards the Earth, it meets no other Body in its Way but Air, that is still more Liquid than itself; yet notwithstanding the Gravity and Propensity of the Water to put itself in Motion, notwithstanding the Fluidity of the Air that is below it, its Motion is impossible, and the Air makes as great an Opposition as could a Solid Body, wherewith you should have firmly stopped the Orifice of the Bottle: What is it then that thus obstructs the Motion of the Water? 'Tis the Air and Water's being in such a Situation, as no Tendency or Attempt whatsoever of the Water can determine the Air, or any other Body, to come and fill its Place in the same instant that it leaves it: For as soon as it can, that is to say, as soon as you shall incline the Bottle a little Sideways, and consequently make Way for a little Line of Air, to wind itself in by the Side of the Water, the Motion will follow proportionably to the Space that the Air shall fill. We must not then suppose that a Liquid Body is ever disposed to yield to the Motion of other Bodies: Nor ought we more to imagine, that when a Body is Solid, and surrounded with other Solid Bodies, it never is inclinable to be moved, which I thus prove.  
Let us suppose an hollow Globe perfectly full, partly with Water, and partly with a vast many little solid Bodies, of every Make and Figure, dispersed all over this Mass of Water. Let us conceive all these Bodies settled and at rest; being that the Water fills all the Spaces betwixt these little Bodies, we imagine the Parts of this Water of all sorts of Figures, as are the Spaces which they fill. Thus we conceive in those Spaces your little Globes of Water, little Triangles, little Cubes, little Hexagons, etc. Let us suppose now, that Water and all those little Bodies put in Motion.  
Making then Reflection on the Figure of the Parts of this Water, before the Motion, we easily conceive an Alteration in all these Figures, in the instant of Motion; that is to say, the little Globes of Water are divided in two half-Globes, the Cubes of Water lose their Angles, and so on. Of these little Parts, whether Solid or Liquid, some receive more Motion, some less, and briefly all so determine one another, as not the least empty Space is left, but upon one's forsaking of a Place another repossesses it in the very instant: And all this is easily performed by the proneness of the watery Parts to break and disengage themselves from one another. Thus in the first instant of the Motion, we imagine that there happened a Change of infinite Figures; that this Change was made only by the Fraction or Separation of the Parts; that that Fraction was occasioned by the Motion, and that the Motion was impossible without that Fraction: That the Impulse that served to put these Bodies in Motion, was the Cause of both the Motion and Fraction: That the Fraction of a Part was caused immediately, whether by one of the Solid Bodies, or by another part of the Water; for instance, the Angle of a Cube was not otherwise separated from the rest of the Mass, or any other Part to which it was joined, than by another part that slipped in betwixt them both, or so exactly seized its Place, as to fit it to an Hair; and finally that nothing could prevent the Motion and Fraction of the Parts, except such a Situation among themselves, as rendered it impossible for one Part to take the Place of another in the Moment of Desertion; For all being full before the Motion, it is necessary in the Motion all remain full still.  
Let us suppose at present, all this Water and all these little Bodies restated in the same Condition they were in before the Motion: And let us conceive instead of the parts of Water, that possessed all the Intervals betwixt the solid Bodies, some other solid Bodies that precisely take up the same Space the Watery parts took up before: Or let us only suppose the Water congealed, but without any diminution or augmentation of its Mass. Let us farther suppose, that God made an attempt to move this Matter; and that he endeavoured at once to divide all its parts exactly in the same manner as the parts of Water, whose place it fills, were divided in the instant of their Motion. I suppose not any Motion yet, but only an Effort for the producing it, and there's no Contradiction in that Effort: But I maintain, that from that Effort or Attempt, Motion and Fraction must inevitably follow: And thus I argue.  
From that Attempt which I suppose, Motion and Fraction must needs follow, if nothing hinders: But nothing hinders: For the disposition to Motion and to Fraction is the same in this Hypothesis, wherein I suppose nothing but solid Bodies, as it was in the foregoing, wherein I suppose liquid Bodies mixed with solid ones; and if the repugnancy to Motion and to Fraction, which some imagine in the latter, be invincible, it would be invincible in the former too.  
For if in the first Hypothesis of liquid Bodies mingled with solid ones, we imagine the parts so crowded and determined, as that one going to move another is unable to gain its place, in the same instant we imagine that the Motion and Fraction of parts can never be: As it happens in the Experiment of the Bottle before mentioned: Because an absolute fullness being supposed, all the parts combine in the resistance of the Motion of each Particular: But whilst we conceive the parts of this Matter so pushed and determined, that supposing one to move, another in the same Instant takes its place, and another the place of that; thus we conceive Motion and Fraction infallibly must follow the Impulsion. But in the second Hypothesis of solid Bodies, supposing God to force and determine the parts of those Bodies precisely in the same manner, as the Parts of Water had been determined in the first Hypothesis, at the first instant of Motion and Fraction; it is plain, that in case one move, another must instantly take its place, since it is exactly driven and determined, as the parts of Water was that took that place. Therefore Motion must follow in the second Hypothesis as in the first.  
All the difference lies in this, that the parts of Water being with the greatest ease imaginably divided, but a very inconsiderable force is required to move them; and the parts of solid Bodies being more difficult to be divided, a far greater impulse would be required to do it: But M. Descartes has liberty, if he pleases, to suppose this Infinite; and that resistance which God would find, would not be of all the parts in general, against the division of each in Particular; a resistance we find insurmountable in Plenitute that's fluid: But would only be the resistance of each part against its own Division, which we can most distinctly conceive not to come up to invincible.  
In a word, the Motion and Division of solid Bodies is possible in Pleno, whilst we conceive the different parts of these same Bodies pushed towards all parts imaginable of the Space, and so determined that upon one's Desertion of a place another immediately fills it: For without this Proviso, Motion is impossible even in Fluids', and with it, it is necessary though in solid Bodies.  
Although, said I unto them, this Explication seems to me a true Demonstration, yet I pretend not to recommend it unto you as such. I am satisfied if it only staggers your Opinion of the certainty of the contrary Arguments, ordinarily made use of in this matter; and I question not but, that after you have considered it with Attention, you will grant me more than at present I demand.  
