A SHORT VIEW OF THE Late Troubles IN ENGLAND; Briefly setting forth, Their RISE, GROWTH, and TRAGICAL CONCLUSION. As also, some Parallel thereof with the BARONS-WARS in the time of King HENRY III. But chiefly with that in France, called the HOLY LEAGUE, in the Reign of HENRY III. and HENRY iu late Kings of that Realm.  
To which is added A Perfect Narrative of the Treaty at Uxbridge in an. 1644.  
OXFORD Printed at the THEATER for MOSES PITT at the Angel in St. Paul's Churchyard, London. MDCLXXXI.   


Carolus Primus D. G. Anglia Scotia Francia et Hibernia Rex F. D.    

THE PREFACE.  
THat all Rebellions did ever begin with the fairest Pretences for Reforming of somewhat amiss in the Government, is a Truth so clear, that there needs no manifestation thereof from Examples. Nor were they ever observed to have greater success, than when the Colours for Religion did openly appear in the Van of their armed Forces; most men being desirous to have it really thought (how bad and vile soever their practices are) that zeal to God's glory, is no small part of their aim. Which guilded bait hath been usually held forth to allure the Vulgar, by those, whose ends and designs were nothing else, than to get into power, and so to possess themselves of the Estates and Fortunes of their more opulent Neighbours.  
Should I look far backwards for discovery of the first source and fountain, whence that viperous brood, which not long since hath so miserably infested these Kingdoms, did spring, of whose unparallelled practices the ensuing Narrative doth specially take notice; I must ascend to the times of Moses and Aaron (the one the supreme Magistrate, the other the chief Priest): Corah, Dathan, and Abiran, then rising up, and taking upon themselves an authority equal with those chosen servants of God; and saying that all the Congregation was Holy. In like manner afterward when Absolom the rebellious son of David risen up against his father, there was a demure face of Godliness put on, of a solemn vow to be performed to God at Hebron; and large promises of reformation of all abuses in Government were made by the unnatural usurper.  
This sort of practice continued in the jewish Church till the time of the Gospel, as is conspicuous enough from the words of our blessed Saviour, where he speaks of the Scribes and Pharisees; that they did outwardly appear righteous unto men, but within were full of Hypocrisy and Guile; devouring Widows houses; and for a pretence making long Prayers: Our Lord in the xith and xvith Chapter of St. Luke, making likewise a farther Description of them. St. Paul also in his Epistle to Timothy, plainly foretelling us, that such should again spring up in the last times Men (saith he) who shall be Lovers of themselves, covetous, boasters, proud etc. Traitorous, heady, highminded etc. having a form of Godliness, but denying the power thereof.  
Now, that the offspring of these, did more or less infest the world throughout all aftertimes, would be no difficult thing to manifest, were it here necessary or convenient; In the time of heathen persecution of Christianity, risen up Novatian the father of the Cathari or Puritans; to whom may be added Donatus and his followers, who confined Godliness to themselves; and religion to Africa their country. After the settlement of the Church in Christian Emperors, appeared Aerius the first inventor of Presbytery; which though it seemed a long time dead, has been of late raked out of its ashes, and made to trouble and set on fire the Western Church.  
As to the usual practices of the men of this sect, there is nothing more clear, than that Religion, nay the Reformation thereof to its purity, hath been the thing which they have ever cried up: and that meekness, sanctity and the power of Godliness, are the Cloaks in which they have always at first showed themselves; by which plausible devices, they have captivated thousands. But it is no less evident, that having by this means got power into their hands; destruction of civil Government, Rapine, Spoil, and the greatest mischiefs imaginable, have been the woeful effects of those their Specious pretences; whereby they have really verified that expression of our Saviour; viz. that they were of their father the Devil, and the Works of him they should do.  
But to come nearer my present business.  
That the Actions of our late times, chiefly from the year 1637 till 1660, can be easily forgotten; or that there is any need of reviving the memory of them to this present Age, 'tis not to be imagined. Nevertheless, for their sakes, who are ignorant of the means and preparations made in order to those grand Exploits, then done: and that Posterity may have a short view thereof, I have adventured upon the publishing of this Discourse which was long since compiled. Wherein I first deduce our late Troubles in England, and other his Majesty's Realms, from the principles of those persons; who, about an hundred and fifty years before, under the same Hypocritical pretences, did greivously infest Germany. And, having finished that Narrative as particularly and fully as I may; afterwards manifest, that the original project of our chief Contrivers here, was to reduce the King to Necessities; and thereby to expose him to the use of such extraordinary ways of Supply, as might most conduce to the raising of discontent amongst all his good Subjects. Which they did, by engaging first his father in a war for the Palatinate, and their failing to assist him, notwithstanding their most solemn promises.  
As also by planting Schismatical Lectures in most corporateTowns, and populous places throughout the Realm; so to poison the people with Antimonarchical principles.  
In the next place I shall take notice of the rise and progress of the late troubles in Scotland, which were the Prologue to these of ours.  
Then of the Scottish Invasion, which occasioned the unhappy long Parliament, and likewise of some proceedings in that Parliament, before the predominant party therein did put themselves in Arms.  
After this I shall point at the dissolution of the Presbyterian power, and growth of the Independent, whereupon ensued the nefarious murder of King Charles the first: and after that, such confusions, as made way for the happy Restoration of our present Sovereign King Charles the second.  
Which being done, I shall make some observations upon their first fair and smooth pretences, set forth in several Declarations and Remonstrances, by which the too credulous people were miserably deluded, and drawn from their due Allegiance.  
And lastly give some brief Account of those Actings by the Rebellious Barons here, in the time of King Henry the third, which had most resemblance with the practices of these our pretended Reformers. As also show how exact a parallel these great Masters in mischief have held with those of the Holy League in France: whose Rebellion terminated, in some sort as ours did, in the Murder of their King.  
What falleth within my own cognisance, I deliver with mine own words: what is beyond my knowledge, in the words of my Authors; most of which I have quoted; the rest being taken from the common Mercuries, and other public-licensed Narratives of the chiefest occurrences in those times.  
If the Reader think it disproportionat that so particular an account is given of the counsels and proceedings leading to the Rebellion; but one more brief of the transactions in it: He may be pleased to know that the Author being not a military man, was more enabled to relate what past in counsel than in the field. The Diary part until the year 1646, was composed at Oxford, in the time of the late troubles, before that Garrison of his Majesty was rendered up to General Fairfax, as the Original copy will apparently show; which hath been seen and read by several persons of great honour and credit, many years since, who are yet living, and upon occasion, if need be, will assert the same. Which original was a good while since, with little variation transcribed for the Press; and has now for many months been out of the Author's hands, and far distant from him, in order to the publishing thereof; so that he has wanted opportunity to review, piece by piece what he had written; or correct the errors which in so long a work must needs escape; for which the Readers candour is desired.  
If the Reflections on what is past, are sometimes severe, let it be imputed to the just indignation conceived against those men, who under specious pretences masked the most black designs; and an abhorrence of those proceedings which embroiled the nation in a civil war; perfidious in its rise, bloody in its prosecution, fatal in its end, and which to this day proves mischievous in its consequents.  
When the subjects of this miserable Kingdom had murdered the defender both of us and of our faith; and driven away his children, Princes and Nobles, into strange lands; bidding them, as David speaks on a like occasion, go serve other Gods; the divine vengeance gave us the natural product of this sin of ours, several of our Princes and great men, returning back corrupted in their principles, and tainted with the religion, wherewith they long conversed. And in like manner, when men had for a long time falsely cried out of the intentions to bring in Popery, thereby the more easily to destroy the Protestant Religion by Law established; the same divine justice has permitted the whole Protestant Religion, to be now under the greatest danger imaginable, by the real plots, and execrable machinations of Papists among us at this day; who, both in this and our sister Kingdoms, by Combinations among themselves, and by fomenting divisions among us, have gone very far towards the ruin of our Church, and subversion of the State; and say of both, there there, so would we have it; down with them, down with them even to the ground. But that alpowerful God, who by miracle so lately restored unto us our Religion and our Laws, will as we hope and earnestly pray, preserve them still against the joint attemts of Popery on the one hand, and Fanaticism on the other; and make his Jerusalem a praise in the earth. In which prayer all true Protestants; and, what is commensurat thereto, all loyal Subjects, will join their suffrage and say, Amen.   

A Short View of the Late Troubles IN ENGLAND.  

CHAP. I.  
THE chief design of this ensuing Discourse being to show the mischievous fruits of Hypocrisy; which is, under the colour of Sanctity to act any sort of wickedness: And that these great pretenders to Godliness were they who have been the chief disturbers of our blessed peace; I shall observe, that upon the departure, long since, of most of the Subjects of this Realm from the Church of Rome, by reason of its apparent corruptions; there were some, who did unhappily infuse into sundry well meaning people, a bad opinion of our Reformation. These were men of proud and peevish Spirits, who had not light enough in themselves to discern the truth, because they wanted learning to search into Antiquities; nor knowledge to trace those of that Church in the paths by which they had deviated from the Doctrine of Christ and his holy Apostles; and so (by reason thereof) ran from one extremity to another. Thus slighting the authority of the learned and pious Reformers, who showed the Errors of the Romish Church, such a liberty to the private Spirit, was at that time by them allowed, as at last, when the giddy multitude became in that sort deluded by those their false Teachers, every Brainsick person stamped the Seal of God's Spirit upon his own false and erroneous conceits.  
Which false Teachers, among other their Artifices to captivate the Vulgar, and to beget a disaffection in them to that reverend Ecclesiastical Discipline which was then established, have cunningly suggested to them, that all the Reformed Churches in foreign parts, do utterly dislike thereof, as too much favouring of the Romish pollutions. And by this subtle insinuation, though most notoriously false, 
* See a view of the Government and public Worship of God in the Churches beyond Sea; by Dr. durel. impr. Lond. 1662.  have so far prevailed upon their Proselytes, that they do not only refuse to communicate with us in our Divine Offices; but in that, and whatever else their own vain fancies do prompt them, are become disobedient and refractory to the superior powers which God hath ordained.  
They who would know more of these things, may repair unto the Relations of such learned men, as have written of our Reformation, and make their own observations thereon; as also upon what I shall further say in this Historical Work, whereunto I refer them; beginning with the Anabaptists of Germany, from an Author 
* Guy de Bres contre Perreur des Anabaptists. p. 5.  of good credit.  
They had always in their mouths (says he) those great things, Charity, Faith, the true Fear of God, the Cross, the Mortification of the Flesh. All their exhortations were to set light of the things in this world; to account Riches and Honour's vanity.  
They were solicitous of men of Fasts, 
Ib. p. 118, 119, 120.  and to often meditations on Heavenly things. Wherever they found men, in Diet, Attire, Furniture of House, or any other way observers of Civility and decent Order; such they reported as being carnally and earthly minded.  
They so much affected to cross the ordinary custom in every thing, 
Ib. p. 177.  that when other men used to put on better attire, they would be sure openly to show themselves abroad in worse.  
The ordinary names of the days of the week, they thought it a kind of profaneness to use; and therefore accustomed themselves, to make no other distinction than by numbers.  
From this they proceeded unto public Reformation; first Ecclesiastical, and then Civil. Touching the former, they boldly vouched, that themselves only had the Truth, which thing, upon peril of their lives, they would at all times defend; and that since the Apostles lived, the same was never before in all points sincerely taught. Wherefore, that things might be brought again to that integrity which Jesus Christ by his word requireth, they began to control the Ministers of the Gospel, for attributing so much force and virtue unto the Scriptures of God read; whereas the Truth (said they) was, that when the word is said to engender faith in the Heart, and to convert the soul of man, or to work any such spiritual divine effect, these speeches are not thereunto appliable, as it is read and preached; but as it is engrafted in us by the power of the Holy Ghost, opening the eyes of our understanding, and so revealing the Mysteries of God.  
No marvel was it, 
Ib. p. 27.  to see them every day broach some new thing, not heard of before; for they interpreted that restless levity, to be their growing to spiritual perfection, and their proceeding from faith to faith.  
But the differences amongst them, 
Ib. p. 65, & 66.  growing by this means in a manner infinite, there was scarcely found any one of them, the forge of whose Brain was not possessed with some special Mystery. Whereupon, although their mutual contentions were most fiercely prosecuted amongst themselves, yet when they came to defend the Cause, common to them all, against the adversaries of their faction, they had ways to lick one another whole; the founder in his own persuasion, excusing the Dear Brethren, who were not so far enlightened.  
Their own Ministers they highly magnifyed, 
Ib. p. 71.  as men whose Vocation was from God: 
Ib. p. 124.  but their manner was to term others Disdainful Scribes and Pharisees; to account their calling a humane Creature, and to detain the people, as much as might be from hearing them.  
The custom of using Godfathers and Godmothers at Christen, 
Ib. p. 748.  they scorned: and hated conformity to the Church, 
Ib. p. 122.  in observing those solemn Festivals which others did; in as much as Antichrist (they said) was the first Inventor of them.  
The pretended end of their civil Reformation was, that Christ might have dominion over all; that no other might reign over Christian men but He●and for this cause, they laboured with all their might in overturning the Seats of Magistracy.  
Certain it is, 
Ib. p. 40.  that these men at first, were only pitied in their error; 
Ib. p. 6.  the great Humility, Zeal, and Devotion, which appeared to be in them, being in all men's opinion, a pledge of their harmless meaning. Whereupon Luther made request unto Frederick Duke of Saxony; that within his dominion they might be favourably dealt with and spared; for that (their error excepted) they seemed otherwise right good men. By means of which toleration, they gathered strength, much more than was fafe for the State of the Commonwealth, wherein they lived. For they had their secret meetings in Corners, and Assemblies in the night, the people flocking unto them by thousands.  
Nor were the means, 
Ib. p. 420.  whereby they both allured and retained so great multitudes ineffectual; viz. First, a wonderful show of Zeal towards God. Secondly, an hatred of Sin, and a singular love of Integrity. Lastly, a cunning sleight which they had to stroke and smooth up the minds of their followers; as well by appropriating unto them all the favourable titles, the good words, and the gracious promises in Scripture; as by casting the contrary always on the heads of such as were severed from that retinue.  
And in all these things, 
Ib. p. 27.  being fully persuaded, that what they did, it was in obedience to the will of God, and that all men should do the like; there remained after speculation, practice, whereby the whole frame thereunto (if it were possible) might be squared.  
But seeing that this could not be done without mighty opposition and resistance against it: 
Ib. p. 6.  therefore to strengthen themselves, they secretly entered into a League of Association; concluding, that as Israel was delivered out of the Egypt of the world's servile thraldom, to sin and superstition. As Israel was to root out the Idolatrous nations, and to plant instead of them, a people which feared God. So the same Lords good will and pleasure was now, that these new Israelites, should under the conduct of other joshuas, sampson's and gedeon's, perform a work no less miraculous, in casting out violently the wicked from the Earth, and establishing the kingdom of Christ with perfect Liberty.  
But these men in whose mouths at the first sounded nothing but mortification of the flesh, were come at the length, to think they might lawfully have their six or seven wives apiece. They who at the first, thought judgement and justice itself to be merciless cruelty; accounted at the length, their own hands sanctified with being imbrued in Christian blood. They who at first were wont to beat down all Dominion, and to urge against poor Constables, Kings of Nations; had at the length, both Consuls and Kings of their own erection amongst themselves. Finally, they who could not brook at first, that any man should seek, no not by law the recovery of his goods injuriously taken, or withheld from him; were grown at the last to think they could not offer unto God more acceptable sacrifice, then by turning their adversaries clean out of House and Home; and by enriching themselves with all kind of spoil and pillage.  
For a further Character of them, 
An. 1525. Sleidans Comment. lib. 5. f. 55. a. b.  Sleidan tells us; that Muncer, by his new Doctrine, touching goods to be in common, 
Ib. f. 56. b.  incited the Boors of Franconia and Turingen, to undertake the Holy-war (as he called it) against their Princes; telling them, that he was commanded of God to destroy all wicked Princes, and substitute new ones in their places; and that they were called indeed Princes, but were Tyrants. Moreover, that they would not restore unto the people their liberty; nor permit them to have the true Religion and service of God: exhorting them rather to die then to allow their wickedness, and suffer the Doctrine of the Gospel to be taken from them; and therefore to play the men, and gratify God, in destroying such unprofitable people.  
Likewise, 
Ib. 59 b.  that this their great zeal towards God, and outward humility, got them in the beginning many followers; for their demands were, first, that they might choose them such Ministers, as should preach God's word sincerely, without any mixture of men's traditions. Secondly, that thenceforth they would pay no Tithes, but of Corn only; and the same to be distributed by the discretion of good men; partly to the Ministers of the Church; partly upon the poor; and partly upon common affairs. Thirdly, that they had till that time, been unworthily kept in Bonds, considering how they were all made free in the blood of Christ. Fourthly, that they refused not to have a Magistrate, knowing that he is ordained of God, and would obey him in all honest things; but could not abide to be any longer bound, unless it were showed reasonable by the testimony of Scripture. Fifthly, 
Ib. f. 63. a.  that in all their Letters, which they wrote to provoke and allure others to their fellowship; they made their boast that they took up arms by God's Commandment; and for a certain love and zeal to the Commonwealth, to the intent the Doctrine of the Gospel might be set forth, augmented, and maintained. And sixthly, that Truth, Equity, and honest living might reign and flourish: as also, that they might so provide for them and theirs, that ●henceforth they should not be oppressed with any violence.  
And that when they had thus, at few words, declared the cause of their enterprise, they would then command their Neighbours to arm, and come unto them immediately, and help them: If not, then would they threaten to come upon them, with all their force. But, having gotten the power and Arms into their hands, they committed divers horrid outrages; 
Ib. f. 64. b. & 65. a.  insomuch as Luther exhorted all men, that they would come to destroy them as wicked thieves and parricides, in like case as they would come to quench a common fire; having most shamefully broken their faith to their Princes; taken other men's goods by force, and cloak all this abomination and wickedness, with the cover of Christianity: which (saith he) is the vilest and unworthiest thing that can be imagined.  
In Suevia and Franconia about forty thousand Peasants took Arms; robbed a great part of the Nobility, plundered many Towns and Castles, Muncer being their chief Captain: so that the Princes of the Empire, Albert Count of Mansfeild, john Duke of Saxony, and his x George, Philip the Landgrave of Hesse, and Henry Duke of Brunswick, were necessitated to raise what power they could; and having offered them pardon upon submission, and delivering up their principal Leaders, 
Sleidans Com. f. 57  which was refused; marched against them. But Muncer preparing for Battle, encouraged his followers; crying out to them to take their weapons, and fight stoutly against their Enemies, singing * 'a Song, 
Thus did the Rebels here in England at the last Battle of Newberry 27. Oct. 1644.  whereby they called for help of the Holy Ghost. The success of which Battle was, that the Rebels at the first onset, were soon put in disorder, and above five thousand slain on the place: and that Muncer fled and hid himself: but being found and brought to the Princes, was (with his fellow Phifer) beheaded at Mulhuse.  
And about the year 1535, 
An. 1535.  john of Leyden (a Tailor by trade, and of this Tribe) preaching the Doctrine of Rebaptisation, so much infected the inferior sort of people, by the means of private Conventicles, that his followers grew numerous, and exercised violence against those that were not of their Sect. At last robbing their adversaries, and gathering together in great Troops, they possessed themselves of the strongest part of the City of Munster; declaring, that all such as were not rebaptised, aught to be accounted Pagans and Infidels, and to be killed. His Companions were Rosman and Cnipperdoling, who gathered together to that City great numbers of the base sort of people: and seeing their strength, chose new Senators of their own Sect, 
Sleidan ut supra lib. 1. f. 131. b.  making Cnipperdoling the chief; who taught that the People might put down their Magistrate. And albeit that the Apostles had no commandment to usurp any jurisdiction: yet such as were their Ministers of the Church, aught to take upon them the right of the Sword, and by force to establish a new Commonwealth. Hereupon they spoiled the Suburbs, and burned the Churches; so that the Bishop of Munster (who was Lord of the City, and forced out) besieged them; the neighbour Princes giving assistance: which siege continuing long, the famine grew to be such, as that the besieged miserably perished in great numbers: and at length the besiegers forcing their entrance by assault, slew many, took the Ringleaders; and having put them to death, hanged their Bodies in several Cages of Iron on the highest Towers of that City. Thus far Sleidan.  
It is not unworthy observation, that divers of these German fanatics, to the end they might at that time be the better known to those of their own Sect, did cut their hair round, as Petrus Crinitus (an Author of good credit) in his Book de Bello Rusticano Tom. 3. pag. 209. averreth. 
* Agmen tonsile a rotund detonsis capitibus.  From which example, there is no doubt but that these of ours took their pattern, whence they were generally called Roundheads.  
Concerning these men, the testimony likewise of Mr. john Calvin, may (I presume) be here not unfitly produced; as well for other respects, as for that he lived in that time.  
Olim 
* Calvin's Comment on the Psalms f. 330. Psal. 71. verse 14.  Fanatici homines (saith he) ut sibi applauderent in sua inscitia, jactabant, Davidis exemplo, spernandas esse omnes literas, sicut hodie Anabaptistae; non alio praetextu se pro spiritualibus venditant, nisi quod omnis scientiae sint expertes. Brainsick men, in times past, would take example from David, to despise all learning, as now our Anabaptists; who only hold themselves inspired with gifts because they are ignorant of all literature. And he addeth, 
* Calvin advers. Anabap. Art. 2.  Cum sub specie studii perfectionis, imperfectionem nullam tolerare possumus, aut in corpore, aut in membris Ecclesiae, tunc Diabolum nos tumescere superbia & hypocrist seducere moneamur. Whereas under the colour of a desire of perfection, we can tolerate no imperfection, either in the body or the members of the Church; then may we be admonished, that it is the Devil which puffeth us up with pride, and seduceth us with hypocrisy. And in another place he further saith, Quia nulla specie illustriori seduci possunt miseri Christiani etc. Because silly Christians, who with a zeal to follow God, cannot by any more notable show be seduced, then when the word of God is pretended; the Anabaptists (against whom we write) have that evermore in their mouths, and always talk of it.  
There is an undoubted Tradition, that upon the suppressing of this pernicious Sect in Germany, many of them fled into the Netherlands; and that thence ●●70 Ships laden with some, got into Scotland, where they first propagated their mischievous Principles. Which within a short time spreading hither, have not a little endangered the utter ruin of Church and State. For that they soon after arrived here to a considerable increase, it may very well be concluded, from what the same person hath expressed, in an Epistle of his, 
Calvin. Epist. p. 67.  written to Edward Duke of Somerset, then Protector to King Edward the sixth, in these words: Amplissime domine, Audio esse duo seditiosorum genera, etc. Sir, I hear there are two sorts of seditious men among you, who lift up the head against the King, and state of the Kingdom; the one are a sort of Giddy-headed men, who promote their sedition under the name of the Gospel. The other are so hardened in the superstitions of Antichrist, that they cannot endure a revulsion of them; and both these must be restrained by the revenging Sword, which the Lord hath put into your hand; since they rise up not only against the King, but against God himself, who hath placed the King in his Royal Throne, and made you Protector of his person, and his Royal Majesty.   

CHAP. II.  
ANd, as this evil Generation, became at that time first transplanted hither, upon the dissipating of those German Sectaries; so had it shortly afterwards, much furtherance in its growth from some persons of more able parts, and of no mean quality; who having embraced the Reformation here, in the time of King Edward the sixth; to avoid the storm in Queen Mary's Reign, fled beyond Sea: where having formed sundry congregations (as at Francfort, Strasburg, Geneva, and other places) they devised such new models of Discipline (but all of them more or less favouring of those Tenets) as upon their return, after the death of that Queen, not a few both of the Clergy and Laity, were unhappily tainted therewith. And at length, through the countenance of some chief Ministers 
* Dudley Earl of Leicester, and Secretary Walsingham.  of State, who then seemed to favour them for certain private respects, became dangerous Enemies, not only to the Doctrine and Discipline of this Church, but to the very temporal Government of the Realm, as by their heterodox opinions, which they boldly promoted and spread under the specious Title and name of the Gospel, will evidently appear: of which I have here thought fit, 
The principles of the Puritans. R. A. Conf. of Brow. p. 113. Corda Angl. prop. 16. Barrow Disc. p. 236.  out of their own Books and Writings to give a Taste.  
Lay men may teach to get Faith.  
Lay men may preach to Congregations, to exercise their abilities.  
Every member of the Church hath power to examine the manner of administering the Sacrament.  
That to have a Liturgy, 
Barrow Ref. p. 244.  or form of prayer, is to have another Gospel.  
Some Protestants are of opinion, 
Christ on his Throne f. 67.  that Ordinances cannot be performed but by a Prelate, or at least by Ministers only, without whose Imposition of Hands it were no Ordination, as if it did confer such an order: whereas the prime and proper conferring of this Order, is by Christ himself, inwardly calling and gifting a man for the work of the Ministry.  
To the people belongeth the laying on of Hands, 
Prelacy misery f. 7.  as a token of their approbation, and confirmation of him that is chosen.  
Arch-Bishops and Bishops are superfluous members of the Body of Christ. 
Ha'y' any work etc. p. 14. 15. 20. 21.  They are unlawful, false, and bastardly Governors of the Church: they are the ordinances of the Devil; 
Also Mart. Marprel. in his Epistle to the terrible priests. Sion's plea. 155.  yea they are petty-popes', petty-Antichrists, Bishops of the Devil, and incarnate Devils.  
If the Hierarchy be not removed, and the Sceptre of Christ's Kingdom, namely his own Discipline advanced, there can be no healing of the sore.  
If the Parliament do not abrogate the government of Bishops, 
Supplic. an. 29. Eliz. p. 25 Bancroft f. 50.  they shall betray God, the Truth, and the whole Kingdom.  
Though the Parliament be for Bishops; 
Unlawfulness of unlimited Prelacy f. 12. Bancroft f. 169.  yet all the Godly and Religious will be against them.  
If the Brethren cannot obtain their wills by Suit, nor Dispute, the multitude and people must work the feat.  
Reformation of Religion belongs to the Commonalty. 
Knox to the Commonalty f. 49. 50. T. Cartw. lib. 2. p. 48.   
Christian Sovereigns ought not to be called Heads under Christ, of the particular invisible Churches within their dominion.  
They ought not to meddle with the making of Laws, 
Ib. lib. 1. p. 192.  Orders, and Ceremonies for the Church.  
The people may well enough be without Kings; 
Covenanters Inform. for Defensive. Arg. 3.  for there was none till Cain's days. These therefore being their Principles; that their continued Practices have been suitable thereto, is not unknown to many; viz. to subject all Princes and Governors to their own Rule and Authority: and in ordine ad Spiritualia, to determine in temporal matters.  
Hence I shall proceed a little farther, and out of their own Writings, make manifest, what a noise they have made, that their Discipline, founded on these Principles, might be firmly settled.  
The establishing the Presbytery (saith T. Cartwright) is the full placing of Christ in his Kingdom. 
Lib. 1. p. 3.   
The Presbyterian Discipline is the Sceptre of Christ, swaying his own House according to his hearts desire: 
Sion's plea.  the Soul; the Chief Commander in the Camp Royal.  
Huic Disciplinae omnes orbis Principes & Monarchas, 
Travers de Discipl. Eccl. p. 142.  fasces suas submittere, & parere necesse est. There is a necessity that all Princes and Monarchs should submit their Sceptres, and obey this Discipline.  
This Discipline ought to be set up, 
Exhort. to Engl. p. 91, 92.  and all Princes ought to submit themselves under the yoke of it. Yea what Prince, King, or Emperor shall disannul the same, he is to be reputed God's Enemy; and to be held unworthy to reign above the people.  
This Discipline is no small part of the Gospel: 
T. Cartw. lib. 1. p. 6. & 48.  it is the substance of it.  
This Discipline is the Gospel of the kingdom of God.  
They that reject this Discipline, 
Knox Exhort. p. 35. 43.  refuse to have Christ reign over them; 
T. Cartw. p. 220.  and deny him in effect to be their King, or their Lord.  
This Discipline is the eternal Council of God. 
Epist. before the Supplic. 2. Eliz.   
If any refuse to have the Lord Jesus set up as Lord (i. e. to submit to this Discipline) let him be Anathema Maranatha. 
Christ on his Throne f. 76.   
Aut hoc, 
Sion's plea. f. 340. & 244.  aut nihil is their Ensign. They who hinder Discipline, bring the Estate at length to an extremely desperate point. None but Enemies to Christ are Enemies to this Government.  
Strike neither at great nor small, 
Ib. f. 240.  but at those troublers of Israel. Smite that Hazael in the fifth rib. Yea, if Father or Mother stand in the way, away with them. Down with the colours of the Dragon. Advance the standard of Christ.  
Those mine Enemies, 
Title page to Sion's plea.  who would not that I should reign over them, bring hither and slay them before me.  
Strike the Basilic vein. 
Sion's plea f. 262.  Nothing but this will cure the Pleurisy of our State.  
And Gibson threatened King james; 
Bancroft's Suru. f. 28.  that, as Ieroboam, he should be rooted out and conclude his race, if he maintained Bishops.  
Which dangerous positions being thus maintained by this sort of men, occasioned Mr. Perkins (an eminent Divine of those times) thus to express;  
There is in England (saith he) a Schismatical, 
Treatise of applying God's word to the conscience. p. ult.  and indiscreet Company, that would seem to cry out for Discipline. Their whole talk is of it; and yet, they neither know it, nor will be reformed by it. They are full of pride, thinking themselves to be full when they are empty; to have all knowledge, when they are ignorant, and had need to be catechised. The poison of asps is under their Lips. They refuse not to speak evil of the blessed servants of God.  
And, as the German Sectaries, upon the Principles before mentioned, did act in those parts: so did the Scots upon those Documents they had received, 
Knox app. 28. 30.  chiefly from john Knox; who told his Countrymen in print, that the Nobility and Commonalty ought to reform Religion: and in that case might remove from Honours, and punish such as God hath commanded, of what estate, condition, or honour what soever.  
Hereupon, 
A. D. 1557.  taking an Oath of confederacy and Subscription, under hands, to some agreement for a Reformation; much strength was added thereunto by the Sacrilegious, hoping thereby to swallow up the Church-Revenues. Next, 
A. D. 1558.  without the authority of Sovereignty, or knowledge of it, those Confederates prescribed orders for Reformation of Religion, 
Knox Hist. p. 217, 218.  to be observed and practised throughout the whole Kingdom. Then preached against the Queen-Regent and Parliament; and wrote to the Bishops and Clergy, that except they did desist from dealing against them, 
Ib. p. 275, & 276.  they would with all force and power, execute just vengeance and punishment upon them; likewise begin the same war, which God commanded Israel to execute against the Canaanites. And lastly, 
Ib. p. 372. 378.  arriving at the highest pitch of Rebellion, they deposed their Queen.  
By that which hath been said, it is no less apparent, what those Disciplinarians in Queen Elizabeth's days, did also aim at, had their Power been answerable to their Wills. Whereof she was not ignorant, as may appear by her Speech at the dissolving that Parliament an. 1585. (the 27 th'. of her reign) wherein, taking notice of them, she pronounced them dangerous to Kingly rule; 
Stow's Annal. Holingsh. Chr. p. 1396.  every man according to his own censure, making a doom of the validity, and privity of his Prince's Government, with a common veil and cover of God's word. Whereunto I shall add what Sergeant Puckering, being Speaker of the House of Commons in the Parliament held the next ensuing year (viz. 28. Eliz.) did by that Queen's direction then express.  
And specially you are commanded by her Majesty, (saith he) to take heed, that none ear be given, or time afforded to the wearisome solicitations of those that commonly be called Puritan wherewithal the late Parliaments have been exceedingly importuned. Which sort of men, whilst (in the giddiness of their Spirits) they labour and strive to advance a new Eldership; they do nothing else but disturb the good people of the Church and Commonwealth; which is as well grounded, for the body of Religion itself, and as well guided for the Discipline, as any Realm that professeth the Truth. And the same thing is already made good to the World, by many the Writings of Godly and Learned men; neither answered, nor answerable, by any of these new fangled Resiners. And as the present case standeth, it may be doubted, whether they, or the Jesuits do offer more danger, or be more speedily to be repressed. For albeit the Jesuits do impoyson the hearts of her Majesty's Subjects, under a pretext of Conscience, to withdraw them from the obedience due to her Majesty; yet do they the same but closely, and only in privy corners. But these men do both publish in their printed Books, and teach in all their Conventicles sundry opinions; not only dangerous to the well settled Estate, and policy of this Realm, by putting a pike, between the Clergy and the Laity, but also much derogatory to her sacred Majesty and her Crown, as well by the diminution of her ancient and lawful Revenues, and by denying her highness's Prerogative and Supremacy, as by offering peril to her Majesty's safety in her own Kingdom. In all which things, howsoever in many other points, they pretend to be at war with the Popish-Jesuits; yet by this Separation of themselves from the unity of their fellow-Subjects, and by abasing the sacred Authority and Majesty of their Prince, they do but join and concur with the Jusuits, in opening the door, and preparing the way to the Spanish Invasion, that is threatened against the Realm. And shall conclude, with what is most judiciously observed by the worthy Author 
* Mr. Isaac Walton.  of the History of the sometime Famous and Reverend Hooker's life. So that these very men, saith he (speaking of the Puritans in that Queen's time) that began with tender and meek Petitions, proceeded to Admonitions; then to satirical Remonstrances: and at last, having numbered who was not, and who was for their Cause, they got a supposed certainty of so great a party, that they durst threaten, first the Bishops; then the Queen and Parliament. To all which they were secretly encouraged by the Earl of Leicester, then in great favour with her Majesty, and the reputed Cherisher and Patron-General of these pretenders to tenderness of conscience; his design being, by their means, to bring such an odium upon the Bishops as to prooure an alienation of their Lands, and a large portion of them for himself. Which avaricious desire had so blinded his reason, that his ambition and greedy hopes, had almost put him into a present possession of Lambeth- House.  
That Queen therefore had not only a vigilant Eye upon them, 
Copping and Thacker hanged at St. Edmunsbury; an. 1583, for publishing Pamphlets written by Browne against the Book of Common-Prayer.  but a strict hand, as these seditious Pamphleteers; Udall, Barrow, Greenwood, Studley, Billots, Bowdler, Copping, Thacker, Penri, and others deservedly felt.  
But, upon the coming in of King james, they began to raise unto themselves better hopes of countenance and favour; being so confident of his Indulgence, that within few weeks after his entrance here, they took the boldness to present him with a Petition against the Government and Liturgy established in the Church of England. 
Penri hanged an. 1593. for his libellous Book called Mart. Marprelate.  Whereupon his Majesty, who well knew the temper of that Sect (though he was abundantly satisfied with what he found here settled) did with great prudence by his Royal Proclamation, appoint an Assembly of divers select Divines, such as could best represent the desires of these dissenting men, 
A. D. 1603. Conference at Hampton Court.  as others, to meet at Hampton-Court upon the twelfth of january following; where Dr. Reynolds, and Dr. Sparkes of Oxford, and Mr. Knewstubs, and Mr. Chaderton of Cambridge, appeared on their behalfs, and freely hearing whatsoever could be objected by the weak Brethren (as they were then modesty styled) he clearly discerned that all the Exceptions which they made, were no other than frivolous scruples of indiscreet men, and so convinced every one of them thereupon, that they went away amply satisfied; promising thenceforth, not only full obedience to the Government and Liturgy; but Dr. Sparkes wrote a Book to persuade all others thereunto.  
Nevertheless, notwithstanding this, the Mystery of Iniquity worked on still in the Hearts of other busy-headed Disciplinarians: many of which, though they received Ordination from the Bishops, Subscribed, took Oaths, and outwardly seemed to conform, stuck not, underhand, to use all the arts and devices of cunning Impostors, to bring the people by degrees into an utter dislike of the Ecclesiastical Government, the better to sit them for some desperate Rebellion, whensoever there should be any fair opportunity. To which end their practice was, in their officiating, ever to omit some portions of the Liturgy, and to read the remainder with but little reverence all; whereby they might by degrees, beget an opinion in their auditory, that the service of God did consist merely in the Sermon, and those long-winded prayers immediately preceding and following it, which be expressly opposite to a special Canon 
* Canon 55.  established by Act of Parliament in 1. jac. Which Prayers, (if they be worthy of that name) they are not ashamed to say, are uttered by the immediate direction of God's Holy Spirit; though therein, they have oft-times, not only taken the liberty to deprave the Government in Church and State, by divers sub●l expressions; but made such a seeming show of Zeal therein, by altering their Countenances, and changing their Voices into an affected tone; using therein many absurd and unmannerly expressions; that one 
* Colonel John Frye, a member of the then Parliament.  of their own Fraternity, after he became farther reformed by an Independentlight, could not forbear, but cried out against them, in a certain Book, entitled The Clergy in their Colours, printed at London an. 1651. pag. 33. l. 17. in these words; I cannot let pass one observation; and that is the strange posture these men put themselves into, when they begin their Prayers, before their Sermons. Whether the Fools and Knaves in stageplays took their pattern from these men, or these from them, I cannot determine, etc. What wry Mouths, Squint Eyes, and Screwed faces do they make? And pag. 41. l. 3. Again, how like a company of Conjurers do they mumble cut the beginning of their Prayers, that the people may not bear them: and when artificially they have raised their voices, what a pulling do they make.  
But that which afforded them no little advantage, was that horrid Gunpowder Plot, which happened in the third year of King james; being hatched by those fiery-spirited men of the Romish-perswasion, whom the bloody-minded Jesuits had influenced for that most wicked practise. For, after this, to terrify the people with the Church of Rome, their Sermons were little less than Declamations against the Papists; aiming thereby to represent them formidable and odious; insinuating to the world, that all the fear of danger was from those of that Religion; whilst they themselves, in the mean time, did insensibly poison the people with such other unfound Doctrines, as became at length the fountain of this late unparallelled Rebellion, which terminated in the execrable Murder of our late gracious King: and would have put a Period to this famous and long flourishing Monarchy, had not almighty God of his great mercy miraculously prevented it.  
But how far the Principles of these Holy Reformers do differ, from the most rigid of the Romish profession, against whom they have so long and loudly clamoured, these ensuing observations will briefly manifest.  

The Jesuits Tenets.  
In Regnis Hominum potestas Regis est a populo, 
Bellarm. de Concil. lib. 2. cap. 19  quia populus facit Regem. In the Kingdoms of men, the power of the King is from the People.  
Potestas immediate est, 
Bellarm. de Cleric. lib. 3. p. 6.  tanquam in subjecto, in tota multitudine: & si causa legitima adsit, potest multitudo mutare Regnum in Aristocratiam & Democratiam. The power is immediately, as in the subject, in the multitude; and if there be lawful cause, the multitude may change the Kingdom into an Aristocracy, or Democracy.  
De side certum est, 
Philopat. 2. p. 109.  quemcunque Principem Christianum, si a Religione Catholica de flexerit, & alios avocare voluerit, excidere statim omni potestate & dignitate; idque ante prolatam Papae sententiam, posseque & debere subditos, si vires habeant, istiusmodi Haereticum, & Hominum Christianorum dominatu ejicere. It is certainly a matter of Faith, that whatsoever Christian Prince shall depart from the Catholic Religion, and shall withdraw others; doth immediately fall from all power and dignity, even before the Pope's sentence given; and that the Subjects may and should (if they have strength) cast forth such an Heretic, from the dominion of Christian men.  
Talis, consensu omnium, potest, 
Bellarm. lib. 3. de Pont. cap. 7.  imo debet privari suo dominio. Si hoc priscis temporibus minus factum sit; causa est, quia deerant vires. Such a King, by the consent of all may, yea ought to be deprived of his dominion. If this in old time was not done, the cause was, for that they had not strength.  
Non dissimulandum esse, 
Mariana lib. 2. de Reg. cap. 6. p. 59  etc. This is not to be dissembled; that it is the most expedient and safe way, if a public meeting may be granted, to deliberate what shall be done by common consent. First of all the Prince is to be admonished, and to be brought to his wits again, etc. If he reject the Medicine, and no hope of his recovery be lest; when the Sentence is passed upon him, the Commonwealth may first refuse his command. And because of necessity, there will be a stirring up for war, they may unfold their Councils for defence thereof; and show, that it is expedient to have weapons, and to command the people to advance moneys for the charge of the Wars. And if the matter will suffer, and the Commonwealth cannot otherwise defend itself, with the same right of defence, but with a better authority and peculiar of their own— Principem publice Hostem declaratum, ferro perimere. They may kill the Prince, he being publicly declared an Enemy.   

The Presbyterian Tenets.  
Populo jus est, 
Gilby lib. de Obedientia p. 25. & 105. Buchanan de jure Regni apud Scotos. p. 61.  ut Imperium cui velit deferat. The people may confer the Government on whom they please.  
Without the Prince, 
Barrow refut. p. 169.  the people may reform and must not tarry for the Magistrate.  
Not Kings and Magistrates only, 
Knox App. f. 30.  aught to punish crimes against God; 
Goodman. p. 185.  but the whole body of the people, and every member of the same to his ability must revenge the injury done to God.  
If Princes be Tyrants against God, 
Knox to Engl. & Scotl. p. 78.  and his Truth, their Subjects are free from their Oath of Obedience.  
Subjects do promise obedience, 
Goodman p. 190.  that the Magistrate might help them; which if he do not, they are discharged of obedience.  
Evil Princes ought to be deposed, 
Goodman p. 144. 145.  and inferior Magistrates ought chiefly to do it.  
Subjects must withstand wicked Princes; 
Ibid. 43. 57 72.  they must take up Arms against them.  
God hath appointed the Nobility to bridle the inordinate appetite of Princes; 
Knox Hist. p. 343.  and in so doing they cannot be accused as Resisters of Authority.  
Judge's ought to summon Princes before them, 
Goodman p. 111. in obedience.  for their crimes, and proceed against them as against all other offenders.  
When Magistrates cease to do their duties, 
Ib. p. 185.  God giveth the Sword into the people's hands.  
Let every Soul be subject to Superiors. 
Buchan. de jure Regni etc. p. 50. & 56.  Paul (says he) wrote this in the Infancy of the Church. There were but few Christians then; not many of them rich, or of ability, so as they were not ripe for such a purpose. As if a man should write to such Christians as are under the Turk; in substance poor; in courage feeble; in strength unarmed; in number few, and generally subject to all kinds of injuries; would not he write as Paul did? So as the Apostle did respect the men he wrote unto; and his words ought not to be extended to the body, or people of a Commonwealth, or whole City.  
If Paul were alive, 
Ib. p. 57  and did see wicked Kings reigning in Christian Commonwealths, Paul would say, that he accounted no such for Magistrates; he would forbid all men for speaking to them, and from keeping them company. He would leave them to their Subjects to be punished: neither would he blame them, if they accounted no such longer for their Kings.  
They may kill wicked Princes, 
Engl. compl. against the Canons.  as Monsters and cruel beasts.  
And if neither the Magistrate nor the people do their office, 
Goodman p. 99  in deposing or killing them; 
Buchanan, ut supra.  then the Minister must excommunicate such a King.  
Any Minister may do it against the greatest Prince. 
Knox Hist. f. 78.   
A private man, 
Goodman p. 110.  having some special inward notion, may kill a Tyrant.  
In other things also, were it not for brevity, the like parallel might be made in what those of the Romish Persuasion, and the Presbyterians do hold; as that the Office of Priests and Bishops is one and the same, as is judiciously observed by the learned Author of the History of the Reformation of the Church of England, printed at London 1679, pag. 366, whereunto I refer my Reader.    