In effect my Academics seemed well enough satisfied with what I said; scarce above one Scruple more stuck by them proceeding from a Supposal of theirs, that in the first Instant of division you gave a cubical Figure to all the parts of Matter. A Circumstance that still blunted their Imagination. To this I answered, that would they but reflect on what I had been explaining to them, they would clearly perceive that Circumstance made no particular Difficulty; but throughly to dispossess them of all uneasiness, I assured them, you never had made that Supposition, as your own Words might easily convince them; that in your Book of Principles, you suppose no more than this, That all the parts of Matter were not Spherical; and that in your Discourse of Light, you give them all imaginable Figures: I farther showed▪ them the places, and brought them to confess the little Honesty or Exactness of some Authors, who thus adapted the Exposition of your Doctrine to their Fancy, and the way that lay most advantageous to attack you in. Lastly, in two or three Words I gave them your own Thoughts and Sense thereupon, which I always took to be the same with this, viz. That God in the first agitation and division of Matter, reduced it into all kind of Figures, which he forced and determined every way towards all sides of the Space: That he thereby made a liquid Body; great Portions whereof he after took to move them circularly and make Vortexes, wherein the generality of the insensible parts that constitute them, turned round about their Centre; that by this Motion there was made a continual change in the parts of Matter, some losing their Angles, others uniting and linking themselves to one another. That I, after you, believed the same thing happened every moment among the insensible parts of all liquid Bodies; and thence it was that you inferred the Existence and Distinction of your three Elements. I flatter myself Monsieur, you will not be much dissatisfied at my Answers, and that you will acknowledge that how far soever I am behindhand with the rest of your Disciples in Parts and Penetration, there are but few that exceed me in the Attention you desire your Readers to bring with them in entering on your Books, and Application requisite before they pass their Judgement, and especially before they venture to oppose them or defend them.  
But to pursue in giving you the Account of my Conferences: This I have been mentioning had two Effects. The first was to break a little our Peripatetics of that mischievous Opinion, they had admitted of your Doctrine, which they had till then regarded as full of Contradictions and Absurdities, absolutely incapable of Defence, and as a System that undermined itself. The other was, to cause two or three of the most subtle and discerning of them, to apply themselves closely to the reading and examination of your Books; whereby they have found Difficulties in earnest, that seem to me to be truly so, and upon which, as I at first observed to you, I was forced to make my Appeal to you yourself. For I must confess that as Haughty as I was, upon my first Success, I am now reduced to such a Maze, as makes your Light and Assistance necessary to extricate me thence.  
'Tis now a Fortnight that these Gentlemen have desisted to urge any thing against your Doctrine; and three or four Conferences in the Interim have passed in the explaining your Sentiments, and resolving some Questions they proposed to me, upon several particular Passages of your Books, of which they thought, at least pretended that they thought, they did not rightly take the meaning. This was only a Stratagem they made use of to trapan me. I was well ware of that petty Conspiracy, which doubtless would have given me some disturbance, having to deal with Men of admirable Sense, had not the goodness of the Cause I managed, bore up my Courage and Resolution. To conclude, two Days since they braved it at an high rate; and promising or threatening in a short time, to confute the greatest part of your Metaphysics and your Physics, they told me they would immediately fall aboard the System of your Vortexes: That that was to attack you in the main part; and they questioned not but they had upon that Article, wherewith to ruin your Physics to all Intents and Purposes.  
Notwithstanding, whereas they are as Courtly and Obliging, as Ingenuous and Judicious, and besides were well persuaded of the difficulty of their Arguments, to save me that Perplexity and Confusion, in the trouble they foresaw I should be put to, in giving the Solution, they would not oblige me to answer them on the place: But were content to give them me in Writing, that I might return my Answer at my leisure: They only read them over to me, to see if I comprehended their Sense; and I protest to you, though I seemed to Vapour, I was extraordinary pleased in my Mind, with those little Differences which they paid me: For they argued only from Matter of Fact and Principles drawn Word for Word out of your Books, which they turned one against another, and made them destroy themselves in so plausible and probable a manner, as required M. Descartes himself, at least one better skilled than I am, to refute them. I shall transcribe the principal things of their Memoire, and in their own Expression. They have given it this Title.  

Objections offered a Cartesian by some Peripatetics, against the general System of M. Descartes' World.  
FIRST, they pretend to prove that the Posture and Array in which M. Descartes has marshaled his Matter, or his three Elements in his Vortexes, thwarts and contradicts his general Rules of Motion, which he gives himself, and the Properties he attributes to every of those Elements. And thence they'll draw such Consequences as entirely overthrow his Doctrine touching the Nature of Light.  
Secondly, they will show that his manner of explaining Light is no ways consistent with (not to repeat his Position of the Elements in the Vortexes, but) the very disposition of his Vortexes amongst themselves.  
Thirdly, they will prove, that by the Principles of M. Descartes, the Earth, no more than any other Planet, can be privileged with a Peculiar Vortex in the Vortex of the Sun. Which being once more Demonstrated, all M. Descartes' Astronomy is turned topsy-turvy, and the whole OEconomis of his World utterly routed and destroyed.   

The first Argument.  
1. We forthwith take for granted, that Master-Principle of M. Descartes, That every Body circularly moved constantly endeavours to eccentrick itself, and escape from the Circle it describes.  
2. From that universal Principle immediately follows this particular Consequence, that in a Vortex, where the Matter of the first, second and third Element are circularly moved, all three endeavour to acquire a Motion eccenctrick to the Vortex.  
3. We infer yet farther, from the same Principle, another Conclusion, That in that general Attempt, made by different Bodies thus agitated and confused, to deviate from the Centre of their Motion, those that are most agitated and are most fit for Motion, those, I say, must have the advantage and ascendent over the rest, to gain the Circumference of the Circle the Vortex describes, and consequently to compel the less agitated, and less fit for Motion towards the Centre of the Vortex.  
Though this Conclusion should have no visible and necessary Connection with the Principle, as indeed it has: Yet we might warrant our use of it, by producing M. Descartes to vouch the same thing, in several places of his Books, and particularly in his fourth Part of the Book of Principles. Where he gives the reason for the Motion of heavy Bodies towards the Centre by this same Proposition. 
Numb. 23.  That it was by virtue of that Principle, that in the Vortex of the Earth, Terrestrial Bodies are below the Air, and the Air below the Celestial Matter.  
To these we only add one more that M. Descartes frequently repeats, especially in the third and fourth Part of Principles, and in the eighth Chapter of his Tract of Light, viz. That the first and second Element have much more agitation, and are far more fit for Motion than the third, whose parts are ragged and branchy, and of a very irregular Figure.  
All this supposed, let us agree with M. Descartes, that Matter having been created such as he advances, God was able to divide, and actuate it with Motion, and that he effectively has divided it and moved it. Let us stop now, and fix our Imagination and our Thoughts upon that great Partition of Matter, or upon that Vortex, that hath the polar Star for its Centre. Let us conceive that portion of Matter, made up of an infinite number of little insensible Parts itself turned round, whilst all the little Parts are also turned about their proper Centre.  
From this Motion must arise the three Elements, that is, the most tightly subtle dust of the first Element, the little Balls of the second, and the ramous Parts of the third, all which are Parts of the same Matter differing from one another merely by their Figure and their Bigness.  