CHAP. III.  
And having thus demonstrated, that the Principles, by which this sort of men be unhappily guided, are most dangerous and destructive to civil Government; I now descend to those their Arts and Devices; whereof, by the help and influence of a most subtle, corrupt, and schismatical party in Parliament, they made use, in order to the raising this late nefarious Rebellion: the consequence whereof; viz. the extirpating of Monarchy here, was in their design long before; however it may be thought by some, that Necessity and Despair, put them upon that blood Exigent, after they had gone farther, than they thought they could (by any outward reconciliation or pardon) be safe: for if need were, sufficient and undoubted testimony might yet be produced, who did hear a principal Actor 
* Col. Purefoy, one of their Council of State.  in this late woeful Tragedy about a twelvemonth after the barbarous murder of King Charles the First, express these words; I bless God, that I have now lived to see the ruin of Monarchy, and that I have been instrumental in it: for I do here acknowledge that it hath been in my design ever since I was at Geneva, which is now thirty eight years.  
Of these the first, 
Their Practice for reducing the King to Necessities.  and indeed most fatal Artifices, was the reducing his Majesty to Necessities, to the end he might be enforced to betake himself unto such extraordinary means for supply, as would certainly attract the odium of his Subjects. For accomplishing whereof, that war, wherein King james became engaged on the behalf of his daughter and her children, 
An. 1619. 17. Jac.  for recovery of the Palatinate, gave them a seasonable opportunity; the Story whereof, I shall briefly here set down.  
Upon 
* Rushw. Hist. Coll. impr. Lond. 1659. p. 11. F.  the death of the Emperor Mathias (8. Aug. An. 1619. 17 jac.) Ferdinand his Brother (adopted by Mathias in his life time) was elected Emperor, and crowned 19 Septemb. following. Which Election the Bohemians disclaiming, they chose for their King Frederick Count Palatine of the Rhine. Who thereupon by his Letters to King james (whose daughter he had married) acquaints him therewith, craving his advice as to his reception thereof. Howbeit, before King james his answer could come to his hand (which was utterly dissuasory) he had accepted 
* Ib. p. 12.  their choice. Whereof King james hearing, in no little perplexity disavowed 
* E. F.  the act, and would never style him by that Title.  
That this unhappy business proved most destructive to the Count Palatine, 
An. 1620. 18. Jac.  will immediately appear. For the Emperor Ferdinand, became so highly irritated thereat; that he soon after published a Proscription 
* Ib. p. 14.  against him; proclaimed him guilty of High Treason; and declared his resolution to prosecute him as a public Enemy of the Empire: and accordingly, 
* Ib. p. 15. E.  sent Marquis Spinola with numerous Forces to invade the Palatinate; as also Buquoy and D. Balthasar into Bohemia; who with a powerful Army gave him Battle 
* Ib. p. 17. A.  near to the City of Prague, upon the eighth of November An. 1620, utterly routed the Bohemians and forced that new King, with his Queen to flee the Country.  
The Report whereof arriving soon after in England, 
An. 1620.  caused King james to advise 
* Ib. E.  with the Lords of his Council upon the 13 th' of january following, for recovery and protection of the Palatinate, it being the ancient Inheritance of his Son in Law, and his Children. Whereupon thirty thousand Pounds was forthwith sent to the Princes of the Union, for their assistance therein: and in order to farther help, 
A Parliament called 30 Jan. 18 Jac.  a Parliament called to sit at Westminster upon the 30 th' of the same month of january. At which Convention the King acquainting the two Houses with what had happened; farther represented unto them, that he had already treated a Peace in this business: but Persuasions without power, being (as he said) of little effect; he told them, that he thought it fit to provide an Army against the Summer following; and desired them therefore to think upon his Necessities.  
Which Parliament having sat about four months and done little in this matter; 
An. 1621● 19 Jac. Ib. p. 35.  the King considering of a Recess for a time, in regard of the season that might cause Infection; represented to them, by the Lord Treasurer, his purpose to adjourn them. Whereat the Commons growing displeased, they desired the Lords to join with them in petitioning against it: the King therefore taking much exception thereupon, judging it derogatory to his Prerogative (it being in his sole power, to call, and adjourn, 
Ib. p. 36.  and dissolve Parliaments;) they thereupon, for satisfaction of his Majesty, published a Declaration, wherein they signified unto him; that, in case his endeavours by a Treaty, could not effect the restitution of the Palatinate, upon signification of his pleasure in Parliament, they should be ready to the utmost of their powers, both with their lives and fortunes to assist him; so as, by the Divine help of Almighty God, he might be able to do that with his Sword, which by a peaceable course could not be effected.  
After this the Parliament was adjourned from the fourth of june until the twentieth of November; 
Ib. p. 39 D  at which time of meeting again (the King being absent for lack of health) the Lord Keeper told them, that unless they took farther resolutions, and were expeditious, the Army in the Palatinate would fall to the ground. 
Ib. p. 40. A.  The Lord Treasurer also acquainting them, how empty the King's Coffers were; and that his Majesty had assisted the Palatine, and Princes of the Union with great Sums, which had so exhausted his Treasure, that he was much in debt: Also, that notwithstanding the King had declared for War, he pursued Peace; 
B.  and resolved therefore to close with Spain, hoping by that Alliance to heal the breach.  
Which Speech of the Lord Treasurer tending to Peace, 
Ib. C.  so startled the House of Commons (wherein the Puritan was predominant) that they soon after drew up a Remonstrance to his Majesty, wherein representing Religion to be in danger, by the growth of Popery, they incited him to take his Sword into his Hand, for the aid of those of our Religion in foreign parts; and that the bent of this War might be against that Prince, whose Armies and Treasures had maintained the War in the Palatinate. Signifying, that they had given him one Subsidy, 
●. Dec. Ib. 43. E.  for the present Relief of the Palatinate.  
But in this Remonstrance there being also divers things which the King esteemed to tend unto his high dishonour, and to trench upon his Prerogative-royal; he forbade them farther to intermeddle concerning his Government, and deep affairs of State; and particularly with the match of his Son with a Daughter of Spain.  
Certain it is, 
Ib. 52. E.  that the Parliament made little haste, in the offering of that, for which they were chiefly called together; viz. the giving to the King considerable aid, for relief of the Palatinate in so much as the Lord Digby then took occasion to put the Peers in mind thereof; and that it was to that end they were summoned thither; reporting the present distress of that Country and danger thereto by the Duke of Bavaria: as also, that the Army of Count Mansfeild, which came in for defence thereof, if not speedily supplied, was like to desert that service.  
But, instead of hasting such Relief, Christmas approaching, and the King upon the nineteenth of December, 
19 Dec. Ib. p. 53.  giving a Commission for their Adjournment till the eighth of February following; the house of Commons made a Protestation, wherein they declared for sundry Privileges: of which his Majesty in a Speech 
* Dec. 30.  at the Council-Table upon the thirtieth of that month took notice, that it was unduly gained, late at night, when not a third part of the House was present; and penned in such ambiguous and general words, as might serve for future times to invade most of the Rights and Prerogatives annexed to the Imperial Crown.  
And, discerning that some Parliament men, who had a great influence upon the House, rather hindered that good progress, which he expected they would have made, towards the recovery of the Palatinate, than furthered the giving of money in order thereto; did by unanimous consent of his whole Council, dissolve that Parliament by Proclamation, 
Parliament dissolved 6. Jan. Ib. p. 56.  upon the sixth of january following.  
And seeing his hopes of raising moneys by Parliament to be thus frustrate, they first endeavoured the restitution of the Palatinate, by all good means of Treaty, both with the Emperor and King of Spain. 
Ib. p. 61.  Which not succeeding, he caused Letters to be written by the Lords of the Council to the Justices of the Courts at Westminster; and likewise to the Sheriffs of the several Counties, and Justices of Peace throughout England; as also to the Mayors and Bailiffs of Towns-Corporate, to raise moneys by a Benevolent contribution for recovery thereof by force; 
Ib. p. 114.  yet still pursued the Spanish match, in hope to gain it thereby.  
But after many subtle delays made by the Spaniard, 
An. 1623. 21. Jac.  that match being not like to take effect, His Majesty sent the Lord Kensington into France, to try whether a match might there speed: 
Another Parliament called Ib. p. 115.  which was well accepted. Whereupon the King called another Parliament; which began 19 Febr. 1623. At which time he acquainted them with the ill success of that dilatory Treaty, in order to the match with Spain; and desired their advice, on the behalf of his Son the Count-Palatine, and his Children.  
In answer to which they signified, 
Ib. p. 128. B.  that the said Treaty, both for the Marriage and the Palatinate, could not longer be continued with the honour of his Majesty, the safety of his People, welfare of his Children and Posterity; and assurance of his ancient Allies and Confederates.  
Whereunto the King replied; 
Ib. 129. D.  that he should be loath without necessity to imbroil himself in war. And manifesting to them his wants, for the support of a war, desired their advice: offering, that, 
Ib. 131. A.  in case he took a resolution, by such their advice to enter into a war, they themselves by their own Deputies, should have the disposal of the moneys.  
Hereupon the Parliament tendered three Subsidies and three Fifteens, 
Ib. 135. C.  to break off both the Treaties; viz. that of the match with Spain, and that concerning the Palatinate, 
Ib. 136. A.  desiring his Majesty that he would be confidently assured they would never fail in a Parliamentary-way, to assist him in so royal a design.  
But the King esteeming that too little, 
Ib. 137. A.  demanded five Subsidies, and two Fifteeens for every Subsidy, towards the support of that war; and one Subsidy and two Fifteens yearly till his debts were paid. Nevertheless told them, that he would be content to quit that demand for his own debts, in case they gave six Subsidies and twelve Fifteens for the war: 
Ib. 138. B.  declaring his resolution to dissolve the Treaties (whereupon Bonfires were made in London, 
Ib. 139. A.  and the Bells rang for joy.) And farther told them, that he did assure himself, they would make good what they had said; and, that what they had advised him unto, they would assist him in, with their Wisdom and Council, as also with Forces, if need required.  
Shortly after which, 
Ib. p. 156. D. An. 1624. 22. Jac.  Count Mansfeild arriving in England, twelve thousand Foot, with two hundred Horse, were raised to go under his Command, for recovery of the Palatinate; and in August following, the match with France was concluded.  
But this hopeful Army under Count Mansfeild (consisting of twelve Regiments) was by tedious stay on Shipboard, 
Ib. 158. E.  so infected with the Pestilence, that scarce a third part thereof came safe to Land: a third part likewise mouldering away, so that the design came to nothing.  
And upon the seven and twentieth of March following, 
An. 1625. Ib. p. 159. C. The Death of King James.  King james departed this life. Unto whom King Charles the first succeeded: who resolving to pursue the recovery of the Palatinate, upon the grounds of those great promises so made by the Parliament to his Father, did, 
Ib. p. 172. B.  in the beginning of May next ensuing, issue out Warrants, for the levying of Soldiers, to be employed in that Expedition; whereof eight thousand to rendezvouz at Plymouth, one thousand at Hull, to be transported into the Netherlands, for the service of the United Provinces; and two thousand returned thence, for his Majesty's present service.  
And having married a Daughter of France, who arrived at London upon the sixteenth of june, 
The first Parliament of King Charles the first. 18. Junii. Ib. p. 174.  he began his Parliament at Westminster within two days following. Where, in his Speech to both Houses, he put them in mind, how they had engaged his Father in the war, for the Palatinate; earnestly pressing their speedy assistance. And the Lord Keeper added, 
Ib. p. 175. C. & 176. C.  that the principal cause of calling that Parliament (besides the beholding his Subjects faces) was to mind them of the great Engagement for the recovery of the Palatinate, imposed on his Majesty by the King his Father, and by themselves, who thereupon broke off the two Treaties with Spain: as also to let them understand, that the Subsidies granted by the preceding Parliament, with much more of the King's own Revenue, were already spent in the following Treaties and Alliances, upon the Armies sent into the Low-Countries, and in repairing of the Forts, with the Fortifying of Ireland; all which did meet in one centre, the Palatinate, whereof the Account was ready.  
Hereupon the Houses presenting the King with two Subsidies, 
Ib. p. 178. A.  the Lord Conway (than one of the Secretaries of State) signified his Majesty's gracious acceptance thereof: yet told them, that the necessity of the present affairs, were not therein satisfied, and therefore required their farther Councils; Reminding them, that the late King was provoked beyond his nature, to undertake a war for recovery of his children's ancient Patrimony; the charges whereof did appear by computation to amount unto seven hundred thousand Pounds a year; viz. in supporting the Netherlands; in preventing the Emperor's design of concluding with the Princes of Germany, for utter excluding the Palsgrave; and levying an Army under Count Mansfeild. Farther representing to them, that the Kings of Denmark and Sweden, and Princes of Germany had levied another. That France, Savoy, and Venice, joined together for a war of diversion; and, that to uphold the Netherlands, the charges of Mansfeild's and Denmark's Army must yet continue.  
But the Plague increasing sore in London, 
Ib. p. 178. E  occasioned some delay in their Proceedings, by an Adjournment to Oxford: at which place they met the first of August following. Where, on the fourth of that month, his Majesty in a speech to both Houses did again put them in mind, 
Ib. p. 181. A.  of their engaging his Father in that war, for recovery of the Palatinate, upon promise of their assistance in a Parliamentary-way; and that they themselves then appointed a Council of war, and Treasurers. He also acquainted them with the expense of the three Subsidies, and three Fifteens then given. And further expressed, that he had thus reassembled them upon the death of his royal Father, to receive their farther advice and aid for proceeding in that, wherein by their Councils his Father was engaged; as also that they had granted unto him two Subsidies, then ungathered, which were far short of setting forth the Navy at that time preparing.  
And the Lord Conway and Secretary Cook, 
Ib. p. 182. A.  did then more particularly declare unto the House of Commons, the state of Affairs, as they at that time stood; manifesting that much more than the two Subsidies, already given, though not paid, had been disbursed. Moreover, that the Fleet was then at Sea, hastening to their Rendezvouz, the Army at Plymouth, expecting their Commanders; his Majesty's Honour, Religion, and the Kingdom's safety engaged. That the King had certain advice of his Enemy's intentions to infest his dominions in Ireland, and the English Coasts; and of their increase of Shipping in all parts: as also, that the present charge of his Army and Navy, did amount to above four hundred thousand Pounds. The Lord Treasurer likewise representing to them the late King's debts;  
Viz. To the City of London 120000l. besides Interest.  
For Denmark and the Palatinate 150000l.  
For his Wardrobe 40000 l. All which did then lie upon his Majesty.  
And that his then Majesty was indebted to the City of London 20000l.  
That he had laid out upon his Navy 20000 l.  
For Count Mansfeild 20000l.  
For Mourning and his Father's Funeral Expenses 42000 l.  
For Expenses concerning the Queen 40000 l.  
And that the pay of the Navy, during the time intended, for that present Expedition, with the setting forth thereof, would amount to 300000 l.  
But the Commons, 
Ib. p. 183. F.  instead of that calm and temperate Consideration of the present Exigencies, which his Majesty expected, fell into very high debates; and alleged, that the Treasure was misemployed; that evil Councils guided the King's designs; that his Necessities grew by improvidence; that they had need to petition the King for a straight hand and better Council to manage his affairs: and that, though a former Parliament did engage the King in a war; yet (if things were managed by contrary designs, and the Treasure misemployed) that Parliament was not bound by another Parliament to be carried blindfold in designs not guided by second Councils; Adding, that it was not usual to grant Subsidies upon Subsidies, in one Parliament, and no grievance redressed.  
Notwithstanding which objections, 
Ib. p. 194. B.  it was earnestly pressed by some Members of the House, that two Subsidies and two Fifteens might be given; his Majesty's Honour, and the Necessity of Affairs requiring it; as it then appeared out of Considerations, which had been frequently represented. But these motives little availed; for, instead of harkening thereto, the Commons then published a plausible Declaration; 
Ib. E.  wherein they solemnly protested and vowed, before God and the world, with one Heart and Voice, that they were all resolved, and did thereby declare, that they would ever continue most loyal and obedient Subjects to their most gracious Sovereign Lord King Charles: and that they would be ready, in convenient time, and in a Parliamentary-way, freely and dutifully to do their utmost endeavours, to discover and reform the Abuses and Grievances of the Realm and State; and, in like sort to afford all necessary Supply to his most excellent Majesty upon his present, and all other his just Occasions and Designs.  
The King therefore plainly perceiving, 
Ib. p. 195. A.  that the House did not incline to any Supply: and that in their debates they reflected upon some great persons near unto him, dissolved that Parliament upon the twelfth of August. 
Parliament dissolved. Ib. E.  Which done, he resolved that the Fleet should speedily put to Sea; and entered forthwith into a League with the United Provinces against the Emperor and King of Spain, for restoring of the Liberties of Germany. But being in great and present Want of moneys, 
Moneys borrowed by Privy Seal.  he issued out Letters, under his Privy-Seal, for borrowing to supply those Necessities; 
The second Parliament of King Charles the First. 6. Februarii.  and summoned another Parliament to meet upon the sixth of February ensuing, which was four days after his solemn Coronation.  
Soon after the sitting of which Parliament, the Earl of Pembroke, at a Conference of both Houses, represented how the affairs of Christendom stood, before the breach of the Treaties with Spain; and how at that present: as also the condition of the Palatinate; and likewise the King of Denmark's engagement in the quarrel, with the forwardness of the Swedes, and contract with the Hollander; and that the Fruits of all these would be lost, unless a speedy Supply were resolved on.  
But notwithstanding all this, 
Ib. p. 218. E.  the Commons still delayed the giving of any Supply; which occasioned the King, by a Letter to the Speaker, to press them again thereunto, and to remind them of their promises: withal assuring them, that he would willingly apply fit and seasonable remedies, to such just Grievances as they should present unto him, in a dutiful and mannerly way, without throwing an ill odour upon the present Government, or upon the Government of his Father. 
Ib. p. 220. A.  Unto which Letter, they made a specious general answer; intimateing, that they really intended him Supply: and accordingly voted three Subsidies, and three Fifteens, but gave them not.  
Not long after this, His Majesty, by the mouth of the Lord Keeper, took notice to the House of Commons, of a seditious expression, made by Mr. Clement Coke, one of their members; as also of Dr. Turner's unparliamentary carriage in reference to the Duke of Buckingham: likewise of suffering his Council of State to be censured and traduced in their House, by persons whose Years and Education could not judge of things: that foreign business had been entertained in the House, to the hindrance and disadvantage of his Majesty's Negotiations: yea that upon the first day of his Inauguration, they suffered his Council, Governors, and Servants, to be paralleled with the times of most Exception: that their Committees had also presumed to examine the Letters of his Secretaries of State; nay his Majesties own Letters; and sent a general Warrant to his Signet Office, commanding his Officers there, not only to produce and show the Records, but their Books, and private Notes, which they made for his Majesty's service. Next he told them, that they had been made acquainted with the greatness of his Majesty's affairs, both at home and abroad, with the strong preparations of the Enemy: with the Importance of upholding his Allies; strengthening, and securing, both England, and Ireland; besides the encountering and annoying the Enemy, by a powerful Fleet at Sea, and the charge of all. And, that this being calculated unto them, they had professed unto his Majesty, by the mouth of their Speaker, their carefulness to support the Cause, wherein he and his Allies were justly engaged. Then he reminded them of their unanimous consent, and real intention, formerly expressed to supply him in such a measure, as should make him safe at home and feared abroad; and, that in the dispatch thereof, they would use such diligence, as his pressing and present Occasions did require. And he observed, that in two days only of twelve, that business was thought of; and not begun, till by a Message his Majesty did put them in mind of it, whilst their Inquisition, against his direction, proceeded day by day. And, for the Supply intended, he told them, the measure thereof was so little; that instead of making him safe at home, and feared abroad, it would both expose him to danger and disesteem; in regard, that without better help, his Allies must presently disband, and leave him alone to bear the fury of a provoked and powerful enemy; besides the manner of it, which was dishonourable and full of distrust; viz. that the Bill was not to come into the House, till their Grievances were both preferred and answered.  
And his Majesty himself then farther added, 
Ib. p. 229. A.  he must put them in mind, that in the time of his blessed Father, they did by their Council and Persuasion prevail both with his Father and himself, to break off the Treaties beforementioned; and told them, that now they had all things according to their wishes, and that he was so far engaged, they thought there was no retreat; now they began to set the Dice on him; saying moreover, that it was not a Parliamentary-way; nor a way to deal with their King.  
And to this the Duke of Buckingham, 
Ib. p. 230. B.  by his Majesty's Command, farther affirmed; that if his Majesty should accept of a less sum than would suffice, it would deceive their Expectations, disappoint his Allies, and consume the Treasure of the Kingdom: whereas, if they would give largely now, the business being at the Crisis, it would come so seasonably, as that it might give a turn to the affairs of Christendom: wishing them therefore to enlarge it, but left the augmentation to themselves. And, to the end the load might not lie on the poorest; told them, his Majesty did likewise wish, that they who were the abettors and councillors of this war, would take a greater part of the burden to themselves.  
Nevertheless all this moved them very little; 
An. 1625.  insomuch as the King, by a Letter to the Speaker of the House of Commons (dated upon the ninth of june 
9 Junii.  following) hoping to quicken them the better, did put them in mind, how often and earnestly he had pressed them for speeding that Aid, which they intended for his great and weighty affairs; telling them, the time they themselves had prefixed, was so far spent (viz. the last day of that month) that unless it were presently concluded, it would neither bring him money, nor credit. And, that if it were farther deferred, it would be of little use; he being daily advertised from all parts, of the great preparations by the Enemy really to assail him: and moreover, that he held it necessary by those his Letters, to give them his last and final admonition; as also to let them know, that he should account all further Delays and Excuses, to be express Denials: and therefore did will and require them, to bring in their Subsidy-Bill, to be passed without delay, or condition. Adding, that, if by their denial or delay, any thing of ill consequence should fall out, either at home or abroad; he should take God to witness, that he had done his part to prevent it, by calling his people together, to advise with them; and opening to them the weight of his occasions; as also by requiring their timely help and assistance in those Actions, wherein he stood engaged by their Council.  
But, instead of any satisfactory return unto this his Royal Letter, 
Ib. p. 402. B.  wherein he had earnestly pressed unto them, the speedy and necessary consideration of his present Exigencies; they made what haste they could, to perfect a Remonstrance against the Duke of Buckingham; and concerning Tonnage and Poundage, taken by the King, since the death of his Father, without consent of Parliament. Which was no sooner finished, but they had intimation, that the King would dissolve the Parliament; whereupon they forthwith ordered, that every Member of their House should have a Copy of that Remonstrance. 
Ib. p. 403. D.   
The Parliament being therefore dissolved by Commission, upon the fifteenth of june, 
The second Parliament of K. Charles I. dissolved. 15. Junii.  his Majesty did presently set forth a Declaration, manifesting the reasons he had for dissolving thereof; as also of the former Parliament: whereby he did clearly publish to the world, how he became engaged in a war with a potent Enemy, upon his Father's death; and that he was enforced thereto, for the necessary defence of himself and his Dominions; as also for the support of his Friends and Allies; recovering the patrimony of his Sister, and her Children, and maintenance of the true Religion. Moreover, that he was invited thereto, and encouraged therein, by the advice of both Houses of Parliament; and by their large Promises and Protestations to his Father, to give him full and real assistance in those Erterprises, which were of so great importance to this Realm; and to the general peace and safety of all his Friends and Allies: but, that instead of making performance of those their undertakings, he found them so slow and full of delays and diversions, that no fruit came thereof. And farther added; that though he had by his Letters, bearing date the ninth of june, pressed them earnestly therein, with a clear and gracious manifest of his resolutions, they never so much as admitted one Reading to the Bill of Subsidies; but instead thereof prepared and voted a Remonstrance, which they intended to prefer unto him; containing (though palliated with glozing terms) as well many dishonourable Aspersions upon himself, and upon the memory of his deceased Father, as dilatory Excuses for their not proceeding with the Subsidies. Adding thereto also coloured conditions, crossing thereby his direction. All which his Majesty plainly understanding; and esteeming the same to be a denial of the promised Supply: finding likewise withal, that no admonition could move, nor reasons or presumptions prevail, the time being so far spent, as that they had put an impossibility upon themselves to perform their Promises; upon mature advice, he dissolved the Parliament, as hath been already observed.  
Being therefore thus exposed to extreme Necessities, 
An. 1626. 2 Car. 1. Ib. p. 419. B. C A Loan of money required by the K.  he was constrained to require a Loan of money from the Nobility, the City of London, and others: as also to lay a Charge upon the Ports and Maritime Towns, 
Ship-money required.  for the furnishing certain numbers of Ships, for the guarding of the Coasts against attempts from Spain or Flanders; and likewise upon the Counties adjoining, to contribute thereto.  
After which he issued out Privy-Seals unto several persons, 
Privy Seals. Ib. p. 420.  for borrowing of money; and to others proposed a Benevolence, 
A Benevolence proposed.  according to the proportion of four Subsidies and three Fifteens, which were by the late Parliament resolved on, to have been given to the King; setting forth a Declaration, to manifest the reasons of his requiring that Loan. 
Ib. p. 422.  Soon after which, he sent away six thousand Foot-Soldiers, under the command of Sir Charles Morgan, and others, for the service of the United Provinces.  
Moreover, to heighten and increase these his wants, 
An. 1626. Short View of the Life of K. ● Charles, impr. Lond. 1658. p. 46.  about this time a most unlucky occasion happened, which (in short) was this; that the French Priests, and Domestics of that Nation, which came into England with the Queen, were grown so insolent, and had put so many affronts upon the King; that (as the French King had sent back all the Spanish Courtiers, which his Queen brought with her) his Majesty was forced to send them home. But that King, not looking on this Example, and knowing upon what ill terms our King stood, both at home and abroad; first seized on all the Merchant's Ships which lay in the River of Bourdeaux, and then broke out into open war; so that the King was constrained to make use of those Forces against the French, which were designed to have been used against the Spaniard, and to comply with the desire of the Rochellers, who humbly sued for his protection and defence: but the Fleet set forth for that purpose, being encountered with great Tempests, was forced to return, without doing any thing farther, then showing his Majesty's good will, and readiness to assist them.   

CHAP. IU.  
BUT the next year the King, 
An. 1627. Rushw. Coll. p. 428. E.  having made new Preparations for a war with France, to manifest what ground he had for it, declared, that the House of Austria (conspiring the ruin of all those of the Reformed Religion through Christendom, as he said plainly appeared in the wars of Germany) had such an influence upon the Council of France, as to prevail with the French to obstruct the landing of Count Mansfield's Army, 
p. 429.  contrary to promise, with whom they should have joined Forces for the relief of the Palatinate, and the German Princes; the failure wherein proved the ruin of that Army, the greatest part whereof perished. Furthermore, that having by his mediation prevailed for a Peace between the French King and his Protestant Subjects; and engaged his Word, that the Protestants should observe the Articles of Agreement: nevertheless the King of France, contrary to those Articles, blocked up their Towns, Garrisons, and Forts, committing many spoils upon them, though they had done nothing in violation of the Edict of Peace.  
Whereupon the Duke of Buckingham, in order to the relief of the Palatinate, being made Admiral, and Commander in Chief of the Land-Forces, on the 27th of june 
27 Junii.  set out from Portsmouth (the Fleet consisting of an hundred Sail, whereof ten were of the King's Royal Navy, 
Ib. F.  having aboard six or seven thousand Land-Soldiers) and towards the later end of july appeared before Rochel. Where, attempting to gain the Isle of Rhee, which lay before that Town, and imbarred their Trade, his unskilful conduct therein was such, that he was forced to a retreat 
* 8 Nou. , with the loss of many valiant men, and not a little of his Honour; the more full relation of which ill success I refer to our Historians. 
Ib. p. 469.   
This Expedition proving thus unhappy, 
Life of King Charles by Dr. Perenchef impr. Lond. 1676.  his Majesty's necessitous condition forced him to pawn much of his Lands to the City of London for an hundred and twenty thousand pounds, which he then borrowed; and also to borrow thirty thousand pounds more of the East-India Company. But all this, being not sufficient to support the charge of the Fleet; notwithstanding these former great discouragements, still hoping by a Parliament to obtain some reasonable Supply, in these his pressing Necessities; 
An. 1627. 3 Car. I. Rushw. Coll. p. 480. C. The third Parliament of K. Charles I. 17 Martii.  he called another Parliament, to begin on the seventeenth of March next following. At the meeting whereof he told them, None there but knew, that common danger was the cause of that Parliament, and Supply at that time the Chief end thereof. Likewise, that if to maintain their own advices; and, as the case then stood, for the following thereof, the true Religion, Laws and Liberties of this State, and the just defence of its true Friends and Allies, were not sufficient; then no Eloquence of men and Angels could prevail; 
Ib. p. 481. D.  the particular dangers being laid open by the Lord Keeper.  
Hereupon 
Ib. p. 531. B.  (after some time spent in debate of these things) five Subsidies were voted, and the Petition of Right assented to by his Majesty. After which the Parliament was first prorogued from the 26th of june 
26 Junii 1628.  till the 20th of October. And then, by Proclamation, till the 20th of january. 
Ib. p. 644. B. Ib. D.  At which meeting the Clergy also gave the King as many Subsidies.  
In the interim of which Prorogation, the Duke of Buckingham, 
Short View of the Life of K. Charles. p. 26.  who had formerly been the Darling of that Parliament, which made use of him to King james for breaking the match with Spain, being now grown odious, and in this Parliament represented to be the chief cause of all their Grievances; not only by reason of the losses at the Isle of Rhee, but for many other respects, as in the Annals of that time may at large be seen; hoping as well to regain the honour he lost in the last year's attempt in that Isle, as a better opinion of the People; designed another Expedition to Rochel. In order whereunto, being Commander of the Royal Fleet, ready to set sail from Portsmouth, he was there desperately murdered by one john Felton (a discontented Officer of the last years Army) upon the 23d of August; 
Rushw. Coll. p. 647. C.  who gave no other reason for that his barbarous and bloody Act, then that the Duke had been declared an Enemy to the Commonwealth, in a Remonstrance tendered to the King by the House of Commons in the former Session. But I proceed, notwithstanding this fair show of an hopeful accordance; 
Ib. p. 651. C.  there were not a few turbulent-spirited men, both in the Parliament and elsewhere, who sought all advantages for breaking thereof; divers Merchants refusing to pay Tonnage and Poundage, in regard it had not been granted to the King by a special Act since the death of his Royal Father King james. 
Ib. p. 656. C.  Whereupon his Majesty first sent for those Merchants to the Council-Table; and after, by a Speech to both Houses, told them he expected they should pass the Bill for it. But instead of complying therein, the Commons published a Declaration concerning Religion; alleging, that they must prefer it before all other business. Whereupon the King, whose urgent Necessities, for want of the Supply expected, pressed hard upon them; 
An. 1628.  issuing out a special Commission 
* Febr. , for taking of Tonnage and Poundage. 
Ib. p. 670. F.  Against which the Commons not only protested, but some of their Members behaved themselves therein so disobediently and seditiously, to the contempt of his Regal authority; 
Short view of the life of K. Charles p. 53.  that fearing they should be dissolved before they had vented their own passions in that particular, they locked the doors of the House of Commons, kept the Key, and held the Speaker by strong hand in his Chair, till they had thundered out their anathemas; not only against such as should dare to levy it, but against those who should willingly pay it. The News whereof, being thereupon brought forthwith to the King, he did, upon the second of March, 
The third Parliament of King Charles the first dissolved. 2. Martii.  by Proclamation dissolve that Parliament: And about a week following coming to the House, declared, that he did not impute those Disasters to the whole House of Commons, knowing that there were amongst them many religious, grave, and wellminded men: 
Rushw. Coll. p. 672. A.  but that the sincerer, and better part of the House, were overborne by the practices and clamours of the other: who, careless of their duties, and taking advantage of the times, and his Necessities, did enforce him to break off that meeting. Which, had it been answered with like duty on their parts, as it was invited and begun with love on his, might have proved happy and glorious, both to himself and the whole Nation. And farther added, that he did thus declare the manifold causes he had to dissolve that Parliament; that all the world might see, how much they had forgotten their former engagements, at the entrance into the war, themselves being the Persuaders of it; promising to make him feared by his Enemies, and esteemed by his Friends: and how they had turned the Necessities grown by that war, to enforce him to yield to conditions incompatible with Monarchy.   

CHAP. V.  
THe ends in reducing his Majesty to Necessities, being by those means thus unhappily accomplished, and the King thereby exposed to some extraordinary ways of Supply (viz. Loans, Benevolences, Ship-money etc.) their next work was to possess the people with an opinion, that these were but the beginnings of farther and greater oppressions; by which his purpose was; first by degrees to weaken them in their Estates; and then to bring upon them no less a vassalage, than that of the French Peasant. And, not only so, but to endanger their souls, by enthralling them to the Superstitions of the Church of Rome. To which purpose, under a seeming Devout and Holy pretence, to advance and promote the Preaching of the Gospel, 
Planting Schismatical Lecturers.  they got in a number of Lecturers into most of the Corporate Towns, and populous places of this Realm (according to the pattern 
* Hist. of the Presbyterians by Dr. Heylin. p. 11. & 12.  of Geneva) especially into the City of London; whom they maintained by Voluntary contributions, to the end 
* Hist. of the life and death of Archbish. Laud. p. 9 Buying in impropriate Tithes for their support.  they might be engaged to preach such Doctrine, as should (upon occasion) prepare the People for any disloyal attempt, and dispose them to Rebellion when opportunity served.  
And for the better support of these Boutefeus', they purchased 
* Ib. p. 211. 212.  in divers Impropriate Tithes; constituting Feoffees, some of the Clergy, some Lawyers, some Citizens (all of the Puritan Party) under colour of redeeming the Lord's Portion out of Lay hands (as the Phrase than was.) By which subtle Practice, they gained many large sums in order thereto, from sundry wellmeaning People; especially such as lay on their Deathbeds; who being thus incited to this seeming glorious work, saw nothing at all of the main design, which was underhand driven on by the Grand Contrivers. Besides this, they likewise cunningly wrought, that such as were of their Party, might by one means or other be made Heads of some Houses in the Universities; as they did in Emanuel College, and Catherine Hall in Cambridge; New-inn, and Magdalen Hall in Oxford. And for an essay of those whom under colour of Preaching the Gospel, in sundry parts of the Realm, they determined to make instrumental for carrying on the work, they set up a Morning-Lecture at St. Antholines-Church in London; where (as Probationers for that purpose) they first made trial of their abilities; which place was the grand Nursery, whence most of the Seditious Preachers were after sent abroad throughout all England, to poison the People with their Antimonarchical Principles. These being the men, who first began to infuse into their Auditors a disaffection to the Church Discipline established by Law, pretending it to savour of Popery: and after a breach made therein, then to cry out against miscarriages in Government. So that having in a short time weaned the People from kneeling at Prayers, and bearing part in the public Service of God by their mutual Responses, as the Liturgy directs; they than cried down those reverend Set-forms of Devotion, which were enjoined by the Law: and by degrees using them to long-winded ex tempore Prayers, of their own indigested composure (which they called Praying by the Spirit (at length insinuated to them, that the Liturgy by Law established was no other than the Mass translated into English, and a thing utterly nauseous to God Almighty: by which means multitudes deserted the Public Prayers of the Church in divers places, where the Incumbents continued regular, and forbore to come there, until the Psalm preceding the Sermon began. So that in the end, the decent and pious Order, in serving God, according to the Laws, not only became by little and little wholly antiquated; but such of the Clergy, as making any conscience of their Subscriptions, and Oaths of Canonical obedience, observed the Rule; were frequently scandalised with Innovation in Religion, and inclination to Popery; few regarding any thing but the Sermons, and those tedious ex tempore Prayers of the Preacher in order thereto: 
Ib. p. 311, 312.  placing all Religion in being present at those wild and frothy Exercises, though they slept when they came there, or little regarded what was said.  
In which Prayers (if I may so call them) it was no wonder to hear them, 
The absurdity and ill effects of them.  cunningly to insinuate that, which might put the people into a jealousy of the King, and the inferior Magistrate; by praying against this or that miscarriage; of which, by their subtle expressions they would have their auditory believe them to be guilty, in point of Government, or personal demeanour. Nor were those their Sermons, for the most part, other than vain and frivolous declamations against Popery, wherewith they affrighted the more ignorant sort of people; as if that were the only thing which would endanger their souls, enslave their consciences, and utterly ruin them in their temporal estates. By which sleight, in drawing their thoughts from what was really the grand danger, they led them blindfold into those mists of error and ignorance, wherein they became afterwards miserably shackled, and were made Slaves to those Grand Contrivers; who, at length, by these devices, got the full power of the Sword into their hands; verifying therein that Prophetical expression of the venerable and judicious Hooker, in that excellent Preface to his Books of Ecclesiastical Policy; viz. after the Puritans have first resolved, that attempts for Discipline are lawful; it will follow in the next place to be disputed, what may be attempted against Superiors.  
In further order to which malevolent design for the utter extirpation of Monarchy, being not ignorant in what high esteem the memory of the same Mr. Hooker was with all pious and learned men, for those five Books of Ecclesiastical Policy, made public in his life time: and having heard that there were three more written by him upon the same subject; which under colour of a desire to search after his death, for some Writings in his Study, were by certain Clergymen who stood disaffected to the Discipline of the Church, unhappily lurched away: they did at length gain those very Books into their hands; and not long after the beginning of this late unparallelled Rebellion, for the better accomplishing their long studied ends, most shamefully corrupted them in sundry places, omitting divers passages which were unsuitable to their purposes; and instead thereof inserting what they thought might give countenance to their present evil practices: amongst which was this, in terminis, that, though the King were singulis major, yet he was universis minor; and having so done, caused them to be published in Print. By which fallacy, divers well meaning people were miserably captivated and drawn to their Party. And, at length were not ashamed, in that Treaty which they had with his Majesty in the Isle of Wight, to vouch the authority of this venerable man, in derogation of his Supremacy, and to place the Sovereign power in the People; that great Antimonarchist, William late Viscount Say and Sele, being the person who boldly urged it. Whereunto the good King answered; that though those three Books, were not allowed to be Mr. hooker's; yet he would admit them so to be, and consent to what his Lordship endeavoured to prove out of them, in case he would assent to the judgement of Mr. Hooker, declared in the other five Books, which were unquestionably His.  
But as to these their indirect deal, in thus corrupting the works of that excellent man; (whose memory for his profound learning, singular piety, and most exemplary life will be ever precious to succeeding ages) and his necessary vindication therein; I shall, for more full satisfaction to my Reader, refer him to that seasonable Historical discourse, lately compiled and published, with great judgement and integrity, by that much deserving person Mr. Isaac Walton, containing a perfect Narrative of the life and death of this right worthy person.  
Of which I hold it necessary, that special notice should be taken; by reason that since the happy Restauration of our present Sovereign K. Charles II. Dr. Gawden, than Bishop of Exeter, upon the reprinting those five genuine Books of Mr. Hooker, together with the other pretended three; taking upon him to write a Preface to the whole; and therein to give an account of Mr. Hooker's life; hath not only, with great confidence, used divers Arguments to satisfy the world, that those three Books were penned by Mr. Hooker (notwithstanding those poisonous assertions against the Regal power, which are to be found therein) but much misreported him, in the Narrative of his life; representing him to have been a single man, with many other gross mistakes; as whoso compares it with Mr. Walton's History of him, may easily see.  
Moreover, well knowing, that the City of London, in respect of its Riches and Populousness, must be the principal stage for this Tragic-Action; there was no small care taken for fitting all places of Authority therein, especially the Common-Council, with such active men as might advance this blessed work. Wherein, having made a fair and successful progress; but discerning, that the Sword must at length be made use of; they than began to frequent the Artillery-yard, and to be diligent Practisers of military Discipline: 
Their practising of military Discipline.  in which they grew in a short time so great Proficients, that most of the chief Officers in that School, were men of that stamp, and got into their hands the best and choicest Arms.  
And, that they might make the more secure progress in this their long studied design; they laid the Scene at first in Scotland, the Subjects of that Realm being most tainted with Presbytery: so that in case this their contrivance should speed there, they might the more boldly adventure upon the like here.  
The first thing therefore, 
His Majesty's Declaration printed at London, An. 1639. p. 6.  that was made use of, towards their Masterpiece in Scotland, was an exception (or rather cavil) by divers eminent persons in that Kingdom, at his Majesty's Revocation of such things, as had been passed away in prejudice of that Crown (especially by some of his Progenitors in their minorities) though not without example. This, being advised by those, that were then his Majesty's Privy-Councellers and Officers of State in that Realm (whose late Actions have sufficiently manifested what effect they desired it should produce). did accordingly occasion much repining by divers principal persons, 
Ib. p. 7.  who thereupon infused into his Subjects a distaste of his Government. And, though the King was pleased to wave his interest therein; and to remit as well the Equity, as rigour of the Laws in that point, the Malcontents would not be satisfied, but still endeavoured to work a disaffection in the people thereto.  
And whereas his Majesty out of his pious care of the Clergy, 
Ib. p. 9  who had been much oppressed by the Laity, that paid Tithes, being pleased to grant out Commissions in their behalf; had so good issue therein, as that both Parties were abundantly satisfied; the maintenance of the Clergy being thereby improved, and the Laity freed from a dangerous dependence upon Subjects: yet the Nobility and Lay-Patrons, fretting privately for being robbed, as they conceived, of the dependence of the Clergy and Laity, bent their envy against the Bishops, under pretence that they were the principal causers thereof.  
To quiet therefore these discontents, in the year 1633, 
An. 1633.  his Majesty made a progress into Scotland, and was there crowned (having not been personally there, till then, since the death of his Royal Father) at which time he also held a Parliament in that Realm; wherein great suggestions were made of fears, that dangerous Innovations in Religion would be attempted, as also instead of acceptance of an Act for Ratification of all other Acts, concerning the Religion professed and established, it was dissented to by divers of the after-chiefest Covenanters. And, no sooner was he returned back into England, but that infinite Libels were dispersed abroad, to impoyson the People with his Majesty's proceedings at that Parliament. Of which Libelers (amongst others) the Lord Balmerino was found guilty by his Peers; and accordingly should have received sentence of death for it: nevertheless, through his Majesty's goodness, was not only pardoned, but enlarged, and afterwards became an eminent Covenanter.  
Which Insolency of the Scots did not a little animate and encourage the Puritan-faction here, 
An. 1634.  who loudly declaimed against the Discipline of the Church, as it then by Law stood established: and to beget a greater contempt thereof in the generality of the people, represented it to be superstitious, and like to usher in Popery: dispersing many scandalous, seditious, and libellous Pamphlets to that purpose: infusing likewise into them strange apprehensions, that their Liberty and Property were in no little danger: and the better to give colour to their pretended fears of these approaching Evils, they took ready hold of this following occasion.  
The Sovereignty of the Brittish-Seas, by ancient right justly appertaining to the Crown of England, having not only been invaded by the Dutch, but their bold usupation therein openly justified by certain public Writings; the King, with the advice of his Council-learned, did, about the same time, issue out certain Writs, directed as well to all the Inland Counties, 
The Inland parts charged with Ships for defence of the Realm.  as to the respective Port-Towns, according to the example of his Royal Progenitors, to set out a certain number of Ships, furnished with Mariners, Ammunition, Victual, and all other necessaries for defence of the Realm. By which means he did not only assert and recover that dominion on the Sea, which really belonged to this Kingdom, but much improved Trade and Commerce, whereby the generality of his Subjects were not a little enriched.  
But this just and rational practice, some of the malevolent Members of his former Parliaments, and others of that stamp, under pretence of standing up for the Rights and Properties of the Subjects, did stubbornly oppose, though his Majesty had the clear and unanimous opinion of all the grave and learned Judges of his Courts in Westminster-Hall, under their hands, to justify those his Proceedings: Nevertheless, waving any arbitrary power, he freely gave leave, that the Case should be solemnly debated in the Exchequer-Chamber. Which being publicly done after divers solid Arguments thereon; no less than ten of those twelve Judges fully declared their opinion for the Legality thereof; Sr. George Crook, and Sr. Richard Hulton only dissenting, though they had formerly subscribed thereto.  
This as to the Civil Liberties, and what (as hath been before observed) of the great noise made every where touching the fear of Popery, was it whereof not only the factious people here took great advantage, 
A usual mask for evil designs. Hist. of Archbishop Laud's life. etc.  but those of that leven in Scotland; who thereupon began to set on foot a contrivance, whereby they might have the colour of Religion* to help on their work. Whereunto the rise they took, 
p. 92. 93. Multitudo, ubi religione capta est, potius vatibus quam Ducibus suis paret. Curtius' lib. 4. An. 1637. The Service-book sent into Scotland.  was a pretended apprehension, that the Liturgy sent to them in an. 1637, was a mere Popish Service-book, and purposely designed to introduce the Romish worship into both Kingdoms. From the ground of which seeming jealousies, they fell foul upon the Bishops; under colour, that they were the framers thereof, and the chief Instruments for obtruding it upon them.  
To clear them therefore of this most impious scandal, I shall here briefly represent to the world, what that so much defamed Liturgy was, and on what occasion it was sent into that Realm.  
King james after he came to enjoy the Crown of England, 
King Charles his large Declaration. p. 16.  well observing the Decency and Uniformity of God's worship here, and the Deformity thereof in his own native Kingdom, where no set, or public form of Prayer was used, but oft-times seditious expressions, girding at Sovereignty and Authority, and stuffed with false Reports; upon his Progress into Scotland an. 1616, an Assembly being then held at Aberdene, he proposed to that Convention a public Liturgy, to be used in that Realm. Which pious motion, being then and there well approved of, a Liturgy was accordingly framed, and in all points properly fitted for that Kirk; 
Ib. p. 17.  and after his return into England, conveyed to him, where it was viewed by some of his Scottish Subjects: yet not sent thither whilst that King lived.  
Being thus composed, his Son and Successor K. Charles, after a review thereof, finding it in substance, the same with the English Liturgy, which his Majesty in point of prudence declined to recommend unto them, lest they might cavil thereat, under colour, that it would be looked upon as a badge of Dependency upon the Church of England, 
Ib. p. 18. & 19  then sent it to the Lords of the Privy-Council of that Realm, by their advice to be publicly read, without the least suspicion of any dislike thereof, in regard it did so little differ from the English Liturgy, 
Ib. p. 19  wherewith his Scottish Subjects of all sorts were well acquainted, by reason of their frequent resort to his Majesties own Chapel, and many other Churches in this Realm, where it was constantly used; as also in his Royal Chapel at Haly-Rood-House (whereunto the Nobility, Bishops, Judges, Gentry, and people of all degrees did usually come), Cathedrals of Scotland, and University of St. Andrews: 
Ib. p. 22.  and not only so, but commended in the Sermons of some of their after principal Covenanters, especially Mr. Rollock.  
But Rebellion being the close and underhand design of these great Pretenders to Godliness; whereby, in case they did prosper, they might swallow up the Possessions of the Crown and Church, with the Estates of all his Majesty's loyal Subjects; the contrivance was so laid, that the Common people should be possessed with an opinion, that the King having married a Popish Queen, did resolve to introduce the Romish Religion first into Scotland, and afterwards into the rest of his dominions; and to that end, first to settle this Liturgy there, it being privately whispered, that it was the very Mass translated into their Language. Which so far incensed the vulgar; that upon the reading thereof, 
Ib. p. 23, 24, 25. 23 Julii. 1637.  in the great Church at Edinburgh, upon the 23 d of july the same year (1637) they made such a tumult, as that the Dean, who read it, and many other persons of note, had much ado to escape thence with their lives.  
Which uproar was so barbarous, 
Tumults at Edinburgh, by reason of the Service-book.  that the day following, the Lords of the Council there, set forth a Proclamation* in dislike thereof. And, the Magistrates of Edinburgh to make up the Pageant) sent Letters into England to the Archbishop of Canterbury, 
* Ib. p. 26, & 27.  desiring him to recommend to the King's Majesty their zeal and forwardness, for settling the peaceable practice thereof. Neither would any man of note, then seem to own that Tumult; 
Ib. p. 31.  but attributed it to the Rogues and base multitude, except the zealous Kirkmen, who cried it up in their Pulpits, and magnifyed them for the most heroical Sparks, that ever God inspired, and raised up, in this last age of the world; and for their happy Mouths and Hands; which God was pleased to honour that day, with the beginning of their new Blessed Reformation, and occasioning their celestial Covenant (as they called it) that their memorial should be eternal, and all succeeding generations should call them blessed.  
After this (about the end of Harvest) began a tumultuous conflux of the Nobility, Gentry, Ministers, and others at Edinburgh, from all parts of the Kingdom: howbeit, as yet the principal persons in authority there, seemed to stand right enough in their loyalty (so that his Majesty the less feared the ensuing mischiefs) the more to prevent any suspicion thereof, 
17. Oct. 1637.  set forth three Proclamations.  
First, that nothing should be treated of at the Council-Table there, about Church-business, till they saw the times and meeting of his Majesty's Subjects more quiet and peaceable. 
1638.  The Second, for removing the Session (or Term) from Edinburgh to Lithgow, for fear of present danger. The third, for burning a seditious Book, dispersed in derogation of the Ecclesiastical Government in England.  
But these Proclamations were for little else then show; 
Ib. p. 35. 18. Oct.  the Tumults increasing; so that the next day, the Bishop of Galoway, and the Lord chief Justice of that Kingdom, were assaulted by the multitude, and the Lords beset in the Council-house; the people, in their clamorous noises, crying, God defend all those, 
Ib. p. 37.  who will defend God's cause; and God confound the Service-book, and all the maintainers thereof. And so great were their outrages, that they pulled down the Lord Treasurer; took his Hat, Cloak, and White-Staff from him; and set upon the Provost, as he was entering his own House.  
These with the like were the beginnings to their intended glorious work of Reformation (as they called it) which they 〈◊〉 God even to a miracle had so graciously prospered in their Hands. In which last Tumults none were more forward than two of those, who were lately Bailiffs of Edinburgh, and had subscribed the beforementioned Letters to the Archbishop of Canterbury.  
Subsequent to which Tumults, 
Ib. p. 41.  two Petitions were presented to the Lord Chancellor and Council against the Service-book: the first in the name of all the Men, Women, Children and Servants of Edinburgh; the second by the Noblemen, Gentlemen, Ministers and Burgesses: suggestions being made to the people of the King's inclination to Popery.  
Of which stirs in Scotland, 
Ib. p. 47.  the King having advertisement, he sent over the Earl of Roxborough (Lord Privy-Seal) into that Kingdom. Whereupon a Proclamation 
* 19 Febr. 1638.  was set forth there, by his Majesty's appointment, for dispersing of the dangerous multitudes got together at Sterlyn. But against this Proclamation the Earl of Hume, and Lord Lindsey, with many others of all ranks, made a Protestation; which Protestation they published at Lithgow, and afterwards at Edinburgh, forcing the Heralds that proclaimed the same, to stay and hear the Protestation against it.  
So that, 'tis observable, that the first Tumult was by the name of Rascals and Scum of the people. 
Ib. p. 40.  The second by the best sort of Citizens: and the third by the Nobility, Gentry, and Magistrates.  
After which Protestation, 
Tables of Advice erected.  they erected public Tables of Advice and Council, for ordering the affairs of that Kingdom, in contempt of his Majesty's authority; entering into a formal Combination, which they called a Covenant against all that should oppose them. 
The first Covenant by the Scots.  Which Covenant, Mr. Andrew Cant, in his Sermon at Galsgow, told the people, he was sent to them with, by a Commission from Christ, to bid them Subscribe; it being Christ's contract; and that he himself came, as a wooer to them, for the Bridegroom; and called upon them to come to be hand-fasted, by subscribing that contract. Adding, that he would not depart the Town, till he got all the names of those who should refuse to subscribe that Contract, of whom he promised to complain to his Master.  
The King therefore hearing of the increase of those troubles, 
His Majesty's Declaration. Ib. p. 40.  sent over the Marquis of Hamilton, with Commission 
* Dated at Windsor 20 May 1638. The Marq. of Hamilton sent into Scotland, to appease the people there.  for composure of them. Who, on the sixth of june following arrived at Dalkeith; where the Lords of his Majesty's Council of that Kingdom, were then assembled for safety (as 'twas pretended) in regard of the combustions at Edinburgh, which daily increased.  
But the chief of the Covenanters grew daily more violent in their courses; increased the meetings of their Tables; subdivided them into several Committees; augmented their Provisions of Arms; and infusing fears and jealousies into the people, by seditious Sermons; caused Edenborough-Castle to be girt with strong Guards; hindered all persons to go to the Marquis, to treat or speak with him in the business for which he was sent; giving out, that there was a Plot to blow them up with Gunpowder, if they should go to Dalkeith; and received in two Ships-lading with Arms and Ammunition at that time.  
Whereupon, 
Ib. p. 85. 86.  at the request of the Citizens of Edinburgh, the Marquis took his journey from Dalkeith to Haly-Rood-House. But, before he got thither, the Covenanters meeting him on the way, with multitudes that made great Exclamations against Popery and Bishops; required a General Assembly of the Church, and then a Parliament; justifying their Covenant, as being more available and useful to them (as they said) than all the Laws and Acts of Parliament, which had been enacted in that Kingdom since the time of Fergus, the first King thereof. The People's fury also growing more hot than ever, 
Ib. p. 88  new Guards were clapped upon the Castle of Edinburgh; the Pulpits rung of Libellous Sermons and Prayers: yea so insolent they were, that they sent a Prohibition against reading the English-Service in the King's peculiar Chapel, where the Marquis (his Majesty's Commissioner) and the Council were to be.  
Which Tumults (as 'twas said) occasioning the Marquis to go back to Dalkeith; the Covenanters sent Letters to every one of his Majesty's Council, requiring their Subscription to the Covenant. And, understanding, that the Marquis did resolve to publish a Declaration of his Majesty's forwardness, to maintain the Religion professed in that Kingdom, and his averseness to Popery; dissuaded him, as he tendered the King's honour, his own safety, and peace of the Public from doing it.  
But not withstanding these arguments, 
Ib. p. 96. 28. Junii.  the Marquis did cause his Majesty's Proclamation to be published by Heralds, at the Market-Cross in Edinburgh; declaring his resolution to maintain the true Protestant-Christian-Religion. And for farther clearing of scruples, assured them; that he would neither then, nor thenceforth press the practice of the Canons and Service-Book, otherwise than in such a fair and legal way, as should satisfy his loving Subjects, that he neither intended Innovation in Religion, or Laws; warning all his good people to beware of disobedience.  
But all this no whit sufficed them; for in open affront thereto, they caused multitudes of people to fill the streets (especially near the Cross) in an hostile equipage; with Pistols and Swords out of their Belts; giving out, that if this Proclamation were harkened unto, it would bring undoubted ruin to their Religion, Laws, and Liberties: and upon a Scaffold (erected for that purpose) they mounted, with a Rebellious Protestation, in defence of their Covenant, which they published openly: concluding that if his Majesty would not allow their proceedings, they themselves would call a General Assembly; justifying all their do to be most necessary, and an orderly means, agreeable to the Laws and practice of that Church and Kingdom.  
Whereupon the Marquis returning into England, 
Ib. p. 110. & 111.  to acquaint the King with what had passed; resolving to be back again before the Fifth of August with new instructions; they in his absence informed the People, that he was well satisfied with their Covenant. Against which calumny, upon his return, he published a Manifesto in Print. And having direction from his Majesty to indict an Assembly; sent to divers of the principal Covenanters, concerning some Propositions to be resolved upon before the meeting thereof. But this Message was received with so much choler and contempt; that they blazed it abroad for a proposition, tending to the utter ruin of the Laws and Liberties of that Church and Kingdom.  
Which much startling the Marquis, he told them of his resolution to go back into England, and that he could not concur with them: but that he had power to grant them a new Assembly; which he could not conceive to be free, if they should bring in every man to have a voice, whom they had a mind to. And accordingly went again into England. Where having acquainted the King with what had happened, he returned. Howbeit, before he came back, the Covenanters (contrary to promise) had elected Commissioners for the Assembly.  
Upon which his Return, 
22 Sept.  he delivered to his Majesty's Council at Haly-Rood-House, Letters concerning the Confession of faith of the date at Edinburgh jan. 28. 1580; and signed by King james. But the Covenanters hereupon gave out to the people, that the News brought by the Marquis, did tend to the utter subversion of their Religion and Liberties: also that there was a new Covenant to be set on foot by the King, to destroy theirs; and that if now they resisted not, all was lost that they had already done. Nevertheless the Marquis caused his Majesty's Declaration and Confession of Faith (ut supra) to be published at the Market-Cross in Edinburgh: 
Ib. p. 137.  and at the same time, not only a Proclamation for indicting a General Assembly at Glasgow the one and twentieth of November ensuing; 
Ib. p. 147.  but an Act of the Lords of the Council, requiring all his Majesty's Subjects, to subscribe the said Confession of Faith, and Band annexed. Which Declaration contained a grant for redress of all the particular Grievances, desired in their Supplications, Remonstrances, Protestations, Declarations etc. and besides all this, their own Confession of Faith (the ground, as they pretended of their Covenant) renewed and established.  
But the principal Covenanters having possessed the People with a prejudicate opinion of this gracious Declaration (before they heard it) as destructive to the Laws and Liberties of that Church and Kingdom; 
Ib. p. 156.  erected a large Scaffold near the Cross, where the same was to be published; at which divers Earls, Lords, Gentlemen, and others, with their Swords in their Hands, and Hats on their Heads, stood jeering and laughing, during the time of the same Declaration: and it being ended, with Insolent and Rebellious behaviour, assisted one Archibald johnston, in the publishing a most wicked and treasonable Protestation; wherein they invoked God's holy name, as a witness to many notorious falsehoods; attributing Infallibility to their Rebellious Covenant: affirming, that it was approved from Heaven with rare and undeniable instances. And the next Sunday after, all the Pulpits rang with bitter invectives and Declamations against his Majesty's Declaration; branding it with the depth and policy of Satan.  
Nevertheless, this Declaration and Confession of Faith, so sent by his Majesty was very well received in all places, except such whereunto the Covenanters from their Tables had prepared their Emissaries to dissuade the acknowledgement of it; witness the Letter sent to the Marquis, dated 24 Sept. 
24 Sept.  from the Provost, Bailiffs, and Council of Glasgow, and the Ministers there. And the Assembly at Glasgow being thus indicted, they cunningly contrived, 
Ib. p. 188, & 189.  that the Commissioners, 
Ib. p. 195.  should be elected of the most rigidand fanatic spirits that were; the Principal Covenanters persuading the People, that the King intended no performance of what he promised in his last Proclamation; no not the Assembly itself; but to gain time until he were ready for their ruin: sending likewise for all their party, to flock to 
* 13. Oct.  Edinburgh, as if then there had been greater danger than ever; 
Ib. p. 197.  increasing also their Guards about the Castle; their Preachers publishing in the Pulpits; that whosoever subscribed his Majesty's Confession and Covenant, were perjured Villains.  
Moreover they caused a most false, 
Ib. p. 208.  odious, and scandalous Libel, to be drawn up against the Archbishops and Bishops; and exhibiting it to the Presbytery of Edinburgh, 
Ib. p. 210.  procured it to be publicly read in the Pulpits. Whereupon the Archbishops and Bishops were cited by the Presbytery of Edinburgh, to appear before the General Assembly, 
Ib. p. 226.  to be holden at Glasgow 21 Nou. following. And the more to infatuate the giddy-headed multitude, they set up such another Impostor, as the Holy Maid* of Kent in King Henry the Eighth's time was, 
An. 1534. 25. H. 8. Holinsh. p. 936. 937.  viz. one Michelson's daughter, said to have been long distracted by Fits, and then pretended to be inspired with Divination; who was cried up for raving against the Bishops, in her mad Fits; Rollock (one of their fiercest Presbyters) giving out, that God spoke through her; her expressions being, 
Ib. p. 228.  that it was revealed unto her from God, that their Covenant was approved from Heaven.  
And soon after this, 
Ib. p. 229. & 230.  they indicted an Assembly, by their own authority upon the one and twentieth of November following. But upon knowledge that the Lord Marquis (his Majesty's Commissioner) was resolved to hold the Assembly at the time and place appointed by the King's Proclamation, they altered their purpose, and sent out Papers for a General meeting at Edinburgh upon the twelfth of November; and to stay there, till they were to go to Glasgow on Saturday the seventeenth of that month.  
Which meeting (according to the King's Proclamation) being very great; after his Majesty's Commission read, the Marquis exhorted them to a peaceable and moderate carriage; giving some touch of the disorders that had passed. Whereunto answer being made by a Nobleman (a Lay Elder) that they had given his Grace satisfaction for all their proceedings, they went on to the choice of a Moderator, without the approbation and consent of his Majesty's Commissioner; appointing for that purpose Mr. Alexander Henderson (the most rigid Covenanter) Against whom, when the Marquis protested, such was their heady and exorbitant carriage; that, by the hands of Doctor Hamilton, they presented to the Marquis a a Declinator and Protestation against his proceedings, in the name of the Bishops. Nay so formidable they soon after grew, as that the University of Aberdene, 
Ib. p. 224.  having been threatened with the loss of their lives, for writing against the Covenant, durst not send any of their Professors to that Assembly. 
28. Oct.  And on the eight and twentieth of October a calumnious Libel against the Bishops was read in all the Churches of Edinburgh; 
Ib. p. 248.  one Gibson (in the Assembly) thundering out a verbal Protestation; that they would pursue their Libel against the Bishops, so long as they had lives and fortunes.  
Which Assembly was formed of Ministers (Commissioners to it) chosen by Lay Elders, 
Ib. p. 264.  the Lay Elders themselves being likewise present in it 〈◊〉 course so much distasted by several parts of the Kin●●●●, that they thereupon made Protestations against 〈◊〉 proceedings; divers of which were read at the instance of his Majesty's Commissioner: but the Lord Lowdon hindered the reading of that from Glasgow. And, as their Elections were wholly undue, so were their Actions in the Assembly; all being carried by faction, and clancular contrivances, 
Ib. p. 281, 282, 283.  as appeared by their own Private Papers of Instructions (some whereof were discovered by the Marquis) neither was any freedom of debate therein, but what tended to the advancement of their evil designs.  
The Marquis therefore showing a dislike to those their sinister deal, 
Ib. p. 287. 27 Nou.  departed from the Assembly at Glasgow. Whereupon the Covenanters protested against all that he had said and done there, as his Majesty's Commissioner. And at the same instant the Lord Areskyn, and three other mean persons, came and begged to be admitted into their blessed Covenant. Which offer (though of purpose contrived) was made so good use of by the Moderator, that he desired it might be admired as God's approbation and Sealing of their proceedings. And it being put to the question whether they should adhere to their Protestation, and continue the Assembly, notwithstanding the King's Commissioners departure, it was voted (by most) affirmatively. Secondly, whether the Assembly, though dissolved by his Majesty's Commissioner, was competent judge against the Bishops, and whether they would go on in their Trial; it passed also affirmatively, nemine contradicente.  
And now, 
Ib. p. 290. 29. Nou.  no sooner was the Marquis thus departed, having caused his Majesty's Proclamation to be published by Heralds, 
The Assembly at Glasgow dissolved.  at the Market-Cross in Glasgow, for dissolving the Assembly; but that Mr. Archibald johnston (the then Clerk to the Assembly) made a scandalous Protestation against it. 
Ib. p. 294. Ib. p. 317.  After which all things were transacted by some few packed Committees of the most fierce Covenanters, which sat till the thirtieth of December following. Which Committees, amongst other of their Acts declared six general Assemblies to be Null and void, whereof two were then in force by several Acts of Parliament; and divers Acts of the other four, confirmed by Parliament. They condemned likewise, all the Arminian Tenets (as they called them) without defining what those Tenets were. They also deprived all the Arch-Bishops and Bishops of that Realm; 
Episcopal Government abolished in Scotland. Ib. p. 319.  excommunicating many of them, without examining any one witness to prove, no nor offering to produce any to testify aught against them. And next declared Episcopal Government to be inconsistent with the Laws of that Church and Kingdom; abolishing it for ever, though it then stood confirmed by many Acts both of Parliament and Assemblies. They also deprived divers Ministers for Arminianism, without ever questioning them for what Tenets or opinions they held.  
Moreover, towards the end of their Assembly, they divided themselves into several Committees; which after their rising, should see all their Acts put in execution. And, at the conclusion of all, the Moderator gave God thanks for their good success, congratulating the Nobility for their great pains; giving thanks also to the Earl of Argyle for his Presence and Council. Which Earl, in a long Speech, then excused his late declaring himself; yet protesting, that he was always set that way, though he delayed to profess it, so long as he found his close carriage might advantage their Cause, but now he must openly adjoin himself to their Society, or prove a Knave, as he said.  
Hereupon the Marquis (his Majesty's Commissioner) resolving to ask the King's leave to return for England, came first to Edinburgh, where he found strong Guards put upon the Castle, and the people much abused by false Reports; viz. that his Majesty had made good nothing at all, which was contained in his Declaration at Edinburgh upon the two and twentieth of September last; 
Ib. p. 366.  whereupon he caused a Proclamation 
* 18 Dec.  to be published in his Majesty's name, at the Market-cross there, containing the sum of his whole proceedings at Glasgow. 
Ib. p. 375.  Which being encountered with a blustering and undutiful Protestation, in the name of the general Assembly of the Kirk of Scotland, and published at the same time and place, he returned into England.  
Then the Faction proceeded to levy Soldiers, 
Ib. p. 402.  impose Taxes; and requiring obedience to their Acts, menaced the Refusers; raised divers Fortifications in that Kingdom; blocked up his Majesty's Castles and Forts; and took the Castle of Edinburgh; procuring their Preachers seditiously to teach the People, that there was a Necessity of bearing Arms against his Majesty under pain of Perjury and Damnation; and caused such an infamous Ballad to be sung up and down against the Bishops; as that, in hatred of them, the people called a Dog with black and white spots, a Bishop as he went in the Streets.  
Moreover they procured divers Libels to be scattered in England, for justification of their rebellious courses, and defamation of Ecclesiastical Government; inciting his Majesty's Subjects in this Realm, to attemt the like Rebellion here: refusing to admit such to the Communion, who had not subscribed their Covenant; and preaching that the Non-subscribers were Atheists. 
Ib. p. 404.  Nay one of them, in his Sermon exhorted the people never to give over, till they had the King in their power, and then he should see what good Subjects they were. Others preached, that the Service-Book was framed at foam. These and many other groundless scandals and falsehoods, to amuse the People, they published in their Pulpits (which they called the Chairs of truth.) And to hasten on the People's Insurrection, endeavoured to persuade them, that his Majesty intended an Invasion of that Kingdom, and to make it a Province; as also to despoil them of their Laws and Liberties, and to give them new Laws, as if they were a conquered Nation. And having thus prepared the People and fitted themselves with all Provisions for war, 
The Scots put themselves in Arms.  they put themselves in Arms, and marched to the Frontiers of England, pretending they came as Petitioners.  
The King therefore discerning the danger, 
The King raised an Army, whereof he made the Earl of Arundel General. 27 Martii, 1639.  raised a gallant Army, whereof he made Thomas Earl of Arundel his General; and on the seven and twentieth of March set forwards towards Scotland; having with him the flower of his English-Nobility and Gentry, whose cheerfulness then to serve him was very great. Yet was the Earl of Essex at that time his Lieutenant-General, and the Earl of Holland General of the Horse (so much was his Majesty then mistaken in their affections to him, who did afterwards sufficiently discover themselves) And advancing with his Army, 
* 28 Maii, at the Birks.  encamped four mile's West from Barwick.  
What correspondence was then held, betwixt the Scots, and divers of the great ones, then in his Majesty's Camp (considering also who were of his Bedchamber) may easily be guest by the consequences. Certain it is, that divers of them grew cool in the business: so that, after the Scots had, 
The King's Declaration, since the Pacification in the Camp near Barwick. p. 3. & 4.  by a formal Petition expressed; that they falling down at his Majesty's feet, did most humbly supplicate him, to appoint some of the Kingdom of England, to hear by some of them, their humble desires: his Majesty assented thereunto; and after several meetings thereupon, and their demands presented in writing, professed; that it was their grief that his Majesty had been provoked to wrath against them, his most humble and loving Subjects: and that it should be their delight, upon his gracious assurance of the preservation of their Religion and Laws, to give example to all others, of all civil and temporal obedience, which could be required of loyal Subjects.  
To which his Majesty answered, that if their desires were only the enjoying of their Religion and Liberties, according to the Ecclesiastical and Civil Laws of his Kingdom of Scotland; he did not only agree to the same, but should always protect them to the utmost of his power; they yielding him in the mean time, such civil and temporal obedience, as could be justly required of loyal Subjects.  
Upon this Petition therefore, 
Ib. p. 17.  Articles of Pacification were concluded 
* 17 Junii. Articles of Pacification with the Scots.  on at Barwick; whereby his Majesty was contented not only to confirm whatsoever his Commissioner had promised in his name; but that all Ecclesiastical matters, should be determined by the Assemblies of the Kirk. Likewise matters Civil by the Parliament, and other inferior Judicatories established by Law.  
Moreover, that for settling the distractions of that Kingdom, he was willing to grant a free general Assembly, to be kept at Edinburgh the sixth of August ensuing; and after that a Parliament the twentieth of August; for ratifying what should be concluded in the Assembly; being graciously pleased to declare, that upon disbanding of their Forces, dissolving all their pretended Tables; restoring his Forts, Castles, and Ammunition etc. To his good Subjects their Liberties, Lands, Goods etc. detained since the late pretended general Assembly; he would recall his Fleet; retire his Land-forces; and make restitution to them of their Ships, and Goods arrested etc.  
Which Agreement was entertained by them, with so much outward acceptance; that by the Subscriptions of the chiefest of them, it was promised, they would ever, in all things carry themselves like humble, loyal, and obedient Subjects. But, instead of performance of their parts, at the very publishing 
* 20 Junii  the Articles in their Camp, a Protestation was made, dishonourable to his Majesty's Government, to the further encouraging of the People in their disobedient and mutinous ways. And at the same time, they delivered into the hands of some of the English Nobility, and spread among others, a scandalous Paper, entitled, Some conditions of his Majesty's Treaty with his Subjects of Scotland; wherein were contained such untruths and seditious positions, and so contrary to what was concluded in the Articles of Pacification; that, howsoever they pretended a desire of peace, yet they intended nothing less; and instead of disbanding their Forces within forty eight hours, after publication of those Articles; they kept great parts of them together, and held in pay almost all their Officers; continuing their unlawful meetings and conventicles, to the great vexation and trouble of all such his Majesty's good Subjects, as did not adhere to their rebellious Covenant, and Act of the pretended Assembly at Glasgow keeping up all their Fortifications. Yea such was the fury of the People (animated by that Protestation, with divers scandalous Papers, and seditious Sermons) that they deterred his Majesty's good Subjects, from going to their dwellings; threatening them with loss of their lives, if they repaired to their own Houses; labouring also to pervert them in the choice of the Commissioners for the general Assembly appointed; by anticipating their voices, in making them swear to, and subscribe the approbation of the same Assembly at Glasgow, 
Ib. p. 17.  and Acts thereof; deterring others from repairing thereto. So that, by these new disorders, the peace and quiet of his Subjects, was greatly disturbed (great Insolences being offered to the Earl of Kinnowl, his Majesty's high Treasurer; as also to Sir james Hamilton Justice-general, and other his Majesty's Councillors and good Subjects) so that the King sorbore to come to Edinburgh; such of his Loyal Subjects as attended his Person, and adhered to him, being branded by them with the vile aspersion of Traitors to God and their Country, and threatened to be proceeded against with censures accordingly. And lastly, shaking off all respect due to sacred Majesty, protested, that all members of the Colleges of justice and Liege's, were not to attend the Session; and that all Acts, Decrees, and Sentences therein past against any of them, should be null, 
Ib. p. 19  void and ineffectual; contrary to the King's express Warrant for the down-sitting thereof, and the heavy damage of his good Subjects, who were thereby frustrated of Justice.  
And having laid these insolent and seditious foundations for a Parliament, 
Ib. p. 20  it could not be expected, but that the structure must be full of confusion (as indeed it proved) their Actions, and demands favouring of nothing but undutifulness and disloyalty: for they stuck not to deny to his Majesty the most essential, and inherent Prerogatives of his Crown; striving by all means to change and alter the constitutions of the Parliament, and frame of Government. Likewise to restrain his power in point of coinage, custody of Castles, grants of Honour, and Commissions-Justiciary, or Lieutenancy.  
And his Majesty by his Commission, 
* 2 Julii.  having allowed them the liberty of convening and meeting, until a certain day, for distributing of their pretended charges, amongst such as should willingly condescend thereunto; they did not only, without Warrant, continue their Conventicles and Tables, since that Commission expired, 
* 20 Julii.  contrary to the positive Laws of that Kingdom, the Act of Pacification, and their own acknowledgement in petitioning for the aforesaid Commission; but urged, that all those his good Subjects, who adhered to him in defence of his Royal authority, against their rebellious commotions, should be made equal (if not more liable) to the defraying of their pretended charges. Which might imply his Majesty's countenance and justification of all their Rebellions and Treasons. 
Ib. p. 30.   
The King therefore discerning their persistance in such unsufferable demands, returned to England, 
August.  signifying to the Earl of Traquier (his Commissioner) that it did evidently appear unto him, that their aim was not now for Religion, as they always pretended, but rather the alteration of the Government of that Kingdom, and withal the total overthrow of Royal authority: 
Novemb.  commanding his said Commissioner to prorogate the parliament, till the second of june, next following.  
Notwithstanding which Prorogation, they continued their sitting at Edinburgh; and sent their Deputies 
* Earl of Dumfermelyn.  over into this Kingdom, to make Remonstrance of their doing, (without knowledge of his Commissioner.) Whereupon his Majesty's Commissioner came over, 
Lord Lowdon.  and acquainting him with those Insolences; also by his command, relating 
* 5 Dec.  them at his Council-board; the King there proposed to the consideration of the Lords then present; 
Ib. p. 41.  whether it were not more sit to reduce them to their duty by force, than give way to their demands, so much prejudicial to his Honour and safety. Which being unanimously voted in the affirmative, his Majesty resolved to call a Parliament soon after.  
In which Interim the Scots lost no time, but making fair pretences by their Remonstrance, 
18. Dec.  protested against this Act of Prorogation; and declared, that the same was contrary to the Constitutions and practice of all precedent Parliaments; contrary to the liberties of that Kingdom, and repugnant to the Articles of the late Pacification; and that it was ineffectual and of no force to hinder their proceedings; professing, that it was never their intention to deny his Majesty any part of that civil and temporal obedience, which is due to all Kings from their Subjects, and from them to their dread Sovereign, after a more special manner; but merely to preserve their Religion and Liberties of the Kingdom: and that whatsoever course they should take, it should be no imputation to them, being constrained thereto, for best securing that Kirk and Kingdom from the Extremity of confusion and misery: taking God and man to witness, that they would be free of all outrages, and Insolences that should be committed in the mean time.  
And then they began again to levy and raise Forces in several parts of the Realm in great numbers; 
Scots raise more forces.  exercised, trained, and assigned them a Rendezvouz; as also a day to be in readiness to march; making Provisions of Artillery, 
Jan. 1639. Act. 34.  Ammunition, and Arms in great quantities, from foreign parts; laying Taxes and Impositions of ten marks in every hundred, upon all the Subjects of that Kingdom, according to their several Revenues, for support of their Rebellion; exacting the same with the greatest rigour that could be imagined; spreading sundry Papers and Pamphlets scandalous to the King's proceedings; blocked up the Castle of Edinburgh, and fortified divers places; imprisoned the Earl of Southeske (one of his Majesty's Privy-Council there) and sundry others of quality, for not adhering to them in their Rebellious courses: endeavouring to settle Intelligencers in parts beyond-Sea; and practising to let in foreign power; inclining rather to prostitute themselves to a foreign Government, and different in Religion, than yield obedience and conformity to his Majesty their natural Sovereign; 
Ib. p. 57  as appears by their Addresses, and Letter to the French King.  
By what hath been said, it appearing, that the first glimpse of this grand and destructive Rebellion showed itself at Edinburgh upon the three and twentieth of july, an. 1637; the scum of the people then taking fire at th● reading of that Service-book, which was sent over by his late Majesty (of blessed memory) as a proper Liturgy for the Church of Scotland, and most nearly suiting with this of England. Forasmuch, therefore, as from those Sparks the ensuing flames arose; which from and after that time continued burning, for the space of many years, until they had overspread, and much wasted the chief parts of this great Isle: to make the Bishops of both Kingdoms odious, there are not a few, who either out of malice to their sacred function, or ignorance as to matter of fact, have imputed the original of all this mischief unto them, as the first Authors or procurers of that Book, which they would have believed to be the first rise thereof.  
To the end therefore, that those reverend persons (soon after ruin'd, and since dead) may be fully vindicated from being primarily instrumental therein (though had they so been, no person of upright judgement could justly have blamed them from endeavouring an uniformity in the service of God in both Kingdoms.) I shall desire my Reader to cast his eye upon that faithful Narrative, 
* The King's Declaration printed at Lond. 1639.  written by the command of our late Sovereign King Charles the first (and corrected throughout with his own hand, as many yet living can testify;) whereby he will clearly discern; that the then Lords of the Privy-Council of Scotland, were the men, who advised the King to commend a Service-Book, to be received and used in all the Churches of that Realm, of which there was no little want, every man being left to his own giddy fancy.  
Now, whether this advice of those Lords was not with purpose to trepan his Majesty to do that; which (as they resolved to order the business) should occasion a tumultuous Insurrection by the rabble, whence their grand Design of raising a general flame of war might ensue, let the Reader judge, 
Ib. p. 8.  when he looks back upon their discontents upon his Majesty's Revocation of such things as had been passed away, in prejudice of that Crown, especially by some of his Progenitors in their minorities (though not without advice of those who were then his Privy-Councellors in that Realm) as hath been already observed. And withal consider what combinations were driven on divers years before, betwixt the most considerable persons of the Puritan-party in England, and the Grand-Contrivers there; Mr. Knightley's house in Northamptonshire, being the chief place, where that restless faction had their frequent meetings: whence 
* Sir Henry Vane junior.  a Gentleman 
* Preface to the Memoires of the lives of James and William D. of Hamilton. Impr. Lond. 1677.  of quality was sent into Scotland (afterwards a great Parliament-man here:) who residing there for some time before the troubles broke out, represented to those which had the chief Interest there, that the business of the Ship-money and Habeas Corpus, with divers other things, whereof there was much noise made afterwards, had so irritated the greatest part of the English Nation; that if they made sure work at home, they needed not to fear any thing from England.  
Moreover how earnestly and eagerly, after that Tumult at Edinburgh was so raised, all sorts of people took advantage thereof; the Kirkmen laying about them in their Pulpits, so that the Citizens, Gentry and Nobles speedily put themselves in Arms; entering into a rebellious Confederacy, called the Covenant. And lastly, that when his Majesty most graciously offered to recall the Service-Book (which was the great business at which they seemed to take offence) they were no whit lenified. It will be visible enough to any person of judgement, who doth not wilfully shut his Eyes, that the hatching of this Rebellion, was of a much elder date than that Service-Book.  
But I now return to England.   

CHAP. VI  
HIs Majesty thus seeing his danger from Scotland; and hoping of help from his English Subjects, resolved of calling a Parliament here. But, no sooner were Writs out for that purpose, than that the Schismatical Party used all possible endeavour to strengthen their side, by choosing of their own faction, for Knights and Burgesses. And to accomplish the same, spared for no pains in packing of Voices, and making parties (wherein their Seditious Pulpit-men bestirred themselves to purpose:) 
1640.  such being then their fury, that those meetings for Elections appeared more like riotous tumults, than orderly conventions: nevertheless, the Nation was not then so generally tainted, but that many good men were chosen.  
Which Parliament 
An. 1640. 13 Apr. The Short Parliament called.  began at Westminster upon the thirteenth day of April; wherein his Majesty declared to both Houses the indignities received from his scottish Subjects; and to suppress their Rebellion, proposed a Supply of twelve Subsidies; in lieu whereof he was content to forbear Ship-money, than which nothing seemed so grievous.  
Had not that Parliament been broke by the subtle artifices of the Grand-Contrivers in the immediate Rebellion; no doubt but all those miseries, which were thereby soon after brought upon this Realm, might have been easily prevented: and that the breach thereof was wrought by them, is plain enough. For Sir Henry Vane Senior, a member of the House of Commons at that time (and one of his Majesty's principal Secretaries of State) having by the King's appointment, moved for a Supply of twelve Subsidies; yet with power to stoop to eight: when he saw an inclination in the House tending thereto (first by a Proposal of four, then five, nay six were mentioned, and the motion not disliked) told them peremptorily; that it was in vain for them to think of less than twelve, in regard he knew, under that number would not be accepted.  
And, having by that sinister dealing kept such distance betwixt his Majesty and his good Subjects, was by some other of the faction so seconded, with a hideous representation of their Grievances, together with dangerous Innovations in Religion, and fears of introducing Superstition; besides certain motions as did (not without cause) put strange apprehensions in the Queen of peril to her person (or at least some others very near unto her) that his Majesty was constrained to dissolve that Parliament. 
The Short Parliament dissolved. 5 Maii.  And taking consideration of the Scots rebellious Insolences, which every day increased, proposed the business of money to his Privy-Council, who contributed a considerable sum to his aid; his domestic-Servants and Officers making good addition thereto. The Earl of Strafford Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, speedily hasting into that Kingdom; where he called a Parliament, raised an Army of eight thousand men, with money to maintain them, and within the space of six weeks returned into England.  
That the meeting of these Members of Parliament from all parts of the Realm (being many of them men of turbulent Spirits, and principles totally Antimonarchical) gave opportunity for those contrivances which afterwards were put in Action, there is nothing more sure. For in the first place, they took care to infuse Fears and jealousies into the people every where, that the Government was then designed to be Arbitrary, and Popery like to be introduced: to promote which Scandals many seditious Preachers took no small pains in their Pulpits; especially in and about London. Whereupon several tumultuous meetings were made in divers parts of the Suburbs; and a Paper set up in the night, at the old Exchange, animating the Apprentices to sack Lambeth House. 
9 Maii.  Which took such effect, that two nights following, it was beset 
* 11 Maii.  with above five hundred of the rascal multitude, and an attemt made thereon, though without success; some of them being taken and imprisoned in Southwark.  
But here they rested not; for within a few nights after, they broke open the White-Lion, and King's-bench Prisons, and let out their fellows.  
The Scots also, 
11 Julii. Ad. 38.  having made such preparations for a second Rebellion, continued likewise their Parliament, according to the Fundamental Laws (as their phrase was) having enacted a Band, to be subscribed by all men before the first of September, to maintain it to be a free and lawful Parliament: whereupon they formed another Army: and knowing certainly what store of wellwishers they had in this Kingdom: as also how easy the work was like to be made, through the subtle contrivances of the factious party here, from whom they were sufficiently instructed and animated by private Invitations and large promises; invaded this Realm, passing 
* 17. Aug. The first Invasion of the Scots.  the tweed at Barwick.  
But the King being slow to believe what they designed, was not so forward as to encounter them upon the Borders; his Army (which he raised that Summer) lying, at that time about Newcastle, of which the Earl of Northumberland was made General; who (alleging himself to be then ill in health) stayed in London. His Majesty therefore having certain advertisement, that the Scots were ready to enter Northumberland, intended to have made the Earl of Strafford General; who declined it, out of an honoured respect to the Earl of Northumberland: but, being much pressed, in regard of this present occasion, desired to serve, as Lieutenant general under him, and had his Commission 
* 18 Aug.  accordingly.  
On Thursday the twentieth of Aug. the King set forwards from London, towards the North, and on Monday following, the Earl of Strafford (having in that short time fitted himself for his journey) posted from London by Coaches; and arriving at York the Wednesday after (though then much troubled with the Stone) rode to Topcliffe on Friday. 
* 28 Aug.   
At that time the Lord Conway was General of the Horse, and at Newcastle, with the Army. Where, by reason of the General's and Lieutenant-General's absence he had the chief command thereof: but made such slender resistance, that the Scots forced their passage over the River of Tine at Newburne, that very Friday, and entered Newcastle without opposition; himself then retreating with the Army towards York, and in some confusion.  
And now that the Scots had thus possessed themselves of Newcastle, they began to strengthen that place, and bring all those Northern-parts under contribution. Which strange passages made most men amazed; scarce any man knowing whom to trust or speak freely to. Much labour (indeed) there was, to make the people believe, that all this did work for their good, and that the Scots were their surest friends; this being the certain way to have a Parliament, and that the undoubted cure of all things amiss, both in Church and State. And (truly) such a burden was Ship-money then esteemed to be, and some few other extraordinary Impositions (so wanton were many grown, being surfeited with that plenty which long peace had produced) that the Scots than had, not a few wellwishers in all parts of this Realm, their piety and goodness being so cried up by the whole Puritan-party.  
His Majesty therefore in this difficult Labyrinth, took resolution to summon a meeting of the Peers at York (a course which had anciently been used; 
A grand Council of the Peers at York. 24 Sept.  especially when exigencies were so great, that the Convention of a Parliament could not be stayed for); and at the meeting of this grand Council, represented to them the present danger of this Invasion; with desire of their advice, touching the maintenance of his Army, as not safe to be disbanded, whilst the Scotish-Forces were on foot: as also what course was fittest to be taken to get them out. Whereupon, without long deliberating, a Treaty was determined on, and for that end sixteen of the Lords then present, were assigned on the King's part, to meet with Eleven of the Scots; with power to compose and conclude all differences.  
Whereunto the Scots assented; upon condition, that the King should first revoke his Proclamation, whereby he had declared them Traitors. 
COMMISSIONERS  

Of the English these,  
Francis Earl of Bedford.  
William Earl of Hertford.  
Robert Earl of Essex.  
William Earl of Salisbury.  
Robert Earl of Warwick.  
john Earl of Bristol.  
Henry Earl of Holland.  
Thomas Earl of Berkshire.  
Philip Lord Wharton.  
William Lord Paget.  
Edward Lord Kymbolton.  
Robert Lord Brook.  
john Lord Paulet.  
Edw. L. Howard of Escrick.  
Thomas Lord Savile.  
Francis Lord Dunsmore.   

Of the Scots these,  
john Earl of Rothess.  
Ch. Earl of Dumfermeling.  
john Lord Lowdon.  
Sir Patrick Hepburne of Waughtone.  
Sir Will. Douglas of Cavers.  
William Drummond of Riccarton.  
john Smith Bailiff of Edinburgh.  
Alexand, Wedderburn, Clerk of Dundee.  
Hugh Kennedy Burgess of Aire.  
Alexander Henderson.  
Archibald johnstone.    
Which Treaty began at Rippon upon the ninth of October; 
9 Oct. Treaty at Rippon.  but what good effect it was like to produce, we now plainly see, Eleven of those sixteen English Lords, which were chosen on his Majesty's part, being afterwards Actors or Assisters in the late war against him.  
The first demand there made by the Scots Commissioners, being no less than forty thousand pounds a month, for maintenanne of their Army, during the Treaty. Which though not directly granted, was so far yielded to; as that the Assessment imposed by them, upon the County of Northumberland, Bishopric of Durham, and Town of Newcastle, should stand good, for the raising of Eight hundred and fifty pounds a day allowance, for the space of two months, to begin upon the sixteenth of that instant October. And that there should be a cessation of Arms; the Scots Army to be confined on the North part the River Tese, and the English to the South thereof.   

CHAP. VII.  
WHich footing thus gotten by the Scots in the North, gave no small encouragement to their wellwishers in the South; especially in London; who, in contemplation also of the ensuing Parliament (which by his Majesty was summoned to meet upon the third of November following) were not a little animated in divers bold Erterprises: for scandalous papers and Libels, were frequently thrown in the streets, against the Bishops. Yea so bold were the multitude grown (by the example of the Scots in an. 1637, and through the incitation of many Citizens and others of note, who would not then show themselves) that on the 22th of October, a rabble of no less than Two thousand Brownists, and the like Sectaries, entered St. Paul's Cathedral, where the high Commission Court then sat; tore down all the Benches, and cried out, No Bishop, No High Commission.  
To the consideration of which Parliament (begun on the third of November accordingly) did the King represent the safety and security of this Realm; 
The long Parliament began. 3. No.  earnestly desiring, that care might be speedily taken for riddance of the Scots, which had thus invaded the North; and to satisfy their just Grievances, promised his hearty concurrence; desiring that his Army might not be suffered to disband, for want of pay, before the Rebels (for so he then called the Scots) were put out: And that they would lay aside all suspicions, to the end it might become a happy Parliament; resolving to cast himself wholly upon the love and affection of his English Subjects.  
But the house of Commons (consisting of the same, 
Will. Lenthal of Lincoln's Inn being Speaker.  or persons worse affected than those in April before (the prevalent party purging the House of divers persons, whom they conceive would not comply with their destructive enterprises: for such, they either finding fault with their Elections, or making them criminals, as to some public Grievances, though others of a deeper guilt were not touched, whose offences might make them obnoxious to their power, or obsequious to their designs] went slowly on with what his Majesty had proposed to them: for the busy-party (who were the great Actors in the ensuing Tragedy) then fell to contrivance about the accomplishment of their long desired work. To which purpose the Treaty at Rippon was soon after removed to Westminster; to the end, that there they might have the Scots Commissioners at hand, and the power of the Londoners to assist them; for it had been impossible, without the conjunction and help of the Prevalent and factious party in that City ever to have accomplished the ruin of the established Government, and destruction of the King, as they afterwards did. In order whereunto, the first step they made, was the entertaining 
* 9 Nou.  Petitions of Grievances from all parts of the Realm; which made such a noise, as if the Subjects of England had suffered under the greatest slavery and oppression, that had ever been heard of: and (being devised and framed by themselves) were received with such great acceptance, as that the People began to show no small expressions of Joy in their new Reformers. Who to win them the more, besides the Impeachment 
* 11 Nou. The Earl of Strafford impeached of Treason.  of the Earl of Strafford (which was within two days following) whom they had made sufficiently odious, by representing him to be one of the greatest causes of their oppressions, and an especial Enemy to Parliaments, expelled 
* 13 Nou.  divers Projectors and Monopolists out of the House of Commons; impeached 
* 18 Dec.  the Archbishop of Canterbury; the Bishop 
* 19 Dec.  of Ely, and Lord Keeper 
* 21 Dec.  (Finch) for Treason against the State: having in order thereto, by libellous Pamphlets and Pictures rendered them hateful to the People; Damned that hideous Grievance of Ship-money by vote 
* 14 Jan. ; Passed a Bill 
* 5 Febr.  for a Triennial Parliament; as also impeached 
* 11 Febr.  Justice Berkley of High Treason, for his activeness in the business of Ship-money. And to try how safely they might adventure to strike at the established Government of the Church, which might make the easier way for ruin of the State, they brought 
* 28 Nou.  Pryn, Burton, and Bastwick in triumph to London (who had been censured in the Star-Chamber, for Libels against the Hierarchy) countenancing a Petition, exhibited 
* 11 Dec.  to them by Alderman Penington, against Episcopacy and Church-Discipline. Yet, that there might be no doubt of their zeal, and dutiful affection to the King, they sent 
* 15 Dec.  a Message to his Majesty to desire leave that they might advance and settle his Revenue; offering 
* 16 Dec.  to make him the richest King in Christendom.  
And having thus gained a strong confidence with the people, what blessed Patriots they were like to be; that they might also seem as zealous for God's cause, they exhibited a Remonstrance 
* 29 Jan.  (in the name of both Houses) to his Majesty, grounded upon divers Petitions (which they had subtly procured from all parts of the Realm) of the increase of Popery. Also, that the danger thereof might the more amaze the world, they then began to open their Cabinet of Plots and Conspiracies; four of the House of Commons imparting to the Lords, a a discovery 
* 10 Febr.  of an horrid design by many thousands of Papists, in England, Ireland, and Wales.  
Moreover, because of the great complaint of Innovation in Religion, increase of Popery, and growth of Superstition, they appointed 
* 11 Febr.  Commissioners for removing Rails from about all Communion-Tables throughout the Realm.  
Likewise, 
1641.  to the end that the Bishops might the better attend their Spiritual functions, they voted, 
* 10. Martii.  that none of them should have voice in Parliament, nor meddle in temporal affairs. And to assure the Scots, whose Army they, as yet, thought not fit to part with, till their work was brought to more maturity, they gave 
* 2. Febr.  them three hundred thousand pounds, towards a supply of their losses and Necessities. Which signal favour got them the stile of Brethren, and thanks from the Scotish-Commissioners; who seemed so tender of our good, that they desired 
* 16. Martii.  the Treaty might be accelerated, and the Kingdom eased of the burden of the two Armies, by their returning home.  
The next thing wherewith they went in hand, 
Trial of the E. of Strafford.  was the Trial of the Earl of Strafford (for 'twas resolved he must be cut off, being a person of such integrity to the King, and known abilities.) To which purpose, having prepared Westminster Hall with Scaffolds, they began 
* 22. Martii.  his trial upon the two and twentieth of March, where they charged 
* 23. Martii. An. 1641.  him with subverting the Fundamental Laws of England and Ireland; with threatening 
* 3. Apr.  to root the Scotch Nation out of Ireland; with procuring 
* 5. Apr.  his Majesty to dissolve the last Parliament: as also with betraying 
* 7. Apr.  Newcastle, and the King's Army to the Scots  
And, after many days labour to prove him guilty of Treason, by the Law; and failing thereof, they brought 
* 19 Apr.  in a special Bill, to attaint him; wherein they took care to insert a special Clause, that it should not be drawn into Precedent; thereby to secure themselves from a return of that Injustice upon any of them, which they acted on him. Which Bill was twice read and voted in one day. What course they took with those that concurred not with them in passing thereof, and other their practices, I shall briefly mention when I come to their apparent violation of the Privileges of Parliament. How multitudes, out of the City, were brought down to the Parliament-House, to cry for Justice: Also with what difficulty his Majesty passed that Bill (though importuned by the Earl's own Letter, out of hope his death might have satisfied those bloodthirsty men) I spare to mention; but on the twelfth of May, they cut 
* 12. Maii  off his Head on Tower Hill.  
Which strange and unjust way of proceeding, driven on by those who stood least affected to the Doctrine and Discipline of our Church, caused many to fear that which afterwards came to pass. Left therefore the People (whom under the most specious pretences they were to captivate) should have the least suspicion of hazard to the Service of God, as it stood here established; they cunningly insinuated to the world, that by means of a Jesuitical Party the Protestant Religion was in no small danger; and therefore as zealous Champions for the same, framed a formal Protestation for its sure defence, as it then stood established in the Church of England, both in Doctrine and Discipline; which for farther satisfaction they caused to be solemnly taken 
* 3 Maii  by every Member of Parliament; and not only so, but by a special Order made it public by the Press, and sent it to several Counties of this Realm.  
But their grand work being to get the Militia into their power, by which means whatever else they had a mind to, might be accomplished, as an Introduction thereunto, 
Pretended Plots and Conspiracies.  divers strange Plots and Conspiracies were talked of. Which Plots, not only stood them in stead, to amuse and put fears into the people, (who by a most implicit faith, did then believe that all they acted was for their good) but to countenance those many unreasonable demands they made from his Majesty; so that under the shadow of them, they might go through with any thing. And therefore it will not be amiss to view by what degrees they themselves, with these devices, proceeded towards the obtaining those their desired ends.  
The first of these that they broached, was a conspiracy 
* 5 Maii.  by divers in the House of Commons, to bring in a French Army; unto which the Irish and English should be joined. Whereupon a vote was passed, 
* 7 Maii.  that new Fortifications should be raised at Portsmouth and the Cinqueports; and order taken, that one Lord, and two of the Commons (viz. the Lord Kymbolton, Sir Walter Earl, and Sir Philip Stapleton) should be forthwith dispatched thither.  
About the same time also they sent 
* 10 Maii.  some of their Members to Lambeth- House, to search for Ammunition and Arms; as also about the Parliament-House, for fear of any Plot. Which pretended fear was much countenanced by a Letter directed to the Lady Shelley (and produced 
* 12 Maii.  by Mr. Pym) discovering a design to destroy—  
Then was there a Report 
* 13 Maii.  in the House of what a Jesuit should say of some great design against this Kingdom. As also of a Letter from Calais of many Frenchmen coming for England: and of another 
* 14 Maii.  Jesuits speech of firing the Parliament-House. Again of French intended 
* 17 Maii.  to land here. And, within a short space after, Mr. Nathaniel Fienes made report 
* 17 Junii.  to the Houses; that a Plot to seize the Tower was newly discovered; as also to send over the Irish Army; and for delivery of Portsmouth to the French and Papists; for assistance wherein the Bishops were to raise a thousand Horse. And shortly after Mr. Henry Percy, Mr. jermyn, Sir john Sucklyn, and Mr. Davenant were voted 
* 24 Julii.  guilty of another Plot, to bring up the Army, and force the Parliament: which wrought to purpose, by putting terrible Fears and jealousies into the People.  
And to make up all, a Letter 
* 16 Aug.  from the Earl of Holland was read, of new practices against the State. Whereupon, at a conference of both Houses, a select Committee was appointed to advise of putting the Kingdom into a Posture of Defence. 
Posture of Defence.  Which being done, the next artifice they used was to perpetuate the Parliament; to the end that the name of that might the more plausibly carry them through in this grand work. To effect this therefore, they pretended that the great Sums of Money, which the Scots were to have, could not suddenly be raised; and that being to be borrowed for their present riddance, Lender's would hardly be found, unless they saw a certain way to secure their moneys, which the danger of dissolving this Parliament would hazard. 
Bill for perpetuating the Parliament.  Whereupon they brought 
* 7 Maii.  in a Bill to prevent the adjourning or dissolving there of without the consent of both Houses. And to carry on the people with all assurance of their future happiness, and freedom from oppression, by Courts of Arbitrary Jurisdiction, they voted 
* 9 Junii.  and sent up certain Bills, for suppressing the Courts of High Commission, and Star-Chamber, and regulating the Council Table: as also for bounding the Forests; preventing vexatious proceedings concerning Knighthood, and regulating the Clerk of the Market; besides that of Tonnage and Poundage.  
All which his Majesty out of his abundant goodness; expecting that these unparallelled Acts of grace, would have obliged them in a stronger bond of dutiful Allegiance, was pleased to pass, before his going into Scotland. And, as a witness to the candour of his intentions, admitted 
* Lord Say sworn Master of the Wards 17 Maii.  divers Lords, then most popular; but since great Actors in this woeful Tragedy, to be of his Privy-Council, conferring on three of them great Offices of Honour, Trust, 
Earl of Leicester made Deputy of Ireland  and Benefit.  
And now, supposing that he had given them as great a measure of content, as their hearts could desire; he took his journey into Scotland on the tenth of August, 
19 Maii Earl of Essex made Lord Chamberlain 29 Julii.  there to establish the peace of that Realm, in settling whatsoever should be thought meet for the happiness thereof. 
Oliver St. John made Solicitor General. The King went into Scotland.  About which time the Armies were disbanded, 
* 2 Aug.  that had been so long delayed, though the continuance of them was no less charge than 80000 l. a month; their work before being not brought forward enough: Some of the leading-members 
* Will. Strode. , in plain terms declaring; that yet they could not spare them, the sons of Zerviah being too strong.  
But no sooner was the King gone, than that the turbulent Spirits in the House of Commons set to work, in framing a bitter Remonstrance of the general Grievances of the Kingdom, to make his Majesty's Government seem odious to his Subjects; which was ordered 
* 12 Aug.  to be brought into the House. Whereupon grew great debates and disputes, which lasted from three of the clock afternoon, the whole night following, and till ten of the Clock on the morrow. But, at length, many, who disliked and opposed it; partly by reason of their age, of infirmity of Body, being wearied out, and departing; others through sloth or timorousness leaving the House, it was voted by some few voices; divers of the factious party being fetched out of their Beds to assist.  
This Remonstrance being a compendium of all the mistakes and misfortunes, 
The grand. Remonstrance.  that had happened since the beginning of his Majesty's reign to that hour; objected to him the Actions of some, and the Thoughts of others; reproached him with such things of which he never knew, and reviled him to his people; complained also of the House of Peers, and ascribed all the Acts of Grace already passed in that Parliament, to their own wisdom in procuring; with intimation of their despair in settling the distractions of the Kingdom, by reason of the power of a malignant-party, and want of concurrence by the House of Peers, wherein so many Bishops and malignant Lords than sat.  
This being done, their next work was to get the whole command of the Militia; which being had, nothing afterwards could be difficult to them. For the better effecting thereof, they therefore had again recourse to those shadows of Conspiracies and Plots, which had stood them in good stead before. The first 
* 19 Oct.  of them being a new pretended Treason by the Earl of Craford and others, against the Marquis of Hamilton, then in Scotland, and other Peers of that Realm; this being signified by Letters from their Committee in Scotland, dated 14 Oct. Whereupon, that the like here might be prevented, orders were directed to the Sheriffs of London, Middlesex and Surrey, for settling strong Guards of armed-men in places of moment.  
Likewise the whole Trayned-Band of Westminster was brought into the Palace-Yard, on the morrow; and there attended all that day; giving this reason for that order; viz. Because the mischievous designs and conspiracies lately discovered in Scotland, against some principal and great men there, by some of the Popish-faction, gives just occasion to suspect, that they may maintain correspondency here, and practise the like in this Realm.  
In like manner the same Trayn-Band of Westminster was brought 
* 20 Oct.  into the Palace-Yard on the morrow, and attended all that day until the Houses rose. And the next day following Mr. Pym made a large Speech, 
* 31 Oct. Alderman Penington and others, made a Committee for setting up Preaching Ministers. 19 Dec. A. 1640.  at a conference, to lay open the Conspiracy.  
Neither wanted they the Pulpits to advance their designs; their Lecturers in several parts (being men neither of learning nor conscience) insinuating to the People all those falsehoods and scandals, which might work in them a dislike towards his Majesty; depraving the conformable-Clergy; charging them with Revolt from the Protestant Religion, with purpose to introduce Popery: 
* Dr. Downing.  one of them preaching to the Brotherhood in the Artillery-Garden, expressing; that for the defence of Religion and Reformation of the Church, it was lawful to take up Arms against the King. As a preparative whereunto, a Bill 
* Exact Col. p. 543.  was brought into the House, for putting all the Forts and Castles, and the whole Militia of the Kingdom into such hands as they might confide in.   

CHAP. VIII.  
IN this time the Rebellion in Ireland breaking 
* 23 Oct. The Rebellion in Ireland.  forth, it will not be improper to say somewhat thereof: wherein, though I shall not charge our grand Conspirators here with having any hand, as to matter of council or contrivance with the Ringleaders of that barbarous Insurrection: yet can I not at all excuse them from giving great occasion for it, and not without suspicion of Design, if all be true that I have seen in a brief discourse thereof published in print in an. 1644. Which I shall leave to the better judgement of such as then lived, and well observed the Actions of those times.  
The substance of which Narrative is this; viz. That the Irish being a people born and bred in the Romish Religion, which they did glory to have derived from their Ancestors for no less than Thirteen hundred years, and wherein they had connivance ever since the Reformation, it could not be imagined, when they saw such a Storm approach them, by the harsh proceedings of the Parliament, then sitting at Westminster against those of their profession in England, who were daily cavilled withal; charged with sundry forged Conspiracies and Plots, to render them odious and distasteful to the world; the wardship and education of their children voted 
* 22 Junii.  to the disposal of others, their votes 
* 3 Julii.  as Peers in Parliament endangered, and the large Progress made in England and Scotland towards the extirpation of the Protestant Religion, as it then stood established by Law in both Realms, under which they had enjoyed their estates, though upon certain penalties, with the charge whereof they were well acquainted; but they had cause enough to fear, that their own misery was not far off; especially discerning, that the Insolency of the Scots did daily increase toward them, whose large footing in their Kingdom, having an inveterate hatred towards the Natives, might endanger their shouldering them out. Considering likewise the frequent Reports 
* Sir William Parsons, one of the Lords ●ustices in that Kingdom, and Sir Adam Loftus Vice-Treasurer there (persons experimentally known to have much adhered to, and furthered the designs of these Rebellious contrivers in England) that an Army of a thousand Scots was to arrive in Ireland, to force the Catholics to change their Religion; and that Ireland could never do well without a Rebellion, to the end the remnant of the Natives might be extirpated: wagers being laid at the general Assizes, by divers of them that within one year no Catholic should be left in Ireland.  given out in that Kingdom to extirpate their Religion and Nation: as also, that Orders were made by the Houses of Parliament in England, encroaching upon their privileges of Parliament in Ireland; and that their Committee, after nine months' attendance on his Majesty (who was graciously pleased to hear their grievances) being referred to the Houses of Parliament here (upon his departure from London towards Scotland 10 Aug. 1641) was constrained to return without any redress, through the prevalency of some leading Members; who before had (all they could) misinterpreted to his Majesty the proceedings and Actions of the Parliament in Ireland.  
It was therefore not a little feared by some, that those provocations were purposely exercised to exasperate the Irish to take up Arms; that so, under colour of suppressing them as Rebels, they might be utterly destroyed and eradicated. Nor was it without suspicion by others, considering how eagerly that Act for confiscation of their Lands was prosecuted by those Members at Westminiter at the very beginning of that Insurrection: Also how his Majesty's going over in person, after the same broke out, was hindered (which in probability might have quenched that flame.) Moreover, how they engrossed that war into their own hands, thereby to have the power to employ any forces raised or levied for it, to assist in pursuance of their design upon this Kingdom, as they should see cause, as was evident 
* See his Majesty's Answer to the two Papers concerning Ireland, printed with the full and perfect Narrative of the Treaty at Uxbridge. p. 212.  by those under the command of the Lord Wharton and others, which were in the Battle of Kineton against the King. And lastly, how averse they were to any peace or cessation with them, though never so necessary, as appears by those earnest and bitter incitements 
* See the full Relation of the Treaty at Uxbridge. p. 133. & 136.  used by their Commissioners in the Treaty at Uxbridge, for the prosecution of that war.  
It is likewise farther to be noted, that these high provocations, met with a concurrent opportunity of those eight thousand disbanded Irish, not permitted to be transported into Spain, and other parts, though desired by that King's Ambassador, and assented to by his Majesty;) who, being out of employment, were ready for any desperate enterprise: As also with the want of a Lieutenant in that Kingdom, by reason that the Earl of Strafford was so cut off, who had kept them in such exact obedience.  
And lastly, what an Example they had from their Neighbours the Scots, who sped so well by their own Insurrection; that they, not only obtained their full demands, even to the introducing a new Religion, and new moulding the whole form of their Government, both in Church and State: but when they rebelliously invaded England with an Army, were treated as good Subjects, had three hundred thousand Pounds given them, with an Act of Pacification and Oblivion to boot.  
Whereunto I shall add what a late Writer, in his Short view 
* Impr. Londan 1658. p. 86.  of the life and reign of King Charles the First, hath expressed.  
Of this Rebellion saith he; for it must be called a Rebellion in the Irish, though not in the Scots; the King gives present notice to the Houses of Parliament, requiring their Counsel and assistance for the extinguishing of that flame, before it had consumed and wasted that Kingdom. But neither the Necessity of the Protestants there nor the King's importunity here could persuade them to levy one man towards the suppression of those Rebels, till the King had disclaimed his power of pressing Soldiers by an Act of Parliament, and thereby laid himself open to such acts of violence as were then hammering against him. Which having done, they put an Army of Scots (their most assured friends) into the Northern parts of Ireland, delivering up into their hands the strong Town and Port of Carick-Fergus, one of the chief Keys of that Kingdom; and afterwards sent a small Body of English to preserve the South. Which English Forces, having done notable service there against the Rebels, were kept so short, both in respect of pay and other necessaries, by the Houses of Parliament (who had made use of the money raised for the relief of Ireland to maintain a war against their King) that they were forced to come to a Cessation, and cheerfully returned home again to assist the King in that just war, which he had undertaken for his own defence.   