Whether the third Element be cotemporary with the other two, as M. Descartes seems in some measure to suppose in his Treatise of Light: Or, whether it be formed by the Conjunction of several Parts of the first Element hooked to one another, as he seems to teach in the Book of Principles: That Philosopher pretends, that in that justling and concussion of Matter, when it hath lasted long enough to break the Angles of most of the agitated Parts, the Matter of the first Element must be posted in two principal places. First, in the whole Space of the Vortex, where it ought to be dispersed, to fill exactly all the Intervals found betwixt the Balls of the second Element, whereof the whole Substance of the Vortex or the Heaven is composed; Secondly, at the Centre, whither it must be forced by the Balls of the second Element to descend, to constitute a Spherical and Fluid Body, which is nothing but the Star itself, that by the circular agitation of its Matter, and the struggle that Matter makes to procure its Enlargement from the Centre of its Vortex, thrusts the Globules of the second Element that is above it, to all Points imaginable, and communicating by their means that Impression to our Eyes, produces in them the sensation of Light.  
This is the Sum of all M. Descartes' fine Doctrine on this Subject. But we offer to demonstrate to him, by the aforesaid Principles, which are all his own, that it is not the Matter of the first Element, but the third that ought to constitute the Centre of the Vortex; and thus the Stars must not be luminous, nor the Sun any more than they, but all must be opaque Bodies, as are the Planets, the Earth, and solid Masses composed of the unactive and almost motionless Parts of the third Element, entangled and linked with one another.   

The Demonstration.  
When several Bodies or Parts of Matter are circularly moved together, those which have the least Agitation, and are least disposed for Motion, are the least able to make their escape from the Centre. And on the contrary, those that have most agitation, and are best disposed for Motion, are most able to make their escape, and compel the other downwards to the Centre. This is the third Principle I have supposed, after having deduced it from M. Descartes.  
But the Matter of the first and second Element have much more agitation, and are exceedingly better disposed for Motion than the Matter of the third. This is the fourth Principle which M. Descartes constantly supposes.  
Therefore the Matter of the third Element, not that of the first, aught to take up the Centre of the Vortex. Which is the Proposition to be demonstrated; and is contradictory to that of M. Descartes, on which he found'st his whole System concerning Light. Therefore the Sun and Stars must be dark, not resplendent Bodies. We charge nothing upon him here, but what is expressly his own; and we demand at the same time by which of his Principles, not knowing what to do with the Fragments of the blotches of the Sun, nor what use to put them to at the Centre, or near the Centre of the Vortex where they are gathered and dispersed, he makes them wrest and force themselves in to the midst of the Circumference, as branched and incapable of Motion as they are; and constitute a sort of Air, which, according to him, is extended as far as the Sphere of Mercury or farther? How comes it to pass that the first or second Element, 
P. 3. Prin. cip. numb. 100  that are either at the Centre or near the Centre, or immediately below these broken parts, resign so patiently the right they have by Virtue of their vehement agitation and proneness unto Motion, to the place the others get possession of towards the Circumference? And if once that irregularity and disorder, so opposite to the Laws M. Descartes hath established in his World be tolerated towards the Sun; why must a Stone that near our Earth shall be cast into the Air be violently retorted towards the Centre, by the Matter of the second Element below it, under pretence that the Stone hath usurped a place unbefitting its Quality, and only due to the Matter it hath displaced, on account of its vehement Motion?  
And thus it is that M. Descartes' Principles agree. Thus he is so very frugal as to make them serve for several purposes, even for contradictory Conclusions, with the assistance of some little Comparisons he can well enough manage, to the blinding those that read his Works but carelessly, and are commonly designed for nothing but to disguise his Paralogisms, and put off his Propositions that Reason cannot justify.   

The second Argument.  
In order to comprehend this Difficulty, we must suppose with M. Descartes, that all the fixed Stars are not contained in the Circumference of the same Sphere, nor equally distant from the Centre of the visible World. That some are sunk deeper in the vast Spaces of the Firmament, others dive nearer to the Centre of the World. We must also remember that each of them have their proper Vortex, of which they are themselves the Centre, and that those Vortexes are so many different Spheres ranged above, below, and on the sides of one another. As for Instance, we must conceive the Vortex of the Sun, in which floats our Earth, with the other Planets, as a fluid Sphere, surrounded with many others like it, which it touches in several points of its external Superficies, just as a Bowl encompassed on every side with other Bowls touches them all in different parts of its Circumference.  
S The Vortex of the Sun.  
This Figure will easily explain it, where the little Points at the Centre of the Circle represent the Matter of the first Element, or the Body of the Star. The Lines drawn out to the Circumference, represent the Celestial Matter, whose Rays concentre in the Eye placed at the Circumference of the Vortex.  
We presume to affirm, That in this Situation of the Vortexes, we who are in that of the Sun should not be able to see the Stars, Monsieur Descartes's Principles supposed.  
Let the Eye, placed in the other Figure to behold the Sun, be turned towards one of these Vortexes, to behold, for Instance, the Star B. we'll demonstrate by M. Descartes' Principles, that it is not possible to be seen.   

The Demonstration.  
The Eye can no ways obtain the sight of the Star B, but by means of the Rays or Lines of the Celestial Matter, pushed by that Impulse the Star B. causes in struggling to get from the Centre of its Vortex, which Impulse is communicated to the Eye, by its pressure and concussion of the Strings of the Optic Nerve. But this is impossible, supposing the Eye placed in the Vortex of the Sun. And thus we prove it.  
That Impulse must be communicated to the Eye by one of these two ways; either immediately by a Ray, or Line of Matter drawn from the Vortex of the Star and Terminating in the Eye; or mediately by a Line of the Solary Vortex, in which the Eye is placed, retorted on the Eye by the Vortex of the Star. As if the Line B, A. of the Stellary Vortex, should retort upon the Eye the Line A. C. of the Solary Vortex. For it is impossible to conceive the Star should cause any Impression on the Eye but by one of these two ways: But neither the one nor the other will serve our turn.  
Not the first, because the Vortexes, according to M. Descartes, have each their circumscribed and separate Sphere of activity, and a Motion altogether different. Insomuch that the Lines of the one are never blended with the Lines of the other: But end severally at the Circumference of their own Vortex; and if once that Communication or rather Confusion should be admitted, all would speedily return, into that confused and disorderly Chaos, from which M. Descartes will have his World extracted, by the only Laws of Motion; and farther, since there is no point in the Vortex of the Sun, wherein we cannot see the Star, the Matter of the Stars Vortex must necessarily possess all the Space of the Vortex of the Sun; than which nothing can be more absurd.  