CHAP. IX.  
BUT notwithstanding all these instances, forbearing to give any censure therein, I shall now proceed, and trace them in farther practices for accomplishing their designed ends; and give instance in the Militia; for obtaining whereof I find myself best guided by their feigned Plots and Conspiracies; the first of which was Mr. Pym's Letter, delivered 
* 25 Oct.  to him at the Parliament House, by a Porter (from a pretended Gentleman on Horseback, in a gray Coat) which having in it a contagious Plaster, taken from a Plague-sore; the Letter itself also, being full of invectives against Mr. Pym, gave occasion for publishing of a Pamphlet, entitled, The discovery of a damnable Treason, by a contagious Plaster, etc. and afterwards of a Report 
* 30 Oct.  to the House, made by Mr. Pym; that there were divers Posts, come several byways from Scotland; and that the Papists had many meetings in H●nt-shire.  
Moreover, within few days following, one john Davis discovered 
* 12 Nou.  to the House, that the Earl of Worcester had large Stables under ground, at Ragland-Castle, and a number of Light-Horse in them; likewise Arms for an hundred and forty Horse and two thousand men, whereof seven hundred were then in pay; and Ammunition proportionable. And one Thomas Beale, of White-Cross-Street, declaring, 
* 14 Nou. , that he heard some, who were walking late in moorfield's, discourse of their intentions to murder certain Members of the Parliament, and amongst other's Mr. Pym; order was presently given, that the Lords, and some other Members, should have part of the Trained-Band of Middlesex, to conduct them to their Lodgings that night.  
Also the next day, upon the discovery of another Plot to kill some Noblemen (of which, one who lay in a ditch pretended to hear two Gentlemen speak) it was ordered 
* 15 Nou.  that the Earl of Worcester's House and Sir Basil Brookes House should be guarded; all Papists disarmed; Soldiers raised with speed, to secure the Isle of Wight; and two Lords appointed to raise Forces; one beyond, ●rent, and the other on this side ●rent. And within five days after this, there was a discovery of 
* 20 Nou.  another conspiracy by the Papists in Cheshire; viz. that certain of them were in Arms, at the Lord Chomley's House, and had attempted the surprisal of Chester. But advertisement being given, that the King was upon his journey from Scotland, and would be at London within three days, the hunting after any farther discovery of Plots was for awhile laid aside; and that scandalous Remonstrance 
* Exact Coll. p. 1.  beforementioned (which was brought in the twelfth of August) was read 
* 22 N●.  again in the House. Against the passing and publishing whereof, many worthy Gentlemen freely expressed their minds: Nevertheless, after long dispute and much ado, the factious party prevailed; partly by tiring out some (for they sat up all night) and partly by promises or threats to others; insomuch as it was carried by Eleven voices. So that, though there was the greatest show of gladness by the Citizens of this his Majesty's arrival; as that solemn reception 
* 25 Nou. The King returned from Scotland.  of him by the Lord Mayor and Aldermen on Horseback, did import, who feasted him with the Queen and Prince at Guild-Hall, the Companies all standing in their Liveries, to congratulate his safe coming home, as he rode through the streets; yet had he little joy thereof: for instead of that happy progress which he expected that the Parliament had made in the great affairs of the Kingdom, during his absence; he found the people not a little disturbed with strange apprehensions; and Guards set upon the Houses of Parliament. Which so astonished him, that he forthwith sent 
* 26 Nou.  to the Lords, desiring, that for the prevention of farther jealousies and fears, the trained-bands might be discharged.  
But no sooner did those Citizens take notice of that Message, than that great numbers of them, in person, offered 
* 27 Nou.  to attend the House of Parliament in their Arms. Nay so forward thenceforth were they upon all occasions to act their parts, for hastening that general confusion, which soon after ensued; that on 
* 29 Nou.  Monday following, a multitude of them made a hubbub in Westminster-Hall, crying, Down with Antichrist and the Bishops; adding, that if they could not then be heard, they would have a greater number next day to back them. And so they had; 
30 Nou. 1 Dec.  many of them coming tumultuously to the doors of the Parliament House, crying No Bishops, and calling them the limbs of Antichrist.  
And, on the same day, to accompany so good a work, they presented to the King by the hands of the Earl of Holland, their grand Remonstrance 
* Exact. Coll. p. 22.  of the Grievances of the Kingdom (which had been ordered to be brought into the House the twelfth of August passed) thereby to blast all those gracious condescensions which they had obtained from him before. Whereunto his Majesty soon after made a full and clear Answer; and published his Royal Declaration thereupon, for the satisfaction of all his good Subjects, to the end they might not be deluded by those undutiful, false, and scandalous aspersions cast upon his Government by that malicious Libel.  
And soon after, for the better prevention of any more such dangerous tumults and uproars, at or near the Houses of Parliament, he directed his special Writ, according to the Statute, unto the Sheriffs of London, to place a Guard at Westminster. But the House of Commons deeming this Guard, thus legally placed by the King, no way conducing to their Design, presently voted it to be a breach of their privileges, and an offence of an high nature; and thereupon, not only ordered, that the said Watch should be discharged; but that the Justices of Middlesex, for their obedience to his Majesty's commands herein, should be questioned; whereupon Justice Long was committed 
* 11 Dec.  to the Tower.  
That there was a most factious party in the City of London, which were great Instruments in raising the ensuing Rebellion, is plain enough. Nor is it less observable, that they acted their parts therein, by colour of Authority; viz. by outing all the Common-Council, which were men of worth, and bringing men of desperate fortunes in their rooms. Wherein they had such furtherance, by the help of the multitude (who aimed at their own advantage by any change of Government) that they then introduced Fowkes—, Ryley the Boddies-maker, Perkins the Lord Says Taylor, Normington the Cutler, Mills the Bricklayer, and divers other such mean fellows; instead of Mr. Drake, Mr. Roger Clarke, Sir George Bynion, Mr. Roger Gardner, and several other worthy Citizens, whose loyalty, they well knew, could not be corrupted. These being the principal agents in all the Tumults; which stood them in much stead for accomplishing of their chiefest aims. And therefore plain it was to be seen what design they had, when they urged the passing of the Bill for not Adjourning or Dissolving of that Parliament without their own consents, having such a party in the City to back them upon all occasions.  
Having thus dissolved the Guard, so appointed by his Majesty, there came 
* 15 Dec.  another Tumult of the Citizens to Westminster. Whereupon some Members of the House of Commons, making complaint of the danger, whereunto they were subject by those riotous people; and how that already they had been assaulted, and evil entreated by them, at the very door of the House; desired, that some course might be taken, for restraining and punishing them for the same. But instead thereof, divers spoke in justification of them, and commended their affections; saying, they must not discourage their friends, this being a time to make use of them all. And Mr. Pym added 
* Exact. Coll. p. 532. , God forbid, that the House of Commons should proceed in any sort to dishearten the people, for obtaining their just desires in such a way. 
* 19 Dec.  And accordingly, there was a paper delivered by some or other, to the Minister that preached at Christ-Church, the Sunday following; desiring, that Prayer might be made to God to assist the Apprentices with strength to root out Superstition, and to extirpate the Innovations of the Bishops and Clergy.  
After which matters were every day carried with a more high hand than before; the Tumultuous people having as apparent countenance from the House, as before they had private encouragement. Insomuch as the Lord Mayor of London came 
* 26 Dec.  to Whitehall, and acquainted the King, that he discerned, if Sir Thomas Lunsford, whom he had newly made Lieutenant of the Tower, were not removed, the Apprentices would rise and pull him out. So that his Majesty to prevent such an insurrection, took the Keys from Sir Thomas Lunsford, and constituted Sir Thomas Byron in his room; with whom the factious Spirits were as ill satisfied, though they knew not well what to object against him; till at last Lieutenant Hooker, the Aquavitae-man, and Nicholson the Chandler, complained in the Common-Council; that since Sir john Byron came to be Lieutenant of the Tower, the Mint (to the great prejudice and dishonour of the Kingdom) stood still.  
Yea, so insolent were these tumultuous people grown; that upon the King's Proclamation 
* 27 Dec. , grounded upon a Penal Law, to dissipate them; in contempt thereof they came 
* 28 Dec.  early the next morning in greater numbers than ever, divers of them being armed with Swords and Halberds; and towards the evening assaulted the great Church at Westminster, threatening to pull it down: So that the Bishops thenceforth thought it not safe for themselves to come any more to the House. The News whereof so pleased those unruly people; that on the morrow they came again 
* 29 Dec. , crying No Bishops, notwithstanding another Proclamation issued out by the King to restrain them. And in their return making a stand before Whitehall, said 
* Exact. Coll. p. 533. , that they would have no more Porter's Lodge there, but would speak with the King when they pleased.  
Which rebellious uproar caused his Majesty forthwith to place a Guard, for his own safety, at the Court-gates. But the main cry of danger was by the House of Commons, as if they themselves had been the only men in peril of their lives; and therefore to make the greater show of their own fears, they ordered 
* 31 Dec. , that Halberds should be brought into their House, for defence of the Members; and then they made a noise of new discoveries of farther dangerous conspiracies; one by a Letter 
* 31 Dec.  from France, intimating great intelligence held betwixt England and Rome, and no small likelihood of dreadful plots in agitation against this Kingdom. Also of another Letter, at the same time, found in a Jesuits Study, of great troubles which should befall this Realm. And, the more to amuse the people, they adjourned to sit in a Committee at Guild-Hall, to draw up a Remonstrance of the many dangers this Kingdom had undergone, within the space of three years. Where being met, another Letter (pretended to be brought from Italy) was read, discovering divers Plots by the Papists here. Whereupon they considered about drawing up of another Remonstrance 
1 Jan. , laying open the peril of the Spanish Fleet; the coming over of the Queen-Mother; the Pope's Nuncio; as also several other Plots in agitation by the Jesuits and a Romish-party.  
Which subtle practices being set on foot by some particular persons of both Houses, through whose influence, chiefly, others were guided; caused his Majesty out of a desire to prevent the ensuing calamities, which he clearly foresaw, must by these means inevitably follow, to demand 
4 Jan. See the Articles against them. Exact. Coll. p. 34.  the persons of the Lord Kymbolton, and five of the House of Commons, viz. Denzill holies Esq. Sir Arthur Haslerig Baronet, john Pym, john Hampden, and William Strode Esquiers, and to charge them with High Treason; who having private notice thereof, kept out of the way.  
But of this action they made such an advantage (though no person than came within the doors of the House, except the King himself, and the Count Palatine, his Nephew) having so sure a party in the City to assist them; that some of the House of Commons took the boldness, the same day to come and discharge his Majesty's Guards at White-Hall; and the Houses to 
* 7 Jan.  adjourn themselves, and to sit in a grand Committee at Guild-Hall in London. Where infusing fears into the people, that the King had a design of actual violence upon the City, the Sheriffs of London refused to publish his Majesty's Proclamation for apprehending those persons.  
And to make farther experiment of the City's readiness to afford them their best assistance, upon occasion; they caused a false Alarm 
* 8 Jan. , that the King, with fifteen hundred Horse, was coming in the night to surprise London. Which report wrought so effectually, that no less than forty thousand of the inhabitants put themselves in Arms, at an instant; the women also providing scalding water to throw upon the Cavaliers, bringing out Forms, Stools, and empty Tubs into the Streets, to hinder the Horse.   

CHAP. X.  
HAving thus craftily represented this just endeavour of his Majesty for bringing these Members to a legal trial (who had private shelter at that time in the City of London) to be so hideous, as if it had been for a general massacre; they speedily raised an insurrection of many thousand of the Citizens; 
The King, with the Queen, Prince and D. of York left White Hall and went to Hampton-Court. 10 Jan.  whom (together with a numerous rabble of Mariners and other desperate people) they brought 
* 11 Jan. 12 Jan. The King went to Windsor Castle.  armed to Westminster on the Tuesday next following, both by land and water, with divers Sakers, and murdering Guns, in long Boats: and in that sort, with Protestations in their Hats, and on their Pikes, conducted the Lord Kymbolton, and the rest of those Members, to the Parliament-House.  
And what intention some of them had to the person of the King, had he then been at White-Hall, may easily be guessed, by their rude and desperate entrance thereinto then made; had not he (upon private adververtisement of their purpose) removed to Hampton-Court, the precedent Evening.  
Unto which Insurrection, to give the fairer countenance, they had by their Emissaries sent into the Counties of Buckingham, Hartford, and Kent; whence they procured no small numbers; which came the same day to the Houses of Parliament with petitions ready framed, on the behalf of the Lord Kymbolton, and the five Members. At which time they produced two Letters, pretended to come from a Romish hand, intimating much mischief designed against the Houses and City.  
And that these Countrymen might upon their return home, put their neighbours into strange apprehensions of danger; there was at that time 
* 12 Jan.  a report made in the House, that the Lord Digby and Colonel Lunsford, were about Kingston upon Thames, with three or four hundred Horse. Whereupon order was given, that the Sheriffs of Surrey, Berkshire, and Hantshire should raise the Posse Comitatus of those Counties, to stand upon their Guard, and apprehend them; as also, that Skippon, Serjeant-Major of the City Trained-Bands, should forthwith have the command of certain Guards for to be set upon the Tower of London.  
There is nothing more certain, then that this business concerning the Lord Kymbolton and the five Members (as 'twas managed) much promoted their grand design. For having by their many pretended plots, and other devices, prepared the people with strange apprehensions of fears; and finding that they had won the Country, as well as the City, to an implicit belief of their being such blessed Patriots as never had been before; they than brought forth a most infamous Declaration 
〈…〉 , hatched at their former meetings in the City; wherein they did imply, that his Majesty (when he came to the Houses, to demand the five Members) had a purpose to have cut all their throats; and therefore they 
* Exact. 〈◊〉 p. 4●  declared his coming thither, to be a traitorous design against the King and Parliament; and that his Proclamation issued out for their apprehension, was false, scandalous, and illegal; as also, that it was lawful for all men to harbour them; and that whosoever did so, should be under the protection and privilege of Parliament.  
The King therefore, standing not a little amazed at these many and great distractions, which threatened inevitable mischief to the whole Realm; though he had, by a Message 
* Ib. p. 49.  to both Houses, of the twelfth of january, for full satisfaction to all that might doubt, that his accusation of those Members was not agreeable to the privileges of Parliament; nevertheless intimated, that he would for the present wave his proceedings against them; and that when the minds of men were more composed, he would go on in an unquestionable way: assuring his parliament, that upon all occasions he would be as careful of their Privileges, as of his Life and Crown. And by another Message 
* Ib. p. 51.  two days after, farther assured them, that in case any doubt of his breach of their Privileges did remain; he would be willing to clear it, and assure those, by any reasonable way, that his Parliament should advise him to do. Likewise, in farther manifestation of his earnest and incessant desires, for preventing those calamities which he then saw approaching, by reason of these distractions, he did by a gracious Message 
* Ib. p. 54. , of the twentieth of the same month, propose to both Houses, that they would with all speed, fall into a serious consideration of those particulars which they themselves should hold necessary, as well for the upholding, and maintaining his just Regal Authority, and settling his Revenue; as for the present and future establishment of their privileges, the free and quiet enjoying of their estates and fortunes, the liberties of their persons; the security of the true Religion then professed in the Church of England; and the settling of Ceremonies, in such a manner as might take away all just offences. Which when they should have digested, and composed into one entire Body; that so himself and they might be able to make the more clear judgement of them; it should then appear, by what he would do, how far he had been from intending, or designing any of those things, which the too great fears and jealousies of some persons did seem to apprehend; and how ready he would be to equal and exceed the greatest Examples of the most indulgent Princes in their acts of Grace, and favour to their People.  
Notwithstanding all which, upon that very twentieth of january, having received Letters from Sir john Hotham; signifying 
* 20 Jan. , that he had raised Soldiers by their Order, for the keeping of Hull, but was refused entrance thereinto by the Mayor; they forthwith sent another Order to command his reception, though the Earl of Newcastle had required admittance thither, to take charge of that place, and the Magazine there, by his Majesty's authority. Nay, so diligent were they now to lose no time; that they procured the Essex-men to deliver a Petition to them; setting forth their fears and jealousies; with desire, that the Tower of London might be committed to safe hands; the Arms of the Trained Bands trusted with approved persons; and the Privilege of Parliament asserted.  
Likewise another from Colchester against Bishops, and for liberty of Conscience; desiring that Church-discipline might be established according to the word of God, and their Town better fortified.  
And well knowing how fair a countenance these Petitions (thus framed by themselves) carried, to further their designs; they caused more, from 
* 24 Jan.  Devon. Somersetshire, Middlesex, and Hartfordshire, for putting the Kingdom into a posture of Defence, 
Posture of Defence.  and the Forts into safe hands; excluding Bishops, Popish Lords, etc. As also another from 
* 25 Jan.  the City of London; signifying their inability to lend an hundred thousand pounds (desired by the Houses) for the service of Ireland; by reason that the Cinque Ports were not put into safe hands; the Kingdom not put into; a posture of Defence; the Lieutenant of the Tower not removed; Privileges of Parliament not vindicated; Delinquents not punished; and the Bishops and Popish Lords not put out of the House of Peers. Whereupon, it being the same day voted, that the Cinque-Ports should be secured; and the Tower of London put into such hands as the Parliament might confide in; the very next day 
* 26 Jan. , they brought down the Apprentices and Seamen with the like Petition for putting the whole Kingdom into a Posture.  
And being now resolved (as by their votes, and the drift of these Petitions is manifest) to hasten the Militia totally into their own power; to the end they might the more plausibly effect their design therein; they exhibited to his Majesty a Petition 
* 26 Jan. ; desiring, that the Tower of London, with the other principal Forts, and whole Militia of the Kingdom, might be put into the hands of such persons, as should be by them recommended; suggesting withal; that 
Exact Coll. p. 59  without this sure ground of safety and confidence, which he should hereby raise unto them, they could not be enabled to discharge their duties, in the considering of those important things, proposed to them by him in his Message of the 20th of january: Nor be so freed from fears and jealousies, as with cheerfulness to proceed, laying a sure foundation of Honour, Greatness, and Glory to him and his Royal Posterity; and of Happiness and prosperity to his Subjects, throughout all his Dominions.  
The chief colour and pretence, given out to the people, for this Posture of Defence, being this, that without the power thereof, in their own hands, to maintain the good Laws enacted; there was no expectation, but that they would be made fruitless to them, by the prevalency of evil Counsellors, and a malignant Party.  
Whereunto his Majesty answered 
28 Jan. Exact Coll. p. 60. ; that, though the nomination of those, to whom the custody of the Forts, and Castles were to be committed, was an inseparable flower of his Crown: yet, that he would leave them to the Justice of his Parliament, if through misinformation, he had conferred such trust upon any undeserving person. And that when any particular course, for ordering the Militia should be digested by his Parliament, and proposed to him; he would return such an answer as should be agreeable to his honour, and the safety of his people: conjuring them not to be transported with Jealousies.  
To this indeed they replied 
* 29. Jan. , that they acknowledged it as a principal and inseparable flower of his Crown, to dispose the command of the Forts and Castles of the Kingdom: and that, by Law, the Militia was subject to no command but his authority, and what is lawfully derived from him.  
But, within two days following, a Petition being brought 
* 31 Jan.  into the House from Suffolk, calling upon them to put the kingdom into a Posture: and another from many thousands of poor Tradesmen in London (as they styled it) urging the like; alleging a great decay of Trade, whereby they wanted Bread; and that they believed not any cause thereof to be in the House of Commons, but by reason of the Bishops and Popish Lords, voting in the House of Peers: it was earnestly moved at a Conference (by Mr. holies) that the Lords would no longer delay, but now join with them, to petition his Majesty that the Kingdom might be put into a Posture. By which device, the Lords, who refused to join with them in their Petition of the six and twentieth of january, were now so brought about that they did 
2 Febr.  it.  
And to the end they might not want more popular countenance for their grand work, which was now in such forwardness; they got more Petitions from several parts, for putting the Kingdom into a Posture. One from 
* 4 Febr.  the women about London; another from 
* 5 Febr.  Northamptonshire; a third from 
* 7 Febr.  Kent, which was brought by five or six thousand, that rode through the City in ranks to the Parliament-House. Whereby they gave the Lords thanks for concurring with the Commons in the Bill against the Bishop's votes, and putting the Kingdom into a Posture of Defence; desiring them to go on with the Commons in a through Reformation in Religion; and to remove evil Councillors. The like had they from the Counties 
* 9 & 10 Febr.  of York, Oxford, and Lincoln.  
So that, having laid such a foundation, 
The King went from Windsor to Hampton-Court. 9 Feb. 10 Febr.  by ensnaring the people with their own Petitions; they made an order to enable some of the Aldermen and Common-Council of London, with Sergeant Major Skippon, to regulate the Militia of the City; 
Thence to Greenwich. 11 Febr. from Greenwich to Rochester.  voting new Lords-Lieutenants throughout the several Counties of England and Wales. And to blow up the people into a perfect Rebellion, they appointed 
* 12 Febr.  weekly Lectures to be generally set up; which was accordingly performed by the most seditious and turbulent Spirits, that could be found: procuring more Petitions, by multitudes of people from sundry parts; 
12 Febr. The King went from Rochester to Canterbury.  setting forth great grievances: and desiring that the factious party (for so they called the most loyal of the Nobility) might be expelled the House of Peers. Also, that the Divine Worship of God might be no longer profaned; and that they might be better furnished with Arms to oppose foreign power. Such also came from 
* 12 Febr.  Wales, Ipswich, Warwickshire, and Sussex 
* 16 Febr. ; the Sheriff of that County, and at least fifteen hundred on Horseback, accompanying him therewith.  
And lest the pretended great dangers (for prevention whereof all this stir was made) should be forgot, a Letter from 
* 21 Febr.  Lancashire was produced; discovering dangerous Plots by the Papists in that County; viz. the finding of ten Barrels of powder, to make Balls of Wildfire, wherewith to burn divers chief Towns in this Realm. Whereupon another Petition was dispatched 
* 22 Febr.  to his Majesty (than at Dover) for ordering the Militia. Whereby they desired 
* Exact Coll. p. 81.  such a speedy Answer, as might raise in them a confidence (to use their own words) that they should not be exposed to the practices of those, 
23 Febr. The Queen with the Princess Mary, her daughter, embarked for Holland at Dover.  whose endeavours were to kindle that combustion in England, which they had in so great a measure effected in Ireland; and which nothing could do (as they said) but the granting that Petition. Which Petition, together with an Ordinance 
* 25 Febr. the King returned to Canterbury.  of both Houses, setting forth, a most dangerous and desperate design upon the House of Commons; and many discoveries, importing fears of rebellious Insurrections by Papists, and other ill affected persons in this Kingdom, they then exhibited.  
Whose answer 
* Exact Coll. p. 88 26 Febr. From Canterbury the King came to Greenwich.  thereunto being; that, for the City of London, and other Corporations, which by any ancient Charters, had power of ordering the Militia, he conceived it unfit to alter their government: 
28 Febr. Thence to theobald's.  but, that he could not consent to the indefinite time, propounded for this Posture. 
* Exact Coll. p. 90.   
Whereupon they forthwith voted 
* 28 Febr. Exact Coll. p. 95.  this Answer to be a flat denial; and that his Majesty's advisers thereto were Enemies to the State, and mischievous Projectors against the defence of the Kingdom. Also, that this denial was of such dangerous consequence, that it would hazard the peace and safety of all his Kingdoms, unless some speedy remedy were applied by the Parliament. And immediately dispatched another Petition 
* 1 Martii. Exact Coll. p. 92.  to his Majesty (than at theobald's) wherein they protested, that if he did not speedily pass his assent to the satisfaction of their desires, they should be enforced, by authority of both Houses, to dispose thereof; and that they did accordingly so resolve to do.  
Farther voting 
* 2 Martii. Exact Coll. p. 96. , that the Kingdom should be forthwith put into a Posture of defence, by Authority of both Houses; that the Navy should be speedily rigged: and a Declaration 
* Exact Coll. p. 97.  of their just Fears and Jealousies speedily drawn up, with the grounds of their former votes, for putting the Kingdom into a Posture, by authority of both Houses, to clear the Parliament of all mistrusts.  
And to carry out all this, under colour of the People's desires, New Petitions were brought from several Counties; viz. one from 
* 2 Martii. 3 Martii the King went from theobald's to Royston.  Staffordsh. pretending such dread of the Papists rising there, that every man was constrained to stand upon his Guard, not daring to go to Church unarmed. Others from 
* 3 Martii.  Worcestersh. Berksh. Norfolk, Norwich, Lynne, Royston, Salop 
* 4 Martii. : all of them earnestly desiring this Posture of Defence. 
* 7 Martii.   
And the very next day 
* 5 Martii. Ordinance for the Militia. , the Ordinance for ordering the Militia of the Kingdom, by authority of both Houses (sent to his Majesty 22 Febr.) was assented to by the Lords; and thereupon new Lieutenants were assigned throughout all England and Wales. 
7 Martii. The King went from Royston to Newmarket.   
And, having in a grand Committee at Merchant-Taylers Hall, 
14 Martii. Thence to Huntendon.  contrived the Declaration (mentioned in their Votes of March the second) wherein they made a very great noise of a design to alter Religion in this Kingdom, and that the wars with Scotland and Ireland were framed to that end; they presented the same to his Majesty at 
* 9 Martii. Exact Coll. p. 97.  Newmarket within few days after; voting 
* 15 Martii. The K. went to Stanford. 15 Martii.  the King's Commissions of Lieutenancies in the several Counties illegal: as also, that there was an urgent and inevitable Necessity, for putting his Majesty's Subjects into a 
* Exact Coll. p. 112.  Posture of Defence: and, that the Ordinances of both Houses for the Militia, being obliging to the People, aught to be obeyed by the Fundamental Laws of this Kingdom. And lastly, that the Earl of Warwick, should be appointed Vice-Admiral of his Majesty's Ships.  
And having now, 
16 Martii. the K. went from Stanford to Grantham.  by these their exorbitant courses, together with the Tumults, so much endangered his Majesty's Royal person, that he was forced for safety of himself, and the Prince, to retire into the North; they voted 
* 16 Martii. Exact. Coll. p. 114. 17 Martii the K. went from Grantham to Newark. 18 Martii thence to Doncaster. , that they would go on with their former Votes concerning the Militia. Also, that when the Lords and Commons in Parliament should declare what the Laws of the Land be; to Question it, was a high breach of the Privilege of Parliament.  
After this, within few days, they sent a Petition 
* 23 Martii. Exact Coll. p. 123.  to York (which was there presented to his Majesty by the Lord Willoughby of Parham, and others) wherein they alleged, that his Majesty's denial to their petition for disposing the Militia, was a great hindrance to their other proceedings; and justified the Tumults at Westminster by taxing his Majesty with denial of such a Guard to them, as they might confide in; aspersing his Government, for many continued Acts of violation of Laws, etc.  
And to keep the people still awake, by alarming them with new dangers, they caused Letters to be read 
* 18 Martii. 19 Martii. The King went from Doncaster to York.  in the House (which were said to come from Amsterdam;) intimating intelligence from Denmark, of a great Army, ready prepared there, to be transported for England, and to land at Hull upon some dangerous enterprise.  
The like Letter pretended to come from Newmarket, then produced, and another from France. Whereupon, having received a Petition from the Lord Mayor, aldermans, and Common-Council of London, in which great Thanks was given to the House, for ordering the Militia of the City, as they had done; with their resolutions therein signified to obey the same: As also 
* 21 Martii.  another from the Cinque-Ports, desiring that those places might be strongly guarded and fortified, and the Kingdom put into a Posture; they ordered, that every of his Majesty's Forts, and Castles, should be presently fortified with an Hundred men of the Trained Bands, next adjoining to them; and ten pieces of Ordinance to each place. Also, that no Forces should be admitted into Hull, without the consent of the Lords and Commons; and that 
* 22 Martii.  Instructions should be sent thither for the farther fortifying of that place.  
Likewise, upon another pretended discovery, made by one Mr. Cartwright and the Speaker of the House of Commons; that they were advertised by Letters from France, of an Army preparing there, to come for England or Ireland; the Lords sent a message 
* 25 Martii.  to the Commons, to let them know, that they had designed the Earl of Warwick Vice-Admiral of the Fleet. Whereupon both Houses joined in a Message 
* Exact Coll. p. 129.  to the King, to inform him of the grounds and reasons of their sending out that Earl as Vice-Admiral, without his Majesty's consent.  
The King therefore discerning, that they had got the Royal Navy into their hands, thought it high time to make sure of his Magazine, which had been laid up at Hull, about two years before (part for the service of Ireland, and the rest for the security of the North) and accordingly road from York thither, for the disposal thereof: But, when he came to the Gates of that Town, Sir john Hotham (a member of the House of Commons, being a confiding man, with the factious party there; and by their contrivance, got privately thither with Soldiers) refused 
* The King denied entrance into Hull. 23 Apr. , him entrance; affirming, that in so doing, he had the authority of Parliament to bear him out. For which insolent act he was declared traitorous by his Majesty, and by a special Message 
* 24 Apr. Exact Coll. p. 152. , so signified to both Houses; with demand of Justice against him, according to the Laws. But, instead thereof, they forthwith not only published a bold Declaration 
* 28 Apr. Exact Coll. p. 160. & 162. , with Votes and order of assistance, in the name of both Houses of Parliament, justifying Hotham therein: but sent down the Earl of Stanford, and Lord Willoughby of Parham, with four of the House of Commons, as a Committee to assist Sir. john Hotham there; voting, that his Majesty's declaring Sir john Hotham Traitor, was an high breach of the Privilege of Parliament, against the Liberty of the Subject, and Laws of the Land.  
And now, that by their feigned Fears and Jealousies, with other subtle devices, they had sufficiently amused the people, and possessed themselves of the Royal Navy, Forts, Ports, and Magazine; and, within a few days following set forth a Declaration 
* 5. M●ii. Exact Coll. p. 171.  signifying their purpose to put in execution their Ordinance for the Militia; they answered 
* 9 Maii. Exact Coli. p. 179.  that Message from his Majesty (of the 24 th' of April) touching Hotham, 
1642.  with sundry foul aspersions; taxing him with harkening to wicked Counsels, which had practised to put the Kingdom into a combustion: and again, justifying Sir john Hotham; expressed their intentions to settle the Militia according to their Ordinance, for suppressing the wicked and malignant Party; desiring his Majesty's return to be near his Parliament.  
And, as the Citizens of London (out of their ambition to be a free State) were the first and chief Instruments to set forward this grand work: so, in this of the Militia, they gave example to all other parts of the Kingdom, executing 
* 10 Maii.  the same in Finsbury-feilds with twelve thousand men in Arms, ordered by Serjeant Major General Skyppon, the members of both Houses being present, to give countenance thereto; who thereupon voted 
* 12 Maii. Exact Coll. p. 190. 191.  that having showed so much obedience to the Ordinance of Parliament concerning the Militia, they had done it according to the Laws of the land; and that they should have the assistance of both Houses of Parliament against any, that might oppose or molest them therein.   

CHAP. XI.  
ABout this time therefore, the King discerning no small danger to his person, by reason of these hostile preparations and Actions (having not any Guard, but with a thin retinue residing at York) and withal observing, that in most parts of the Kingdom, the schismatical Party, under colour of putting themselves into a Posture of Defence, had provided Arms; as also trained and exercised themselves, contrary to the Laws of the land, sent 
* Exact Coll. p. 191.  his Summons to the Gentry of Yorkshire, to attend him at York. Where being met 
* 12 Maii. , he showed them divers reasons, why he conceived it fit to have a Guard for his own Person, desiring their assistance therein. Whereupon most of them yielding cheerful obedience; he signified to them by his Letters 
* 16 Maii. Exact Coll. p. 132. ; that he should take it well, if they would personally attend him, in such sort followed and provided, as they should think fit, for his better safety.  
But before the knowledge thereof could possibly come to them at Westminster; having some private advertisement of what was intended; they published a Declaration 
* 17 Maii. Exact Coll. p. 193. , in the name of both Houses of Parliament, setting forth; That it was against the Laws and Liberties of the Kingdom; that any of the Subjects thereof should be commanded to attend his Majesty at his pleasure, excepting such as were bound thereto by special service. And, that, if the Trained Bands, or any other his Majesty's Subject, should upon any pretence be drawn together, in a posture of war; the Sheriffs of such a County ought to raise the power thereof to suppress them. And, having forthwith voted 
* 19 Maii. Exact Coll. p. 194. , that the Magazine of each respective Shire in the Realm of England, and dominion of Wales, should be presently put into the power of such Lord-Lieutenants of those Counties as the Parliament did confide in; they published 
* Ib. p. 195.  a Declaration, scandalising his Majesty's gracious Messages, Answers and Declarations; taxing him with breach of his word and promises: as also with continued oppressions and violation of the Laws; countenancing the Rebellion in Ireland; and with intent to bring up his Northern-Army to awe the Parliament.  
And having so done, voted 
* 20 Maii. Exact Coll. p. 259. , that the King (seduced by wicked Counsel) intended to make war against his Parliament; who, in all their Consultations and Actions, had proposed no other end unto themselves, but the care of his Kingdom; and the performance of all duty and loyalty to his person. Next, that whensoever the King maketh war upon the Parliament, it is a breach of the Trust reposed in him by his people, contrary to his Oath, and tending to the dissolution of this Government; and that whosoever should serve, or assist him in such wars, were Traitors, by the Fundamental Laws of this Realm; the very same day sending down the Knights and Burgesses of Buckinghamshire, by special Order, to see their Ordinance for the Militia put in execution in that County.  
And having proceeded thus far; setting 
* 19 Maii. Exact Coll. p. 213.  also forth another large Remonstrance, in justification of all their practices; in which they had this bold expression, that now they had brought their work to such an height, and degree of success, that nothing seemed to be left in their way, able to hinder the full accomplishment of their desires; unless God in his justice should send a grievous curse upon them; within three days following, they sent a Petition to the King, in the name of both Houses, which was delivered 
* 23 Maii.  to him at York. Wherein they boldly reproached him, with his many fair promises, and pretences; and desired him to disband his Guard, it being a cause of great jealousy and danger to the whole Kingdom: Otherwise they told him, that they should employ their care and utmost power to secure the Parliament, and to preserve the peace and quiet of the Realm. And shortly after, published 
* 26 Maii. Exact Coll. p. 263.  a third Remonstrance, justifying their former Actions; farther reproaching him in every thing; and challenging the Obligations of his Oath (upon that ungrammatical construction of quas vulgus digerit) to pass all Bills which they should tender unto him: About this time also removing 
* 30 Maii.  the Magazine form Hull to the Tower of London.  
The King therefore, discerning what preparations they had made, in every respect, in order to the forming of a rebellious Army; did, by his Royal Proclamation 
* Exact Coll. p. 391. , bearing date the xxvijth of May, expressly forbid all and every of his Subjects belonging to the Trained-Bands, or Militia of this Kingdom, to rise, march, muster, or exercise, by virtue of any Order or Ordinance of one or both Houses of Parliament, without consent or warrant from himself, upon pain of punishment according to the Laws. And plainly discerning, through these their subtle practices, what advantages they made to themselves, upon the smallest pretences; as also by casting Scandals upon all his Actions; he summoned the Gentlemen and Freeholders' of Yorkshire, to come to Heyworth-Moore, upon the third of june. Where he declared unto 
* 3 Junii. Exact Coll. p. 302.  them, the reason of his re●siding, at that time amongst them; being driven away from White●Hall by Tumults; with his purpose to maintain the true Protestant Religion, and Laws, and that the Guard, he there had, for the safety of his Royal person, consisting of the chief Gentry of that County, and one Regiment of the Trained Bands, could give no just cause of fears to the people.  
But, whilst he was thus zealous to satisfy his good Subjects, of his real Intentions; the Members at Westminister, (now confident of their own power) sent 
* Nineteen Propositions sent to the King. 2 Junii. Exact Coll. p. 307.  down a Petition, with Nineteen Propositions, to his Majesty. By which they demanded no less in effect, than to yield up all his Regal power into their Hands. Unto which he soon after returned a full and clear Answer 
* Exact Coll. p. 311. , by the Marquis of Hertford and Earl of Southampton.  
To second which Propositions, within four days ensuing, they set forth a bold Declaration 
* 6 Junii. , against his Proclamation of the xxvijth of May, affirming it to be void in Law; and (in opposition thereto,) requiring all Officers to muster, levy, rise, march and exercise, according to their Ordinance; assuring them, for so doing, of protection by both Houses of Parliament. And within few days after, sent out an Order 
* 10 Junii. Exact Coll. p. 339. , in the name likewise of both Houses, with Proposals, for the bringing in of Money and Plate; 
Proposals for bringing in Money and Plate.  as also for providing Horse, Horsemen, and Arms, in pursuance of their solemn vow and Protestation, for suppressing the Traitorous attempts (as they called them) of those wicked and malignant Counsellors, who sought to engage the King in a war against his Parliament: and likewise with Instructions for the Deputy-Lieutenants to proceed therein, themselves making Subscriptions accordingly, the very same day.  
Nor were the Lecturing-Preachers, and other of that strain, less active every where in this desperate (and afterwards bloody) Scene; the chief of which, throughout all England, were then got into London, Westminster, and the Suburbs of both: it being very well known, both b● their public Sermons, and sediticus Pamphlets, what endeavours they sedulously used, to stir up all persons able of Body, to take up Arms; and others to give aid with their Purses, towards the advancing that Glorious work (as they called it.) And for the better quickening the Members of Parliament therein, they forthwith repaired to each man's particular House, or Lodgings, in and about those Cities, to excite and animate them thereto, (as some of those Members have since acknowledged;) the drift and design of those Pulpiteers, therein, being the alteration of Church-government, and enriching themselves with the lands and possessions of the Bishops and their Cathedrals, as is very well known. Whose Rebellious documents had such success; that the Houses of Parliamen, sent down divers of their most active Members, to execute their Ordinance for the Militia, in the Counties of Leicester, 
* 4 Junii.  Lincoln, 
* 6 Junii.  Essex, 
* 7 Junii.  Kent 
* 14 Junii.  etc. Who infused into the people strange fears and apprehensions of very great dangers, to the end that they might be the better prepared to rise in the ensuing Rebellion.  
But to return to the Propositions, for bringing in of Horse, Money, and Plate. Of this, so soon as the King had notice, he dispatched a Letter 
* 14 Junii. Exact Coll. p. 350.  to the Lord Mayor, aldermans, and Sheriffs of London: intimating to them; that, if they should give, or lend any money; or provide or raise any Horse or Arms, under pretence of a Guard for both Houses, grounded upon those scandalous votes; by which they had presumed to declare his intention to levy war against his Parliament; he should look upon it, as the raising of force against himself, and to be done in malice, and contempt of his authority.  
But this came too late: for the Londoners were so forward in their compliance with these Propositions; that the very same day they brought in great sums of Money; for which, by a special Order, 
* 11 Junii.  they had public Thanks returned. Which sums, if we may credit one 
* Martin's Echo. p. 17.  of their own Party, did (with their Plate, Rings etc.) in London, Middlesex, and Essex, amount to above Eleven millions of pounds; besides vast sums from the rest of the Counties, and otherwise. So that all the effect his Majesty's Letter produced, was only an Order, 
* 15 Junii.  in the name of both Houses, that the Deputy-Lieutenants, throughout the Kingdom, should tender Propositions to the several Counties, for raising of Horse, for the service of the King and Parliament: and soon after that, a Declaration 
* 21 Junii. Exact Coll. p. 375.  of both Houses was issued out, whereby they justified their raising of Forces; alleging the same to be for maintenance of the Protestant Religion; the King's Authority and Person, in his Royal dignity; the free course of Justice; the Laws of the Land, privilege of Parliament etc. forbidding any Officers whatsoever, to spread that Paper (for so they styled his Majesty's Letter) justifying their Votes, that the King intended to levy war against his Parliament: intimating; that, neither his Majesty's commands nor threats could withdraw or deter such as were well affected to the public, from contributing Money, Horse and Plate.  
And so indeed it proved; for (as they had deluded the people) large proportions were daily borough in; the County of Essex contributing twenty seven thousand pounds, and upwards, and eight hundred Horse; Hertfordshire eight thousand pounds, and three hundred Horse, etc. as appears by the calculation thereof, made upon the twentieth of August ensuing.  
The King therefore, taking into consideration these their violent practices; and that they had set up Lieutenants and Deputy-Lieutenants in all Counties, declaring his Commissions of Lieutenancy illegal; 
Commissions of Array by the King.  upon mature deliberation and advice (about this time) issued out Commissions of Array, into all parts of the Realm (which course had been anciently used by his Royal Progenitors, for prevention of Invasions, or suppressing of any Insurrections; and approved by divers Statutes:) and thereupon set forth a Proclamation, 
* 20 Junii. Exact Coll. p. 372.  informing all his loving Subjects, of the lawfulness and use of them; commanding their obedience thereunto. Which Commissions the Earl of Derby, in 
* 20 Junii.  Lancashire; the Earl of Huntingdon and Mr. Henry Hastings his Son (afterwards Lord Loughborough) in 
* 22 Junii.  Leicestershire, with others in those Counties, to whom they were directed, did first put in execution.  
But hereupon the Members at Westminster published 
* 1 Julii. Exact Coll. p. 386.  a large Declaration, in the name of both Houses, representing those Commissions of Array, to be contrary to the Laws of the Land, destructive to the Liberty and Property of the Subject; yea so full of danger and inconvenience, that it would bring an heavier yoke of bondage upon them, than any that had been taken away that Parliament. Their factious Emissaries, employed in sundry parts of the Realm, persuading the people, that those Commissions were to reduce the Estates of all the Yeomanry of England, to ten pounds a year; and to enslave them beyond expression. And lest those, who were thus seduced by these their subtle illusions, should receive any satisfaction from his Majesty's gracious Declarations, whereby the uprightness of his Actions, and candour of his Intentions might appear; they sent out Orders 
* 4 Julii. Exact Coll. p. 449. , strictly to prohibit the publishing of them; promising Protection from the Parliament, to those who should refuse so to do.  
Moreover, because the King, out of his great sense of those imminent dangers, which daily more and more threatened his safety, desired a Subscription 
* 22 Junii.  of those Lords, and other loyal persons, then attending him at York, for levying Horse in his own defence; as also for safeguard of the two Houses of Parliament, and the Protestant Religion; they ordered, 
* 5 Julii.  that ten thousand pounds of the money which had been brought in upon the Propositions, unto Guild-Hall, should be forthwith laid out to buy Horses; 
Order for the raising of an Army by the Parliament.  and that ten thousand Foot should be speedily raised in London, and the parts adjacent, to be employed according to the direction of the Parliament. As also, 
* 7 Julii.  that Arms should be taken out of the Tower, for their present occasions, to be disposed of, by authority of Parliament. Likewise, that the ten thousand men, so raised, should be forthwith listed under Officers, trained, entered into pay, and march into any part of the Kingdom, by direction and authority of Parliament. And of this Army, thus speedily to be raised, they appointed, 
* 12 Julii. Exact Coll. p. 457.  that the Earl of Essex should be General, with whom they voted, that they would live and die.  
Likewise, to the end that this great affair might yet carry a specious show to the world, they set forth two more Declarations, 
Ib. p. 458.  in the name of both Houses. Whereby they pretended their whole endeavour to be for his Majesty's Honour and Safety, the regaining the ancient Laws, Rights, and Liberties of the Kingdom, so much invaded; settling the Protestant Religion in peace and purity, etc. Taxing 
Ib p. 461.  the King with endeavour of a change in Religion and Government; as also with breach of his solemn Protestations and Imprecations; and that he had already begun a war against them, being seduced by Jesuitical Counsel, and Cavaliers, who had designed all to slavery and confusion; which gave them occasion thus to raise Forces, for defence of Religion and Laws.  
And having given authority to the Earl of Warwick, to command his Majesty's Navy at Sea; they made an Order 
* 15 Julii.  for him, to take provisions for the same out of the Kings stores at Chatham, notwithstanding his Majesty's command to the contrary. Likewise for the better increase of their Army, they made Orders 
* 19 Julii. Exact Coll. p. 476.  for encouragement of Volunteers, within this Kingdom and dominion of Wales, to exercise and discipline themselves, in a military manner; which promises of the Authority of both Houses, for their indemnity: As also, that 
* 23 Julii.  the Earl of Essex, should go on, to make all speedy preparation, for the raising of Forces, according to his Commission; appointing 
* 25 Julii.  Commissioners out of the Common-Council of London, to assist him in raising Volunteers, within that City and the Liberties thereof. And lastly, that a Declaration 
* 25 Julii.  should be published, to satisfy the people, concerning their proceedings herein: as also to stir them up, to afford all speedy aid towards the raising of Forces, upon the Propositions, for the intent aforesaid, and for removing the evil Counsellors from his Majesty.  
How forward and active the Londoners were to promote this Rebellion, can hardly be imagined; people of all sorts pouring out their Treasure, as if it had been for the most advantageous purchase in the world; thronging in with their Plate and Rings; and not sparing their very Thimbles and Bodkins. Neither were they backward in the adventure of their lives; five thousand of them listing themselves under the Earl of Essex, the next day 
* 26 Julii.  in Moor-Feilds. Which, with the other Volunteers, then in readiness, amounted to near ten thousand men, being forthwith committed 
* 1 Aug.  to Officers, and distributed into Regiments, were ordered to be daily exercised, and to have constant pay.  
But all these Forces and preparations, were raised and made for the King's safety, and preservation, as 'twas pretended: though at the same time, certain Provisions of Wheat and Wine, for his Majesties own Table, passing by water towards York, were seized by Sir john Hotham; and that seizure approved of by the Houses at Westminister, with encouragement 
* 29 Julii.  to do the, like upon occasion.  
And, as they took all care to hinder the King's good Subjects, from the sight of his Declarations, and Proclamations, lest they should continue steadfast in their old obedience to his Majesty and the Laws (as is evident from their imprisoning the Lord Mayor of London, as also of the Mayors of Salisbury, and St. Alban, for the publishing of them, according to their duties) so were they not slack in spreading and divulging their own; as is apparent from their frequent dispersing them. And therefore, though they had often vented the like before: yet now again to remind the people of what was in hand, they set forth another bitter Declaration; 
* 3 Aug. Exact Coll. p. 491.  whereby they taxed the King with a design to alter the Government, both in Church and State; and that the time for effecting thereof was then come to ripeness, as did appear by the preparation of Arms, made by his Majesty (as they alleged) Scandalising him, with giving countenance to the Rebellion in Ireland: and therefore declared, that they were necessitated to take up Arms, for the defence of all these, which must otherwise perish.  
The King therefore observing; that in pursuance of their Votes and Declarations, they had thus formed a powerful Army; and that they had already besieged the Town of Porstmouth, did set forth a Proclamation 
* 9 Aug. Exact Coll. p. 503.  declaring the Earl of Essex, and all his adherents, Traitors; with pardon to such as should return to their obedience within six days. But this gracious offer was so much contemned, that so soon as it came to their notice, they published a Declaration, 
* 13 Aug. Exact Coll. p. 508.  in the name of both Houses of Parliament; containing many shameful invectives against his Majesty, declaring all such to be Traitors, that were Contrivers or Countenancers of this last Proclamation of August the ninth. And, that if his Majesty would disband his Forces, abandon those wicked Counsellors, and harken to the wholesome advice of his great Council, they would endeavour to make him and his posterity, as great and rich as any Prince, that ever swayed the Sceptre.   

CHAP. XII.  
BUt what this specious offer meant, the King (by woeful experience) being sufficiently sensible; and of all other helps, in small hope; published another Proclamation 
* 12 Aug. Exact Coll. p. 512.  declaring his purpose, to erect his Standard-royal at Nottingham, upon the twentieth of August; requiring the aid and assistance of all his Subjects, on the North of Trent, and twenty miles Southwards, for suppressing the power of those Rebels, which were then on their march against him. And therewithal a Declaration, 
* Ib. p. 514.  setting forth their evil practices, and proceedings from the beginning of that Parliament.  
But the Rebels (for so I shall now call them) having brought their work to this height; and for their better support therein, having seized on an hundred thousand pounds, of the money raised by Act of Parliament, for the service of Ireland: having also deposed Sir Richard Gurney, Lord Mayor of London; as also committed 
* 12 Aug.  him to the Tower, and by their own authority set 
* 15 Aug.  up another; they sent Forces into several parts of this Realm, viz. into 
* 19 Aug.  Kent, putting them into Cotham-House; as also into the Block-house and Sconces at Gravesend, and Chatham, together with Dover-Castle.  
Into 
* 20 Aug.  Leicestershire they sent the Earl of Stanford, with Horse, Foot, and Canon. Into Warwickshire the Lord Brooke, and others, with six thousand Horse and Foot; and into 
* 2 Sept.  Dorsetshire the Earl of Bedford, with seven thousand Foot, six hundred Horse, and fourteen pieces of Canon: and special direction 
* 18 Aug.  into other parts; that their Lieutenants and Deputy-Lieutenants, should speedily execute their Ordinance for the Militia, and declare to all men; that it had been and should be the endeavour of both Houses of Parliament, to provide for his Majesty's safety. etc.  
But, the more to incense the people, they issued out other Declaration, 
* 20 Aug.  in the name of the Lords and Commons in Parliament; scandalising 
* Exact Coll. p. 574. 575.  the King, with laying the foundation of an arbitrary and tyrannical Government: and, that notwithstanding all his Vows and Protestations, to govern by Law, which had been dispersed throughout the Kingdom, to blind and deceive the people (as they alleged) the most mischievous principles of Tyranny, had been exercised, that ever were invented: with promise to all well affected persons (as they termed them) that should be prejudiced by the Cavaliers, that they should have full reparation of their damages, out of the Estates of all such persons, as had withdrawn themselves to York to serve his Majesty.  
The King therefore, seriously weighing the perilous condition, in which himself and the whole Realm were thus miserably plunged, through the rage and malice of these desperate men: that he might leave nothing unattemted, for preventing of those great calamities, which he clearly saw approaching; 
The King's Message for Peace,  after he had thus erected his royal Standard, sent 
* 25 Aug. Exact Coll. p. 579.  a Message from Nottingham, to those Houses at Westminister, by the Earls of Southampton, Dorset, and others: whereby he propounded, that for composure of those unhappy differences, some fit persons might be enabled, to treat on both sides, in such manner, and with such freedom, as might best tend to an happy conclusion of them.  
But this gracious offer, was received by them, with so much scorn and insolence (they then having a powerful Army on foot, with plenty of Money, and other accommodations; and his Majesty destitute of all these) that the substance of their Answer was, 
* Exact Coll. p. 584.  that if his Majesty would (forsake all his Loyal Subjects, then with him, and) return to his Parliament, he should find such expressions of their fidelities and duty; as might assure him, that his safety, Honour and Greatness, was only to be found in their affections. And immediately published a Declaration, 
* Ib. p. 585.  setting forth; that the Arms, which they had taken up etc. should not be laid down, until his Majesty should withdraw his protection from such as had been voted, by both Houses, to be Delinquents; or that should be so voted; and should leave them to the justice of the Parliament.  
Things being brought to this height, it will not be improper now to take notice how the Scots did behave themselves towards the King in this unhappy Juncture, whose gracious condescensions to them, had been such as hardly any age can parallel. Wherein, it is to be considered, that they could not but discern what breaches had been made, upon his Majesty, and his just Rights, by those here, who sat at Westminister, and called themselves the Parliament; as also to what degree of strength and power they were grown, with the artifices whereby they attained thereto. Moreover, that though, by a Petition exhibited to the Lords of his Majesty's Privy-Council of that Realm, upon the last of May an. 1642, they had intimated a desire to shun any just occasion, that might give offence to their gracious Sovereign (as they then called him) or of jealousy to their Brethrens of England; and so, seemed to stand only as Spectators: 
The Scots send a form of their Kirk-Government to the Parliament at Westminster.  yet, when they heard, that their Friends in England had put themselves in Arms, and were so powerful in strength every way, and his Majesty so weak; they then, not only showed themselves more open; but sent 
* 4 Aug.  a Form of their Kirk-Government to the Parliament at Westminster, as a Pattern for Reformation; with desire from the Assembly of that Kirk, that the same might be established here: and a Declaration 
* 26 Aug. Exact Coll. p. 598.  of their affections to the Reformation in Kirk and State. Wherein they signified their expectation, that England would now bestir themselves, and extirpate the Prelatical Hierarchy, that the remainder of the work might be the more easy; offering their assistance for furthering thereof. Of which more anon.  
That there was nothing wanting in his Majesty that could be expected from a most pious and gracious Prince, for prevention of those miseries, which this turbulent Generation afterwards brought upon these Realms, doth sufficiently appear by his sundry pathetic Messages to them, formerly sent. Nevertheless to acquit himself farther to God and the world; by another Message 
* Another Message from the King.  of Sept. the eleventh he manifested to them what endeavours he had used by his many offers, 
* 11 Sept.  but could not obtain any Treaty: And therefore now declared; that, being thus left to his necessary defence; relying only on the Providence of God, the justness of his Cause, and the affections of his good people; he should yet piously remember the blood that was to be spilled in this Quarrel, and cheerfully embrace a Treaty, when ever they should desire it.  
But to this was returned, a most scornful and scandalous Answer; 
* 16 Sept.  taxing him, with committing (by his Soldiers) oppressions, rapines, and murders upon his good Subjects; saying, that they had offered him all Security, Honour, Service, Obedience, Support etc. and sought nothing, but that their Religion, Liberty, Peace of the Kingdom, and Safety of the Parliament might be secured from the open violence, and cunning practices of a wicked party, who had long plotted their destruction: upbraiding him, that Irish Traitors and Rebels were admitted to his presence, grace, and favour: and telling him, that if he would return to his Parliament without his forces, they would secure his royal Person, Crown, and Dignity.  
Being thus driven to these great Extremities (which was either to submit to their mercy, and forsake all those his loyal Subjects, who had faithfully adhered to him; or to expose his royal Person, with that small part of an Army he then had, to the uncertain chance of war:) and hearing that the Earl of Essex (the rebel's General) was gone out of London, in great State, upon the tenth of September (the chief part of his Army being advanced to Northampton, 
King marched from Nottingham 13 Sept.  before) he marched from Nottingham, towards Shrewsbury, upon the thirteenth of that month, with what forces he then had; and at the Head of them, near Wellington, made a solemn Protestation 
* 19 Sept. Exact Coll. p. 614. The King's Protestation at the head of his Army.  to defend the Protestant Religion, established in the Church of England; to govern by the known Laws of the Land; that the Liberty and Property of the Subject might be by them preserved with the same care as his own just rights; Also to maintain the just Privileges of Parliament: And that he would expect no aid from any man, nor protection from Heaven, when he, willingly, should fail in these particulars.; Which pious intentions of his, thus declared, were of no small advantage to him at that time, his Army increasing daily, beyond expectation.  
The Rebels therefore hearing which way the King moved, be●t their course speedily towards him, making their Head-quarter, in and about Worcester, from the four and twentieth of September, till the nineteenth of October following. Near to which place (upon their approach) some few Troops of his Majesties, under the command of Prince Rupert, most happily defeated 
* 23 Sept.  a far greater number of the Rebel's principal Cavalry; Colonel Sandys, Major Douglas, and other Commanders (with divers other) being there 
* At Powickfeild near Worcester.  slain, six Cornets of Horse taken, and all this, with the loss but of one man. Which being the first notable encounter, that his Majesty's forces had with them, and so successful, did not a little amaze most of the Rebel's party. Lest therefore the truth thereof, being divulged, should dishearten their friends in London, and other remote parts; they, not only caused divers printed Papers to be spread about, bragging of it for a special victory: but, that it might gain the more credit, ordained a public Thanksgiving 
* 27 Sept.  in London, for the same. And to hinder his Majesty from the assistance of his good Subjects, under one pretence or other (though they had cried out against his raising an Army, by the help of Papists to destroy the Protestant Religion) they were not ashamed to make a public Order, 
* 6 Oct.  that, if any Papist would bring in considerable sums to them, upon the Propositions, it should be accepted of.  
As, by these subtle devices, they had raised the flames of Rebellion to this height; and deprived the King of all visible means here, for the quenching thereof: so did they use their utmost endeavours, to prevent any help, that might be obtained for him, from foreign parts; as appears by their negotiation with the States of the United Provinces; wherein they employed one Walter Strickland, with a special Declaration to them; complaining of the Prince of Aurange, 
Exact Coli. p. 635.  for countenancing the Lord Digby, in his making warlike Provisions in those parts, for the King's use: and in favour of that Lord, and other wicked Counsellors, and Incendiaries; to have licenced experienced Officers and Soldiers, to resort into this Kingdom, in aid of his Majesty against the Parliament. Scandalising the King also, that his Councils were corrupted by a Jesuitical faction; and that he had drawn his sword for the destruction of his people: desiring therefore, that his Majesty might have no manner of Supplies from thence: and, withal, insinuating, how near a relation there was, betwixt that model, into which they aimed to cast this Government, and the State of those Provinces; and that therefore they expected assistance from them.  
Nor did they rest here, as is evident from those Instructions which were brought up by a Committee, to be sent into Holland, for this Mr. Strickland, upon the 29th of February an. 1643; by which he was to represent to the States of those Provinces, that the Parliament of England did only strive for Reformation of that Religion and State they live in: and therefore desired those States, that they would now afford them their Brotherly assistance, as they had formerly assisted them. As also, that they would enlarge their union to other Princes, and lend them some money upon the public faith of both Kingdoms; and the rather because they made Reformed Churches, the pattern of their endeavours.  
Neither could they be silent at home; but the more to stir up the people, inculcated 
* 15 Oct. Exact Coll. p. 638.  to them; that the King had raised an Army, by the help of Papists; the corrupt part of the Clergy; the Delinquent Nobility and Gentry, and some notable Traitor's beyond-Sea: that they had liberty to rob and spoil all sorts of people; as also to exact Money and Plate from Corporations, by threatning Fire and Sword to the refusers: that he had hired a Scotchman, to murder Sir john Hotham: that, by violent oppressions he had exhausted the parts about Shrewsbury and that the Cavaliers were hungry for the wealth of London, and the fruitful Counties adjacent: that, if he should prevail, there was no expectation, but that all would be exposed to the malice and rapine of his ravenous Soldiers, and all honest and religious men's throats cut. And therefore, that the means of curing and preventing these dangers, must be by Loan, and contribution to the Earl of Essex's Army, which was not inferior in number to the King's; besides better armed, full paid etc. but above all, well encouraged and instructed in the Cause, by the labour of many Godly, and painful Divines; and therefore, that all Trained Bands, Volunteers etc. in all places, should assist the Lord General, etc. Whereunto they added these ensuing Votes; viz.  
1. That such persons, as should not contribute to the charge of the Commonwealth, in this time of Necessity, should be held sit to be secured and disarmed.  
2. That the Fines, Rents etc. of Arch-Bishops, Bishops, Deans etc. and of such notorious Delinquents, who had taken up Arms against the Parliament, or had been active in the Commission of Array, should be sequestered for the use and service of the Commonwealth.  
3. That the King's revenues should be brought into the several Courts, and other places, where they ought to be paid in; and not issued out until farther order was taken by both Houses of Parliament.  
And to sum up all, they set forth another 
* 22 Oct. Exact Coll. p. 663.  Declaration and Protestation; wherein they did, in the presence of Almighty God, protest and declare to this Kingdom, and the whole World; that no private passion, or respect, nor evil intention to his Majesty's person; no design to the prejudice of his just Honour, and Authority had engaged them to raise Forces and take up Arms etc. that they had professed their Loyalty by several Remonstrances; that they had passed by ignominious Slanders etc. that, for the avoiding of blood, they had directed the Earl of Essex, by himself or others, to cause an humble Petition, to be delivered to his Majesty to return in peace to his Parliament; that his Majesty had refused to yield safe conduct for the delivery thereof; that he was engaged to the Popish-party for suppression and extirpation of the true Religion, and exposing the wealth of this Kingdom to be plundered, and spoiled by Cavaliers etc. contrary to his solemn Oaths, Protestations, and Execrations; and therefore, 
The first mention of the Covenant in England.  that they resolved to enter a solemn Oath and Covenant, to defend this Cause, with the hazard of their lives, against the King's Army. And that they expected help from the Brethren of Scotland herein. His Majesty therefore, having in a very short time, and beyond expectation, raised an indifferent Army (though his wants of many accommodations were very great) finding no means of Peace or Safety, but by the hazard of Battle, which the Rebels eagerly sought; casting himself wholly upon the Almighty's providence and protection, began 
* 12 Oct. The King marched from Shrewsbury,  his march from Shrewsbury, upon the xijth of October. Which was no sooner known, but that they fiercely pursued him, having order, 
* Exact Coll. p. 632.  for that purpose, from the Houses at Westminster, to march against his Majesty's Army, and fight with them; and to rescue the persons of the King, Prince, and Duke of York.  
So that, on Sunday the xxiijth of October, being in view of the King's forces, they put their Army in order, near Kineton, 
Battle of Kineton 23 Oct. Commonly called Edge-Hill Battle.  in Warwickshire; and bid his Majesty Battle, by a signal thereof given with their great Ordinance, wherewith they made five shot at his Army, before any fire was given on the other part. But than began a sharp encounter, which continued near three hours. Wherein God so preserved his Majesty; that, instead of being utterly destroyed by these violent Rebels, who reckoned all their own; their invincible Army (as they esteemed it) was so bruised and shattered; that instead of farther pursuing the King, it retreated eight miles backwards, where the Soldiers secured themselves many days, by the advantage of the River Avon, under the protection of the Town and Castle of Warwick.  
Of which Battle, I purposely omit the Description. Nor shall I herein make any farther mention of the course of this war (it being a work fit to be handled by itself, by some more able pen) than in a brief Chronologic way, to point at the times of the most memorable Battles and Seiges: as also to the Towns, Castles, and other fortified Places, first possessed, or afterwards forcibly gained by either party. But instead thereof shall observe the wonderful providence of Almighty God: whereby, notwithstanding these matchless Conspirators, who had, by so many subtle artifices, arrived to that strength and power; and made seizure of his Majesties, Forts, Ports, Navy, Magazine, and Revenue: (insomuch as the Lord Say, in a public meeting at Oxford, of the Gentry and others, thither summoned by him, in September preceding; told them, upon his Honour, that the King had neither Money, Power, nor Credit;) his Subjects every where, being also not a little tainted with the most Antimonarchical principles, that by their seditious Preachers, or otherwise, could possibly be infused into them. Yet, that in the space of two months, he could be enabled to meet them in open Battle; having no Ammunition, but what came to him from Foreign parts, through many perilous adventures; the Ports being blocked up by his own Royal Navy, then under their command: nor having Arms or Moneys, but what he obtained by extraordinary difficulties. From this day forward, purposing to make some brief Remarks upon the ensuing practices of these monstrous men, in carrying on that barbarous war, to the great devastation and spoil of this late flourishing Kingdom: And to show how opposite all their Actions were to those plausible pretences, whereby they did at first most subtly delude and ensnare a multitude of wellmeaning people; viz. Religion, Laws, Liberty, and property of the Subject; as also Privilege of Parliament.   

CHAP. XIII.  
TO the end therefore, that their party might not be disheartened, they always took care; not only to suppress any bad tidings, but to puff up the people with strange imaginations of Victories and Conquests, by producing of forged Letters, counterfeit Messengers, and the like; as was manifest by their commitment 
* 25 Oct.  of sundry persons to prison, which came from Kineton-Battel, and reported the very truth of the King's success there; viz. Captain Wilson, Lieutenant Witney, and Mr. Banks; who were all sent to the Gate-honse, to receive punishment by Martial-Law. As also, 
* 29 Oct.  one Mr. john Wentworth of Lincolns-Inne, and 
* 1 Nou.  Sir William Fielding Knight; giving 
* 25 Oct.  twenty pounds to one man, by order of the House, who came, and reported, that most that were killed in the Battle, were of the King's side: and that the Earl of Essex commanded him to tell his friends; that he, with his own hands, carried away the King's Standard.  
But to undecieve the world, as to the number on both sides slain, (which were then confidently given out to be five thousand) most certain it is, that upon strict enquiry from the adjacent Inhabitants, who buried the Bodies, and took particular notice of the distinct numbers put into each Grave, it appears that there were not one thousand complete there interred.  
As the remaining part of the Parliament-Army, after this Battle, finding not themselves in a condition to encounter the King again without new Recruits, and therefore made a fair retreat no less than eight miles backward, (as hath been observed:) so did some of them before the fight, standing doubtful of the success, forbear to adventure themselves therein; amongst which the afterfamous Oliver Cromwell was one (if some of the most eminent persons of his own party, who were in the fight, belly him not) who, being Captain of a Troop of Horse in the General's Regiment, came not into the Field, but got up into a Steeple within view of the Battle; and there, discerning by a Prospective-glass the two Wings of their Horse to be utterly routed, made such haste to be gone, that instead of descending the Stairs by which he came up, he swinged down by a Bell-rope, and ran away with his Troop.  
The King, soon after, holding a soft march towards Oxford, Banbury-Castle then garrisoned by the late Earl of Peterborough's Regiment of Foot; and Broughton-house (the chief Seat of that great Rebel the Lord Sa) yielded 
* 27 Oct.  upon Summons as he passed. But the Rebels, that they might not seem to receive a foil in this first great Action, the Citizens of London were summoned 
* 27 Oct.  to Guild-Hall; where the Earls of Pembroke, and Holland, the Lord Say and Wharton, with Mr. Strode, made large Speeches to hearten them; telling their great Victory at Kineton Battle. But the conclusion was, to crown their work (as their phrase was) by farther and speedy Supplies of Men, Money, and all other assistance. To which shadow of their victory, to give the better gloss, a public Order 
* 3 Nou.  was made, that a gratulatory Present of five hundred pounds, should be sent from the Houses, to the Earl of Essex, for his good service already done in the war. And lest any of the deluded people should return to their obedience, upon his Majesty's gracious Proclamation 
* 24 Oct. Exact Coll. p. 673.  of pardon; they ordered that 
* 1 Nou.  those Proclamations should not be published.  
But, though all these Rebellious forces were hitherto raised by voluntary contributions, and free offers of many to engage themselves personally in this blessed Cause; most of the common sort, being really satisfied, that they should only go and fetch up the King to his Parliament, out of the hands of his Evil Counsellors, and a few inconsiderable Cavaliers (for by that name they called all the Royalists) and then return triumphantly, without fighting: this unexpected brush at Kineton-field, could not silence those, who had lost their Husbands, Children, and Friends: Seeing therefore their farther Voluntary assistances came in but slowly; the Houses at Westminster made an Order, 
* 10 Nou.  that all Horses, within the City of London and the Suburbs, and five miles adjacent, should be speedily pressed for the service of their Army: as also, that all Horses in the Tower, should be seized on; and no Coaches suffered to be kept there, except one for the Lieutenant.  
And, to puff up their General with such vain apprehensions, as might hearten him to persist in that his high employment (in regard he was then somewhat popular) they formed a specious Declaration, 
* 11 Nou. Exact Coll. p. 743.  which they ordered to remain upon Record, in the Books of both Houses of Parliament, as a mark of Honour to the name and Family of the Earl of Essex, for the good service he had done to the Commonwealth, in the office of General, by the hazard of his life in the battle of Kineton.  
Likewise, for a firmer union of their forces, they made an Order, in the name of both Houses; that the Counties of York, Lincoln, Nottingham, Derby, Stafford, Chester, Lancaster, Northumberland, Cumberland, Westmoreland, and Duresme, with the Town and County of Newcastle, should associate themselves, by raising Horse and Foot, to suppress and subdue the Popish and malignant Party: and that the Lord Fairfax should command in chief, throughout those Counties.  
But his Majesty coming safe to Oxford, after a short stay there, marched towards London; the noise whereof caused the Members at Westminster to bestir themselves for preventing his Majesty's coming thither: whereupon all the power they could raise was sent out, to give him astop; the Earl of Essex, with part of his Army to Kingston upon Thames, and the Lord Brooke's and Mr. Hamden's Regiments to Brainford: where the Royalists fell so sharply on them, that they took five hundred Prisoners, and sunk some of their Ordinance, intending to march forward on the next 
* 12 Nou.  day. But, having advertisement that Essex had drawn his Forces from Kingston, and joining with the London-Auxiliaries, lay in his way at Turnham Greene, he chose rather to make a safe retreat, than hazard his Army by a second Battle; and so by Reading came back to Oxford, where he took up his Winter-Quarters, making it his chief Garrison.  
The flame of war beginning thus to spread, each part strove to possess themselves of what strong Towns and Castles they could; as also to fortify such other places as might enable them to have command over the parts adjacent: The gaining whereof, and other Acts of Hostility on each part in places remote, as also the most considerable transactions of the Members at Westminster (who calling themselves the Parliament, sat there with strong Guards, to carry on this Grand Rebellion) being not possibly capable of a perfect Narrative in punctual order of time: to avoid confusion therefore, I have thought it most proper to place what is most remarkable, on the military part, at the end of each years; beginning with this of 1642: in which the war did commence.  
To proceed therefore. The Rebels by this time discerning the King to get ground; partly by the increase of his Forces in sundry Counties; and partly by undeceiving many wellmeaning people, who had been seasoned by divers Lecturing-Preachers and other corrupt Clergymen with disloyal principles; and now doubting the issue without farther help; 
The Scots invited to their assistance.  sent 
* 18 Nou.  a Declaration, and Invitation to the Scots, for their assistance; granting Letters 
* 26 Nou.  of Mart to all Merchants; that would set forth Ships, to guard the Seas; and to take all Shipping bringing Arms, or other aid from foreign parts to assist the King; and to detain the same, as their lawful prize.  
Furthermore, as London, and the Counties adjacent, gave example to all other parts of the Realm, in the first raising of this grand Rebellion; so were they the first over whom their great Masters exercised their power. Nor were the deluded people elsewhere, (who had likewise given the Reins into these mens' hands for a few fair words) long spared: for upon the xxixth of November there issued out an Order 
* 29 Nou. Exact Coll. p. 763.  from both Houses, that Committees should be named, throughout all Counties, to take care for provisions of Victual, for the Army raised by the Parliament; as also for seizing on Dragoon-Horses, and draught-Horses; and for borrowing of Money or Plate, to supply the Army upon the public Faith. Which Committees had thereby power, to send for and take such Provisions, Money, Plate, and Horse, as the owners did then neglect to bring in.  
And having formerly ordered 
* 26 Nou. , that the King's and Queen's Revenue, coming into the Exchequer should be detained, and employed for the public service; they seized 
* 29 Nou.  on thirteen hundred Quarters of Corn, which then were in the King's Stores. Also, for explanation of their former Ordinance, touching the contribution of Horse, Money, and Plate, upon the Propositions, they ordered that the Refusers should be distrained; and in default of Distresses to be found, their persons to be imprisoned, and their Families no longer to remain in London, Westminster, or the Counties adjacent.  
Shortly after this, likewise they framed more Ordinances 
* 3 Dec.  of Association for divers other Counties; constituting 
* 14 Jan.  Commanders in chief of new forces to be levied within those Associations, beginning with Buckingham, Bedford, Rutland, Northampton, Leicester, Derby, Nottingham, and Huntingdon; appointing the Lord Grey of Groby (son to the Earl of Stanford) Sergeant Major General there; planting Garrisons in every Castle and great Town throughout all those parts.  
The like Association 
* 10 Dec. 22 Dec.  for the Shires of Cambridge, Norfolk, Suffolk, Hartford, Essex, part of the Isle of Ely and City of Norwich; William Lord Grey of Work, being made Commander in Chief, throughout all those Counties.  
And to put the people in hope, that this charge and trouble should not last long; they gave out, that his majesties Forces were utterly broken and shattered; and read Letters 
* 7 Dec.  in the House, from their General, that he would pursue the King with all vehemency.  
Soon after this also, they made an Ordinance 
* 15 Dec. Exact Coll p. 674. , for taxing all Malignants, and such as had not contributed upon the Propositions, for Money, Horse, and Plate, according to their abilities, that they should pay the Twenty-fifth part of their Estates. Under which name of Malignants, they brought in all that were worth any thing, if within their reach. But, in this Ordinance, it is to be observed 
* They bind heavy burdens and grievous to be born, and lay them on men's shoulders; but they themselves will not move them with one of their fingers. Matth. 23. v. 4. , that the Assessors were not to tax any Member of either House.  
Neither could their oppressions at home suffice; but they countenanced the seizing of a Ship, called Santa Clara, out of the Port of Santo Domingo, in the King of Spain's Dominions, laden with Plate, Cochinele, and other Merchandise of great value; and by order 
* 27 Dec.  of the House of Commons, set up Bills upon the Exchange for sale thereof. And that no part of the Realm might be free from their oppressions, they constituted 
* 4 Jan. Exact Coll. p. 816.  Committees in the Counties of Warwick, Stafford, and City of Coventry, for associating of those Counties, and planting of Garrisons there: authorising them to suppress and disarm Enemies, and persons ill affected: also for raising Horse, Money, Plate, etc. And soon after that, set forth a new Declaration 
* 7 Jan. Exact Coll. p. 825. , in the name of both Houses of Parliament; showing the necessity of a present Subscription of Money, and Plate, for a farther supply of the Army. Suggesting, that his Majesty's Popish-Army would proceed with Fire and Sword, to root out their true Religion, and all that professed it; if there were not a good provision of Treasure to maintain and support the Army raised by the Parliament.  
To which new Contributions, (for the better drawing on of others) they themselves also subscribed. And after ordered 
* 23 Jan. , that such Citizens, as had refused to pay the twentieth part, should be removed to several Prisons; viz. Yarmouth, Colchester, Norwich etc. giving authority 
* 3 Febr. 8 Febr. , that the Collectors, made by their Ordinance of the xxixth of November, for Assessments, should have power to break open Chests, Trunks etc. and to seize Money, Goods, etc. for satisfaction of their Taxes. And at the same time appointed a Committee, for sequestering the lands and estates of all such persons as had assisted the King, in his just defence and preservation, according to their duty and allegiance; calling it a maintaining a war against the Parliament.  
But all this being as yet not enough, they passed an Ordinance 
* 20 Febr.  to incite the City of London to a free contribution towards the sum of sixty thousand pounds, for the service of the Army; the Houses declaring; that they were in good hopes it would be the last money they should have occasion to desire of the City in that kind. And therefore, that they might be as good as their words, and not come often to them in a borrowing way, they passed another Ordinance 
* 23 Febr.  for imposing a Tax for the maintenance of their Army throughout the whole Kingdom, of Thirty three thousand, three hundred forty eight pounds a week, whereof ten thousand pounds weekly was assessed upon the City of London, besides Westminster and the Suburbs.  
And to the end that the well affected, who had gone forth in their Army raised for the defence of the Parliament, Religion, Laws, and Liberties of the Subjects of England (for those are the words of the Preamble) should be the better encouraged to continue in their service, they passed another Ordinance 
* 9 Martii.  for assessing of all the Parishes in England to the relief of their maimed Soldiers, with the Widows, and Fatherless children of such as were or should be slain on their part.   

CHAP. XIV.  
I Now come to the military Actings of this present year 1642. In which I find, that the Marquis of Hertford, and Sir Ralph Hopton Knight of the Bath (afterwards Lord Hopton) had raised considerable forces on the King's behalf in the West: and that the Earl of Newcastle (afterwards Marquis) in the North, Colonel Charles Cavendish (brother to the Earl of Devonshire:) Spenser Earl of Northampton, and some other persons of quality had done the like in sundry other parts; so that with what strength his Majesty himself then had, after the taking up of his Winter-Quarters at Oxford, the Royalists had possessed themselves of Banbury-Castle in Oxfordshire; of Reading, and Farringdon, with the Castles of Wallingford and Denington in Berkshire: of Chichester, and Arundel-Castle in Sussex; of Winchester and Basing-house in Hantshire; of the Castles of devices and Wardour in Wiltshire; of the Castle of Sherbourne in Dorsetshire: of some Port-Towns in Devonshire; of the Castle of Pendennis and other places in Cornwall; of Taunton and Bridgwater in Somersetshire; of Sudley-Castle in Glucestershire; of the City of Worcester; of the the Town of Shrewsbury in Shropshire; of Dudley-Castle and Close of Lichfeild in Staffordshire; of Ashby de la Zouch in Leicestershire; of the City of Chester; of Monmouth in Monmouthshire; of Lincoln, and Gaynesborough in Lincolnshire; of Lynne in Norfolk; of the City of York, and Castle of Pontfract in Yorkshire; of Lathamhouse in Lancashire; and of Newcastle in Northumberland.  
As also, that by their activeness there were taken from the Rebels before the entrance of the ensuing year, these following places; viz. Marlborough in 
* 5 Dec.  Wiltshire by the Lord Wilmot (Colonel Ramsey a Scot and five hundred of his men being there made prisoners) Tadcaster in Yorkshire about the same time; Liskard, 
* 19 Jan.  and Saltash 
* 22 Jan.  in Cornwall; Belvier-Castle 
* 22 Jan.  in Lincolnshire; Cirencester 
* 2 Febr.  in Gloucestershire; Malmesbury 
* 21 Martii.  in Wiltshire, and Grantham 
* 23 Martii.  in Lincolnshire. Whereunto may be added the safe landing of the Queen (12 Febr.) at Burlington in Yorkshire, with Arms and Ammunition brought from Holland for his Majesty's service.  
On the Rebel's part I am also to observe, that besides the Earl of Essex, their Generalissimo, they had divers other Petties-general; viz. Ferdinando Lord Fairfax in the North; the Earl of Stanford, and Sir William Waller in the West; Edward Earl of Manchester, Basil Lord Fielding (eldest son to the Earl of Denbigh) Colonel Brown the Woodmonger; Sir William Brereton Baronet; Sir john Gell Knight; Colonel Massey etc. all active men in their respective stations.  
As to the places of strength, throughout England (besides the Royal Navy, given up into their hands by Algernon Earl of Northumberland, whom the King had made Admiral of his whole Fleet) they had the City and Tower of London; all the Eastern-Counties, with the Ports and Castles thereto belonging; the strong Town of Hull in Yorkshire, and in it all his Majesty's Magazine of Arms, Artillery, and Ammunition prepared for his Scottish Expedition; Manchester in Lancashire— in Cheshire; Ludlow, Bridg-North, and Wemme in Shropshire; Stafford in Staffordshire; the Cities of Bristol, and Gloucester; the Towns of Leicester and Northampton; the City of Coventry, with the Castles of Warwick and Kenilworth all in Warwickshire; the City of Lincoln; the Towns of Nottingham and Derby; and indeed what not, excepting those places I have mentioned, wherein the Royalists had first set foot. Besides which, they took by force the City of Winchester 
* 13 Dec. ; Leedes 
* 22 Jan.  in Yorkshire; the City of Chichester in Sussex about the same time; and Sudeley-Castle 
* 13 Febr.  in Gloucestershire.  
Not much of Action in the Field, or otherwise, can be expected until the ensuing Spring of the year; so that all I find of note, was only that at Liskard 
* 19 Jan.  near Bodmin in Cornwall, where Sir Ralph Hopton routed a strong Party of the Rebels in those parts, and took above twelve hundred Prisoners.  
Likewise that attempt upon Litchfield-close in Stafford- shire, made by Robert Lord Brook, wherein he lost his life; the manner whereof is not a little remarkable, which (in short) was thus. This Lord being strangely tainted with fanatic Principles, by the influence of one of his near Relations and some Schismatical Preachers (though in his own nature a very civil and well homoured man) became thereby so great a zealot against the established Discipline of the Church, that no less than the utter extirpation of Episcopacy, and abolishing all decent Order in the service of God would satisfy him. To which end he became the leader of all the power he could raise for the destruction of the Cathedral of that Diocese of Coventry and Litchfield. In order whereunto, when he had marched within half a mile of Litchfield, he drew up his Army; and there devoutly prayed a blessing upon his intended work: withal, earnestly desiring, that God would by some special Token manifest unto them his approbation of that their design: which being done, he went on, and planted his great Guns against the Southeast Gate of the Close, himself standing in a Window of a little House near thereto, 
1643.  to direct the Gunners in their purposed Battery: but it so happened, that there being two persons placed in the Battlements of the chiefest Steeple, to make shot, with long fouling Guns at the Cannoneers: upon a sudden accident which occasioned the Soldiers to give a shout, this Lord, coming to the door (completely harnessed with Plate-Armour cap a pe) was suddenly shot into one of his Eyes; but the strength of the Bullet so much abated by the glance thereof on a piece of timber, which supported a Pentiss over the Door, that it only lodged in his Brains, Whereupon he suddenly fell down dead. Nor is it less notable, that this accident fell out upon the second day of March, which is the Festival 
* 2 Martii.  of that sometime famous Bishop St. Chad, to whose memory Offa King of the Mercians first erected this stately Church and devoutly dedicated it.  
The next thing whereof I shall take notice, is; that on the nineteenth day of the same month of March, was that fierce Skirmish 
* 19 Martii.  at Hopton-Heath, in the same County of Stafford, where the right loyal and valiant Spenser Earl of Northampton encountering Sir William Brereton and Sir john Gell, though he had the better of the day (being unhappily fallen from his Horse amongst Coney-Burrows) was barbarously murdered.   

CHAP. XV.  
AS to this year's Actions, considering that money is the Sinews of war, the first thing of note, in order to the gaining thereof, which the Members at Westminster did, was the sequestering 
* 31 Martii.  of Delinquents (i. e. the Royalists) estates. 
Scobell's Coll. cap. 4. p. 37.  And finding the poor Countrypeople very weary of the war, and apt to run away; having also had so much experience of the City's forwardness in all things tending to their service: to the intent, that upon any sudden occasion they might draw out considerable numbers thence, they passed 
* 12 Apr.  an Ordinance, that the Committee for the Militia of London, and the Suburbs, should raise new Regiments of Volunteers, for the better security thereof. So likewise for the better support of two other of their Generals; viz. Sir William Waller and Sir Arthur Haselrig, they passed an Ordinance 
* 25 Apr.  for engaging the Public Faith to such as should lend either Horse, 
Scobell's Coll. p. 40.  Men, or Money unto them in that service.  
But by this time the private Discontents and repine, which these large Exactions caused, beginning to make the great Masters in this Tragic Scene to doubt a revolt in the people (considering how frequently the King, by sundry gracious Proclamations of pardon, and all other good means had wooed them:) To carry on the work therefore the more smoothly, they were constrained, after the example of their Brethren the Scots, to make an Engagement, by a solemn Oath, for continuing their assistance therein. And in this, as the Citizens of London (who in all other occasions had been their principal Instruments) did readily tender their service by Sir Henry Mildmay; who reported to the House, that they would lend the forty thousand pounds demanded (for now they were borrowing again) provided, that the Holy League 
The Holy League and Covenant proposed by the Londoners.  and Covenant before spoken of, might be made and imposed upon the whole Kingdom.  
And rather than their Blessed Cause (as they called it) should suffer, it was moved 
* 4 Maii.  by the Sub-Committee at Sadler's Hall in Breadstreet; that all persons, who were willing to promote their own Safety, should spare one meal weekly, towards the provision of Horse and Arms, for the new raised Auxiliaries about London. Also because they found some slackness in the people, to bring in money upon the Propositions, they appointed 
* 7 Maii.  Committees in the several Counties to tax such for their fifth and twentieth part, 
Scob. Coll. p. 41.  as had not contributed or lent accordingly: and passed another Ordinance 
* 10 Maii.  for taking Horses for the service of the Parliament. 
Scob. Coll. ut supra.   
It is not unworthy of note, that this thrifty contrivance for sparing one meal a week, was the usher to that then formidable Imposition, called Excise, never before heard of by many thousands in this Kingdom: which the trivers at Westminster durst not show the people, till they were sufficiently tamed under the yoke of other Exactions; knowing full well how displeasing it would be to them. Nay so fearful were they themselves, after they had formed their first Army, lest the people should apprehend any suspicion thereof (which might then have endangered a Revolt) that, when it was but whispered by some, what they foresaw would happen; they made an Order 
* 8 Oct. an. 1642.  in their House of Commons, for punishing such Malignant persons, as had cast aspersions upon that House, that they intended to assess any man's Pewter, and lay Excise upon that and other Commodities. But now, that they saw the people, by degrees, so patiently submit to many other burdens; they began to debate 
* 25 Maii. , in their House of Commons, how fit and necessary it would be for them to impose Excise, upon Wine, Beer, Tobacco, and such petty Commodities. Whereupon Mr. Pym, by his Letter to 
* 30 Maii.  Sir john Hotham, signified; that they had proceeded in the Excise to many particulars, and intended to go on farther; but that it would be necessary to use the people to it, by little and little. And because this Ordinance, beforementioned, for taking Horses, for the service of the Parliament, should not pinch upon their friends; they passed another 
* 29 Maii.  by which they appointed certain persons to levy such Horses, 
Scobell's Coll. p. 41.  for the service of the Parliament; but with special direction, that the Horses taken from the well affected, should be valued, and repayment secured upon the Public faith.  
Having thus laid such a sure foundation for the support of more Forces, they then sent out a Declaration 
* 30 Maii.  to their Lord Lieutenants and Deputy-Lieutenants of Kent, Canterbury, and the Cinqueports; that they should associate and raise an Army of a thousand Foot-Voluntiers, and one or more Troops of Horse; and to appoint a Major General, and give Battle to any Forces, not raised by authority of both Houses.  
But the Oath, formerly mentioned by Sir Henry Mildmay, being by this time framed, was now thought fit to be set on foot, as of high concernment to oblige all those that were well affected, and for the better discovery of other wellwishers to the Cause: a work therefore of this high consequence, being not fit to be brought into the world naked; they had a Committee, who made report 
* 6 Junii.  of a treacherous Conspiracy, discovered upon the last day of May (being the Fastday) viz. of a pretended design to destroy the Parliament, and well affected party of the Kingdom; to subject Religion, Laws, and Liberty of the Subject; to establish Popery, and to set up an arbitrary Government: for prevention whereof, both Houses and the whole Realm should enter into a solemn Covenant, 
The Holy League and Covenant framed.  never to lay down Arms, so long as the Popish-party (for so they called the King's forces) were on foot; and Papists and Delinquents protected from the Justice of the Parliament; but to assist the Forces, raised by authority of the two Houses of Parliament, against the Forces raised by the King.  
Which solemn Oath and Covenant, thus drawn up, was then taken 
* And taken by both Houses 15 Junii.  by both Houses; and within ten days following throughout all the Parishes of London. And because the poor Countrypeople might, throughout England, be all caught upon one day; they passed an Order 
* 17 Junii.  of both Houses, that a Public Thanksgiving should be made throughout the whole Kingdom, on Thursday the thirteenth of july following, for the discovery of the late Plot; at which time this Oath and Covenant should be tendered to every man, in the several Parishes.  
Also to secure the Pulpit-men the more cordially to them, and to make them the more active, in stirring up the people, upon all occasions; they made an Ordinance 
* 12 Junii. , for calling an Assembly of Divines, 
Scob. Coll. p. 42.  in order to the setting up of the Presbyterian Government. 
Ordinance for calling an Assembly of Divines.  Which Assembly was to consist of ten of the House of Lords, and twenty of the House of Commons, whose names are therein expressed; and the rest Ministers, all of the Presbyterian gang, excepting three or four (whom, though for the more credit of that Convention they nominated, there was little reason to expect any of their company.) The Preamble of which Ordinance runs thus— Whereas amongst the infinite blessings of Almighty God upon this Nation, none is or can be more dear unto us, than the purity of our Religion. And for that, as yet, many things remain in the Liturgy, Discipline, and Government of the Church, which do necessarily require a farther and more perfect Reformation, than as yet hath been attained. And whereas it hath been declared and resolved, by the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament, 
Episcopal Government abolished.  that the present Church-government by Arch-Bishops, Bishops, their Chancellors, Commissaries, Deans, Deans and Chapters, Arch-Deacons, and other Eccleastical Officers, depending upon the Hierarchy, is justly offensive and burdensome to the Kingdom; a great impediment to Reformation, and growth of Religion, and very prejudicial to the State and Government of this Kingdom; and that therefore they are resolved, that the same shall be taken away; and that such a Government shall be settled in the Church, as may be most agreeable to God's holy word, and most apt to procure and preserve the peace of the Church at home, and nearer agreement with the Church of Scotland, and other reformed Churches abroad etc. be it ordained etc.  
'Twas no marvel indeed, that they at Westminster bestirred themselves so hard: for by this time the success of his Majesty's Armies was such; that he had (by God's blessing) regained the greatest part of the North and West parts of this Realm; and did daily so increase in strength; that, to uphold their Cause, they bethought themselves of calling in their Brethren the Scots for aid. Wherefore, having prepared a Declaration 
* 4 Julii. , to discover another dangerous Plot, to extirpate the Protestant Religion in England, Ireland, and Scotland; they agreed 
* 6 Julii. , that some of their Members (viz. the Lork Grey of Wark, Sir William Ayrmia, and Mr. Darley) should go into Scotland, to desire help from thence; and prepare Instructions 
* 13 Julii.  for them, with Letters of Credence: with promise that they should have allowance 
* 15 Julii.  for the charge of such forces, 
Commissionners' sent into Scotland, to invite the Brethren to their aid.  as they should send; and that the debts they already owed them should be paid out of the lands of the Papists and Prelatical party, in Northumberland, Cumberland, and Bishopric of Durham. Which Commissioners did accordingly set forwards 
* 21 Julii.  upon the xxith of july.  
But about this time, the Earl of Essex (their General) made complaint to them by Letters 
* 10 Julii. , for want of Horse, Arms etc. and proposed to them a Treaty for peace. Whereunto answer was soon made, by the resolution 
* 11 Julii.  of their House of Commons (who debated the same) that, by their late Vow and Covenant they had bound themselves never to lay down Arms, so long as the Papists (for so they called the King's forces) which were then in Arms against them, should have protection from the Justice of the Parliament; sending him word, that they would recruit his Troops according to his desire. And to compliment their Western General (Sir William Waller) whose heartiness to the Cause, suited so well with theirs, they ordered 
* 12 Julii.  five thousand pounds to be sent down to him, and given as a Largess to his Soldiers, the more to encourage them in that service.  
But the certain charge of their Rebellious Armies did so vastly increase, as was truly foretold by Mr. Green (Chairman to their Committee for the Navy, upon the sixth of December before) viz. that the maintenance of the Lord General's Army, would, for the ensuing year, amount to above a million of Money; that of the Navy having been two hundred and forty thousand pounds for the year passed; and that without delay, they must of necessity, settle a round and constant Tax for maintenance thereof: they therefore passed an Ordinance 
Ordinance for Excise.  for Excise, or new Impost; upon Wine, Beer, Ale, Cider, Perry, Raisins, Figs, Currants, Sugar, Spices, wrought and raw Silks, Furs, Hats, Laces, Leather, Linen of all sorts, Thread, Wier etc. and for sweetening its relish with the people, gave it out, that part of its income should pay Debts, for which the Public faith was engaged.  
Moreover, to raise men as well as money (their Western-Army, being then destroyed 
* 13 Julii.  at Round-way-down) the Citizens had a meeting at Grocer's Hall, where they made new Subscriptions 
* 20 Julii. , to set up Sir William Waller again. For the better furthering whereof, there were new Petitions 
* 20 Julii.  framed, from London, Westminster and Southwark, and presented to the House of Commons; that all the Kingdom might rise, as one man, against the Common Enemy: and that the Parliament would give power to a Committee, to list so many of the Petitioners, as were willing to go out in their own persons: as also to take the Subscriptions of others, for the raising a considerable Body of Horse and Foot: and that the like course might be taken throughout the Kingdom by a confiding Committee.  
In pursuance whereof, both Houses made an Ordinance 
* 24 Julii. , for raising seven thousand Horse in London, Middlesex, and the Counties adjacent, to be commanded by the Lord Kymbolton (afterwards Earl of Manchester) and of Eleven hundred Horse, in the Counties of Bedford, Buckingham, Northampton, and Hertford; to be commanded by Sir john Norwich: In Norfolk and Suffolk Eleven hundred, by Sir Miles Hobart: in Surrey, Sussex, Southampton and Berkshire fourteen hundred, by Colonel Richard Norton. And all these, thus to be raised, to resist the Insolences of the King's Army.  
Certain it is, that though the Committee, which were sent to bring in the Scots, went but lately thither; yet the Brethren there, having had former advertisements, how great a necessity here was of them; to the end their Friends should not faint, hasted over a Declaration 
* 27 Julii.  hither: whereby they signified; that whereas the Kingdom of England had a long time suffered by the Popish, and malignant Counsels about his Majesty; and that the miseries in England, were but preparations to theirs; they therefore did resolve to assist the Parliament of England. And high time it was: for their forces in most parts going by the worst, it put them upon new contrivances every day. So that Sir William Waller was fain to come 
* 1 Aug.  again to the House, and take the Covenant, a second time, to encourage some, that had not taken it before.  
And though the Committee, which met at Merchant-Taylor's-Hall, for raising the people of the land as one man, did give direction 
* 3 Aug.  to the Aldermen, and their Deputies in every Ward; with the Ministers, Common-Council-men and others, to promote the work, as being the last Refuge of the people (for so they expressed) and no vain bait or allurement: yet saw they so little fruit of this great endeavour, that they were constrained to effect that by their power, which they could not do by persuasion: and therefore ordered 
* 4 Aug.  the raising of two thousand men in Norfolk, Suffolk and Cambridgshire, every man to have a months pay in his pocket. And for a speedy supply of more, they passed 
* 10 Aug.  two Ordinances; One, that the Committee for the Militia of London, with the Deputy-Lieutenant's and Committees of Parliament, in every County throughout the Kingdom, should have power to raise, levy, and impress such numbers of Soldiers, as should be appointed by both Houses of Parliament. The other 
* 16 Aug.  for pressing no less than twenty thousand men, with so many Gunners, Trumpets, and Chirurgeons, as should be thought fit, for the six associated Counties of Norfolk, Suffolk, Essex, Cambridg, Hertford, and Huntingdon, with the City of Norwich and Isle of Ely, to be raised within the said Counties, for the service of the Kingdom and Parliament.  
And, notwithstanding all this, being in a declining condition, by reason that their moneys were spent, their men wore out, and no small discontents amongst themselves; in order to some recruit, they made an explanation 
* Scob. Coll. p. 49. 19 Aug.  of their old Ordinance, for Sequestration of Delinquents, with certain enlargements; wherein is set forth who were to be reputed Delinquents, over and besides such as were described in the former Ordinance; with power to examine upon Oath, for discovery, as also Rewards to Discoverers. And likewise passed another 
* Ib. p. 52. 25 Aug.  Ordinance (relating to a former) for the speedy raising of a body of Horse, for the Preservation, Peace, and Safety of the Kingdom, to resist the Insolences, and outrages, committed by the Soldiers of the King's Army (those being the words thereof.) By which they farther ordained, that Tenants should pay the Assessments out of their Landlord's estates, and defalk them out of their Rents. But that which they then chiefly looked on, being the assistance of the Scots, whereon they principally depended, as their last refuge: to keep up the hearts of their then drooping party, they made it their business therefore to cry up loudly, the aid of these their dear Brethren. For which respect, it will not (I suppose) be impertinent, to make here a short digression in showing by what means they were dealt with, in order to this their second Invasion.   