Let us apply this to the Case in Dispute: We will imagine a Line of Celestial Matter reaching from the Eye to the Circumference of the Solary Vortex. The immediate Conjunction of that Line with the Eye is insufficient to produce the sensation of Light, unless something more be added. That than which must be added, is an impulse and pressure of that Line against the Eye, which will determine it to see; and this is the Doctrine of M. Descartes. But now whence comes that pressure in the Hypothesis before us? It cannot proceed precisely from that Line of Celestial Matter, seeing it makes a directly contrary Attempt, to withdraw itself from the Eye towards the Circumference of the Solary Vortex. It must then, if at all, proceed from the Line of the neighbouring Star's Vortex, that reflects the aforesaid Line against the Eye. But this making as forcible an Attempt to get from, as that to press it on the Eye; it is plain, that Effort and Impulse can no more reach the Eye, than can the Effort of the Hand that bushes the Staff, arrive to the Hand of the blind Man; and that the Eye admits no pression from the Celestial Matter requisite to cause the Perception of Sight: Like as the blind Man's Hand receives no Impression of the Staff, requisite to excite the Sense of Feeling, or to cause the Perception of the Staff; and consequently the Eye, placed in the Vortex of the Sun, will be as far from seeing the Star, as the blind Man from feeling the Staff.  
But if it be impossible to conceive the communication of the Effort and Impulsion of a Star, whose Vortex immediately borders on the Suns, what will become of the other Stars, whose Vortexes are infinitely distant from that of the Sun, and which must make a sensible impression on our Eye across a great many Vortexes, whose Matter is differently moved, and are all so many Obstacles to that Communication? Doubtless, though all we have been urging amounted not to a Demonstration, in respect of the Stars situate near the Sun, it would infallibly, in respect of all the other. So that instead of those infinite Stars, we see sparkling in the Firmament by night, we should not discover an hundred with the best Perspectives.  
What now if we should add it were impossible to see the Sun itself? Yet this may be proved by the same Principles; for no more is requisite for this, than that the Earth should have a particular Vortex, whose Motion should equalise and resist that of the Celestial Matter which the Sun bushes towards our Eyes. But so much is true, according to Descartes himself; for he expressly teaches, That the Earth hath a particular Vortex, whose Matter struggles as much as possible from the Centre. That effort is contrary to the effort of the Matter of the Solary Vortex on that side which is enlightened by the Sun. That effort is equal to that of the Matter of the Sun: Otherwise the Vortex of the Earth would run to ruin. Therefore the Impression of the Sun cannot be communicated to our Eye.  
What shall we say of the Planets and Comets, which are seen by the help only of the reflected Rays of the Sun, and that consequently are not so strong as if they were direct? If the Earth's Vortex, arguing on Descartes' Principles, is able to obstruct the latter, how much easier is it to obstruct the former, and hinders us from seeing all those Stars?  
All this seemed very difficult; and before we turned Cartesians, we had a mind to be satisfied thereupon. But one thing yet remains, and perhaps something better than ordinary, upon the particular Vortex of the Earth, which is Matter of a third Difficulty in us.   

The third Argument.  
This third Difficulty is well grounded on M. Descartes' Principles, and brings such weighty Consequences against the System of his World, as though all the rest were insignificant, would alone unravel the finest Contexture in it. He supposes the Earth to have a Vortex particular to itself in the great Vortex of the Sun. A Privilege also he confers on jupiter, but denies the Moon. He explains this Supposition in a plain and very familiar way, exemplifying it by those great Whirlpools we sometimes see in Rivers. In the midst of these great Whirlpools there are several little ones, that attend the Motion of the bigger, and are carried round their Centre, and at once whirl Chips and Straws about their own. Nothing could be better thought on for the making us understand how the Earth and jupiter, when carried about the Sun by the Matter of the Grand Solary Vortex, at the same time cause the other Planets to circuit about themselves; how the Moon is forced about the Earth, and four little Planets about jupiter. But as Ill-luck would have it, examining that Hypothesis by the Principles of our Philosopher, we found it absolutely impossible.   

The Demonstration.  
Either the particular Vortex attributed to the Earth is the same with what it had, whilst yet it was a Star; or else it is a new one, made since the Destruction of the other. We maintain that neither the one nor the other can be said. Therefore it can have none at all.  
S the Sun. T the Earth. A B C D the little Vortex of the Earth. N A C Z the great Orb wherein the Earth is carried round the Sun.  
M. Descartes takes this same course to communicate hi● Thoughts: He makes this Figure which represents the Vortex of the Sun, in which the Centre S is the Sun itself. The little Circle or Ellipsis designed with C. D. B. A. represents the Matter which carries the Planet round the Sun moves far swifter than the Planet. He explains, I say, this Supposition by the Simile of a Boat falling down a River, which goes on much slower than the Water that flows under it: A plausible comparison at first sight, but that has nothing solid in it: Since the reason of the Boats tardy Motion in respect of the Water that forces it along, is wanting in the Planet, steered in the midst of the Celestial Matter. The reason is this, that part of the Boat, which stands above the Water, meets with the opposition of the Air, which bends its course differently from the Water, and consequently resists the Motion wherewith the Water influences the Boat. And the greater that resistance is, as in a contrary Wind, the slower is the Motion of the Boat, in comparison with that of the Water. And the less the resistance is, as when the Wind stands fair, the swifter is the motion of the Boat: But this is not to be found in the Planet, plunged in the midst of the Celestial Matter: It preserves entirely all that Motion the Celestial Matter can impress upon it, free from all external Opposition. Besides, being of itself indifferent to Motion, or to rest, to such or such a degree of Motion, or this or that Determination, it offers no resistance, as M. Descartes himself speaks to the Matter of the Heaven.  
He gives next the reason of that inequality of Motion of the Celestial Matter, and of the Planet carried by it; which is (says he) that though such little Bodies, as are the insensible parts of the Celestial Matter, conspiring all together to act confederately against a great one, may be as prevalent as that; notwithstanding they can never move it in all respects so swift, as they are moved themselves; 'cause though they are united in some of their Motions which they communicate unto it, they infallibly disagree in others which they cannot communicate. Either we are mistaken, or this is a mere Gipsy-talk, at least in relation to the Business we are upon; and one of these Slights of Hand, we have observed M. Descartes from time to time to make use of, designedly to blind his Reader, and to conceal from him the Lameness and Imperfection of a Conclusion necessary to his System; which he is well ware of, but is unwilling any one else should see. 'Tis but bringing some pretty sort of Comparison that may prepare the Mind, and sooth and tame (if we may so speak) the Imagination of his Reader, though commonly it never comes up to the stress of the Difficulty; and then clapping on it for a Confirmation some abstracted Reason, that few either can or will take pains to understand, and the Business is done; foreseeing that being half-gained already by the Comparison, they will easily surrender themselves to the least appearance of Truth, which he shall give them a glimpse of in his reason, that often is a mere fallacy at bottom. And as for this before us: What matters it, though the little Bodies, that drive on a great one, should have several Motions? What tho' they do not communicate all these several Motions, provided they have still Strength enough to force it on, that the Body makes no resistance, that they all combine, as we suppose, with M. Descartes, to communicate the Motion requisite, and that we conceive them all pressing on its Surface, so as to push it towards the place where they are pushed themselves? For certainly in all these Circumstances, we must conceive it going at as great a rate as they.  
And yet from a Principle so weakly established as this, he concludes, That the Celestial Matter ought to move the Planet round its own Centre, and constitute a little Heaven about it, to turn at the same time as the great one. But not now to controvert that Supposition, as poorly proved as it is, let us pursue him in his reasoning; and to see if it be good, let us imagine the Earth T. as it were suspended in a Void, and let us fancy a Circle of Celestial Matter as thick as the Diameter of the Earth, that violently rushing like a Torrent, carries it suddenly away: But as we suppose this Torrent to be swifter than the Earth, methinks without having puzzled our Heads much with the Rules of the Determinations of Motion, we might readily conceive it, upon its violent dashing against the Earth, to be immediately divided in two Parts or Arms, whereof one should run above, the other below it; and whether we conceive this Stream of an equal, or a greater depth, than the Diameter of the Earth, it would diffuse itself round its Surface, above, below, and on every side. Whence it follows, that it would impress no Motion on it about its own Centre, but would moreover deprive it of that Motion if it had one; all the Lines of the Torrent counterpoizing one another, and resisting the Determinations they should meet with in the Earth contrary to their own.  
Here aught to be the foregoing Figure, p. 278.  
Now methinks in explaining these things thus, it is not a bare Similitude that we offer, but a perfect Idea of that which ought to happen in the Motion of the Celestial Matter, wherein the Earth is carried round the Sun,  
Wherefore then will Descartes have the Celestial Matter that carries the Earth, and insists against its Superficies towards A, making greater haste than the Earth, bend its whole Current from A to B, not suffering half of it to run from A to D? For 'tis impossible for things to be, or to be conceived otherwise. But if it ought to fall out thus, as questionless it ought, the Earth no longer-has a Vortex; since the Matter flowing from A to D, prevents that which flows from A to B from returning by C. D. Nothing can be more plain and evident than this Demonstration.  
But let us suppose per impossible, that the Matter when arrived at A, should entirely make a double, to run towards B. Would it make a Vortex? No by no means. For advancing from B. to C. and arriving at C. it ought to deviate from the Centre of its Motion, and continue its Progress towards Z. The Reason given for it in the Principles of Descartes, is, That▪ this is the very place in all the little Circle it had begun to describe, where it finds least resistance. First, because the Matter it meets in that same Point is already on its Motion towards Z. and freely resigns its place. Secondly, because that which is below it, that is to say betwixt D. and C. resists it, and hinders its Descent, being more weighty, according to M. Descartes. And thirdly, because the Circle C Z. is its natural place, according to the same Philosopher. It will flow therefore more towards Z. than D. and consequently make no Vortex.  
But let us farther suppose a Vortex made, and the Matter continuing its round, from A. to B. from B. to C. and from C. to A. would this Vortex last? Not at all. For we must suppose one of these three things: Either that it is stronger than the Vortex of the Sun, that is, its Matter has a stronger bent and tendency from its Centre, than the Matter of the Sun's Vortex has from his, or that it is weaker; or that they both are equal. If it is weaker it must be destroyed by the Vortex of the Sun. If stronger it must ruin his. It remains then that its Strength be equal with the Suns: And M. Descartes must unavoidably suppose it: But how will he prove it to us, I say not by a Demonstration (we will not put him on so hard a Task) but how will he bring the least Conjecture to give this Supposition a pretence to probability? Cannot we on the other side produce several Reasons to destroy this Supposition? Cannot we show, in case the Vortex of the Earth was as strong as that of the Sun, and the little Globules wrested themselves as forcibly from the Centre of their Vortex, that the Earth itself would appear a Sun▪ and so would jupiter to boot? Since that which makes the Centre of a Vortex to us seem luminous, is only the vehement Motion of its Matter? Though Descartes says the Centre would be drained of all its Matter, might not we however, imitating the Style of that Philosopher, compare the Vortex of the Sun quite from S. to D. to a vast Ocean, whose boisterous Tide swelling against the Stream of a little River, by which we illustrate the Vortex of the Earth, obliges it to fall back again, and adds a Determination to its Waters quite contrary to its former? But with Descartes for a Vortex to be destroyed, and for the Matter of the Vortex to take the Motion and Determination of another, is one and the same thing. Let M. Descartes but prove his Vortex of the Earth with the least part of the reason we have brought against it, or by as natural a Comparison as we have used to demonstrate it a mere Chimaera, and he need not fear to stand the Test, Sallies and Assaults, of the best of his Adversaries.  
What now if we should fall to examining the Difficulties that may be gathered from the little Planet in particular, I mean the Moon considered in the petty Vortex of the Earth? Should we probably find less Matter of Objection?  
Here aught to be the foregoing Figure, p. 278.  
We advance no more than this, that supposing the Moon when arrived at A. was carried on towards B. she ought to deviate from her Vortex in C. For first, That's the external Superficies of the little Vortex, as M. Descartes will not deny. Secondly, She Attempts to leave her Vortex, by his grand Principle of circular Motion. He pretends she cannot make her escape towards B. because the Matter of the Solary Vortex in that place is more light and active, and repels her towards the Centre. Nor can she, according to him, make downwards towards K. for that, says he, the Celestial Matter on that side is heavier than the Moon, and equally opposes her Descent: But we say she will get out of her Circle at C. and continue her Progress toward Z. For being in C. she finds no resistance, since the Matter of C. Z. is that of her own Circle, which is already on its March, and willing to give up its place. Besides, being in that place, she actually makes an Attempt to get rid of the Centre of her Motion, that is to say, of T. she therefore will accomplish her escape, since there is no Obstacle in that as is found in the other Points; and being cast out of her Circle, she will be obliged to continue her Journey towards Z. by the Matter placed above, and below her in the Circle, for the selfsame Reasons as are given by M. Descartes.  
Yet in spite of all this, it cannot be denied, but that M. Descartes had good reason to order his Suppositions of these things as he did. His System was too far advanced to think of stopping at so small an Obstacle as a Moon. All the Grandee-Planets were placed severally, according to the Quality and Preeminence their Solidity had given them. Madam Luna too was seated in the Circle of the Earth. There was only one little Inconvenience in the case, which was, that she must necessarily take a turn about the Earth, and consequently must be sometimes in the Earth's own Circle, and sometimes out of it. She must therefore have a little Vortex of her own. And this is the best, as also only reason that can be given for his making one on purpose: And setting this aside, the Laws of Staticks alone could never have prevailed with his Frugality, to put itself to that extraordinary Expense.  