CHAP. XVI.  
AFter the English Committee was arrived in Scotland, 
Particulars etc. delivered to the Convention of Estates in Scotland by the English Commissioners 19 Aug.  and had made large promises to the Brethren of an advantageous journey (viz. the lands of the Church by the extirpation of Episcopacy) the Scots well resenting so beneficial an offer, did set forth a Proclamation 
* 24 Aug. , whereby, pretending the King's Person, their Religion, and Privileges of Parliament to be in no small danger; for preservation of these, they required, that all persons, in that Realm, of what sort, quality or degree soever, between sixteen and sixty years of age, should forthwith fit themselves with forty days Victual, Ammunition, Arms, and all other warlike Provision, under penalty of confiscation of their whole Estates, and to be punished as Enemies to Religion, King, and Kingdoms. And, having set forth a plausible Declaration 
* 24 Aug. , showing the reasons of such their intended assistance to the Parliament of England, against the Papists and Prelatical party (as they therein expressed) they passed an Act 
* 26 Aug.  in their convention of Estates, for putting that Kingdom into a Posture of Defence; naming therein the principal Colonels and Officers, for that purpose. To accomplish likewise their chief design of enjoying the Church-Lands, 
A new Covenant framed in Scotland.  they framed a new Oath, called the solemn League and Covenant. Which was forthwith sent over into England, and read 
* 26 Aug.  in the House of Commons at Westminster; thence to be transmitted to the Assembly of Divines, for their approbation; and being by them approved, was remitted 
* 31 Aug.  to the House of Commons.  
And, that the grand Contrivers at Westminster might the more ingratiate themselves with those their Brethren of Scotland, they passed an Ordinance, for demolishing all Monuments of Superstition and Idolatry (as they entitled it.) In which was particularised the removal of all Communion-Tables, from the East end of the Chancels in every Church; as also for taking away the Rails which defended them; levying the Chancels, where the East part was higher, with removing of Tapers, Candlesticks and Basins.  
For the speedy raising of more Moneys, they likewise passed another Ordinance 
* 4 Sept. , for fourteen thousand pounds, to furnish one or more Magazines of Arms and Ammunition; and for raising of Horse etc. Which sum was to be levied within the Hamlets of the Tower, City of Westminster, Burrough of Southwark, and other places of Middlesex and Surrey, within the lines of Communication.  
Hitherto, it was only pretended, that those new Regiments of Volunteers, raised by the Ordinance of April the xiith, for the better security of the City of London, should not go out of the Lines of Communication. But, as Mr. Pym in his Epistle to Sir john Hotham, concerning Excise, wrote; that they must be used to it by little and little: so now, they began to show them what they must trust to; and passed another Ordinance 
* 6 Sept. , to enable the Committee, for the Militia of London, to command forth, one or more Regiments, of the Trained-Bands, or Auxiliaries, within the Liberties of London and Westminster, to go forth under the command of Sir William Waller; and upon occasion to be assistant to the Lord General.  
And herein I cannot but observe an excellent expression made to the House of Commons by Mr. Oliver St. john (sometime his Majesty's Solicitor General, but then a dear Member and special Contriver in this great work) in answer to Mr. john Pym: (who seemed to stand strict, for observing the Ordinance of April the xiith) alleged, that though those men, by that Ordinance raised only for the defence of the City, were not to go out of the line of Communication: yet now that they were raised, they (meaning the Parliament) might dispose of them whether they pleased, without asking their consents.  
And, whereas the first Ordinance for Excise, was but only for maintenance of the Army, and payment of Debts due by the Commonwealth; they passed another 
* 11 Sept. ; wherein was a consideration added, 
Scob. Coll. p. 54.  for securing of Trade, which occasioned the enlargement thereof, upon such Commodities, as had not been formerly taxed; besides an alteration of the rates. Which Commodities were Strong-waters, Medicinal-Drugs, Haberdashers-ware, Upholsters ware, Salt, Salads, Soap; all sorts of Woollen-cloth, Paper, Skins, and Glasses.  
Having also thus taught the new Auxiliaries the force of an Ordinance of Parliament, they passed another 
* 13 Sept. , for the pressing of five thousand men, in the Cities of London and Westminster, with the Counties adjacent, to go under the command of Sir William Waller.  
And to hasten on the march of their Brethren the Scots, to their aid and assistance; the Members of the House of Commons, with great formality, and no less seeming devotion, entered 
* 25 Sept.  into that unhappy Combination, 
The solemn League and Covenant (framed in Scotland) taken by the Members at Westminster. Archbishop Laud's life. p. 510.  called the solemn League and Covenant (so framed in Scotland) in St. Margarets-Church at Westminster. Which, under the specious veil of Reformation, was that fatal Engine, whereby not only the Hierarchy in the Church, was by them soon after destroyed; and the patrimony thereof, with the Lands and Revenues of the Crown, swallowed up by those pretenders to Godliness; but the sacred Person of the King, most inhumanly murdered 
* See the Remonstrance of the Army in order to the King's Trial, dated at St. Alban 16 Nou. 1648. ; and this ancient and long flourishing Monarchy, so far as 'twas in their power, wholly subverted and destroyed, as to the whole world, is most notorious.  
In the Preamble whereunto, they had the confidence to say, that this their League and Covenant, was according to the commendable practice of these Kingdoms, and the Example of God's people in other Nations: Whereas, there is not only no mention of any such things by our Historiographers; nor in the History of any other Realm, that I have ever seen, excepting that of the Holy League in France (whereof I shall take farther notice, ere I finish this work:) but Mr. Philip Nye (one of their mighty Champions for the Cause, and an especial assertor of this Covenant) hath expressly affirmed 
* Covenant with Narrative. p. 12.  in print: that it is such an Oath, as for matter, persons, and other circumstances, the like hath not been in any age, or Oath we read of in sacred or humane stories.  
And it is also observable; that whereas in the Preamble, they farther affirm; that they did it to preserve themselves and their Religion (which must needs be intended, the known Religion, publicly professed, and by Law established in the Church of England) from ruin and destruction: they immediately vow to reform Religion, here in England, according to the pattern of the Kirk of Scotland, and to extirpate Episcopacy, and all Ecclesiastical Offices depending thereon: Notwithstanding they knew full well; First, that the King was by his Coronation Oath, sworn to maintain and defend the Bishops and the Churches under their charge: Secondly, that all the Clergy of England, had testified their approbation of Episcopal Government, by personal Subscriptions thereto: and thirdly, that, by a solemn Protestation, made and framed by themselves, in that very Parliament; and recommended by them, to be taken by all the people of England, they had obliged themselves; neither for hope nor fear, or other respect, to relinquish the true Protestant Religion, expressed in the Doctrine of the Church of England.  
But all this Pageantry, in their thus taking of that solemn League and Covenant, could not allay the loud clamours of the people, occasioned by the great pressures, and daily exactions, under which they miserably groaned: the Members therefore were constrained to betake themselves to another way, for the easing them; at least in show: and this was by an Ordinance 
* 21 , for selling the King's, Queen's, and Princes revenues, 
Sept. Scob. Coll. p. 54.  and the arrearages thereof: as also to another 
* 2 Oct. , for felling and cutting down Woods within sixty miles of London, in all Forests, Chases, and Parks, belonging to the King or Queen; or any Archbishop, Bishop, Dean, and Chapter etc. Papist, Delinquent, Malignant etc. to be disposed of for supply of the City of London.  
Which seeming favour, was for no other purpose, than that they might afterwards, bring the greater load upon them, as they did ere long. For within few days, upon a juggling Report 
* 5 Oct.  made to the House, of a Pope's Bull (translated into English, with a Declaration upon) it which was pretended to be newly sent into England, for the more effectual prosecuting of the Catholic war here; a Committee of the House of Commons, and of the Assembly of Divines, 
* 6 Oct.  came to a Common-Hall in London, to consult with the Citizens, for the speedy raising of an hundred thousand pounds for the advance of the Scottish Army; to be lent for that service, and repaid when moneys were procured from foreign parts, upon the public faith of both Kingdoms.  
And to obtain more men, as well as money, there issued out another Order 
* 7 Oct. ; that the Committee for the Militia or London, should have power to appoint six Regiments of their Trained-Bands, and one of their Auxiliaries: as also one Regiment of Horse and Dragoons, to march out with their Commanders, and join with the Earl of Essex's Forces. Likewise an Ordinance for the pressing of five thousand Soldiers more, to be sent to the Islands of jeresey, and Garnsey, under the command of the Earl of Warwick; those Trained-Bands being appointed to meet 
* 18 Oct.  in St. james Fields; and from thence to march unto such place, as the Earl of Essex, or his Officers should appoint, and in default thereof, their Shops to be shut up; themselves deprived of Trade, and liable to expulsion out of the lines of Communication. And about the same time, they passed another Ordinance 
* 9 Oct. , for assessing the Twenty fifth part, upon all Members of Parliament, 
Scob. Coll. p. 57  who then were, either in the King's Army, or otherwise absent; their estates to be let, in case of not payment.  
And having lately sped so well, upon credit of the public faith, they adventured again upon the same security; recommending 
* 18 Oct.  to the Counties of Norfolk, Suffolk, Essex, and Lincoln, with the City of Norwich, the aid of the Lord Fairfax, in Men, Money, Plate, Horse, and Ammunition; passing an Ordinance for repayment of what should be lent for the speedy bringing in of the Scots, to their assistance; and securing it in the mean time by the beforementioned public faith.  
But the reputation of the public faith, was now grown so low, that moneys came not in, either quick enough, or in such large sums as were expected (it being left arbitrary to the Creditors what they would lend:) another Ordinance therefore was passed, for raising the full sum of sixty six thousand, six hundred, sixty six pounds, thirteen shillings, four pence, within the Cities of London and Westminster, with the Counties of Hertford, Bedferd, Middlesex, Essex, Suffolk, Norfolk, Kent, Surrey, Sussex, Cambridg, Isle of Ely, Huntingdon, Northampton and Rutland, and the Cities of Norwich and Canterbury, for the better enabling their Brethren of Scotland, to assist in the Common-cause of Religion and Liberty.  
Which Ordinance had such a successful effect, that it accelerated the conclusion of the Treaty at Edinburgh, then on foot, betwixt the Commissioners, sent into Scotland, from the Members sitting at Westminster, and the Commissioners of the Convention of the Estates of Scotland, 
* Articles of the Treaty at Edinburgh for bringing in the Scots Army.  for aid from their Brethren of that Kingdom; insomuch, as upon the xxixth of November, the Articles were there signed 
* 29 Nou. ; whereby (inter alia) in the first place it was agreed, that the Covenant represented to the Convention of Estates, and general Assembly of Scotland; and formerly sent to both Houses of the Parliament of England (for by that name, those members, then sitting at Westminster styled themselves) should be sworn and subscribed by both Kingdoms, as a most near Tie and Conjunction between them, for their mutual defence against the Papists, and Prelatical faction, and their adherents in both Kingdoms; and for pursuance of the ends, expressed in that Covenant.  
And next, that an Army to that purpose should be forthwith levied, consisting of eighteen thousand foot, two thousand Horse, and one thousand Dragoons effective; with a suitable Train of Artillery, to be ready at some general Rendezvouz, near the Borders of England, to march into England for the purposes aforesaid, with all convenient speed; the same Foot and Horse to be well and completely armed and provided of Victuals, and pay for forty days. In contemplation of which aid from Scotland; and that those their Brethren might not want encouragement in that their necessary assistance, Mr. William Strode made a motion in the House; that all those who would neither contribute, nor take the Covenant, should have a price put upon them, and be sent to Sea; that something might be given for them, who would give nothing of themselves.  
And shortly after, by other Ordinances 
* 20 Nou. , the Customs upon all Merchandizes were advanced to a tenth part, under pretence of defending the Towns and Ports of Plymouth, St. Nicolas Isle, with the Towns of Pool and Lime, and places adjacent. As also additional Articles 
* 28 Nou.  to the Ordinance for the Excise. 
Scob. Coll. p. 59   
Besides this, the sum of three thousand pounds a month was assessed 
* 13 Dec.  upon the associated Counties of Norfolk, Suffolk, Cambridgshire, etc. towards the maintenance of the Lord General's Army. Likewise thirteen hundred pounds, toward the support of Sir William Waller's Forces, which were raising in Kent. And about the same time, they made void 
* 25 Dec.  the places and Offices of all Clerks, 
Scob. Coll. p. 60.  in any of the Courts at Westminster, who had in any sort adhered to the King.  
But amongst all their Impositions and Taxes, there was none came in so amply and insensibly as the Excise; wherewith the vulgar were by that time in some sort acquainted. And therefore (according to Mr. Pym's principle) the Houses passed another Ordinance 
* 9 Jan. , for a new Excise upon Flesh, 
Scob. Coll. p. 60.  Victuals, and Salt; ever heartening on the people with hopes of ease; and now most especially, because the Scots Army was ready to march; which was represented to be so formidable, as that it would put a sudden end to the work. Which Army (according to a Declaration they then set forth; wherein they did cast divers scandals upon his Majesty, and justified that most perfidious action) invaded this Realm upon the xuth of january, passing the tweed, at Barwick; notwithstanding their frequent reiterated Oaths 
* See the Letter to his Majesty from the Lord Chancellor and divers Lords of that Realm, ●ated at Eden●●rough 1 Julii. 1643. wherein they promise not 〈◊〉 raise any ●orces, without special warrant from the King. , Promises, and National Covenant; viz. that 
* His Majesty's Declaration to all his Subjects of Scotland. ● Jan. 1643.  whensoever his Majesty's Honour and Interest should be in danger, they would, as one man (obliged by the Laws of God and man) apply themselves to his succour and defence.   

CHAP. XVII.  
ANd now, 

The Scots second Invasion  
See the Supplication of the Noblemen, Barons, Burgesses, etc. exhibited to the Marquis of Hamilton (his Majesty's Commissioner an. 1638. Wherein, by way of Explication of their National Covenant, they acknowledge, that the quietness, and stability of their Religion and Kirk depends upon the safety of the King's Majesty as God's vicegerent.  
See the Supplication of the general Assembly at Edinburgh 12 Aug. 1639. Whereby it appeareth, that the whole Kingdom was sworn with their means and lives, to stand to the defence of their dread Sovereign, his person and authority, in every cause which may concern his Majesty's Honour, with their friends and followers, in quiet manner, or in Arms, as they shall be required by his Majesty.  
See Act 5. of the second Parliament of King Charles, concerning the ratification of the Covenant; by which, their universal Protestation, and promise, under a solemn Oath, and Handwriting, upon fearful pains and execrations is apparent; viz. to defend the King's person and authority, with their goods, bodies and lives, against all Enemies within the Realm, or without; as they desire God to be a merciful defender to them, in the day of their death, and coming of our Lord Jesus Christ.  
See the Petition presented to his Majesty Jan. 1642, manifesting the promise of the whole Clergy, in their National Assembly, to keep the people under their charge, in obedience to his Majesty and to his Laws; confessing it a duty well-beseeming the Preachers of the Gospel.  
See the Petition of the Nobility, Gentry, Burroughs, Ministers and Commons, to the Lords of his Majesty's Privy-Council of that Kingdom; wherein they acknowledged his Majesty's zeal for maintaining the true Religion: and that to call in question the same, after so many reiterated professions and asseverations, could not be but an unchristian distrustfulness, and in them the height of disloyalty and ingratitude; confessing themselves bound in duty to God, by whose great name they had sworn to defend and maintain the person, greatness and authority of their dread Sovereign, as God's Vicegerent, to the utmost of their power, with their means and lives in every cause, which might concern his Honour; professing themselves fully satisfied and persuaded of his Majesty's royal zeal and resolution; and that malice and detraction, could not prevail to make the least impression in their loyal hearts, of jealousy and distrust; or their intending any thing to the prejudice of that Brotherly and blessed conjunction of the two Nations: attesting God (the searcher of all hearts) of their dutiful intentions towards his Majesty their dread and native King, strictly bound thereto, by all the ties of Nature, Christianity, and Gratitude.   that I come to their second Invasion: forasmuch as the main end of this Narrative is, historically to show the growth and effects of Presbytery in England, which had its chief rise and production from Scotland; it will not be improper to take notice; that, though by their first Invasion in an. 1639, they had not only made way for the setting up that Discipline here: but before their departure laid a seeming sure foundation, for the firm and perfect establishment thereof: yet, such was the success that the King had against those fiery spirited men, that he was then become totally master of the field throughout the West, and many other parts of this Kingdom; divers of their strong-Holds being likewise gained; and consequently in a very hopeful way, to have reduced that perverse Generation to an absolute obedience; with whom no fair invitation and condescension, on his part (though with all earnestness frequently sought) could prevail, to make them return to their due allegiance by kindness and love.  
But it so fell out, that this their second Invasion (the first fruit of their solemn League and Covenant) with so numerous and powerful an Army, raised chiefly by the influence of their Preachers in that Realm; and brought in with the Prayers of the Boutefeus' here; the Pulpits daily ringing with loud cries and groans, for hastening the slow feet of their dear Brethren to their aid, became fatal to his Majesty. For the Marquis of Newcastle who lay then in Sunderland with his Army, consisting of about 7000 men, which he had raised in the North, being thereupon constrained to make his retreat towards York, left all those parts to the rapine and spoil of the Scots.  
The Scene being therefore, by this means thus unhappily changed; his Majesty who foresaw the Cloud approaching) having by Proclamation dated 22 Dec. called all the Peers of this Realm, which had any sense of Honour, and likewise all those Members of the House of Commons, that upon the Principles of Loyalty and duty, had faithfully adhered to him in these his distresses, to attend him at Oxford, 
22 Jan.  upon the xxiith of january; did there represent unto them, this their second Invasion; desiring their speedy advice and assistance, both what was to be said or done therein, as well in reference to This, as That Kingdom.  
Whereupon, those worthy persons so assembled, notwithstanding they saw, that many of his Majesty's gracious offers of Treaty for peace, to the Lords and Commons then sitting at Westminster, had been rejected: and taking into consideration, that those Lords and Commons, had upon pain of death prohibited the address of any Letters or Message to them, otherwise than by their General (the Earl of Essex) they did, by a special Letter, 
27 Jan.  bearing date the 27th of the same month of january, recommend unto him, their most earnest desire, that he would faithfully, and industriously cooperate with them, in a right sense, of the then past, present, and more threatning future calamities of this Kingdom; by obtaining that some persons might be appointed, on either part, and a place agreed on, to treat for such a peace, as might redeem it from desolation. Which Letter was signed by the Prince, the Duke of York; as also by forty three Dukes, Marquesses, Earls, Viscount's and Barons of the House of Peers, and cxviii members of the House of Commons there present; many others, by reason of distance of place, sickness, and employments elsewhere in his Majesty's service, and for want of timely notice of that Proclamation of Summons, not being then come thither.  
But the effect which this their Letter produced, was; in the first place, to be cried throughout the Streets of London in scorn, as the Petition of the Prince and Duke of York for peace: and a mere frivolous answer, or Paper, in form of a Letter, directed to the Earl of Forth (than General of the King's forces) wherein was enclosed a printed paper, called a National Covenant of the Kingdoms of England, and Scotland; and two other Papers; the one called a Declaration 
* Dated 30 Jan.  of both the Kingdoms, and the other, a Declaration of the Kingdom of Scotland.  
In that their General's Letter, it was pretended; that because there was no address to the two Houses of Parliament, nor acknowledgement of them, it could not be communicated to them; whereas it was notoriously known, that he did so far impart it, as that a Committee of theirs advised and framed the answer: Besides, it plainly appears, by the penning thereof, that they all concurred in the Resolution therein mentioned; whereby 'tis clear enough, that this was but an excuse, or shift, to avoid any Treaty. And what could that printed Covenant, and two Declarations enclosed, signify; but to show, that before they would admit of a Treaty, all the Lords and Commons, assembled at Oxford, must join in that Covenant with them, for the absolute extirpation of Church-government here (without, nay though against the King's consent) submit the Lives, Liberties, and Estates of themselves, and all others, who, according to their allegiance, had assisted his Majesty, to the mercy of those members, then sitting at Westminster; as also to admit of, and justify that invasion of the Scots, according to the plain sense of their Declaration.  
But, notwithstanding all this, the Lords and Commons at Oxford, continuing still solicitous for an happy peace; for avoiding delay or cavil about Names or Titles, or descants upon words, humbly besought his Majesty to send Messengers with Instructions to desire a Treaty for peace. Whereunto he readily assenting, two persons were by him nominated, and a Letter written to the Earl of Essex, for their safe conduct. Which Letter had in substance this Answer; viz. that if they would first agree, that those Lords and Commons sitting a Westminster were the Parliament, and the King's only Council, that those Gentlemen should have a safe conduct.  
This being therefore taken into consideration, it was thought fit to desire his Majesty to write his royal Letters to the Earl of Essex himself; and therein to enclose a Letter, superscribed, To the Lords and Commons of Parliament assembled at Westminster. 
3 Martii.  Which his Majesty accordingly did; and thereby desired, that a convenient number of fit persons, might be appointed and authorized, to meet with all convenient speed, at such a place as they should nominate, with an equal number of fit persons, appointed and authorized by him, to treat of the ways and means for settling the present distractions of the Kingdom, and procuring a happy peace.  
In answer whereunto, 
9 Martii.  they insisted, that themselves (thus sitting at Westminster) were the Parliament, convened, according to the Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom; and that those loyal persons (members of the Parliament) who were come to his Majesty at Oxford, according to his royal Proclamation, had deserted their Trust, and levied war against the Parliament: and in sum, did intimate, that what they should do herein, must be with the concurrent advice of the Commissioners for the Kingdom of Scotland, according to their late solemn League and Covenant; calling his Majesty's earnest endeavours for Peace, but Professions; and their own feigned pretences, most real intentions; letting fall, by way of menace, that his Majesty could not be the least and last sufferer.  
Hitherto, as a consequence of this second Invasion by the Scots, I have given a brief touch of his Majesties farther incessant endeavours, for obtaining a happy peace, with these violent spirited men, by an amicable Treaty. Which taking no effect by reason they then saw such a likelihood, through the aid and assistance of those their dear Brethren, to carry all, powerfully before them; I shall look back a little, and take notice, not only, how their heavy oppressions upon the people, by many farther grievous Impositions, were carried on: but how they proceeded in their advancing the Sceptre of jesus Christ, in this Realm (for so they called their Presbyterian Discipline.) Wherein I observe, that within six days, next after this their Invasion, the Members at Westminster passed an Ordinance 
* 22 Jan.  for regulating the University of Cambridge, 
Scob. Coll. p. 61.  by Edward Earl of Manchester, than their Chancellor (that is to say, for turning out all loyal persons, from their Headships, and Fellowships, in any of the Colleges there:) and for removing scandalous Ministers (id est, all orthodox men) throughout the several associated Counties of Essex, Norfolk, Suffolk, Hertford, Cambridge, Huntingdon and Lincoln.  
That the Welsh, also might be the sooner brought under the yoke; they soon after made another Ordinance 
* 20 Febr. ; whereby they impower'd Sir Thomas Middleton Knight, 
Scob. Coll. ut supra.  to take Subscriptions for raising of Forces in the six Counties of North-wales; and give the public faith for such moneys as should be raised to that purpose.   

CHAP. XVIII.  
HAving thus taken notice of the Transactions in their Parliament at Westminster, 
Anno 1643.  I come now (according to my designed method) to the Militarie-business of this year 1643. In which I find, that the King, having gained ground in the North and West, his farther success in sundry parts was not unsuitable thereto: for Sir Hugh Cholmley of Whitby, in Yorkshire, who at first had been a most confiding man, thought it now time to declare 
a 26. March.  for the King. So likewise did Captain Brown-Bushell, Governor of Scarborough Castle in that County, who then delivered it up for his Majesty. And, within few days after, their great Northern Champion Ferdinando Lord Fairfax was routed 
b 29. March.  by the Earls of Newcastle and Cumberland at Bramham-moore in that County, which great defeat so startled the Members at Westminster, that they forthwith solicited the aid of their Brethren the Scots. In the neck of this also Prince Rupert, upon a sharp encounter near Bermicham (a seditious and populous Town in Warwick- shire) with a strong party of the Rebels, commanded by Colonel Greaves, worsted 
c 3. April.  them, with the loss of the Loyal William Earl of Denbigh, who there received his death's wound. Soon after that also, another party of them, commanded by john, son and heir to the famous Sir john Hotham (their trusty Governor of Hull) was routed near Ancaster in Lincolnshire: And Litchfield- close, which they had got after the unsuccessful attempt thereof by the Lord Brooke, was without much ado rendered to Prince Rupert by Lieutenant Colonel Russell.  
Subsequent to these I shall only enumerate the rest in order of time;  
james Earl of Northampton routed 
d 6. May.  another stout party of them, at Middleton- Cheney in Northampton- shire. And, about ten days following, Sir Ralph Hopton obtained a clear victory 
* 16. May.  over the Dehonshire and Cornish Rebels at Stratton in Cornwall; the Earl of Stanford, and Major General Chudleigh, being Commanders in chief of them. In which Battle were taken seventeen hundred Prisoners, thirteen brass piece of Ordnance, seventy Barrels of powder, and store of other provisions; by reason whereof the greatest part of the West, except Plymouth and some other Port-Towns, was reduced to obedience; and in consideration of this signal service the said Sir Ralph Hopton soon after (viz. 4. Sept. 1643.) was advanced to the dignity of Lord Hopton of Stratton aforesaid.  
The next month also ensued Prince Rupert's Victory 
f 18. June.  over the Rebels at Chalgrave-field in Oxfordshire, Commanded by Colonel john Hampden, who there received his death's wound; that being the very field wherein he first put in Execution the Parliaments Ordinance for the Militia of that County, as a precedent to the rest of England, and the Earl of Newcastle, taking 
g 22. June.  Howley- house in Yorkshire soon after, defeated 
h 30. June.  the Lord Fairfax at Adderton Heath in that County.  
At the beginning of july likewise, a party of Horse and Dragoons, Commanded by Colonel Middleton, coming to surprise Sir Charles Lucas in his Quarters, at Padbury near Buckingham, were by him routed 
i 1. July. : And the Earl of Newcastle valiantly assaulting Bradford in Yorkshire, took 
k 2. July.  it by storm, Sir Thomas Fairfax (who was Governor there) fleeing thence by night; whereupon Hallifax, and Denton- house (Sir Thomas Fairfax his seat) were quitted by the Rebels.  
Burton upon Trent also in Staffordshire, was taken by the Lord jermyn, upon the Queen's passage from Burlington in Yorkshire towards Oxford. Near which time was the great fight 
l 5. July.  at Landsdown in Somerset- shire, where the Lord Hopton had the better of the Rebels, though the Valiant Sir Bevill Grenevill was there slain. The Lord Wilmot and Earl of Carnarvan, likewise, routed 
m 13. July.  Sir William Waller and Sr. Arthur Haselrigg at Roundwaydown in Wiltshire.  
Prince Rupert also, having taken 
n 24. July.  Burleigh- house in Rutland, marched to Bristol, and after a short Siege of that City, had a surrender 
o 26. July.  thereof from Colonel Nathaniel Fiennes, the then Governor: In the next month likewise was Dorchester in Dorset- shire rendered 
p 2. Aug.  to the Earl of Carnarvan; and the Isle of Portland reduced 
q 5. Aug.  to His Majesty's obedience.  
Hereupon Weymouth, and Melcombe in come. Dorset submitted.  
These great successes encouraged the King to come 
r 10. Aug.  before the City of Gloucester the most considerable Garrison in all that part of the Realm) which so startled the Earls of Bedford and Holland, and the Lord Paget, that they came 
† 20. Aug.  in to the King; but not long after, being less apprehensive of danger, fell off again to their own party. Soon after this, Beverley in Yorkshire was taken 
t 28. Aug.  by the Earl of Newcastle; Biddiford● Appleford, and Barnstaple in come. Devon. were also rendered 
v 1. & 3. Sept.  The City of Exeter was likewise taken 
x 4. Sept.  by Prince Maurice; and Sir William Waller (one of their active Generals) routed 
y 6. Sept.  at Winchester.  
Near Auburne also in Wiltshire a strong party of them was worsted by 
z 17. Sept.  Prince Rupert: But soon after this, the Earl of Essex, with his whole Army 
a 20. Sept.  met his Majesty near Newberry in Berkshire; where, after much slaughter, neither could boast of the victory, though the Earls of Carnarvan, and Sunderland, with Lucius Viscount Falkland (than one of the King's principal Secretaries of State) there lost their lives: the noise whereof did not a little avail the Rebels, it giving them much reputation with all their party.  
In October (the next month) Dertmouth in Devon-shire was rendered 
b 6. Oct.  to Prince Maurice: and shortly after Hawarden-Castle in Flintshire yielded 
c 4. Decem.  to the King's obedience. Arundell-Castle also in Sussex was rendered 
d 9 Decem.  to the Lord Hopton; Beeston- castle in Cheshire taken 
* 12. Decem.  Likewise Lapley- house 
f 21. Decem.  in Stafford-shire; Grafton- house 
g 25. Decem.  in Northamptonshire: and Crew- house 
h 28. Decem.  in 〈◊〉 shire.  
Towards the end of january also, Sir Thomas fairfax and Colonel Milton were routed 
i 25. Jan.  by Prince Rupert at Drayton in Shropshire: Hopton 
k 13. Feb.  Castle in Shropshire, and Wardour 
l 18. Feb.  Castle in Wiltshire were likewise taken. And upon the relief 
m 21. Mar.  of Newark in Nottinghamshire, besieged by Sir john Meldrum a Scot with seven thousand men, Gaynesborough, Lincoln, and Sleford (all in Lincolnshire) were quitted 
n 21. Mar.  by the Rebels: And 
o 23. March.  Sturton-castle in Staffordshire about this time taken.  
¶ These being the most remarkable Actions on the King's part for this year 1643. I come now to observe what success the Rebels, who were not idle, had the same year.  
In April therefore, the Earl of Essex came 
p 16. April.  before Reading in Berkshire, and soon obtained it by surrender 
q 26. April.  Colonel Fielding being then Governor thereof.  
Siege being also laid to Wardour-castle in Wiltshire, it was rendered 
r 8. May.  So likewise was Monmouth in Monmouth- shire: And at Wakefield in Yorkshire, His Majesty's forces encountering the Rebels, were worsted 
† 21. May.  Soon after which Taunton and Bridgwater (both in Somersetshire) were also delivered 
t 5. June.  up to them.  
But, notwithstanding all this, they were not without their fears; and therefore dispatched 
v 6. July.  the Lord Grey of Work, together with Mr. Henry Darley and Sir William Armine (both trusty Members of their House of Commons) by special order, into Scotland, earnestly to solicit the dear Brethren of that Realm to their assistance.  
Shortly after this, they took 
x 30. July.  Gaynesborough in Lincolnshire; and attempted 
y 2. Aug.  Basin- house in Hantshire without effect. But in September the Earl of Essex, with more help from the zealous Londoners, approaching 
z 10. Septem.  Gloucester with a great strength, caused the King to raise the siege which he had laid to that rebellious place. In the same month also was Lynne in Norfolk yielded 
a 16. Septem.  to the Earl of Manchester; and shortly after, the City of Lincoln taken 
b 20. Octob.  by him forcibly. Arundel-castle in Sussex likewise, in january following yielded 
c 3. Jan.  to Sir William Waller. Whereupon, being recruited with more forces, he was constituted Major General of Kent, Surry, Sussex, and Hantshire: But that which proved to be instar omnium was that grand Invasion of the Scots, which on the 22d. of january crossed 
d 22. Jan.  the River Tine with their numerous Army, 
The Scots Invasion.  to the assistance of these Rebels: (as hath been already observed:) For at that time all the North of England, beyond Trent, excepting Hull in York- shire, and some few inconsiderable places, being by the Marquis of Newcastle (for so he had been lately made) reduced to the King's obedience; as also the West by Prince Rupert, and Prince Maurice (His Majesty's Nephews) excepting Pool and Lime in Dorset- shire, and Plymouth in Devonshire; the Members sitting at Westminster became so startled, that some of the leading-men prepared for quitting the Realm.  
But this great aid from Scotland much revived their drooping Spirits: 
Anno 1644.  for winter being over, they framed an Ordinance 
* 26. March,  that Sir William Brereton in Cheshire should have authority to take Subscriptions for raising more forces in that County: 
Scab. coll. p. 65.  and soon after imposed 
f 8. July.  a new Excise upon Allom, Coperas, Monmouth-caps, Hats of all sorts; Hops, Saffron, 
Ibid. p. 73  Starch; all manner of Silks and Stuffs; and on several other commodities made or growing in England, not formerly charged.  
And, having by their many and great grievous Taxes, thus largely provided for welcoming in the Scots; those their dear Brethren advanced Southwards, and with the Earl of Manchester laid siege to the City of York. The loss of all the North, being by this means thus in great peril; and Prince Rupert coming with the chief of all His Majesty's forces to the relief thereof; he was encountered 
g 2. July.  with the greatest strength that the English Rebels than had, 
The Battle at Marston-moore.  the joint forces under the command of Ferdinando Lord Fairfax and the Earl of Manchester, with the whole Scottish Army commanded by Leslley, which drew off from their siege of York: whereupon, in a bloody Battle, fought at Marston-moore (about four miles from that City) though at first he utterly routed the Scots and the Earl of Manchester, yet following the chase too far, presuming the day his own; through the only conduct of Cromwell then Lieutenant General to Manchester, with a fresh body of Horse, the rest of the royal Army, after a valiant and ●harp dispute, being much overpowered, was totally shattered and vanquished: So that he was constrained to quit the field, and march Southwards with what Horse he had left; exposing York, hopeless of relief, to the power of the Enemy: which, by reason thereof was 
h 13. July.  delivered up to Cromwell within few days after.  
But of this fatal Action the King (than far remote) knowing nothing at present, (His royal Heart incessantly minding the preservation of his people from further spoil by the wars,) sent 
i 4. July.  to the Members at Westminster, 
The King's Message from Evesham.  desiring, as formerly, that they would appoint such and so many persons as they should think fit, sufficiently authorized by them, to attend him upon safe-conduct given; and there to conclude how all things in question might be fully settled.  
Which gracious Message, though not then regarded (so much were they elated with that their success at Marston-moore:) yet, after that grand defeat of their old General (the Earl of Essex) in Cornwall, which happened 
k 1. Septemb.  on the first of September next following; His Majesty then reminding 
l 5. Septemb. from Tavestoke.  them of that his Message from Evesham; they did vouchsafe, within two months following, to send 
m 23. Nou.  him certain propositions; but such as did still apparently manifest their confidence to carry on the work by power, through the aid of the Scots, with whom they had entered into so firm a combination for assistance by their solemn League and Covenant: For, by these propositions (amongst others) they had the boldness to make these following Demands, viz. that the King should swear to sign that Instrument, called the solemn League and Covenant; adding, according to the example of His Royal Father of happy memory (for so they had the face to say; though Mr. Nye had expressed, that it was such an Oath, as for matter, persons, and other circumstances, was never in any age before) And, not only so; but that an Act of Parliament might be passed, for to enjoin the taking of it, by all His Majesty's Subjects within His three Kingdoms. Next, that a Bill should be passed, for the utter abolishing of Episcopacy (without which Government it is well known, that no National Church ever was, since the Apostles times:) And, that their Ordinance, for the calling and sitting of their Assembly of Divines, should be confirmed by Act of Parliament. Also, that an Act should be passed for confirming their Treaty, for bringing in the Scots-Army into England; and for establishing that their disloyal Declaration, made by themselves and the Scots, bearing date 30. jan. 1643. whereby Prince Rupert and Prince Maurice (His Majesty's Nephews) james Earl of Derby, William Marquess of Newcastle, john Earl of Bristol, with divers other of his Nobility; the Archbishop of Canterbury and Bishop of Ely (than their prisoners) with a multitude of other worthy persons, both of this Kingdom, and of Scotland, were excepted as to life, and their estates doomed to pay public Debts.  
Likewise, that a great number more (whose names are there expressed) together with all those Loyal Members of Parliament, which attended his Majesty at Oxford, should be removed from His Majesty's Councils, and never to come within the Verge of the Court, but by their permission.  
Then, that all Judges, Sergeants, Councillors, Attorneys, Doctors, Advocates and Proctors, in the Law-common, or Civil, who had adhered to the King, should be made uncapable of any practice, public or private: and all Clergymen whatsoever, who had also adhered to the King, to be incapable of any preferment or employment in the Church or Commonwealth.  
Moreover, that the Forces by Sea and Land, for the Kingdoms of England and Scotland should be settled by Act of Parliament in Commissioners nominated by both their Houses of Parliament: and, that the education and marriage of the King's children; as also the making Peace or War with any foreign Princes, should be with the advice and consent or Parliament.  
Furthermore; that, by Act of Parliament the Deputy or chief Governor of Ireland, be nominated by both Houses of Parliament; and in the Intervals of Parliament by Commissioners, to continue during the pleasure of both Houses. And that the Lord Chancellor, Lord Keeper, Lord Treasurer, Commissioners of the great Seal or Treasury, Lord Warden of the Cinque-ports, Chancellor of the Exchequer and Duchy, Secretaries of State, Judges of both Benches, and Barons of the Exchequer, for the Kingdoms of England and Ireland, should be nominated by both Houses of Parliament, to continue quamdiu se benè gesserint; and in the Intervals of Parliament by the beforementioned Commissioners. The like for the Kingdom of Scotland; adding the Justice-general, and in such manner, as the Estates in Parliament there, should think fit.  
Divers other Propositions also they then sent, no less unreasonable than these, which, for brevity's sake, I omit. So that (in short) the sum of all was no less than that His Majesty should condescend to the utter destruction and overthrow of the Religion by Law established in the Church of England, which he had sworn to maintain; and whereunto all the reverend Clergy of the Realm had likewise subscribed; sacrifice the Lives and Estates of divers of his most faithful subjects to the avarice and ambition of these men; subject all those loyal persons learned in the Laws Common, and Civil to their malice; Give up the power of the Sword, totally, into the hands of his greatest Enemies; therewith, not only to oppress his good subjects at home; but (according to their own pleasure) to molest and annoy his Friends and Allies abroad; and prostitute the Education of his dear Children with their disposal in Marriage to the vile affections and humours of this hypocritical Generation.  
¶ That their confidence, likewise, in carrying all before them, with power and force, through the aid of the Scots, might the more appear; I shall now represent unto you Presbytery Triumphant, for a while. For within six days after they had sent these insolent propositions to the King, they voted 
f 26. Nou.  down the reverend Liturgy by Law established in the Church of England. And, for a farther encouragement to those their dear brethren, on whose assistance they did so much rely, which emboldened them to make those high demands, they passed an Ordinance 
g 2. Decem.  for raising the Sum of sixty six thousand six hundred sixty six pounds, 
Scob. Coll. p. 75.  thirteen shillings and four pence, for their supply by way of Loane, from such persons, as should not voluntarily or proportionably lend, according to their estates. Which Loane was to be paid out of the Sequestrations of Delinquents.  
But to make the more specious ostentation to the world, that all their Actions wholly tended to the Glory of God, the public good and nothing to their own private interests; they farther voted, 
h 9 Decem.  that no member of either House, 
The self-denying Ordinance.  should during that war, enjoy or execute any office or command, military or civil, which had been granted or conferred on them by either House; or by any Authority, derived from either House; and that an Ordinance should be drawn up accordingly.  
Next they passed an Ordinance for the utter abolishing the Pious Liturgy (commonly called the Book of Common Prayer) 
The Book of Common Prayer Abolished.  complied by divers reverend Divines, (of which some died Martyrs;) and for the establishing a Directory 
The Directory Established.  (as they called it) for the worship of God, in the room thereof: whereby every conceited person was left at liberty, unto his own frothy fancy, in framing certain Prayers whereunto the Congregation were to say Amen: a thing so absurd and destructive to the true and real service of God, as that there needs no observations upon it. And the day following, to glorify their do the more, they adorned 
i 4. Jan.  their House of Commons, with that whole suit of Hang, which were placed in the Choir of the Collegiate Church at Westminster, and some other taken out of the King's wardrobe.  
And, having proceeded against the Archbishop of Canterbury (whose memory, as a stout Champion for the Church of England, against her fierce assailants, the Romanists on the one side, and Schismatics on the other; and for his many other great and pious works, much beseeming a person of that place, will be precious to succeeding ages) by arraigning him before themselves, upon articles of high Treason (as they called them) wherein they charged him with labouring to overthrow the Fundamental Laws and Government of this Kingdom; subverting the Religion established, to set up Papistry and Superstition; they did, by an Ordinance (passed the very same day with that for abolishing the Book of Common Prayer) condemn him to suffer death as a Traitor; for the quicker dispatch whereof, they brought down the Lords to sit with the Commons; and afterwards beheaded 
k 10. Jan. Arch. Bp. of Canterb. beheaded.  him on Tower-hill.  
After which they admitted of a Treaty with certain Commissioners nominated by the King, upon those Propositions, so sent by them; as hath been observed. Which Treaty 
Treaty at Uxbridge.  being by them limited to twenty days, began at Uxbridge on Thursday the 30th. of january.  
To take notice here, of the particular passages in this treaty, considering that they are so exactly set forth in print, 
l Impr. Oxon. 1645.  will not be needful. The truth is; that though these Grandees at Westminster, did then make show to incline unto a happy composure of all things, by that amicable expedient (to the end, that by this plausible pretence, they might the more captivate the people) they really intended nothing less; as may appear, not only by those unjust and insolent demands, whereupon they did so stiffly insist; which amounted to the uter subversion of the Religion by Law established; getting the power of the sword into their own hands; and carrying on the war in Ireland, according to their depraved wills and pleasures: but by that seditious and impudent Sermon 
m Ibid. p. 31. , preached in Uxbridge Church, upon the first day of that Treaty (it being the Market-day there) by Mr. Christopher Love (after executed by themselves on Tower-Hill) who, besides many passages therein, scandalous to the King's person, and derogatory to his Honour, stirring up the People against the Treaty, and sharply incensing them against his Majesty's Commissioners, said; that they came with Hearts full of blood, and that there was as great a distance betwixt that Treaty and peace, as betwixt Heaven and Hell. For which malicious expression, though complaint was made, and Justice demanded, no redress could be had. Besides, when the King's Commissioners desired 
n Ibid. p. 144. & 145.  to treat with them concerning his Majesty's speedy return to Westminster, they utterly refused so to do, though they had ever given it out to the world, that the sole reason for raising their Armies was to bring the King to his Parliament.   

CHAP. XIX.  
AS to the military passages of this year, the chief on the King's part were these. Longford- house in Com. Salop. was rendered 
o 3. Apr.  by the Rebels to Prince Rupert. As also Longe-castle 
p 6. Apr.  in the same County. Likewise Stopport 
q 25. May  in Cheshire.  
Lathom- house in Lancashire, being besieged by Sir Thomas Fairfax, was relieved 
r 27. May  by Prince Rupert: whereupon Leverpoole and Bolton (both in that County) were soon taken 
† 28. May  by him.  
Borstall-house in Oxfordshire taken 
t 12 june.  by Colonel Gage.  
Colonel Shuttleworth defeated 
u 20. June  at Blackburn in Lancashire by Prince Rupert.  
Sir William Waller with his forces routed 
x 30. June.  at Cropredy-bridge in Oxfordshire, the Earls of Northampton, and Cleveland being both in that action: And York, after nine weeks' siege by the Scots, the Lord Fairfax and Earl of Manchester assisting them, relieved 
y 3. July.  by Prince Rupert.  
In the next month Lestithiel in Cornwall being then taken 
z 15. August.  by the King, the Earl of Essex forfook his Foot, and 
* 1. Septem.  fled in a Cockboat from Foy to Plymouth with the Lord Roberts; the foot, then under the command of Major general Skippon, delivering up their Arms, Ammunition and Artillery, and engaging themselves thenceforth never to bear Arms against the King. Basin- house also, being again besieged by the Rebels, was relieved 
a 14. Sept.  by Colonel Gage.  
The Earl of Northampton likewise raised 
b 25. Octob.  the siege of Banbury-Castle, which had continued from the 19th. of july. And the next month following, the King raised 
c 7. Novem.  the siege of Donington-Castle in Berkshire: as also that 
d 17. Nou.  of Basin.  
But as to further success on the King's part, within the compass of this year 1644. I do not find any thing of note, saving the defeat 
* 23 Febr.  given to Colonel Rosseter near Melton- Mowbray in Leicestershire, by Sir Marmaduke Langdale, in his passage from Oxford towards Pontfract: And his relief 
f 1. March.  of Pontfract-Castle, then besieged by the Lord Fairfax.  
¶ I now come to the Actions on the Rebel's part in this year 1644. wherein they had the better of the day: viz. in the Fight 
g 29. March.  at Bramden- Heath, near Ailesford in Hantshire, where Sir William Waller worsted the Lord Hopton, the Lord john Stuart being there mortally wounded.  
In the Battle 
h 2. July.  at Marston-moore, in Yorkshire, the victory was chiefly gained by the valour and skilful conduct of Cromwell Lieutenant general to the Earl of Manchester (as hath been already observed) with the Earl of Manchester's Horse, in the left Wing, drawn out of the Eastern association: shortly after which the City of York was delivered 
i 23. July.  up to him on honourable terms by Sir Thomas Glemham then Governor there: And in October Newcastle, after a long siege of many months, given 
k 19 Octob.  up to the Scots.  
In which month happened also the second Battle 
l 27. Octob. The second Battle of Newberry.  at Newberry in Berkshire; where great slaughter was on both sides. In which it was observed, that none of the Rebels fought more fiercely, than those, who at the delivering up their Arms in Cornwall (as hath been already mentioned) did then engage never more to fight against the King.  
Upon the ill success of this Battle (for so the members at Westminster esteemed it) the Parliament party having double in number to the King) it was that the Earl of Essex, their General became suspected of carelessness or discontent: so that much debate happened amongst them concerning that point: The Independent party therefore, having a design to be rid of him, to make the more specious ostentation, that all their Actions wholly tended to the Glory of God, and the public good, and nothing to their private Interest (being then more predominant than the Presbyterian) prevailed in making a Vote; 
* 9 Decemb. The self-denying Ordinance.  that no Member of either House, should during that war, enjoy or execute any office, or command, Military, or Civil, which had been granted or conferred on them by either House, or by any authority derived from either House, and that an Ordinance should be drawn up accordingly.  
By which device that party did not only lay aside this their great General, but outed many eminent Presbyterians from divers beneficial offices, both in the Treasury, Garrisons, and other considerable employments placing in their stead those of their own party. Whereupon Sir Thomas Fairfax was constituted 
m 31. Dec.  General of all their forces, and a new modelling of the Army voted, 
n 31. Dec.  but with no small difficulty, the Presbyterians much opposing it; so that the Independents were necessitated to make use of their old trick in getting petitions out of several Counties, ere their Ordinance to that purpose could pass.  
In pursuance of which vote, his Commission (but the clause in the solemn League and Covenant for preservation of his Majesty's person omitted therein) Sir Thomas Fairfax with great formality received, Col. Oliver Cromwell, though a member of the House of Commons, being then made his Lieutenant general, with whom they did specially dispense in that point of Self-denial. Which being accomplished, and the whole party not a little elated by this second Invasion of the Scots to their aid, they began to cry 
o Heath's Chron. p. 68  aloud for Justice upon delinquents: whereupon Sir Alexander Carew, one of the Knights of the Shire for Cornwall, tasted sharply thereof. For this Sir Alexander having been a most confiding man, and in that respect constituted Governor of Plymouth-fort, at length discerning the greatest part of the West reduced to his Majesty's obedience, began rationally to consult his own safety, and to make his peace with the King, by the delivering up of that strong hold: but his intention therein being discovered before the business could be fully effected, he was condemned to death by a Council of War held at Guild-Hall in London, and on the twenty third of December beheaded 
p Ibid. 23. Decemb.  on Tower Hill, with the very same Axe, by which the noble Earl of Strafford lost his life. Which notable accident is not fit to pass without a special remark: 
q Ibid. p. 18.  for most certain it is, that upon voting the Bill in the House of Commons for putting that great man to death, the most Loyal Sir Bevill Grenevile (the other Knight for Cornwall) sitting by Sir Alexander, and much abhorring that unjust procedure against a person, whose life the known Laws of the Land could not touch, expressed himself thus to Sir Alexander; Pray Sir let it never be said, that any Member of our County should have a hand in this fatal business; and therefore pray ye give your vote against the Bill.  
To whom Sir Alexander instantly replied; If I were sure to be the next man that should suffer upon the same Scaffold, with the same Axe, I would give my consent to the passing of it. How exactly this was verified is sufficiently known.  
Nor is it less worthy of note, that about this time also they reckoned with their trusty Governor of Hull, Sir john Hothum, and likewise with john his eldest son, who had been Prisoners in the Tower of London from the month of july 1643. (though formerly much magnified for refusing to give the King entrance there, as hath been already observed 
* cap. 8. ) whose great crimes were, that when they discerned the Earl of Newcastle powerful in the North; the Queen also safe landed at Burlinton, with Arms and Ammunition, and the strength of the Rebels not a little declining in all parts; and therefore deeming it best to make their peace with the King in time, they privately treated with the Earl of Newcastle, or his Agents for the delivery up of that Garrison, but so unwarily as that their design was discovered: whereupon they had sentence of death passed upon them on the seventh of December, by the Earl of Manchester and others, then sitting at Guild-Hall in London; which was accordingly executed 
r 1. Jan.  on his son, upon the first of january next ensuing, 
See the King's observation thereon in his Eik●n Basilike cap.  and on himself the morrow following: And, not many days after (being thus fleshed with blood) they brought the Archbishop of Canterbury to the same block 
† 10. Jan. , as hath been already observed.  
Soon after which (the Tide running swiftly on their side) 
Anno 1645.  Shrewsbury was surprised by their forces: nothing of moment thenceforth being acted by the Royalists other than a defeat 
a 22. April.  which Colonel Massey received by Prince Rupert near Ledbury in Herefordshire, and the taking 
b 31. May.  of Leicester by the King, which proved fatal to him, as we shall see anon, all going thenceforth to wrack on his Majesty's part.  
For, at the very entrance of this year Donington-castle was yielded 
c 25. March.  up to them. Soon after which Cromwell having defeated some of the King's forces near I●ip-bridg in Oxford- shire, and upon summons got 
d 24. April.  Blechington house; within few weeks after General Fairfax came 
* 22. May.  with his whole Army before Oxford, whereupon Godstow- house was quitted 
f 23. May.  by the Royalists, Evesham in Worcestershire taken 
g 26. May. ; and Gaunt-house (in Oxfordshire) yieldded 
h 1. June.  up.  
All this while Fairfax continuing before Oxford: but hearing that the King was somewhat considerable after the taking of Leicester, he raised his siege and marched towards him. Both Armies therefore meeting near Navesby in Northampton- shire, upon their first encounter 
i 14. June.  the King had the better: but Prince Rupert, having routed the one Wing of the Rebel's Troops, followed the Chase so far, that the Foot being left open to the other, were by the conduct of Cromwell put into a total confusion: by which means Fairfax became master of the Field, and regained 
k 18. June.  Leicester within four days.  
Whereupon he marched to the Relief of Taunton (in Somersetshire, then besieged by General Goring) taking 
l 27. June.  Highworth in Wiltshire in his passage.  
To accompany these sad misfortunes Carlisle in Cumberland (that great and strong Garrison) was delivered 
m 28. June.  up to the Scots, after two and forty weeks' siege: And General Goring having Intelligence of Fairfax his advance towards Taunton, drew off, and was worsted by him near Langport in Somersetshire.  
After which nothing but loss and ruin every day ensued, as will appear by these following instances, which I have thought fit here briefly to enumerate;  
Pontfract castle delivered 
n 21. July.  to General Poyntz, after three months' siege; that Garrison thence marching to Newark.  
Bridgwater taken 
o 23. July.  by General Fairfax, after his Victory at Langport.  
Scarborough likewise, after a long siege by Sir Matthew Boynton, delivered 
p 25. July  up to him by Sr. Hugh Cholmley, upon honourable conditions.  
The City of Bath also, within few days following, was likewise rendered 
q 31. July.   
Soon after this, the scottish Army marching Southwards (making miserable spoil in their passage) took Canon- from a Garrison of the King's in Herefordshire) and then 
r 15. August.  sat down before Hereford. Where having lost many of their men, they drew off, on the second of September, and returned Northwards.  
Sherborne-castle also (which had beed stoutly defended by Sir jews Dive) was taken 
† 17. Aug.  by storm; Nunney-castle (in Somersetshire) thereupon yielding to Colonel Rainsborough.  
Whithin few days ensuing, General Fairfax therefore came before 
t 21. Aug.  Bristol; and on the tenth of September had it delivered up to him.  
In the next month the King's forces at Rowton- heath in Cheshire received a great defeat 
v 22. Sept.  wherein the Lord Bernard Stuart lost his life. Hereupon the Lord Digby, with the remainder of the Horse was sent towards Scotland, there to join with the Noble Marquis of Montrosse.  
The Castle of devices was soon after taken 
x 26. Sept.  by Cromwell: The Castles likewise of Raby in the Bishopric; Skipton and Sandall in Yorkshire, were then also delivered 
y 1. Oct.  up.  
Basin- house taken 
z 14. Oct.  by Sir Hardres Waller, and Colonel Mountagu, and in it the Marquis of Winchester, it being his chief seat. Tiverton in Devonshire taken by Fairfax, Sir Gilbert Talbot being then Governor there.  
Hereupon, though it was winter time, the Rebels laid siege to the City of Exeter at a distance (that being the chiefest place of strength in all the West) About this time also Fairley-castle in Wiltshire, and Lacock- house were given up. Likewise Chepstow castle in Monmouth- shire; and Berkley-castle in Gloucester- shire: The Lord Digby also marching toward Scotland (to join with Montrosse) was defeated 
a 15. Octob.  at Sherborne in Yorkshire by Colonel Copley, and Colonel Lilburne; whereupon he was constrained to flee into the Isle of Man, and thence into Ireland.  
Soon after this Bolton castle (in Yorkshire) yielded 
b 5. Nou.  Likewise Beeston 
c 16. Nou.  castle in Cheshire.  
Shelfordhouse also in Notingham-shire was taken by storm, Colonel Stanhope (son to the Earl of Chesterfield) being Governor of it, and there slain.  
Lathom- house in Lancashire, which had stoutly held out two years' siege by the magnanimous Countess of Derby was then likewise rendered 
d 4. Decem.  The City of Hereford was also surprised 
* 17. Decem.  by Colonel Birch and Colonel Morgan, by a Stratagem of a counterfeit Constable coming with Countrymen to break the Ice in the Trenches, having an Ambuscado near at hand.  
Wormleighton- house in Warwickshire burnt 
f 17. Jan.  Dertmouth stormed and taken 
g 19 Jan.  by General Fairfax, Sir Hugh Pallord being then Governor there.  
Belvoir castle yielded 
h 2. Feb.  to General Poyntz, Sir Gervase Lucas the Governor and his Officers being conveyed to Litchfield.  
The City of Chester, which had endured a long siege, and thrice attempted to be relieved, was by the Lord Byron the then Governor yielded 
i 3. Feb.  upon Articles to Sir William Brereton, who commanded in chief, as Major general in those parts.  
Whence he went to Litchfield- close, which also soon after rendered upon the like Articles.  
In the same month of February, Torrington in Devonshire was taken 
k 16. Feb.  by storm; Lanceston 
l 25. Feb.  Saltash 
m 28. Feb.  and Liskard 
n 29. Feb.  (all in Cornwall) quitted. Likewise 
o 3. March.  Mount-Edgcombe, and Foy. Whereupon the Prince, with the Lord Culpeper and other persons of quality set sail to the Isles of Scilley.  
The Lord Hopton therefore discerning no hope of aid, accepted of fair conditions, and disbanded 
p 14. March.  his Army; St. Maws-castle, being (as a conclusion) given up thereupon. Whence with the Lord Wentworth he hasted into Scilley.  
Hereupon Sir jacob Astley (created Lord Astley about two years before) with whom, being an old and expert soldier, the remaining part of the King's foot forces were left, marching to join with the Horse about Farringdon in Berkshire; being set 
q 21. March.  upon near Stow on the woulds in Gloucestershire, by Raynsborough, Fleetwood, and Sir William Brereton was so much overpowered by their conjunct strength; that he with all his men, after a sharp dispute and some loss were made Prisoners; this being the last encounter that the Royalists were able to make with those insolent Rebels. Soon after which the Garrison of Ashby de la Zouch in Leicester- shire was delivered up by the valiant Lord Loughborough; which closed up the military Actions for this present year.   

CHAP. XX.  
I Shall now return to the Grandees at Westminster, and take notice of the effects, which these their great successes in the Camp, did this year produce in their Counsels, and further practices: In the observation whereof, I find that the Presbyterian party thereupon grew so highly elated, that nothing less was by them Resolved on, than the setting jesus Christ on his Throne (as their phrase was) that is to say to make an absolute establishment of their Church Discipline. As a preparatory whereto, they passed another Ordinance 
p 23. Aug. Scob. Col. p. 97.  for the public use of their Directory, with a Penalty upon such as should use the Common Prayer; and forty shillings forfeiture upon every one each time officiating, that did not use that Directory: as also that all the Common-Prayer-Books should be carried in, to the Committees of each County, by them to be disposed of as the Parliament should direct.  
The King therefore discerning the increase of his people's calamities, 
Message from the King for peace.  again endeavoured to remedy them by renewing his desires of Peace: and to that end, under his own Royal Hand wrote a Letter 
q 5. Decem.  to the Speaker of their House of Peers, desiring a safe-conduct, for the Duke of Richmond, and some others, whom he purposed to send with Propositions to the Members at Westminster, and to the Commissioners there, from the Parliament of Scotland, for the foundation of a happy and well grounded Peace.  
Whereunto obtaining no Answer, he added a second 
r 15. Decem.  Importuning them earnestly to harken to that his desire. And having no Answer to that neither, he sent a third 
† 26. Decem. ; whereby he offered, upon engagement for his freedom and safety, in going and returning, to come himself to London, or Westminster, for the space of forty days, and there to treat personally with them; offering to commit the Militia of this Realm, unto certain persons, to be nominated by himself and them, equally, for such a time, and with such powers and limitations, as were delivered in by a paper, upon the Treaty at Uxbridg.  
After which third Message, he received their Answer to his second; which was the refusal of a safe-conduct to the Duke and those other, who were designed to go; saying that they then had certain Propositions and Bills under consideration, which they purposed to tender unto his Majesty, for the settling of a safe and well grounded peace (as they called it) which after agreement upon them by the Scotch-Commissioners, they resolved to present unto him.  
The King not satisfied with this, sent a fourth Message; 
t 29. Decem. ; whereby he earnestly pressed their embracing his offer for a personal Treaty with them at Westminster. And after expectance of an Answer thereto, for the space of full twenty days; and hearing nothing he sent them a fifth Message 
u 15. Jan.  to the same purpose enlarging his offers, for his People's quiet, in sundry particulars. But whilst this message was upon the way towards them, came an answer to his fourth, absolutely negative as to his admittance for coming to them; still telling him of the Propositions and Bills, which they were preparing to send.  
Which Answer being wholly unsatisfactory, and apparently manifesting their averseness to peace; he sent a sixth 
x 17. Jan.  Message to them, incessantly importuning their speedy Answer to his former; and within few days after a seventh, 
y 24. Jan. , wherein he expressed somewhat in confutation of those frivolous Arguments, which they had used against his Personal Treaty with them; continuing his desires thereof.  
Certain it is, that as they grew in strength and power, so their Insolence, which thus prompted them to decline all good expedients for accommodation, increased more and more. Nevertheless, his Majesty not totally despairing, but that by farther condescensions, he might move this hard-hearted Generation, sent unto them his eighth Message 
z 29. Jan.  whereby acquitting himself from having any hand in some passages of the Lord Herbert of Ragland (then called Earl of Glamorgan) in Ireland; which he well knew that they would be apt enough to scandalize him with; he offered; that, in case they would admit him to come to London, in order to a personal Treaty with them, he would leave the management of the War in Ireland, wholly to themselves: as also the nomination of the Persons to be entrusted with the Militia, with such power and limitations, as were expressed in the Paper delivered by his Commissioners in the Treaty at Uxbridge, for the Term of seven years, as had been by them desired. Likewise the nomination of the Lord Admiral, Officers of State, and Judges. And, for Religion, to give liberty, that all those, who were unwilling to communicate with the Church of England in the Service already established by Act of Parliament, should not be urged thereto: provided, that all other Protestants, behaving themselves peaceably and quietly, in and towards the Civil Government, should have the free exercise of theirs: tendering also unto them a general Act of Pardon and oblivion.  
Which gracious Message, so full of condescension, produced from them, nothing in effect, but Scorn and Contempt. For though the King caused the Lord Herbert for that his misdemeanour in Ireland, to be arrested upon suspicion of Treason, and imprisoned; they traduced his Majesty with under-hand-compliance therein, affirming, that he had given that Lord a private Commission, with command to manage it with all secrecy: and that it contained such odious and shameful things as himself blushed publicly to own, or impart to the Marquis of Ormond his Lieutenant there. And, whereas he had in his said Message most graciously tendered them all that the most wicked and guilty persons could desire or wish, viz. Liberty for their Consciences, safety for their Persons, security for their Estates, greatness for their desires, and peace to enjoy all, nothing would be accepted: insomuch, as after a full months' expectation of some return upon those his offers; and hearing nothing; by His ninth Message 
a 26. Feb. , he pressed them for some Answer; but all to no purpose: For like as a Shadow pursued, they still fled from him, whereupon, after the stay of one month more, he sent them His tenth Message 
b 23. March. : wherein, taking notice of the duty he owed to God, and sense of his people's miseries (that no means might be left unattempted, which could conduce to a safe and well-grounded peace) he offered unto them, that in case he might have the Faith of both their Houses of Parliament, for the preservation of his Honour, Person, and Estate; and liberty given to all his faithful Subjects, who had adhered to him, to go to their own Houses, and there enjoy their estates peaceably, without compelling to take any Oath, that was not enjoined by the undoubted Laws of the Kingdom, or other molestation; he would immediately disband all his Forces, dismantle his Garrisons, return to his two Houses of Parliament, pass an Act of Oblivion, and free pardon there; and do whatsoever else they should advise him to, for the good and peace of the Kingdom.  
But these great Masters, who (to captivate the people, before they had got sufficient power into their hands) had, by their most solemn 
c 22. Octob. Anno 1642.  Protestations and Declarations, which are published in Print to the world, professed in the presence of Almighty God, and for the satisfaction of their consciences, and discharge of that great Trust which lay upon them (as they then expressed) made their solemn Protestation and Declaration, to this Kingdom and Nation, and to the whole World; that no private passion or respect; no evil intention to His Majesty's person; no design to the prejudice of His just Honour and Authority, engaged them to raise Forces and take up Arms, etc. And again— we profess from our very Hearts and Souls, our Loyalty and Obedience to his Crown; readiness and resolution to defend his Person, and support his Estate with our Lives and Fortunes, to the utmost of our power, etc. Moreover— we profess we desire nothing from his Majesty but that he would return in peace to his Parliament— And again, We profess in the sight of Almighty God, which is the strongest obligation that a Christian, and the most solemn public Faith which any such State, as a Parliament can give; that we would receive him with all Honour; yield him all true obedience and subjection, and faithfully endeavour to defend his person and estate from all danger; and to the utmost of our power to establish to him and his people all the blessings of a most glorious and happy reign.  
Nevertheless so obdurate were their Hearts, being then raised to an height of confidence, that they should, by the power of Conquest, utterly destroy him, that they disdained to vouchsafe him any answer at all thereto.   

CHAP. XXI.  
THE torrent of Rebellion thus violently 
Anno 1646.  bearing all down before it, what Garrisons remained were necessitated soon after also to submit; viz. the port Town of Barnstaple in Devonshire upon 
d 7. Apr.  the seventh of April, and the Fort there some few days after. Ruthin-castle also (in Flintshire) then yielded 
* 8. Apr.  to Colonel Mitton: Corfe- castle in Dorset- shire, about the same time being given up.  
The City of Exeter likewise, Sir john Berkley, Knight, (afterwards Lord Berkley of Stratton) being at that time Governor thereof, who delivered it 
f 13. April.  upon honourable Articles, wherein amongst others, the most loyal Sir john Stowel Knight of the Bath, was included, though afterwards dishonourably and barbarously used. Soon after which Saint Michael'smount in Cornwall was taken 
g 15. April.  by Colonel Hamond. Dunster 
h 25. April.  castle also in Summersault- shire, and Woodstock- house 
i 26. April.  near Dxford then also submitting.  
All the West therefore being thus cleared, except Pendennis- castle, there could be no less expected than a siege of Oxford.  
His Majesty therefore considering, that having used 
d The King's Letter to the Marquis of Ormond, dated at Oxford 13. Apr. 1646.  all means possible, by his frequent gracious Messages, (wherein he had offered unto them all they had before desired; and that he expected nothing, but what themselves, since the beginning of those unhappy wars, had offered, to procure a personal Treaty with them) for a safe and well grounded peace: And, having, in stead of a dutiful and peaceable return to those his Messages, received no Answer at all; or such as argued nothing would satisfy them, but the ruin not only of himself, his posterity and friends, but even of Monarchy itself. Considering likewise, that his field-forces were shattered, and reduced to nothing; his Garrisons almost all lost, or besieged; and that a strong Army, under the command of Sir Thomas Fairfax (their then General) was advancing towards Oxford, there to besiege him, together with the Duke of York, All the great Officers of State, and many other of his most eminent and faithful Subjects. In this his most sad, and unhappy condition, revolving, whether he had better cast himself upon the English-Army, or the City of London, or rather his native Subjects the Scots, who had at that time besieged Newarke upon Trent, with a great and numerous Army: Having 
* Ibid.  received very good assurance (as he then believed) that himself and all that did adhere to him, should be safe in their Persons, Honour and Consciences in the Scotch Army. And that they (the Scots) would really and effectually join with him, and such other as would come in unto him, and join with them for his preservation; and would employ their Armies and Forces to assist him to the procuring of an happy and well-grounded peace, for the good of his said Majesty and his Kingdoms, in the recovery of his just rights (Necessity being then his Counsellor) he adventured 
f Eikon basilisk's.  upon their fidelity, who first began his troubles, trusting that God might make them a means honourably to compose them: and thereupon went 
g 27. April.  out of Oxford disguised, in the night time, with two persons only accompanying him; viz. Mr. john Ashburnham (one of the Grooms of his royal Bedchamber) and one Mr Hudson a Divine, his Guide. From Oxford they first rode to Henly upon Thames; Thence to Brainford: Thence near to London, and so to Harrow on the Hill, there being then a general muster of the City forces in Hide Park, where he was expected, the Earl of Essex being at that time in the Field, and his Majesty almost persuaded to adventure himself into their hands. But relying wholly on the Scots, who had promised so fair (as before is observed) he waved those thoughts, and rode to St. Alban; so to Harbour in Leicestershire, where he expected the French 
* Monsieur de Montereal.  Agent (who had so treated with the Scots on his behalf as I have already observed) with some Horse to meet him, and conduct him to Southwell, the then Head quarters of the Scottish-Army. But missing him there, he thence passed to Stanford (on the edge of Lincolnshire) and so to Downham in Norfolk: whence Mr. Hudson was sent to the Agent; and upon his return went directly to Southwel, where he arrived 
a 5. May.  the 5 th'. of May; and put himself into the hands of Alexander Lesley their General; resolving 
i K. Letter to the M. of Ormund ut supra.  to use his best endeavours, by their assistance, and with the conjunction of those forces in Scotland, under the Marquis of Montrose, and such of his well affected Subjects of England, as would rise for him, to procure, if it might be, an honourable and speedy peace, with those who had hitherto refused to give ear to any good means tending thereto.  
Being thus gone, siege 
b 2. May  was immediately laid to Oxford by General Fairfax, soon after which, several other places of strength were surrendered by the King's special direction; viz. Newark, the eleventh 
c 11. May.  of May, which had been besieged by Poyntz and Rosseter (the Scots assisting) from December before.  
The Castle of Banbury likewise, after a siege of ten weeks by Colonel whaley.  
And on the thirteenth of May, the Scots, having not patience to attend the voluntary surrenders of any more places of strength, began 
d 13. May.  their march towards Newcastle in Northumberland, taking the King along with them. 
The King removed to Newcastle upon Tine.  Where being arrived (and quartering their Army thereabouts) they instantly pressed his Majesty to send Orders to the Marquis of Ormund, in Ireland, and all other the Governors of his Garrisons in England, to give up all the Towns and Castles then remaining, to such as should be appointed to receive them for the Houses of Parliament: Telling him, that otherwise, they neither could, nor durst continue him in their protection.  
To which necessity his Majesty was constrained to submit: but nothing was by them more earnestly insisted on, than that the Marquis of Montross should lay down Arms; who, with a small strength at first, had acted in Scotland to admiration: for, besides many victories of less note, he had twice beaten the Marquis of Argyle out of the Field; followed him home, and wasted his Country with Fire and Sword; and vanquished Bayley, one of their best Soldiers: made himself also Master of the Castle of Edinburgh, releasing divers of his Friends, who had been seized on, and imprisoned there, when he first took up Arms. But instead of those Aids which he hoped for, he was unexpectedly set upon by David Lesley, who was sent from the Scottish Army in England with six thousand Horse to oppose the farther progress of this most valiant persons fortune. However, he began to make head again, and was in a way of fair success, when he received the King's command to disband; (viz. 31 May 1647.) To which he readily conforming, took Ship, and put himself into a voluntary Exile. After which time of this their perfidious dealing with the King, 'tis observable that they never prospered. But I proceed briefly to point out the times of surrender of the rest of his Majesty's Garrisons.  
In the same month 
e May  of May Dudley- castle in Staffordshire was delivered up to Sir William Brereton by Colonel Leveson: and soon after 
f 1. June.  Carnarvan Town and Castle to Major General Mitton, and Major General Langhorn, the Lord Byron being then Governor there. Likewise Ludlow 
g 9 June.  (in Shropshire) to Sir William Brereton: and Borstall- house near Oxford.  
Oxford itself also soon followed, 
h 24. June.  Sir Thomas Glemham being then Governor: As also Farringdon 
i 24. June.  in Berkshire, Sir George L'isle being Governor.  
Next Lichfield- close 
k 16. July.  in Staffordshire: Then the City of Worcester 
l 23. July.  besieged by Colonel whaley, and Colonel Raynsborough, Colonel Washington being Governor: Also Wallingford castle 
m 28. July.  Colonel Blague being Governor. Gotherich Castle 
n 31. July.  likewise in Hereford shire and Pendennis-castle in Cornwall, whereof john Arrundel of Trerise was Governor; Conway Castle in Flintshire being stormed by Major General Mitton.  
In the next month, after a long siege by General Fairfax, Sir Trevor Williams and Colonel Langhorn, Ragland- castle in Monmouth shire, was yielded 
o 19 Aug.  to them: And soon after the Isles and Castle of Scilly were given up: 
p 16. Sept.  As also 
q 20. Octob.  the Castles of Denbigh and Holt: Whereupon General Fairfax advanced 
r 11. Nou.  triumphantly towards London.  
And on the first of February next following, the Scots, having effectually received the whole Sum of two hundred thousand pounds, for which they sold the King, they marched 
† 1. Febr.  over tweed into Scotland.  
His Majesty having thus cast himself upon the loyalty of those (touching whose large professions and protestations to him, 
The King went from Oxford to the Scot's Army at Southwell.  I have already taken notice) let us now behold the blessed Fruits of Presbytery, by the subsequent Practices of these Zelots; which doth amply make good, what King james long since declared 
k Basil. Doron. p. 42.  of that Sect; viz. that no deserts could oblige; nor Oaths, or Promises bind them. For, notwithstanding those their solemn Oaths and Protestations, they most perfidiously acted contrary to them; hastening thereby that farther ruin, which soon afterwards befell the Church of England, and at length terminated in the woeful murder of their native Sovereign, as is notoriously known to the World, carrying on all this, under the colour and veil of their Solemn League and Covenant.  
In order whereunto, the first thing observable, is a plausible Letter 
l 6. May. perfect Diurnal p. 1166.  directed to the Committee of Estates, at that time residing with the Scotch Army; wherein they tell them; that their earnest desire, being to keep a right understanding between the two Kigndomes, did move them, to acquaint them, with that strange providence, wherewith they were then surprised, together with their carriage and desires thereupon; and to endeavour to improve his Majesty's being there, to the best advantage for promoting the work of Uniformity, for settling of Religion and Righteousness, and attaining of Peace, according to the League and Covenant, and Treaty, etc. affirming, that they had a Witness from Heaven; and that there was nothing more in their desires, than in all their resolutions and proceedings; to adhere to the Covenant and Treaty.  
¶ What hopes this specious Letter might give his Majesty for promoting his earnest endeavours, for such an happy peace, as he desired, is hard to say; considering what relation it had to the Solemn League and Covenant: but his former assurances in order to his coming to them (as I have already observed) being such as they were; he became so confident thereupon; as that, shortly after, he sent unto the two Houses at Westminster, his xi th'. Message 
m 18. May. , whereby because they had made so great a noise of settling Religion; That, together with the Militia, and the War of Ireland, being the chief things insisted on, in their former Propositions; he recomended to them the advice therein of those Divines in both Kingdoms, whom they had assembled at Westminster: And for the Militia offered, that he would be content to settle it, as they themselves proposed in the Treaty at Uxbridge; viz. that all persons, who should be trusted therewith might be named by the two Houses of Parliament, for the space of seven years; and after that time, to be regulated as should be agreed on by his Majesty and his two Houses of Parliament. And touching Ireland, that he would do whatsoever was possible for him, to give full satisfaction to them. And that, if those his free offers would not serve; then he desired, that all such of their Propositions, as were then by them agreed on, might be speedily sent to him; he being resolved to comply with them in every thing that might conduce to the happiness of his subjects; and removing all unhappy differences, which had produced so many sad effects. Farther offering, that all his forces should be forthwith disbanded; and Oxford with the remainder of his other Garrisons, rendered into their hands, upon honourable conditions; and dismantled.  
But to this gracious Message (as to his former) they turned a deaf ear; there being, then, another Game to be played; which was the getting of the King's person out of the Hands of the Scots; suspecting (as they had cause) that those their dear Brethren would make no little advantage thereof. Notwithstanding the Votes 
f perfect Diurnal. p. 1163.  at Westminster, that he should be disposed of, as they should desire and direct.  
Concerning which Votes at Westminster and debates of both Houses thereupon, it will not be amiss, here to take notice: how they alleged 
g Ibid. p. 1170 &. 1171.  that the Scottish Army in England was theirs; id est, under their pay. Also that the King ought to be near to his Parliament, whereby they might have recourse to him, and obtain such things, as should be most necessary for the Kingdoms. Likewise, that by Covenant they were sworn to preserve the Rights and Privileges of Parliament: but to detain the King from his Parliament was altogether inconsistent with the Covenant.  
Of which Votes the Scots seemed to take little notice; but in stead thereof, and for diversion, amused the Members at Westminster with several Letters, which they caused to be written to them; one 
h 18. Jnue. Ibid. p. 1236.  from the general assembly of the Kingdom of Scotland: wherein they told them; that their success against the Enemy (id est, the King's Forces) did lay a strong obligation upon them, to improve the power put into their Hands, for the advancement of the Kingdom of Christ, and bringing forth the headstone of his House: And therefore did earnestly entreat and beseech them in the Bowels of Christ, to give unto him the glory due to his name, by a timeous establishment of all his Ordinances in full integrity and power, according to the Covenant, etc. Saying, that the Searcher of Hearts knew how they desired to keep their Covenant, etc. concluding with their desires to the Parliament, to endeavour all the ends of the Covenant.  
The other 
i Ib. p. 1237.  to the Assembly of Divines, sitting at Westminster, wherein they expressed their Thanks for their constant endeavours and labours, in the work of setting up the Ordinances of Christ; desiring, that they would go on in the sedulous promoting of that blessed work.  
The third 
k Ibid.  was to the Lord Mayor, aldermans, and Common-council of the City of London, which (because 'tis penned in so divine a stile) I have here transcribed.  
Right Honourable,  
Your late and seasonable Testimony given to the truth of the Gospel; and you affection to the peace of the Kingdoms, manifested in your humble Remonstrance, and Petition to the Honourable Houses of Parliament, hath so revived the remembrance of your former faith and zeal, and proclaimed you the worthy seed of so noble Ancestors in that famous City; as we cannot but acknowledge with all thankfulness, the Grace of God, bestowed on you, and stir you up to take notice; how, since you were precious in the Lord's sight, you have been ever honourable. The Lord hath ever loved you; given men for you, and people for your life. What an honour was it, in the days of old, when the fire of the Lord was in Zion, and his furnace in your Jerusalem (even in Queen Mary's days) that there were found in you men that loved not their lives unto the death. What a glory in aftertimes, when Satan had his Throne, and Antichrist his seat in the midst of you, that there were still found, not a few that kept their Garments clear. But the greatest praise of the good hand of God upon you, hath been this; that amidst the many mists of Error and Heresy, which have risen from the bottomless pit, to bespot the face and darken the glory of the Church, while the Bride is a making ready for the Lamb, you have held the Truth, and most piously endeavoured the setting of Christ upon his Throne. We need not remember how zealous you have been in the cause of God; nor how you have laid out yourselves, and estates, in the maintenance thereof; nor how many acknowledgements of the same you have had from the Honourable Houses; nor how precious a remembrance will be had of you in after Ages, for your selling of all to buy the Pearl of price. We only at this time do admire, and in the inward of our hearts do bless the Lord, for your right and deep apprehensions of the great and important matters of Christ in his Royal Crown, and of the Kingdoms in their Union, while the Lord maketh offer to bring our Ship (so much afflicted and tossed with tempest) to the safe harbour of Truth and Peace. Right memorable is your zeal against Sects and Sectaries; your care of Reformation, according to the Word of God, and the example of the best reformed Churches. Your earnest endeavours and noble adventures, for preserving of the Rights and Privileges of Parliament, and Liberties of the Kingdom, together with his Majesty's just power and greatness; and your high profession, that it is not in the power of any humane authority, to discharge or absolve you, from adhering unto that our solemnly sworn League and Covenant; or to enforce upon you any sense, contrary to the Letter of the same.  
Besides your other good services done to the Lord and us, in strengthening the hands of the reverend Assembly of Divines, and of our Commissioners in their asserting the Government of Christ (which, the more it is tried, will be ever found the more precious Truth) and vindicating the same from the Usurpation of man, and contempt of the Wicked.  
These all, as they are so many testimonies of your piety, loyalty, and undaunted resolution to stand for Christ; so are they, and shall ever be, so many obligations upon us your Brethren, to esteem highly of you in the Lord; and to bear you on our Breasts before him night and day; and to contribute our best endeavours to improve all opportunities for your encouragement. And now we beseech you in the Lord (Honourable and wellbeloved) go on in this your strength, and in the power of his might, who hath honoured you to be faithful. Stand fast in that Liberty wherewith Christ hath made you free: And, in pursuance of this Truth, we are confident you will never cease to study the peace and nearer conjunction of the Kingdoms; knowing, that a threefold cord is not easily broken. Now the Lord jesus Christ himself, and God even our Father, who hath loved and honoured you, and given you everlasting consolation, and good hope through Grace, comfort your Hearts and stablish you in every good work.  
Subscribed in the name of the general Assembly by Robert Blair Moderator.  
Moreover in another Letter 
l 27. june. Weekly Account, num. 29.  from the said Assembly of the Kirk of Scotland, to the Assembly of Divines at Westminster they told them, how they did congratulate with the Lord's people in all their successes; and did impatiently desire to have their Brethren here, and themselves joined nearer to Christ, and to one another in all his Ordinances, and especially in Presbytereal Government.  
But in the neck of these Letters, 'tis worthy observation, that the Marquis of Argyle, and Scottish-Commissioners, delivered a paper 
m 25. June Perfect Diurnal p. 1219.  to the Members at Westminster, representing the Necessities of their Army; desiring therefore, that their Quarters in the North might be enlarged, and a considerable supply of money dispatched to them.  
Most certain it is, that though these sanctified men (both English and Scotch.) did seem to be so firmly united by their grand Combination, called the solemnleague and Covenant; as that, in humane reason few there were that thought they could afterwards have differed; the gaining of the King's person into their Hands, began now to make it manifest, that this seeming sacred Tye, was but a mear juggling device, originally forged and set on foot for the better carrying on their sacrilegious temporal ends. For, from that very time, however they concealed themselves, with all the subtleties imaginable, their animosities against each other did daily increase (as 'twill hereafter appear) Nevertheless, to make a specious outward show, of their continued accordance; they agreed together, in sending certain Propositions 
n 25. June. Propositions sent to the King at Newcastle.  to the King (which they had been no less than eight months in hammering) in order to a well-grounded Peace, (as their phrase was:) whereunto they required his Answer within four days.  
How monstrous and unreasonable these were, the tenor of them will sufficiently show, (they being publicly printed) in brief, that he should ratify the solemnleague and Covenant, abolish Episcopacy; invest the subject with the power of the Militia; and exempt from pardon several Lords and other considerable persons, that during the war had adhered to him. Whereunto His Majesty most piously and prudently made this return; That they importing so great alterations in Government, both in Church and Kingdom, it was very difficult to return a particular and positive answer to them, before a full debate, wherein their necessary explanation, true sense, and reasons of them were rightly weighted and understood. To which end he desired to come to London, or any of his Houses thereabouts, upon the public Faith and the security of the two Houses of Parliament, and Scottish-Commissioners. Where, by his personal presence, he might not only raise a mutual confidence betwixt himself and his people; but have those doubts cleared, and those difficulties explained to him, which he then conceived to be destructive to his just regal power, in case he should give a full consent to those Propositions, as they then stood: Engaging himself to give his cheerful assent to all such Bills, as should be really to the good and peace of his people; and to prefer the happiness of this Kingdom before his own particular. And, as a farther means to work a confidence in them of his own sincerity in these things, he offered again to trust them with his own person: conjuring them, as they were Christians and Subjects; and as they were men who desired to leave a good name behind them, so to receive and make use of that his Answer, that all issues of blood might be stopped, and those unhappy distractions peaceably settled.  
But, as his former gracious and frequent offers, so this, could not then find any acceptance at all with them; by reason that it tended to the composure of those lamentable distractions, which tended to the utter ruin of the King and Realm; their aims at first, and continued resolutions still being to share the spoil, which by their strength and power they had most unjustly got. Nay, in stead of any kindness or comfort, which he might rationally expect from their many and most solemn promises and protestations, they perpetually tormented his pious Soul, with incessant importunities, to take their hypocritical Covenant; and sent for several of their most rigid Preachers 
o Perfect Diurnal. p. 1233. , to terrify him with their Kirk-censures upon his refusal thereof.  
In which sad and disconsolate condition, I shall for a while leave him; and take a short view of the transactions, betwixt the Members sitting at Westminster, and those at Edinburgh, with their respective Commissioners.  
The principal work being now done, here in England, by the help of the Scots; the Grandees here (as well as others) began to be weary of their dear Brethren: and for the sooner riddance of them, passed a Vote, 
p 11. July.  that a Message should be sent to the Scottish Army; that, in regard they were not useful in this Kingdom, for the present; and that the payment thereof would be a great burden thereto, they should with all convenient speed, return into their Country.  
But the Scots (never intending to be loser's by their journey hither) knowing full well how to make the best use of those advantages they then had, gave their dear Brethren very good words; telling 
q Weekly Account, Num. 29.  them in their answer to the demands made in pursuance of that Vote; that their earnest desires were, the settling of Religion, and Church Government; which, as it was the principal ground of their engagement in this Cause, so would the perfecting of it be their chiefest joy, and Glory of both Kingdoms: it being the constant resolution of that Kingdom, against all opposition, to strengthen and cherish the Brotherly kindness between the Kingdoms: and, Peace settled with Truth, and those things performed by the Honourable Houses, which by Treaty they were obliged unto, to recall their Army, with as great alacrity, as they were ready to send the same into England, for the assistance of their Brethren.  
And in another Letter, speaking of the Arrears due to their Army, they had these words 
r Ibid. — This Kingdom lieth under the burden of great and vast expense, in raising and entertaining of Armies; and hath with the lives of many precious men, set their own Houses on fire, to quench the flame of yours. And seeing, by the seasonable assistance afforded by this Kingdom to you, and by the late successes wherewith God hath blessed your Armies, you are in a great measure freed of your troubles, and are in a far better capacity to pay the moneys, due to our Armies in England and Ireland, than you were at any time since the beginning of these Wars; we demand of the honourable houses, to make payment of the sums of money duly owing to this Kingdom.  
¶ The state of things standing thus, made the Game now to be played betwixt these great Masters, not a little difficult to each; the chief business of the then predominant party at Westminster, being to gain the person of the King into their own hands: and in case he should not (upon the matter) totally quit his Regal power to them, by taking their Covenant, and assenting to those their destructive propositions before-mentioned; then to keep him close prisoner, and exercise the same power without him.  
And the design of the Scots, not only to use the like Regal-power in Scotland, but to get a large sum of money to boot: considering, that having the King in their hands, the Grandees there were able to make their own terms on the behalf of themselves, as to Riches and Honours. There was therefore no means unessayed by each, for accomplishing their respective ends: But the Arguments and debates about this business, continuing no less than six months, before all things were fully agreed, I shall reserve my observations upon them till then; and in the mean time take notice of what else did occur that is most remarkable, in order to the carrying on their main work; and divide the same into two parts; the one touching their attempts upon the King, in relation to the Covenant and Propositions: the other towards the advancement of the Sceptre of jesus Christ; for by that title they called their Presbyterean Doctrine and Discipline.  
As to the first; About the beginning of September, james Duke Hamilton, Lindsey Earl of Craford, the Earl of Cassiles, and some others, from the Estates of Scotland, came 
† Perfect Diurnal p. 1303. & 1304.  to Newcastle to the King; and there earnestly solicited him to take the Covenant, and sign the Propositions. To second which motion, there was a petition presented to His Majesty from the general Assembly of the Kirk of Scotland, for Reformation of Religion, according to the Covenant, and uniformity of Church government; denouncing God's anger upon him, and the hazard to lose the Hearts of his good subjects, in case he assented not thereto.  
Soon after which, Mr. Andrew Cant, Mr. Robert Blayre, and Mr. james Douglass came 
t Ib. p. 1317.  thither also to press him to the same purpose. To torment him likewise yet more, one of these violent men (I mean a rigid Presbyterean-preacher) besides many rude and uncivil expressions 
v Ib. p. 1419.  in his Sermon there before the King; called for the 52. Psalms to be sung by the congregation, which beginneth thus— Why dost thou Tyrant boast abroad, thy wicked works to praise? Whereupon His Majesty instantly stood up, and called for the 56. Psalms, beginning thus— Have mercy Lord on me I pray, for men would me devour: Which the people readily sung, waving the other.  
Nay, the fierceness of these Scottish-presbyters against His Sacred Majesty was such; as that upon certain Proposals 
x Ib. p. 1414. & 1435. , made to those of them, who were Commissioners from the general Assembly, viz. If the King shall come into Scotland, and that the Kingdom of England shall exclude him of the Government there, for his leaving them without granting the Propositions; Whether or not it would be lawful to that Kingdom to assist him for the recovery of the Government, he not granting the Propositions, concerning Religion, and the Covenant, and not giving a satisfactory answer to the remanent Propositions.  

Their Answer.  
The Quaere presupposeth the King's coming into this Kingdom, which case (for the reasons expressed in our late warning) we humbly conceive should not be put into the Question: and therefore desire your Lordships to go about all means for the present preventing of it, as a matter of most dangerous consequence to Religion, this Kirk, and Kingdom, and to the King himself and his posterity.  
But, if the Question be stated simply, without supposing such a case in these terms. If the King be excluded from Government in England, for not granting the propositions concerning Religion and the Covenant; and for not giving a satisfactory Answer to the remanent propositions; whether, in that case it be lawful for this Kingdom to assist him, for the Recovery of the Government: Or, if it be not lawful, being put to it, we cannot but answer, in regard of the Engagement of this Kingdom, by Covenant and Treaty, Negative.  
1. Resolved upon the Question, That the Kingdom of Scotland, shall be governed as it hath been these five years last passed; all means being used, that the King may take the Covenant, and pass the Propositions.  
2. Resolved, that the taking of the Scottish Covenant, and passing some of the Propositions, doth not give warrant to assist him against England.  
3. Resolved, that upon bare taking the National Covenant, we may not receive him.  
4. Resolved, 
☞  that the Clause in the Covenant, for defence of the King's Person, is to be understood in defence and safety of the Kingdoms.  
5. Resolved, that the King shall not execute any power in the Kingdom of Scotland, until such time, as he hath granted the Propositions, concerning Religion and the Covenant; and given satisfactory answer to both Kingdoms in the rest of the Propositions, presented to him by both Kingdoms at Newcastle.  
6. Resolved, that if His Majesty refuse to pass the Propositions, he shall be disposed of according to the Covenant and Treaty.  
7. Resolved, that the union be friendly kept between the Kingdoms, according to the Covenant and Treaty.  
By what hath last been instanced, 'tis easy enough to be discerned, that bargain so long in driving on, was by this time concluded, in reference to the person of the King (I mean the certain price for which the Scots did sell him) which prompted them so eagerly and frequently to press his taking their Covenant, and consent to those destructive Propositions, which they well knew, he could never do, without apparent hazard to his Soul: and that he had manifestly confuted the Arguments of Mr. Alexander Henderson, whom they brought to convince him therein. I shall therefore need to say no more of that matter, then to set down the Quaeres 
y 16. Jan. , which His Majesty delivered to the Commissioners of Scotland upon their last importuning him thereto, when they threatened to deliver him up to the Parliament of England (as they then called those Members at Westminster) in case of his refusal.  
It is a 
a Perfect Diurnal p. 1462.  received opinion by many; that Engagements, Acts, or Promises of a restrained person, are neither valid, nor obligatory. How true or false this is, I will not now dispute: but I am sure, if I be not free, I am not fit to answer any of your Propositions: wherefore you should first resolve me, in what state I stand, as in relation to freedom, before I can give you any other Answer. The Reason of this my Question, the Governor can best resolve you. But, if you object the loss of time, and urgency of it; certainly, in one respect, it presses none so much as myself, which makes me also think it necessary, that I be not to seek what to do, when this Garrison shall be surrendered up; to demand of you, in case I go into Scotland, if I shall be there with Honour, Freedom, and Safety; or How; being ready to give you a farther and more particular Answer, so soon as you shall have resolved these two Quaeres.   

Whereunto they give this insignificant Answer.  
1. To the first, in what state you stand, as in relation to Freedom; the Parliaments of both Kingdoms have given such orders, and directions, as they have thought fittest for the safety of your Majesty and the Kingdoms, to the General and Governor.  
2. To your second Quaere, of your going into Scotland; we shall humbly desire, that we may not be put to give an Answer: but, if your Majesty shall either deny, or delay your assent to the Propositions; we are in that case to represent to your Majesty the resolutions of the Parliament of England.  
¶ Having now done with their attempts upon His Majesty in reference to the Covenant and Propositions; I come to their farther Progress for the establishing of Presbytery. Wherein I am to look back a little.  
About the latter end of August, a Bill for Ordination of Ministers, being the third time read 
a 27. Aug. Perfect Diurnal p. 1293.  in the House of Commons at Westminster, and thence transmitted to the Lords; not long after they received a Petition 
b Ib. p. 1313. Sept. 15.  from the County of Lancaster, subscribed by twelve thousand hands, for settling of the Classes in those parts, with the names of such as they had made choice of, and presented to the House for ordering thereof.  
Nor were the Assembly of Divines sitting at Westminster less active; who having framed a new Confession of Faith, were 
c Octob. 13. Ibid. p. 1346.  hard at work in adding quotations of Scripture in the Margin of their Copies, for justification thereof. And that this blessed Presbytereal Government, might be the more secure from danger the Houses at Westminster passed an Ordinance 
d Scob. col. p. 99  not only for abolishing the name, title, and dignity of Arch-Bishops, Bishops, etc. but nominated trusties in whom their Lands should be settled.  
Likewise, for the fitter moulding this new Confession of Faith, Copies thereof (purposely printed) were delivered 
* Octob. 24. Scob. col. p. 1358.  to each Member of both Houses at Westminster, to the end they might consider of the same, and advise the better therein.  
But, notwithstanding all this holy Reformation, there were some, who had not only the Conscience to adhere unto the Liturgy, established by Law in the Church of England, in their public service of God; but the Courage to prosecute those by Indictment, which neglected the reading thereof in their Parish-Churches. In so much as upon notice of this high presumption, from Buckinghamshire, an Ordinance was forthwith voted 
f Octob. 16. Perfect Diurnal p. 1360.  to be brought in, for repealing the Statute which enjoined it. At which time the House also ordered 
g Ibid. , that all Malignant Ministers (for so were the Orthodox called) should be disabled from Preaching, and an Ordinance to be brought in for that purpose.  
And, though by an Order 
h Ibid. p. 1364. 28. Octob.  of the House of Commons, Mr. Sydrach Sympson (one of their Assembly of Divines, (and an eminent stickler for the Cause) was, for some opinions and expressions, savouring of Independency, to have been silenced: yet, by reason of his zeal to God's Glory (as they termed it) that is to say, his activeness against Episcopacy, he was exempted from the Rigour of that sentence.  
Moreover, as they took care to disable those of the Clergy, which were Orthodox and Loyal, from preaching any more: so, to encourage all others who were for their turn, though not at all qualified with learning, they gave liberty to every bold and schismatical Mechanic to preach, under the notion of Gifted-men. To which purpose an Ordinance 
i 4. Novem. Ib. p. 1368. b.  was brought in to the House, and read, for approving of such illiterate persons to be Ministers.  
And, that Episcopal Government might never return again, they passed 
k 16. Nou. Scob. Col. p. 101.  an Ordinance for the sale of all the Lands belonging to the Bishops; with special instructions 
l Perfect Diurnal. p. 1387.  therein, for the Contractors and Surveyors. Amongst which Instructions, it is not the least observable; that for the better encouraging of Purchasers, they should sell them at ten years' purchase. Nay, such was their care, to make this sacrilegious work as plausible to the people as might be; that, besides the extraordinary pay their Surveyors of those Lands had (viz. 20 s. a day, and five shillings a day to every Boy that did but carry the end of the measuring-Chain) they gave special directions, that the Gentry and other popular-men, residing in those parts where such Lands lay, should be feasted by the Surveyors (which feasts amounted to no small charge) saying, We must pay well and hang well  
About this time also, there was a Committee appointed 
m 11. Nou. Perfect Occurrences.  to inquire into the Value of all Church-livings, in order to the planting of an able Ministry, as they gave out; whereas in truth, it was to discover which were the best and fattest Beneficies, to the end, that the principal Champions for the Cause, might make choice of those for themselves (whereof some had three a piece, and some four, as is very well known) it being aparent, that where any small Benefice was, there the Church-dores were shut up. The more to justify which practice of theirs, I could name an Assembly man, who being told by an Eminent person, that a certain Church in the West of England, had no Incumbent; asked what the yearly value of the Benefice did amount unto; and he answering sifty pounds per annum: the Assembly man replied— if it be no better worth, no Godlyman will accept of it.  
But notwithstanding all this, the advancement of the Sceptre of jesus Christ (that is to say, the establishing the Presbyterean-Government by a Law) went but slowly on, insomuch as the Covenanting Brethren in London, who were daily agitated with the zealous breath of the Presbyterean Bellows, from the Pulpits and otherwise; growing hot for the Scotch Discipline, busyed themselves not a little in getting Hands 
n 5. Decem. Perfect Diurnal p. 1406.  to a Petition, for prosecuting the ends of the Covenant; and, that Presbytery might be established. And, for the better speed of that blessed work the latter part of their new Confession of Faith, being brought in, by the Assembly of Divines, and read in the House of Commons; it was Ordered that marginal notes should be forthwith added thereto, to prove every Article by Scripture: and that the Assembly should also bring in their Answers to the Quaeres of the House, concerning the Ius divinum of Presbytery.    