We had not insisted so long upon this Article, had not we considered it as the capital Point in the Cartesian System; and as the Foundation of that prodigious Edifice, which has been taken in our days by so many, for the compleatest Mastery of a Human Mind. Let us see the Importance of our Demonstration by the Corollaries drawn from it.   

Consequences of the preceding Demonstration.  
The first Consequence belongs to Astronomy and the Phenomena of the Planets. For first of all, there being no such thing as a Vortex, the Moon turns no longer round the Earth, since, according to M. Descartes, the only reason of her circuiting is the Vortex that carries her aloft. Secondly the four Satellites of jupiter, must be cashiered of their Dignity and Employment, which they only enjoy on account of the continual Sentry they keep about him, and that by means of a particular Vortex attributed to that Planet, as well as to the Earth, in the grand Vortex of the Sun. For all that we have said of the Vortex of the Earth and of the Moon, aught to be applied to jupiter and his guard du Corpse.  
These two Particulars in Astronomy are considerable enough to assure us that the World of M. Descartes is not that of Gods own making, which we live in, but of a very different Architecture and Contrivance.  
The second Consequence respects almost all the principal Phenomena's of the lower World in general, whereof we'll only concern ourselves with the most considerable and easiest to be understood. 'Tis by the means only of the Vortex of the Earth, that the Cartesians, following their Master, explain the gravity of Bodies, and account for the Motion which they have towards the Centre of the Earth. For to instance, say they, when you cast a Stone up in the Air, it forces below it a Mass of the second Element, and Air equal to its bulk: But that same Mass has a far greater agitation, and is better disposed for Motion, and consequently has more power to spring fromward the Centre of its Vortex than the Stone that scarce contains any thing but the Matter of the third Element; and therefore must be compelled by the Matter of the second, to descend towards the Centre of the Vortex, which is to say, the Centre of the Earth. We may truly say then, that without a Vortex heavy Bodies would not fall downwards, on the contrary they would naturally fly upwards, and thus we should see Miracles and Wonders.  
According to the new System, the Sun as far out of Gun-shot of the Earth as he is, could not warrant his own Security, in case there should be a People that enraged at the heat and scorching of his Rays, should sometime join to give him an innumerable flight of Arrows. For these Arrows shot from the Earth, against the Sun, would fall in the circumference of his Vortex, and in the midst of the Matter of the second Element, which struggling all it can to get farther from the Centre of its Motion, would constrain the Bodies less capable of Motion than itself, to descend towards the Centre, that is to say, the Sun. Now these Arrows would be Bodies far less capable of Motion than the Matter of the second Element, therefore it would constrain them to fall towards the Sun: Undoubtedly a very surprising thing. And now we may easily give a reason for the Experiment that Father Mersennus formerly assured M. Descartes he had made; that in discharging a Musket perpendicularly towards the Zenith, 
Let. 3. Tom. 2.  the Bullet never came down again; for it must have infallibly been carried to the Sun.  
According to this System, when we have a mind to make a Voyage, I do not say to the Globe of the Moon as did Cyrano de Bergerac, but to the Sun itself, it will be the easiest thing to be accomplished of a thousand. We need but turn our Head perpendicularly towards the Sun, then give a little Spring to put ourselves in Motion, and to make room for the Matter of the Solary Vortex, that would come bounce against the Earth, to give our Heels a hoist, and this is all; For, according to the Principles of Descartes, it would give us such a flirt, as in a trice would dart us to that Luminary. In short, heavy Bodies would no longer make towards the Earth, but all would be upon the gallop to the Sun.  
What shall we say of the Flux and Reflux of the Sea; which is one of the choicest places in all M. Descartes Philosophy, and on which account there's no one but aught to lament the Misfortune of the Vortex? For by the assistance of that Vortex, M. Descartes and M. Rohault speak Marvels upon that insearchable Phenomenon of Nature. Which not only depends upon the Vortex itself, but upon the very Figure of it, which was made oval on purpose, and singularly for it, though probably it was not at first in the intention of the Philosopher. For never did Tragic Poet better and more artificially prepare the Incidents of his Piece, than M. Descartes has contrived his Conclusions. It would surprise one to see, in his deducing them, that one word, which he let fall careless by the way, and one would think without Design, should have been big with such an Infinity of Delicate Consequences. A Man wonders in the third part of his Principles, to see the figure of that Vortex, which is no better grounded than the Vortex is itself: But when in the fourth he sees the necessity M. Descartes had of it, to explain the Flux and Reflux of the Sea, he cannot choose but commend his Foresight and Precaution. Not but that, for all these pretty and specious Explications of the Phenomena of the Flux and Reflux of the Sea, the Cartesian System may be demonstrated false in that very Particular. We are convinced of this by those Reflections and Observations we have drawn from the best Mathematicians since M. Descartes' time. They demonstrate by the Observations of the Distances of the Moon, determined by her apparent Diameters, that that Planet is as remote in many of her Conjunctions and Oppositions, as in some of her Quadratures, and as near in some of her Quadratures, as in several Conjunctions and Oppositions. Hence it is false that the Apogy of the Moon is always in her Quadratures, and the Perigy in her Conjunctions and Oppositions. Wherefore it cannot be supposed that the Moon being in Conjunction and Opposition, is always in the little Diameter of the Elliptic Vortex, and in her Quadratures always in the great one.  
And yet it is upon this only Supposition that M. Descartes explains, and can explain, the inequality of the Tides in the Conjunctions and Oppositions, and in the Quadratures, as also of those we see in the Equinoxes and Solstices.  
Again, if when the Moon passed our Meridian, the pressure of the Air was remarkably so much stronger, than in an other Hour of the Day, it would be perceivable by the ordinary Experiments of Torricellus his Tube. Yet this difference has never been observed, though it must be very great: We could still give many other weighty Reasons against this System: But let it be how it will, take away its Vortex, and the Flux and Reflux must needs follow it.  
Lastly, according to M. Descartes it is the Celestial Matter of this Vortex, that having more Motion than is necessary to turn in twenty four Hours time about the Earth, employs the remainder to diffuse itself all manner of ways, and together with the Matter of the third and first Element causes that great variety of Effects and Bodies which we so much wonder at. So the Vortex being ruined, all goes to Wreck and Confusion, and returns to its Native Chaos. Wherefore it makes not only for the glory of M. Descartes, but for the Interest of all Mankind to save this Vortex. For what remains, we protest we should be wonderful glad to see the Solution of the Difficulties we have proposed against this and the other Points, upon which we shall resign ourselves entire and sincere Proselytes to Cartesianism.  
They proceeded farther to say, you used to attribute Properties to your Elements, which you was sure to take away again when they were not for your purpose. They gave me an Instance in the Matter of the first Element: You attribute as a Property to that Matter a great facility of division and readiness to change its Figure, so as easily to insinuate its self in every place, and fill all sort of Space whatever. But when 'tis brought for the Explication of the Nature of the Loadstone, that Propriety growing disadvantageous, Descartes thinks fit to change it for a contrary. There is occasion for a little Vortex of chamfered Matter round the Earth, and about each particular Loadstone, to give a Reason for the Qualities of that miraculous Stone. 
Part 3. princip.  These chamfered parts belong to the first Element. It formerly was nothing to them to accommodate themselves with the Figure of a Skrew, to pass and repass betwixt the Globules of the second Element. And now in issuing from the Earth, or from a Loadstone, the parts of Air are able to detain them. Instead of breaking and proportioning themselves to the Figure of the Parts of Air, and second Element mingled with it, they flock and settle in heaps about the Earth and about the Loadstone, where they constitute a Vortex. Those that enter by the Southern Pole are incapable of passing by the Northern, since their Figure can no longer be adapted to that Passage; and they farther demanded, upon that occasion, how it was possible those Snail-worked Parts, confined and stopped thus in a definite Space, having an intricate and confused Motion, one amongst another, approaching the Pole of the Earth, or Magnet that was proportioned to them, could so conveniently turn themselves an end, and present so cleverly their Point against the Pores, in order to their entrance in those Bodies. They pretended the contrary was more likely, and that generally the parts would present themselves across, and thereby make a Confusion capable of stopping all the rest, and damning up the Pores of the Earth and Magnet, so as to frustrate all those admirable Effects we see there. They advanced one Paradox more, which was a good Humour enough. Hitherto, said they, the most rational Philosophers have acknowledged, that no Physical Argument could be brought against Copernicus, to prove the Earth was not turned about its Centre. But M. Descartes who sides with that Astronomer in his Hypothesis, has furnished us with a very conclusive one against that Motion. His topping Principle is, That every Body circularly moved, attempts to wheel off the Centre of its Motion: This Principle is true: He thence concludes, that the Earth turning on its Axle, would fly in Pieces, unless the Bodies, of which it is composed, were closely pressed, and squeezed against one another by the Matter of the second Element. This Consequence is moreover evident in his System: But now let us see if that pressure of the Matter of the second Element is strong enough to overpower the Effort which the Parts of the Earth make to disengage themselves and get further from their Centre. This difficulty, said they, falls only on M. Descartes: For the School-Opinion is so far from owning such a Propensity in the parts of the Earth, to deviate from the Centre, as to suppose a quality and inclination that naturally buckles them unto it. Now upon comparing the pressure of Terrestrial Bodies one against another, by the Matter of the second Element, with the Effort Terrestrial Bodies make to get far off the Centre, the Effort must surmount the pressure: For the Effort is as great as the Motion that causes it, and the Motion is very great indeed, that can carry the Earth several Leagues each Minute; and on the contrary, Experience shows there needs but a very little Effort for the conquering the pressure, since no greater is requisite, than that a Child of four years old employs in Walking, to lift his Foot and separate it from the Ground, whereto the pressure of the second Element did fasten it. Wherefore it seems to be reasonably concluded, That the Earth turns not on its Axis, since if it did, we should all be hurled in the Air, pursuant, to M. Descartes' Principle, which yet at bottom is true in sound Philosophy. Thus this System affords an excellent Argument against that of Copernicus.  
They yet farther observed to me some peculiar Places and Points of your System, of the greatest Importance, which you advance, as they pretend, not only stripped and naked of all Proof, but against all Reason in the World; they particularly entreated me to read considerately and without prepossession, the second Number of the fourth Part of your Book of Principles, where having explained how the Vortex of the Earth was destroyed, and how there grew round that caked and crusted Star, a spacious Fleece of Air, you not only plunge it a great depth in the Solary Vortex, but also make that Sphere of Air keep pace, and wait upon it thither, and ever encompass it as it still descends. They pretend that Supposition which you throw in Gratis, and without all Confirmation, is inconceivable; and yet if it be false, it were impossible at present to have Air about our Earth: It is inconceivable, say they: For, according to M. Descartes, the Air is nothing but an heap of the Parts of the third Element, exceeding small, and very lose and disunited from each other, and extraordinary obsequious to the Motions impressed on them by the Globules of the second Element, in which they swim. But this being so, how comes it to pass the Earth, traversing those immense Spaces quite from its setting out, at the brink of the Solary Vortex, to the place in which it is, should still so preserve all the Air about it? How by the Principles of that Philosopher could that Mass of Air, being far less solid than the Mass of Earth, have the same Motion, the same Determination, and same Swiftness as the Earth? How chance those little Parts so lose and independent of each other, and so obedient to the Motions of the Celestial Matter, have not been dispersed by the rapidness of that Matter, which they stemmed, as the Dust is scattered by the Wind? But added they, how is this Mass of Air at present driven along with the Earth by the Celestial Matter? How has it all the same Motions? Is it against the Body of the Earth, or against the Globe of Air the Celestial Matter presses, to give both one and the other a Diurnal and an Annual Motion? Would not a Copernical Cartesian be hard put to't to unperplex himself of this Affair?  
I omit, Monsieur, many other Difficulties whose Solution probably I may find in the Answers your Goodness will, I hope, vouchsafe the others I have already noted in this Letter. But for what remains, I desire you to take the earnestness wherewith I writ to you, as an effect of that passionate Love you have inspired me with, of Truth, and especially to put a favourable Construction on my meaning. I have only transcribed your Adversaries Memoire in their own proper Terms and Language, and I presumed the respect I owed you, could not warrant my concealing or dissembling their insulting way of arguing. Which will serve to let you know how much it is for my Interest, and the Honour of our Sect, not to suffer them to triumph long.  
The great and important Business, the production of a new World at present finds you, joined to the indifference you have always had, and still have more than ever, for the Opinions and Thoughts of Men, might reasonably make you neglect and despise these mean and trifling Things. But those extraordinary Instances you have given me of your Favour, encourage me to hope you will have some Consideration of my Honour, and will not deny me your Hand to raise me from the Ground, where I must own myself a little foiled and disheartened. I desired the Reverend Father Mersennus to employ his Credit with you, to obtain this Favour, and at once to assure you, as I here do, with all the Submission and respect I am capable of, that I am with all my Heart and Soul,  
MONSIEUR, Your most humble, and most obedient Servant, and most zealous Disciple.     

The INDEX.  

PART I.  
THE different Relations given of the World of Cartesius. Page 1  
The Conversation of the Author with an old Cartesian, and the occasion of his Voyage to the World of Cartesius. 5  
Cartesius his Design of finding out the Secret of the Soul and Body's Union, as also that of separating and reuniting them when he pleased. 9  
Cartesius his Progress in the Study and Knowledge of Man. 10  
The Mystery of the union and separation of the Soul and Body, found out by Cartesius. 16  
The use of the Mystery. 19  
That Cartesius is not dead. 25  
The Secret of the union and separation of the Body and Soul known long before Cartesius. 30  
Cartesius retires into the indefinite Spaces, and makes preparation for the building of a World there like this of ours. 31  
The Author is invited by the old Cartesian and the Spirit of Father Mersennus to come to the building of Cartesius his World. 37  
The Author's discourse with the Soul of Father Mersennus. 39  
An Explication of the manner of the Apparition of Spirits. 42  
The adventure of a little Moor-Page to Regius Physician of Utrecht, formerly a Friend, but afterwards an Enemy of Cartesius. 45  
The Author's Soul is separated from his Body, by the secret of Cartesius. 51  
How according to the Principles of Cartesius all Bodily Operations may be performed as well in the absence as presence of the Soul. 53   

PART II.  
THE setting out of the Author with the old Cartesian and Father Mersennus, for the World of Cartesius. 56  
What the Air is, and of what parts it is composed. 57  
Wherein consists the fluidity of liquid Bodies. ibid.  
Motion naturally and of itself is perpetual. 61  
The falsity of Cartesius' Axiom, that there is ever an equal quantity of Motion in the World, taking the word Motion according to Cartesius' definition. 62  
The way that Spirits converse with one another. 67  
The Travellers meet upon their Road Socrates, Plato and Aristotle, and upon what occasion. 68  
Their discourse with those Philosophers, with some notable Particulars of their History. 71  
Aristotle refutes Cartesius his Method and Meditations. 79  
The old Cartesian and Father Mersennus railly upon the Sphere of Fire that Aristotle imagined. 86  
The Contradictions of Cartesius. 89  
His Disciples have endeavoured to smother one of them in the French Translation of his Works. 90  
A Suit commenced formerly against the Cartesians, relating to the Sphere of Fire. 94  
A description of the Globe of the Moon. 97  
Cyrano de Bergerac bantered by Socrates his familiar Spirit in the Globe of the Moon. 98  
The inequalities observed in the Moon are partly Seas and partly Lands, shared among the most famous Mathematicians and Philosophers, as they are to be seen in the Maps of that Country ibid.  
The Traveller's descent into Gassendus, and from thence to Mersennus 99  
They Traverse the Hemisphere of the Moon that is opposite to our Earth 100  
They are denied Admission at Plato, and why 101  
They arrive at Aristotle, which they find strictly g●●rded, as a Town under Apprehensions of a Siege 102  
The Author finds there, and knows again, his Regent in Philosophy, an old Professor of the University of Paris 103  
A Description of the Lyceum of the Moon 105  
The old Cartesian likewise remembers Voetius, the greatest Enemy Cartesius had in Holland 108  
Some particulars of the Life of Cartesius, and his Adventures whilst he stayed in Holland 109  
The Character of Voetius 112  
The Traveller's Negotiation with Voetius for the reunion of the Peripatetics and Cartesians 119  
A Project of Accommodation presented the Travellers by Voetius 122  
They continue their Voyage with two Peripatetick-Souls, that Voetius had deputed to accompany them to the World of Cartesius ibid.  
In their Way they light upon the Souls of Hermotimus and Ainia, a Roman Praetor, and Duns Scotus 123, etc.  
The Dispute of the Peripatetic Souls with Father Mersennus and the old Cartesian, concerning absolute Accidents, 127  
Cartesius his Explication of the Mystery of the Eucharist, not Catholic 130  
They meet with Cardan in the Globe of the Moon, in the Peninsula of Dreams; the reason of his Melancholy 132  
The Travellers return to Mersennus 133  
Their reading the Project of Accommodation given them by Voetius, containing a Confutation of a great part of the Cartesian Philosophy 134  
Cartesius' Demonstrations of the Existence of a God, refuted by a Mandarin of China 158  
The Arrival of the Voyagers to the World of Cartesius 172   

PART III.  
CArtesius his Reception of the Travellers 174  
The Discourse of the Author with Cartesius concerning the present State and Condition of the Cartesian Philosophy in our World 174, etc.  
Cartesius his Thoughts of that famous Experiment of the Gravity of the Air, said to be M. Paschals whereof Cartesius pretends to be the Author 181  
His Sentiments formerly of the Book of Conic Sections, said to be wrote by M. Paschal at sixteen Years of Age 182  
The Extravagant Praises of M. Paschal's Panegyrists, and of the Preface to the Book concerning the equilibration of Liquors 185  
Cartesius his Projects for propagating his Philosophy, whilst he was in our World 190  
How he designed to get the jesuits on his Side, and then the Fathers of the Oratory and M. Arnauld ibid.  
Decrees of the Congregation of the Oratory against Cartesianism and Jansenism 193  
The great Contest betwixt Malbranche Father of the Oratory and M. Arnauld. The Character of the former 196  
M. Arnanld compared with Admiral de Chatillon. 201  
Cartesius builds his World before the Travellers, and as he builds it explains to them the chiefest Points of his System 207  
The Confusion of Aristotle's Ambassadors 221  
The Return of the Travellers, and Arrival to our World 238  
In what Condition the Author's Soul found his Body; she is seated in quality of a Cartesian Soul, upon the Pineal Gland of his Brain 239   

PART IU.  
THE Zeal of the Author, converted to Cartesianism, to promote the Sect, and which he expresses in a Letter he wrote to Cartesius after his Return 242  
He is much perplexed by the Ingenious Peripatetics 243  
The Ordinary Arguments against Cartesius his System proposed and refuted 244  
The Author sometimes sides with Cartesius, to refute him more easily 246  
Motion of Matter seems not impossible in the Cartesian System 248  
A new Method of proving it possible 250  
Other Difficulties drawn from Cartesius his own Principles, proposed by the Peripatetics to the Author, whose solution he desires of Cartesius 259  
The first Argument: That by the Principles of Cartesius, the Sun and Stars may be proved opaque Bodies, as are the Planets of the Earth 260  
Argument 2. That by Cartesius his Principles we could not see the Stars nor the Sun itself 265  
Argument 3. That Cartesius his Principles supposed, it is impossible for the Earth to have a particular Vortex in the great Vortex of the Sun 276  
The Consequence of the preceding Demonstration in Astronomy and Physics. The Moon could no longer turn about the Earth; nor the Satellites of Jupiter about him 287  
Heavy Bodies would not descend to the Centre of the Earth, but would fall towards the Sun ibid.  
There would be no flux or reflux of the Sea 289  
The General Principle of all the Physical Effects of the lower World quite over-turned 291  
Cartesius his Inconstancy concerning the Properties of his Elements 293  
The Physical Arguments that are weak against Copernicus, touching the Motion of the Earth, are strong against the Cartesians 294  
Propositions of very great importance in Physics, advanced without Proof, and supposed against all Reason by Cartesius 296  
The Author importunes Cartesius to send him the Solution of all these Difficulties 297   
The END.