CHAP. XXII.  
BUT oh the fates! Now that after all this formal combining and Covenanting with the precious Brethren of Scotland; Horse, Arms, Jewels, Plate and Money, in no small proportion, so frankly offered up to this Dagon of Presbytery, and a numerous Army poured in from that Nation, to help the Lord against the mighty: so many dreadful battles fought, so much English-bloud lamentably spilled, and such a vast Treasure spent, and all to advance the Sceptre of jesus Christ; nay the top stone of this glorious building ready to be laid on. Now (I say) the perfect completing of this great and glorious work was so near, that the main Fabric should begin to totter specially by the unhappy assaults of their own Godly party; and at last to tumble down; what could be more deplorable? yet so it happened. I must therefore here begin to change my note: and, as I have Historically manifested whence that sacred Imp of Presbytery originally sprung; How 'twas first transplanted hither, what a luxuriant growth in short time it had; and what glorious fruit it produced. So shall I now briefly show how, and by what means it fell to decay: and how that prodigious Monster 
† Anabaptists, Millenaries, Quakers, etc.  of Independency, creeping up by the body thereof, at length did much overtop it; and triumphing for a while, at last produced no less direful effects than what that old stock of Presbytery always did; even the barbarous destruction of our late gracious King (of ever blessed memory) in his Royal person; after he had been most inhumanly persecuted, despoiled of his Kingly authority, and most shamefully made Prisoner by those devout Covenanters.  
¶ That Ambition and Avarice were most assuredly the primary causes which incited this Saintlike Generation to act such horrid things as no age hath formerly seen: and to carry on these their foul designs under the specious veil of Religion, the Laws of the Land, and Liberty of the subject, hath been already fully manifested. Having therefore, by this subtle stratagem, got the sword, and consequently the wealth of the Realm into their power: I now come to observe; how, through the admirable justice of Almighty God upon these grand Hypocrites; which first kindled the flames of Civil war amongst us; the same power and wealth, was by the like ravenous brood, now called Independents (which sprung forth of their own pharisaical loins) soon torn and wrested out of their greedy Jaws, upon the like principles; and what use they made of it.  
By what hath been already said, 'tis sufficiently manifest, how and to what end the establishment of the Scottish Discipline, was first and principally aimed at by the Presbyterean party here; but the severity thereof being at length discerned by some, through a clearer Light; the new Reformers thought it most proper, not only to represent to the People, the true face thereof in its proper shape; but to hold forth unto them an absolute freedom from the merciless fangs and teeth of that cruel beast, under the notion of Christian-Liberty; whereby every man might exercise himself in the pretended service of God, according to what form or order he list, as Independent from any that could call him to account; which pleasing Doctrine being not a little grateful to the vulgar, soon obtained so fair an entertainment especially amongst the soldiery; as that, not only the generality of the Army and many of the Garrisons cheerfully embraced it; but most of the people, through out all parts of the Realm, right willingly inclined thereto.  
The Presbyterean-Hedge being therefore thus trodden down; no wonder was it, that, like scattered Flocks, multitudes were gathered up by other Shepherds into new Congregations; Anabaptists, Millenaries (or fifth Monarchy-men) Quakers, etc. each differing from other in divers material points; but all centring in opposition to Presbytery; which strange opinions (no less absurd than various) were so inconsistent with the zealous Disciplinarians (who termed them Heretical and Blasphemous) that they spared for no pains in endeavouring to suppress them.  
As to the Tenets and practices of these Independent- Libertines, let this one instance serve for a Taste; one Mr. Gregory (of Colonel Rich his Regiment) preaching at a Widow's house near Northampton; told his Auditors, that he thought he was obliged to unfold the Scripture, as it was revealed to him: Likewise, that he hoped to see the Shop-windows open on the Lord's day: Also, that the Psalms were no Scripture; and, that the Parson of that Parish was a Minister of Antichrist.  
But, notwithstanding this apparent danger to the Disciplinarians, from this blessed brood of their own hatching, some confidence they yet had of putting a stop to their farther growth: to that end therefore (as to their former notable pranks they frequently did) by a special Ordinance 
o 1. Feb. Perfect Diurnal p. 1471. , they caused a day to be set a part for humbling themselves, and seeking of God (as they termed it) by fasting and prayer, the preamble whereof I have thought fit here to insert;  
We the Lords and Commons assembled in the Parliament of England, having entered into a solemn Covenant, to endeavour sincerely, really and constantly, the Reformation of Religion, in Doctrine, Discipline, and Worship; and the extirpation of Popery, Superstition, Heresy, Schism, Profaneness, and whatsoever shall be found contrary to sound Doctrine, and the power of Godliness: And, having found the presence of God wonderfully assisting us in this Cause, especially since our Engagement in pursuance of the said Covenant; have thought fit (lest we partake in other men's sins, and thereby be in danger to receive of their plagues) to set forth this our deep sense of the great dishonour of God, and perilous Condition, that this Kingdom is in, through the abominable Blasphemies, and damnable Heresies vented and spread abroad therein; tending to the subversion of the Faith, contempt of the Ministry and Ordinance of jesus Christ. And, as we are resolved to employ and improve the utmost of our power, that nothing be said or done against the Truth, but for the Truth: So we desire, that both ourselves, and the whole Kingdom may be deeply humbled before the Lord, for that great reproach and contempt, which hath been cast upon his name, and saving Truths; and for that swift destruction, which we may justly fear will fall upon the immortal Souls of such, who are or may be drawn away, by giving heed to seducing Spirits. In the hearty and tender compassion whereof, we the said Lords and Commons do order and ordain; that Wednesday, being the tenth day of March next be set apart for a day of public Humiliation, etc.  
And to back this their Godly Exercise (forasmuch as their solemn League and Covenant had effected such great matters otherwise) the House of Peers soon after voted 
p 8. Febr. Ibid. p. 1479.  an Ordinance to be brought in, for disabling every person whatsoever, from bearing any office, Civil or Military, that should refuse to take the Covenant.  
But that which they deemed above all, not only to get a hand over this many-headed-Monster (Independency) but to establish to themselves a lasting dominion over the persons and Estates of all other people was to gain the King's person into their power; concerning whom they had been trucking with the Scots for the space of six months at the least (his Majesty being all that while at Newcastle upon Tine, and their Army quartered in the Adjacent Counties) not without some Heart-burnings towards those their dear Brethren, for keeping him so long, and continuing their Army in this Realm, at so vast a charge and intolerable a burden to those Northern parts, having had no use thereof at all, after the render of Newark.  
Nor did this deteiner pass without some quick disputes betwixt them; the Grandees here affirming 
q The Answer of the Commons in Parliament to the Scots Com. papers Impr. Lond. 1646. p. 20. , and insisting stiffly upon it; that the Kingdom of Scotland had no right of joint exercise of interest, in disposing the person of the King, in the Kingdom of England: urging 
r Ib. p. 8.  likewise; that forasmuch as he had deserted his Parliament and People; entered into, and continued in a bloody and dangerous war against them; had not granted those Propositions, which by both Kingdoms were sent unto him, as a means of a safe and well-grounded peace: he was not therefore at present in a condition to exercise the duties of his place; or be left to go, or reside where and when himself pleased. Farther objecting, that the Commissioners of Scotland, at a conference with theirs had declared 
† Ib. p. 8. , that it would be prejudicial to both Kingdoms for the King to go into Scotland.  
But, after much dispute the Scots in brief told 
t Ib. p. 30.  them; that their Army by the Oath of Allegiance, their Committee of Estates by their Commission, and their Officers by their Military Oath, aught to defend the King from harms and prejudices. Often affirming, that the King came to their Army for shelter and defence. Adding, that 
u Ib. p. 32.  it was the Law and common practice of all Nations, not to deliver the meanest subject fled to them, though for the greatest crimes: and that, if the meanest were not to be delivered, how would the world abroad condemn them, for so base and dishonourable an act, the King having cast himself into their hands.  
They likewise said 
x Ib. p. 42. — if it be considered, that the Scottish Army was invited and called into this Kingdom, by both Houses of Parliament in a Treaty for prosecuting the ends of a solemn League and Covenant; whereof one Article is, to preserve and defend his majesty's person; there can remain no doubt concerning this exercise of that Right and Interest in this Kingdom. And therefore said; it seemed very strange that when upon invitation they were come into England, as for other ends, so to defend his majesty's person, their being in England should be made use of as an Argument why they should deliver up the person of the King to be disposed of as both Houses should think fit.  
Whereunto the English Commissioners replied; that the Scotch-Army came in hither as Auxiliaries, under pay; and therefore they ought not to capitulate herein at all. And that whereas the Scots did so much urge their Obligation by the Covenant, to preserve and defend the King's person and Authority; they told 
y Ib. p. 21, 54, & 55.  them that they left out the principal Clause, which was relative viz. in the preservation and defence of the true Religion and Liberties of the Kingdoms, without which the other part ought never to be mentioned  
But the plain truth is, that all this fencing with Arguments, came at last to a mere Money-business. For whereas the Grandees at Westminster, by stipulation 
z Ib. p. 36.  with the Scots for their Expedition into England, had promised to pay them after the rate of thirty thousand pounds per mensem, so long as they should have occasion to make use of their Army: and all being done to give 
a Ib. p. 37.  them for the pains, hazard and charges which the said Army should undergo, a due recompense by way of Brotherly Assistance. Towards the performance of which agreement, though these Grandees did manifest 
b Ib. p. 63. ; that besides much free Quarter, the Scots-Army had monthly received, nineteen thousand and seven hundred pounds: and for the last year, ending ultimo Octobris, seventy two thousand nine hundred seventy two pounds two shillings and eleven pence, for the Customs and other Impositions upon coals only: the Brethren nevertheless having then the better end of the staff in their hands, as being possessed of the King; delivered in unto them an account 
c 18. August. Perfect Diurnal p. 1281.  of Arrears, besides losses of no less than a Million of money, their free Quarter reckoned; but with a kind intimation● that they would accept of a less sum in gross for a full discharge of all.  
Whereupon a Committee being appointed to treat with them thereon, and times of payment; they then stooped 
d Ib. p. 1282.  to the one half, viz. five hundred thousand pounds, whereof two hundred thousand pounds to be paid upon the departure of their Army, and the rest within twelve months.  
Much dispute (indeed) they had about this business, yea some high words, but at length four hundred thousand pounds was the sum agreed 
* 1. Septem. Ib. p. 1282.  on; the one half in hand, upon delivery up of the King. Which sum, without more ado, stopped the mouths of those Vultures, and put a period to all this hot contest: All their Oaths and Obligation whereon they had so much insisted, merely to heighten the price of their Sovereign, being then set aside, as 'tis notoriously known.  
Being therefore thus sold, and delivered 
f 28. Jan. Perfect Diurnal. p. 1473 & 1474.  to the Earls of Pembroke, Denbigh, and Lord Mountagu of Boughton; Sir james Harington, Sir john Holland, Sir Walter Earl, Sir john Cook, john Crew Esq and Major General Brown (Commissioners from the Members at Westminster) to be carried to Holdenby-House in Northamptonshire, his Majesty hoped 
g 17. Feb.  that he might have two of his own Chaplains admitted to attend him in this sad and disconsolate condition (having not one servant of his own about him:) but that request would not be granted though again seconded 
h 6. March.   
¶ Thus did the bonny Scots part with their native King, leaving those Northern countries miserably beggared by many grievous Taxes imposed on them by their Army and most lamentable oppressions by Freequarter. Which burdens were so heavy, that the Inhabitants of Cleveland, 
i Ib. p. 1361.  by their petition to the Members at Westminster, and Letter therewith sent, complained that their oppressions were greater than those who suffered by the Turks, both their persons and Estates; those under the Turk being quit for a fifth part, whereas they in one year did pay their whole Revenues seven times over. We are (say 
k Ibid.  they in their Letters) the absolutest slaves that ever was read of: for they assess us at their pleasures; levy as they please. If they bid us go, and ride, none dare refuse. The Kill us in hot blood, beat us in cold, etc. In a word our stock is already wasted, our little corn we had, ill gotten in, by reason of the great moisture: we are now thrashing it for the Scots. We are eating our last bread. Who have been able to get away are gone, etc.  
The perfect Diurnal 
l n. 171.  further adds— The Country puts up many complaints; bedal, a little Town in Yorkshire of 57 li. old Rent; and Ayscough, a lesser Village of 42 li. have put up their several complaints, that they have in less than five months' last passed, paid to the Scots Army quartering upon them almost two thousand pounds, besides former Billettings and Taxes: by which sad sufferings some have left their Houses, others at the point of leaving theirs also.  
L●tters 
m Weekly Account n. 46.  from Richmundshire, did likewise intimate that two Constableries of that County, the Rent whereof amounted to no more than ninety nine pounds per annum, were assessed by the Scottish Army, and paid in Free Quarter no less than nineteen hundred pounds in four months.  
But having made such a fair Market of the King; leaving those Countries thus harrassed, they marched 
n 11. Feb.  back over Tweed, upon the eleventh of February.  
¶ Hereupon the Grandees at Westminster, having (to the view of the World) finished their great work by getting the person of the king into their power, they employed Philip Earl of Pembroke, Basill Earl of Denbigh, Edward Lord Mountagu of Boughton, Sir james Harington, Sir john Holland, and Sir john Cook Baronet's, Sir Walter Earl Knight, john Crew Esq and Major General Brown (as already hath been observed) to bring his Majesty from Newcastle to Holdenby in Northampton- shire. Who coming to Newcastle upon the 22. of january; after their stay there till the last day of that month, they set forwards on the Journey; and on the sixteenth 
o 16. Feb.  of February got to holdenby; where they kept him under a strict restraint (Colonel Richard Greaves, a most confiding Presbyterean, having the chief command of his Guards) not suffering any of his own servants to come near him; no not so much as one Chaplain for performance of such divine offices as common charity could not have denied to the greatest criminal, 
See his observations thereupon in his Eikon Basilike.  though often and earnestly moved by his Majesty thereto. Which being done, they thought of nothing more than singing a Requiem to their Souls.  
In order whereunto, in the first place they concluded 
p 5. March. Perfect Diurnal p. 1509 & 1510.  on the new modelling of their Army, lest the tender Independent, who grew up apace, might otherwise overtop his Presbyterean-parent: and therefore resolved to cull out those who were not Covenant-proof, and send them for Ireland; there to encounter as well with hunger and cold as other miseries and hardships of war: Then to disband others and make a new establishment, consisting of such only as were pure Covenanters, and firm to the good old Cause.  
And next; to the end, that with more plausibility to the people, and security to themselves, they might have the full sway of all; their drift was, to exto● the King's consent (he being then their prisoner) 〈◊〉 this their new designed Dominion. For the accomplishment whereof (according to their wonted practices) they caused a petition 
q 17. March. Ib. p. 1524.  to be exhibited to the two Houses at Westminster, by the Lord Mayor, aldermans, and Common Council of London. Wherein was contained a subtle insinuation of their desires, that God would bring his majesty's, Heart, nearer to his chief and greatest Council (the Parliament) and that he would be persuaded to join with them in the National League and Covenant, and give satisfaction in the Propositions, which the Parliaments of both Nations should make unto him, for the full assurance of his People for the future, and firm establishment of the Peace and Union of the Kingdoms in Church and Commonwealth.  
In which Petition it was also desired, that for security to the Parliament and City, such as had been in opposition to the Parliament (id est, loyal to the King) might be removed out of the City, and kept at a distance from his majesty's Royal presence. Declaring 
r Ib. p. 1525.  likewise to the whole world, that they still were, and resolved to remain in their zeal as fervent to the Parliament as ever: And, according to the Covenant, did next under God rely upon the Wisdom and Justice of the Parliament, for settlement of their Peace and Prosperity.  
And, discerning the Independent-party of the Soldiery beginning to be then predominant, 
Anno 1647.  had drawn the Army nearer to the City of London, than the Grandees at Westminster did well like; it was by them farther petitioned, that the Army might be forthwith removed, and with all convenient speed disbanded: As also, that the Court of Common-Council might have authority to elect Members for the Militia of the City, in pursuance of a former Petition of theirs to that purpose.  
Whereupon, after much debate and quick dispute (the Presbyterean-party in the House being at that time most numerous) it was resolved 
† 27. April. Ib. p. 1569. , that the whole Army, Horse and Foot should be disbanded; only 
* History of Independency p. 33.  five thousand Horse, one thousand Dragoons, and some few Firelocks to be continued in pay, for the safety of this Kingdom; and some to be sent for Ireland.  
Which vote so awakened the Soldiery, that no less than eight Regiments of Horse, soon sent up a Counterpetition 
t 30. April. Perfect Diurnal p. 1572.  to the Parliament, wherein they give reasons why they could not engage, in the service of Ireland: (for thither 'twas resolved they should go upon their disbanding) and complained of many scandalous suggestions, which had been raised against them, and their proceedings: as also, that they saw designs put upon them, and upon many of the Godly party in the Kingdom. Signifying likewise, that they could not engage for Ireland, till they were satisfied in their expectations, and their just desires granted.  
But these things, as yet, being not publicly insisted on, nor owned by any other than the common Soldiers; it was ordered 
v Ibid. , that Major-General Skyppon, Lieutenant-General Cromwell, Commissary-General Ireton, and Colonel Fleetwood, should be speedily sent down to the Army, to acquaint them, that there should be a considerable sum of money provided for them, before their disbanding; and that their Accounts should be audited: as also an Act of Indemnity for all the mischief they had done in the time of war; it being expected, that this bountiful and gracious offer, would quiet their stirring Spirits, and incline them to submit tamely to the pleasure of their great Masters.  
And so confident, at that time, were the Presbyterean-party in the two Houses at Westminster to baffle their Independent offspring, by this artifice of disbanding the Army; that to make room for them in Ireland, upon their riddance here, they framed an Ordinance 
x 11. May. Ibid. p. 1584. , for clearing that Kingdom of those Scottish forces, which were then employed there, as Auxiliaries against the Irish-Rebels. And soon after, did accordingly order 
y 25. May. Ib. p. 1601. , that the Army should be disbanded; beginning first with the General's Regiment (than at Chelmesford in Essex) and that so many of them as would engage for Ireland, should be presently taken on, and a fortnight's pay advanced to them, together with two months pay of their arrears. The like for the rest of the Army, at their respective Rendevouzes.  
But whilst these now distinct parties of Godly men, were thus striving for Masteries; the King, who still was kept at Holdenby, under a most deplorable restraint; (and the whole Kingdom under grievous oppressions) finding no sense at all in them, neither of His, nor his people's miseries, sent his sixteenth Message 
z 12. May. The King's 16th. Message. ; wherein, complaining of his disconsolate condition there; his Servants being denied access to him; none admitted to bring or receive any Letters from him: nor any other but the Parliaments Commissioners (who were then his Spies as well as Guardians) to converse with him: by which means he was not Master of those ordinary Actions, which are the undoubted right of every free-born-man, how mean soever; and so not qualified to make any concessions, nor give Answers (as himself did then most rationally observe,) yet so much was he desirous of peace; that unto those Propositions, which they sent to him at Newcastle, when he was in custody of the Scots (viz. 25. june An. 1646.) and whereupon he then gave a general Answer, with desire to be admitted to treat personally with them at Westminster; that, presuming they might insist upon the same still; he did then, by this his 16th. Message, as to Religion, offer to confirm the Presbyterean-government, the Assembly of Divines at Westminster, and the Directory for three years, being the time required by those Propositions; so that himself and his Household were not hindered from that order in God's service, which they had formerly used. Offering, that a free consultation should be had with those their Divines at Westminster, twenty of his own nomination being added thereto; whereby it might be determined what Government in the Church should be after those three years.  
But, as to the Covenant, he told them, that he was not satisfied therein; desiring, that upon his admission to London, he might be assisted with the advice of such of his own Chaplains, and other Divines, as he should think fit to consult with: farther signifying to them; that the Militia by Sea and Land, in case it were only as a security, for preservation of the peace of his Kingdom (after due performance of all other Agreements, then to be considered of) should be, for the space of ten years, in the hands of such persons, as the two Houses should nominate.  
And as to the prosecution of the War in Ireland (other things being agreed) he would give them satisfaction therein [those being the most material of these Propositions.]  
But, to be short; the guilt of these men, being like that of Cain (greater than in their own opinion could ever be forgiven) they still cried out, that His Majesty was averse to peace, and never yet pleased to accept of any tender, fit for them to make: nor to offer any fit for them to receive. And their preachers were still taught to pray, that God would incline the King's Heart, to come to His Parliament.  
¶ Leaving His Majesty therefore out of all hopes to obtain any good by these his earnest and incessant Messages; I now return to the Grandees of the Army, who had, about this time, a considerable Game to play, (the most active of them being then become Independent) whose main work was to avoid disbanding; yet not to be seen therein, in the least manner themselves. To which end, as at the first beginning of this woeful Rebellion, the rabble and baser sort of people in Scotland, were piped up by the zealous Kirkmen, to lead on the Dance; the Gentry next, and Nobility last (as they discerned the way) following after the same Music: So were the Common-souldiers here taught to appear in opposition to those Orders of the Parliament; whereupon at 
a 25. May. Ibid. p. 1604.  Bury in Suffolk, in the first place they alleged, that they were at that time, no less than fifty six weeks' pay in arreare; so that the eight weeks pay voted, was not a considerable part thereof. Next, that no visible security was given, for what should not then be paid. Thirdly 
b Ib. p. 1605.  that nothing was done for their Vindication: and that having been declared Enemies, and sent home, they might be proceeded against as Enemies, unless that Declaration against the Army of March the XIIIth. was recalled: and therefore they petitioned the General, for a public Rendezvouz, whereat their Grievances might be represented. Whereupon intimation 
c 29. May. Ib. p. 1606.  was given; that, these things considered, there would be a necessity for the officers compliance with the Soldiers, lest that Rendezvouz should otherwise prove tumultuous, and destructive to the Kingdom.  
In which petition; considering the late Order for disbanding, without redressing their Grievances, or vindicating the Army; or calling such persons to account, who had been Intenders or Contrivers of their destruction; they desired, that he would speedily appoint a general Rendezvouz, and to use his utmost endeavour, that they might not be disbanded, before their sad and pressing greivances were heard and fully redressed.  
Which Petition being communicated 
d 30. May. Ib. p. 1608.  by the General to the two Houses at Westminster, did so startle their High and Mightynesses there; that they forthwith ordered 
* 3. June Ib. p. 1611.  to the common Soldiers, all their Arrears, deducting free Quarter, according to the usual Rules of the Army. Also, that the subordinate officers should have the like: and the Commission-officers one months pay more, added to the two formerly voted. Likewise, that the Declaration against the Army (before mentioned) should be rased out of the Journals of both Houses, which was done accordingly. And that there should be an Ordinance drawn up, for their farther satisfaction, in point of Indemnity, with an Ordinance 
f 5. June. of Ibid.  oblivion to boot.   

CHAP. XXIII.  
BUT this Psalm of Placebo, then tuned by the Members at Westminster, did no whit charm the evil Spirit, which was conjured up by the Grandees of the Army amongst the common Soldiers. Who, well knowing how perfidious those Ringleaders of the Rebellion had been to their Leige-lord the King; concluded, that they would approve themselves as faithless to them, when ever it should lie in their power: And therefore, not daring to trust their fair words; they forthwith dispatched away a party, of a thousand Horse, to Holdenby, under the command of one joice, a Cornet (but formerly a Godly Tailor) who arriving there upon Thursday in the night, 
3. June. The King taken from Holdenby.  being the third of june; and having secured the Guards, under which the King was then kept., took away His Majesty the next day, to 
g Ib. p. 1612.  Hinchinbrooke, near Huntingdon.  
Which News so astonished the great men at Westminster; that, having had no small experience of many signal advantages by their counterfeit Humiliations, and Mock-fasts, they herein fell to their old practice, in that kind once more; appointing Wednesday the sixth of june for that purpose; to the end (as their usual canting expressions were) that God would be pleased to give them one Heart, and one mind, in carrying on the great work of the Lord.  
Whereupon their famous Stephen Martial (who was Presbyterianorum antesignanus) the Bell-wether of that blessed flock; with Mr. Strong and Mr. Whitakers (zealous men of the same stamp) were then appointed to pray and preach with the Members, in their own House of Commons, upon that day: the Lords (according to the example of the Commons) appointing others, 
7. June. The King removed to Childersley.  as devout, to do the like in theirs.  
And to court the Soldiers yet more, they passed an additional 
h 7. June. Ib. p. 1620, & Scob. Col. p. 127.  Ordinance to save them harmless by an Act of Oblivion and Pardon, for all things done in the time of War.  
Nay into such a terror were they then stricken; that, in order to the laying of this evil-Spirit in the Army, (so conjured up by the Independent Grandees there) they did (according to their old wont) set on foot a Petition 
i 18. June. Ib. p. 162●.  in the City of London: which being signed by thousands of the Presbyterean-Heard, was brought to the House of Commons by the Sheriffs, accompanied by divers Aldermen and others; desiring that all honourable ways and means, 
9 June. The King removed from Childersley to Newmarket.  might be used for to prevent the farther shedding of blood; and that all just satisfaction might be given to the Army, and all other Soldiers, who had adventured their lives for defence of the Parliament and Kingdom. Likewise, that the Covenant and Agreement of both Nations might be kept; and His majesty's royal person preserved and so disposed of, that the Parliaments of both Kingdoms, might have access unto him, etc.  
Whereupon the House Voted, that an Ordinance should be speedily brought in, according to the desires of the Petitioners. And the same day, they passed a Declaration, for making void their former Declaration 
k Ibid.  of the xiijth. of March, concerning the Army.  
And farther to show, how firm they yet stood to their old Presbyterean-principles, and the Covenant, in order to a blessed Reformation (which was for the extirpating the Religion by Law established in the Church of England) they passed an Ordinance 
l Ibid. & Scob. coll. p. 128. , entitled An Ordinance for recreation of Scholars, Apprentices, and Servants. Whereby, abrogating those ancient Festivals of the Nativity of our blessed Saviour, Easter, Whitsuntide, and all other holidays, which had been (as their said Ordinance expressed) before that time superstitiously observed; they did, instead thereof, allow them the second Thursday in every month throughout the year for their Recreation.  
¶ There is nothing more certain, than that at this time, there was so great a terror upon the Presbyterean-Grandees sitting at Westminster, by reason that the Army had gotten the person of the King into their hands, that they left no likely means unessayed to reconcile the two Interests; viz. the Presbyterean, then predominant in the Parliament, and Independent in the Army, whereof to give particular instances would be too tedious. Nor is it less true, that Cromwell (who all this while sitting at Westminster, and by his trusty confidents called Agitators, actuating the Army) did put them upon all those practices; and, the more to fool his fellow-members, did with the greatest asseverations imaginable, confidently profess his dislike of the Soldier's refractoriness: assuring the House, that if he might have leave to go down to the Army, he would undertake they should submit, and lay down their Arms at the Parliament door.  
Which vain hope did then so far dote most of the Members; that some of them said publicly; that, having done such glorious things for the Parliament (as a chief Commander in the Army 
The Rendezvouz of the Army at Triplo-Heath. ) and now, that he would qualify the Soldiers in this their desperate mutiny, he deserved to have a Statue in Gold.  
But, having by this artifice, obtained liberty to get away; when he came to the Rendezvouz 
m 10. June. Perfect Diurnal p. 1623. , at Triplo-Heath; he did not only approve of all that they had done, but openly joined 
n Hist. Ind. p. 34.  with them in all their bold Engagements, Declarations, Remonstrances, and Manifestos; saying to some in private, that now he had got the King into his Hands, he had the Parliament in his Pocket: but protested his ignorance of the design; adding 
o Ib. p. 35.  an Execration upon his wife and children, in asseverating thereof.  
And, as heretofore the leading-members at Westminster did usually pen petitions, and send them into the City of London, and elsewhere, to be subscribed by those of their party, for countenanceing whatsoever they had a mind to act: so (then) did the Grandees of the Army, not being ignorant what advantages had formerly been made of those devices viz. one from 
p Perfect Diurnal p. 1625.  Essex to the General, in the name of the well-affected-People there: desiring, that in regard of the present unsettled condition of the Kingdom and the design of many to deprive the subject of their liberty, he would not consent to the disbanding of the Army, nor any part thereof, until there should be a general settlement of things in the Kingdom. The like Petitions from 
q Perfect Diurnal p. 1625.  Norfolk and Suffolk, desiring that there might be no disbanding until the general grievances were redressed and justice done.  
But see the dreadful horrors and apprehensions, which attend the Consciences of wicked men in times of distress and danger! No sooner did the Army march from the parts about Triplo towards St. Alban; but the Presbyterean-Members at Westminster, and those of that gang in London, fell into such Agonies; that they forthwith ordered 
r 12. June. Ib. p. 1626.  all the trained-bands in London to be raised upon pain of Death; and strong Guards to be set about the Line: nay, that all the Citizens should shut up their Shops. So that whereas formerly his majesty's incessant Messages to them for peace, were contemned and laid aside; and when they had bought him of the Scots, he must not be suffered to come nearer Westminster (where they hatched all their barbarous contrivances against him) than Holdenby in Northamptonshire; now they voted his coming to Richmund, and did vouchsafe to write Letters to him.  
But alas, too late; Independency being then triumphant, and Presbytery gasping (as you will see by and by) For, in answer to this Vote, it was desired 
† History of Independency p. 36. , that no place might be proposed for his majesty's residence nearer unto London, than where they would allow the Quarters of the Army to be. And, not many days after, a paper 
t 21. June. Perfect Diurnal p. 1612.  was sent to the Houses at Westminster, entitled the Representation of the Army. In which it was in the first place required, that the Houses should be speedily purged of such Members as for their Delinquency (so they were pleased to term it) or for corruptions, 
Anno 1647.  or abuse to the State, etc. ought not tosit there. Which terrible news put the Presbyterean-party upon mustering up all their power; and once for all, to try what one strong blast could do. Whereupon they Voted that the Army should remove forty miles from London.  
But this vote signified very little: for instead of any obedience thereto, the Army presently gave order 
v 23. June. Ib. p. 1625. & Hist. of Indep. p. 37. See the Articles of Impeachment Impr. Lond. for G. Whitaker at the blue Anchor in Cornhill. Anno 1647. 24. June. the King removed from Newmarket to Royston.  for purging the House, by an impeachment of high Treason of all the most able and active men, which stood for the Presbyterean-Interest; viz. Denzill holies, Esq Sir Philip Stapleton, Sir William jews, Sir john Clotworthy, Sir William Waller, Sir john Maynard Knights, Major General Massye, john Glyn, Esq Recorder of London, Walter Long, Esq Colonel Edward Harley, and Anthony nichols, Esq being in number no less than Eleven of their chief Members, who had from the beginning vigorously born the heat of the day.  
Great stickling indeed there was by all their party to have preserved those men still in that holy conclave: but all would not do; for it was clearly discerned 
x History of Independency p. 37.  that by their power in the House, the Ordinance for disbanding the Army did pass. So that to avoid suspending the whole House, it was thought most fit that these men should retire. And so they did 
y 26. June. Perfect Diurnal p. 1627. ; it being high time: for the Army did not stick to threaten 
z History of Independency p. 37.  to march up to Westminster, if those Members were not suspended; courting the City of London to sit Neutrals, and let them work their will with the Parliament.  
This indeed was a stroke almost fatal to the Presbyterean: 
26. June. the King removed from Royston to Hatfield.  for it lost them not only all these leading-men, but a far greater number that stayed: some falling off from that side under colour of clearer Illumination: and some others were so much daunted thereat, that they had not afterwards courage enough to hold up their heads as formerly: But upon the retiring of these Eleven Members, the prosecution of their charge was totally forborn.  
And now that the House was thus purged the greater part of the remaining Members became most obsequious to the Army; and declared 
a 28. June. Perfect Diurnal p. 1630. , that they owned it as their Army, and would make provision for the maintenance thereof: ordering, that so soon as money could be conveniently raised, they should be paid equally with those, who had left the Army.   

CHAP. XXIV.  
HAving thus garbled the House of Commons, 
1. July. The King removed from Hatfield to Windfore.  no wonder it was that the whole Presbyterean-party, every where, became highly incensed: and the rather for that they had so imprudently slipped their opportunity of complying with the king in due time. 
3. July. Thence to Caversham.  For then (when 'twas too late) they would have gladly joined with any Interest to work themselves again into some authority. Which being discerned by the Independents, who then had the King in their Hands; to spoil the Presbyterean-design, they not only fell to Courting His Majesty with great civilities and favours (such, indeed as he never enjoyed, since he fled to the Scots for refuge) admitting 
b 9 July, Ib. p. 1642,  the Duke of Richmond to come and attend him, and two of his own most desired Chaplains: but the people also, by many printed 
c Hist. of Indepen. p. 38.  Books and Papers, spread over all England; and likewise by the Pulpits, whereby they stirred up the vulgar to make loud complaints of their pressures and grievances; and to make addresses to the Army, as their only Saviour's; 
15. July. The King removed from Caversham to Maidenhead.  Restorers of their Laws, Liberties and Proprieties; Setlers of Religion, and Preservers of all just Interests: pretending also to establish the King in his just Rights and Prerogatives; to uphold the Privilege of Parliament; 
Thence to Woburne.  to reform and bring to account all Committees, Sequestrators and others, 
22. July. Thence to Latimers.  who had defiled their fingers with public moneys; and to free the people from Excise and other Taxes.  
Seeing therefore that the work of Reformation was now thus obstructed by the Seraphic Brethren here, who walked by more new and clear Lights; those in Scotland grew so highly moved thereat, that they indicted 
d 25. July. Perfect Occurrences, p. 199.  a public Fast, and solemn day of Humiliation, to be kept throughout the whole Kirk of that Kingdom; setting forth a Declaration of the Causes moving them thereunto, the Copy whereof I have thought fit here to insert.  
1.— That, notwithstanding our solemn Engagement in the Covenant; our Obligations for great and singular mercies, and our many warnings by judgements of all sorts: yet, not only do we come far short of that sobriety, Righteousness, and Holiness, that becometh the Gospel of jesus Christ: but ungodliness and worldly lusts abound every where throughout the land, unto the grieving of the Lord's Spirit, and provoking of the eyes of his glory, and to make him increase his plagues upon us; and to punish us seven times more, because we continue to walk contrary unto him.  
2. That the Lord's hand is still stretched out against us, in the judgement of the Pestilence, which spreads not only in several parts of the Country; but continueth and increaseth in many of the most eminent Cities of the Kingdom.  
3. The great danger that threatens Religion and the work of Reformation, in these Kingdoms, for the number, power, and policy of the Secretaries in England; which are like, not only to interrupt the progress of uniformity, and the establishment of the Ordinances of God, in their beauty and perfection; but to overturn the foundation already laid, and all that hath been built thereupon, with the expense of so much blood and pains.  
And therefore we are earnestly to pray to the Lord, that the solemn League and Covenant may be kept fast and inviolable, notwithstanding all the purposes and endeavours of open Enemies, and secret underminigs to the contrary.  
We are to entreat the Lord, on the behalf of the King's Majesty, that he may be reconciled to God; and that he may be now furnished with wisdom and council from above, that he be not involved in new snares, to the endangering of himself and these Kingdoms; but that his Heart may incline to such resolutions, as will contribute for settling of Religion and Righteousness.  
We are also to entreat the Lord, on the behalf of the Parliament of England; of the Synod of Divines; and of all such in that Land, as do unfeignedly mind the work of God; that they may not be discouraged nor swerve in the day of temptation; but that every of them in their Stations, and according to their places and callings, may be furnished with Light and Strength from Heaven, for doing of their duty with faithfulness and zeal.  
We are to supplicate for direction to our Committee of Estates, that they may discern the times, and know what is fitting to be done, for securing ourselves and encouraging our Brethren.  
We are to pray for a Spirit of Light, of Love unto our Assembly, that they may be instrumental in preserving Truth, and advancing Holiness amongst ourselves; and for carrying on the work of God amongst our Neighbours.  
That the Lord would pour out upon all sorts of persons, in these Kingdoms, a Spirit of Grace and Supplication, that it may repent us of all our Iniquities; and that we may be reconciled unto the Lord; that so all tokens of his wrath may be removed from amongst us, and he may bless us with the sweet fruits of Truth and Peace.  
It cannot easily be thought, but that the Scots did somewhat more than fast and pray, considering the desperate condition wherein their Covenanting-brethrens, especially at Westminster and in London, then stood; and that the great work of Reformation (as they called it) lay in such hazard. But, at such a distance what more could soon be expected, than that they should by the help of the zealous Preachers, earnestly incite the Covenanters in London, to bestir themselves; and put more courage into those drooping Members, who (after the late purge) were then left in the House, which (for certain) they underhand in some sort did; and were like enough, above board, to have done much more; considering that by an Ordinance 
* Hist. of Ind. p. 40.  of May the 4th. then past, the Militia of that great City was established in the hands of such persons as were nominated by the Lord Mayor, aldermans, and Common-Council there. To secure themselves therefore against this imminent danger, the Army were necessitated, by picking a quarrel 
f Ib. p. 39 & p. 40.  with the City, to wrest the Militia out of their hands, and then totally to cleanse the House at Westminster of the remaining Presbyterean-humour, by a stronger purge than it formerly had.  
In order whereunto, there was a Letter 
g Ibid.  forthwith sent from General Fairfax and the Army, together with a Remonstrance to the Houses at Westminster, demanding the Militia of the City, to be put into their Hands. Whereupon the House of Commons tamely and readily voted 
h Ibid.  the repealing of that Ordinance of May the 4th. and presently passed a new Ordinance, for reviving the old Militia; and transmitted it to the Lords.  
Which unexpected change caused the City to meet 
i 24. July. Ib. p. 41.  in Common-Council, and to resolve of Petitioning the Parliament again therein, within two days following. And so they did 
k 26. July. Ib.  by their Sheriffs, and some of the Common-Council. But, to second this Petition there followed them (within three hours) some thousands of Apprentices, and other stout fellows with another Petition, whereby they claimed the Militia as the city's Birthright by sundry Charters, confirmed in former Parliaments: for defence whereof they alleged, that they had adventured their Lives as far as the Army: and thereupon desired, that the Militia might be put again into the same Hands, in which it was put with the Parliament and city's consent upon the 4th. of May. And this they did in so tumultuous a fashion, that the Lords (who were then but seven in number) presently granted it.  
And having so done, and sent it to the Commons, slipping out by a postern, went themselves away by water. But the Commons having no mind to displease the Army, refused to do the like; and angrily bade the Apprentices to be gone, intending to rise and adjourn themselves. Which purpose of theirs being discerned by those youngsters, was by them soon prevented, by shutting up their doors, and peremptorily requiring their compliance with the Lords. The Commons therefore seeing themselves in this straight, did at length (with much unwillingness) yield to the importunity of these their bold Suitors: and, not only so, but were by them forced to pass a farther vote; which was, that the King should be admitted to come to London to treat.  
But this uproar being made known to the Grandees of the Army, the greatest advantage imaginable was made thereof. For the confiding Members, being thereupon sent for to the Army, fled 
l 29. July. Ib. p. 43.  to the Headquarters at Windsor within three days after; the Speaker also bearing them Company; who, having cozened the State of vast sums of Money, was threatened with an Impeachment if he did not come with them.  
Of the House of Commons that so fled 
m Ibid.  to the Army, the number was said to be above forty: and of the Lords which came after, the names were these; viz. 
n Perfect Diurnal p. 1686. & 1688.  the Earls of Northumberland, Warwick, Manchester, Salisbury, Kent, Moulgrave, the Viscount Say and Sele; the Lords Grey of Work, Wharton and Howard of Escrick.  
Of the House of Lords that stayed, the Lord Willoughby of Parham was made Speaker.  
But of the Commons, there was about one hundred and forty; who coming to the House, and missing their old Speaker, and the Sergeant at Mace which usually attended, chose 
o Hist. Indc. ut supra.  Mr. Henry Pelham to be their new Speaker, and another Sergeant to attend him. Which number being all of the old Covenanting flock, and yet not further illuminated, proceeded to do and act as a Parliament: first voting 
p Ib. p. 44.  in their old companions, called the Eleven impeached Members. Next, setting up a Committee of Safety, enabling them to join with the Committee of the restored City-Militia; and giving them power to list and raise forces, 
30. July. The King removed from latimer's to Stokepogeys.  appoint Commanders and Officers; and issue forth Arms and Ammunition, for defence of both Houses and the City, against all that should invade them. And, in the neck of these Votes, came out a Declaration 
q 30. July. The kingdom's Intelligences. p. 617.  of the City; which the Lords and Commons, then sitting at Westminster ordered to be published throughout all England and Wales; wherein (after a large preamble) they went on thus;  
— We do, in the presence of Almighty-God, profess, that there is nothing in the world, that we more desire, than that His Majesty may be put and left free, in such an honourable condition and capacity, as his person may appear to be at Liberty, to receive and treat upon such Propositions, as shall be presented unto him from the Parliaments of both Kingdoms: for our Consciences tell us, that whilst his royal person is environed by an Army, and remains under the power thereof, we cannot expect that either His majesty's Princely Heart, can give that free assent unto those things, which shall be propounded unto him, as is requisite: or if he do, cannot hope, with good reason, that we and our posterity shall, without alteration enjoy the same: And therefore we are resolved; earnestly (yet with humility) to apply ourselves to the Parliament, to this purpose: and hope, that all good Subjects, who are touched with any sense of that duty and allegiance, which by the Law of God and man, they owe unto the King, will unanimously join with us therein.  
We cannot omit also to declare unto the Kingdom, how we have sadly observed, since the Eleven accused Members withdrew themselves; and that the Army hath daily grown upon the Parliament; that a great and considerable number of other Members of the House of Commons, have also retired themselves, to the endangering of the Kingdom, which never more needed a full Council: And, therefore, we shall make our speedy address to the honourable House of Commons, to call in all the Members of their House, residing in the Army, or retired to their dwellings, by leave of the House or otherwise. And we shall particularly insist upon the readmission of the Eleven Members, lately driven out of the House of Commons, by the violent pursuit of the Army, contrary to the sense of the same House, the Law of the Land, and the Privileges of Parliament: wherein also we are confident, all good Englishmen, and Lovers of their Country, will adhere unto them and us, etc.  
And we declare, that we sincerely desire an happy and speedy Peace, by the settlement of true Religion in this Kingdom; by re-establishing His Majesty in his just Rights and Authority; by upholding all lawful Privileges of a free Parliament; by maintaining the Fundamental Laws of the Land; by restoring and securing the Subject unto, and in his just liberty and property; and, by freeing the long oppressed Kingdom of all Taxes, and enforced free Quarter, towards the maintenance of an Army, which of a long time hath had no visible Enemy to encounter. And from this Resolution (by the blessing of God) we shall never recede, for any earthly consideration, or advantage whatsoever.  
But whilst the Citizens were thus Declaring, and the Members very busy at Westminster, the Fugitives (for so they then called them that were fled to the Army) were not idle at Windsor; for there they sat in consultation with the Council of War, and signed an Engagement 
r History of Independency p. 44.  to live and die with General Fairfax, and the Army under his Command: as also a Remonstrance, showing the grounds of their intended advance towards London; Declaring 
† Ib. p. 45.  against the choice of the new Speaker at Westminster; and that, as things than stood, there was no free-Parliament sitting; being, through the violence done, on the twenty sixth of july before, wholly suspended: as also, that whatsoever Orders or Votes, had passed since that time, they should be null and void, and not at all submitted unto.  
With the Army thus marching towards the City, also joined 
t Ibid. The Army marcheth towards London.  the Trained Bands of some Countries (viz. Kent, Essex and Surrey) which put the Covenanting Brethren into such dreadful apprehensions, and panic fears; as that they often sent Commissioners to mediate for peace, but could obtain no other terms, than 
v Ib. p. 46.  that they must desert the Members sitting at Westminster; as also the Eleven, formerly impeached. Moreover, that they should call in their Declaration, then newly printed and published; Relinquish the Militia; Deliver up all their Forts, and Line of Communication to the Army, together with the Tower of London, and all the Magazines of Arms therein; Disband all their Forces; Turn all the Reformadoes out of the Line; withdraw all their Guards from the Houses; Receive such Guards of Horse and Foot, within the Line, as the Army should appoint to guard the Houses; Demolish their works; and suffer the whole Army to march in triumph through the City.  
Unto all which they forthwith tamely yielded, as may seem from those poor, pitiful, abject and slavish Expressions, made by the Lord Mayor, aldermans and Common-Council, then sent to General Fairfax; in these words 
x Perfect Diurnal. p. 1689. — And, forasmuch as we observe, that the chief cause, which hath drawn you Excellency and your Army thus near the City, is to bring home those noble and honourable Memebers' of both Houses; who, because of the Tumults at Westminster the twenty sixth past, have retired themselves, to the end they may by you be placed in safety, and in a free-Parliament at Westminster; we cheerfully and heartily join with your Excellency therein: and, according as we shall find directions from your Excellency, they shall find all ports and passes open, to receive you and them: and also such Guards of two or three Regiments, as you Excellency shall think fitting for their conduct to the two Houses of Parliament. And the Parliament being set with Peace and Safety, we shall humbly submit to their direction, what forces of yours and ours to continue for their future Guard; in which service we humbly offer the whole strength of this City.  
Whereupon on Hounslow- Heath the Army drew 
y 3. Aug. Ib. p. 1688.  up in Battalions, there being present the Earls of Northumberland, Salisbury, Kent, and Moulgrave; the Viscount Say and Sele; the Lord Grace of work, the Lord Howard of Escrick, and Lord Wharton; the Speaker also of the House of Commons, and about one hundred Members of that House. Where the Common-Souldiers were taught to make great Shouts; and cry Lords and Commons, and a free-Parliament.  
From whence, upon the sixth of August, the General brought 
z 6. Aug. Hist. of Ind. p. 46.  the fugitive Members with a strong party to the Parliament House (the two Pallace-yards being filled with armed Guards, and double Files placed throughout Westminster-Hall, to the stairs of the House of Commons; and so through the Court of Requests to the Lords House) put the Speakers in their respective chayrs; and set himself in a Chair of State: where he had great Thanks given him by the Speakers of both Houses.  
Which being done, a public day of Thanksgiving was appointed for this happy restoration of them to their old Seats again, Sir Thomas Fairfax voted 
a Ib. p. 47.  Generalissimo of all the Forces and Forts throughout England and Wales, and Constable of the Tower of London; and the Common-Souldiers one month's gratuity, besides their pay. And on the next day following, the whole Army marched 
b 7. Aug. Ibid.  triumphantly through London, with their Train of Artillery, and soon after demolished 
c Ib. p. 48.  the Lines of Communication, environing that great City.   

CHAP. XXV.  
AND now that the Fugitive-members were thus brought again to the House, the chief business was to make null and void all that was acted by those that sat in their absence. But in debating 
d Ib. p. 49, & 50.  thereof, the presbyterians held up most stoutly; insisting with great courage on the validity of them: Insomuch as the Speaker, finding it difficult for the Fugitives to carry the Votes, by strength of Reason or Number; showed forth a Letter 
* Ib. & Perfect Diurnal p. 1705. & 1706.  from the General of the Army, accompanied with a Remonstrance, full of high language, and not without threats against those that sat whilst the two Speakers were with the Army calling them Pretended Members; and laying to their charge in general, Treason, Treachery, and breach of Trust: and protesting that if they should presume to sit, before they had cleared themselves that they did not give their assents to some certain Votes, they should sit at their peril; and that he would take them as Prisoners of War, and try them at a Council of War.  
Which Letter, 
14. Aug. The King removed from Stoke-pogeis to oatland's.  though it did not a little startle the Presbyterean-Members: yet were they loath to leave the House, having sat there so long as absolute Dictator's. In order therefore to their continuance within those walls, it was earnestly moved 
f Hist. of Indepen. p. 50.  by some of them, that the Speaker should command a general meeting of the whole House, upon the next day, and declare that they should be secured from danger; as also that no more than the ordinary Guards might then attend the House.  
But these motions were violently opposed, with shrewd menaces by the Independent-Members; the Speaker also declining to put any Question therein, and adjourning till the morrow; so that the presbyterians were left to come again at their peril. Which hazard of their safety, occasioned a very thin House the next day, many of that party absenting themselves: and of those which came, 'twas observed, that some tacked about to the other side, and some sat mute.  
At last a Committee was appointed 
g Ibid.  to bring in an Ordinance of Accommodation (as they called it) but more properly the Ordinance of Null an Void; which damned all the Votes, Orders, and Ordinances passed in the House, from the xxujth. of july (that the Apprentices forced the Members, then sitting, to vote and do as they required) until the sixth of August, that those Members, which fled to the Army were brought in Triumph again to the House. Which Ordinance, within few days, was passed 
h 2c. August. Ib. p. 52. Scob. coll. p. 128. . And soon after that, another 
i 23. Aug. Ib. p. 131. 23. Aug. The King removed from oatland's to Syon-house, where he dined; Thence to Hampton-Court.  wholesome one, for establishing of well affected Ministers in sequestered Live.  
But though this Ordinance of Null and Void, was thus passed, the Independent-party thought not themselves secure enough; and therefore erected 
k Hist. of Ind. p. 53.  a Committee of Examinations; to inquire into and examine who they were that had been active in procuring the City Petition, and Engagement to be subscribed; or instrumental in that force upon the House, on the twenty sixth of july before mentioned, or in any other endeavour to raise forces.  
Which Committee hunted so close after them that had been busy therein, that Sir john Maynard 
l 7. Septem. Perfect Diurnal p. 1728.  Knt. of the Bath (a Member of the House of Commons james Earl of Suffolk, Theophilus Earl of Lincoln, james Earl of Middlesex, john Lord Hunsdon, George Lord Berkley, William Lord Maynard, and Francis Lord Willoughby of Parham were all of them impeached 
m S. Sept. Ib. p. 1729.  of High Treason, in the name of the Commons of England for levying war against the King, Parliament, and Kingdom; Sir john Maynard being thereupon committed 
n Ibid.  to the Tower, and the Lords to the custody of the usher with the Black-rod. And, to the end, that this now predominant-party might the more engage the Common people, to join with them, upon occasion, Agitators were employed into several Counties, for getting Subscriptions to Petitions against Tithes; Enclosures; and Copy-hold-sines which were uncertain.  
¶ Being thus entering upon one of the last Scenes in this most woeful Tragedy; I must look back a little; and, from what hath been said, summarily observe; first that however specious and plausible the Protestations, Vows, and Declarations of these monstrous men have otherwise been; their chief design originally was to destroy and extirpate Monarchy, in all His majesty's Realms and Dominions. Secondly; that, when by the assistance of the giddy-multitude (deluded and captivated with many glorious promises) they had got the sway of all into their Hands; they most traitorously murdered the King in his politic capacity; setting him totally aside, as to Authority and Rule; and inhumanely burying him alive, by a severe and barbarous imprisonment, most insolently took the reins of Government into their own usurping power.  
Next, that as Ambition and Avarice eagerly incited some Grandees of the faction to shoulder out the rest, from sharing with them in the spoil they had got; though no less active than themselves, in accomplishing the general ruin: the like haughty and covetous desires prompted others, to be no less solicitous for their own temporal advantage. So that, as the Reformation of miscarriages and corruptions in Government, was at first cried up by the Presbyterean-brethrens; and nothing in stead thereof exercised but oppression and destruction: So likewise, under as fair and plausible pretences, the power was soon wrested from that seeming Holy Generation, by the more Seraphick-Saints of the Independent Tribe; who, captivating the soldiery at last, as the presbyterians had done the people at first by their splended allurements, with an imaginary Happiness; got the King by that means, into their own cruel Hands: and then subjugating the City of London (which had been both Mother and Nurse to that Imparalleled Rebellion) made the remainder of their Task the less difficult.  
And as this grand work was originally begun by the presbyterians, under the Popular name of a Blessed-Parliament (by which subtle Enchantment the vulgar were at first most cunningly abused) and pursued to the utter subversion of the King's regal power. So was it carried on by the Independent to the last (as by and by shall be manifested) until it became thoroughly completed in the horrid murder of his royal person: towards the perpetration of which prodigious Fact, I shall now briefly show, by what degrees and steps they did most audaciously proceed.   

CHAP. XXVI.  
HAving thus subjugated the City, and purged the two Houses at Westminster, (as is already observed) they then put on a Presbyterean-cloak for a while; and under that disguise, pretending their desire to make peace with the King, presented 
o 7. Septem. Perfect Diurnal p. 1727.  him with the same Propositions (in effect) as he had formerly received from the Grandees at Westminster, when he lay at Newcastle, in custody of the Scots  
Whereunto he made answer 
p 9 Sept. Ibid.  that unto some of them he could not consent without violation of his Conscience and Honour: nor to some others, for that they were disagreeable to the present condition of affairs as things than stood, and destructive to the main and principal Interests of the Army, and of all those whose affections concurred with them: And therefore desired that the Proposals of the Army might be likewise treated on, in order to the settling of a lasting peace; still urging his desires of a personal Treaty.  
But to this, vouchsafing him no reply at all, they cast off that veil and proceeded yet farther in bridling the City, by Impeaching 
q 24. Sept. Perfect Diurnal p. 1748.  the Lord Mayor, divers aldermans, and some eminent Citizens, for having an Hand in the Petition, Engagement, and Force upon the House of Commons upon the xxvith. of july beforementioned; who were thereupon committed 
r 25. Sept. Ibid.  to the Tower.  
About this time also, for the better encouragement of those that had a mind to buy Bishops Lands, they passed an Ordinance 
† 23. Sept. Scob. coll. p. 133.  whereby the Purchasers were promised to have their Bargains confirmed under the great Seal of England. And to the end that the multitude of Wild-headed Schismatics (Limbs of this monstrous Independent-Body) whose help they might need at a desperate pinch, might propagate the more throughout all parts of the Nation, a Petition 
t 6. Oct. Perfect Diurnal p. 1761.  was framed, and Subscriptions got to it, by many thousands of the Godly-party in the City of London, and presented to the Houses at Westminster, for sending of able gifted men (as they called them) though not of the Clergy to preach the Gospel throughout the whole Kingdom. Whereupon Thanks 
v Ib.  was returned to the Petitioners, by the Houses.  
About this time likewise an Ordinance was brought 
x Ib.  in to the House of Commons, for settling the Church-Government, in a Presbyterean-way, with a Clause for tender Consciences, and such as were Godly, and made Conscience of their ways. Wherein, upon large debate had, it was resolved 
y Ib. p. 1770. , that all manner of Sects should partake of this Indulgence, excepting those of the Church of Rome, and such 
z Ib. p. 1772.  as should make use of the Common-prayer, according to Law established in the Church of England.  
It is not the least observable; that, as at this time the Independent Grandees were laying the foundation of their own future dominion: So the Presbyterean old-Covenanters in Scotland to make a loud noise, as appears by a Letter 
a 6. Nou. Ib. p. 1796.  from their Commissioners (then residing at Westminster) sent to the two Houses of Parliament, chiefly concerning their Lord and Sovereign the King (for so they called him) wherein they took notice, that he was still under the power of the Army; and of the many Professions and Engagements made by the said Houses to the Kingdom of Scotland; viz. that they would take care of the preservation of his person, and of his just Power and Greateness, which both Kingdoms had sworn (as that Letter did import) not to diminish. Also, that they were Informed of some intentions by the Army, to remove His Majesty from Hampton-Court. And finding that their stability and happiness did so much depend upon the safety and preservation of his royal person; being resolved that the alteration of affairs, should never ☜ separate them from the duty and allegiance they did owe unto him; nor from their constant resolution to live in all loyalty under his Government; they had often shown their earnest desires, and contributed their utmost endeavours, towards the composure of those unhappy differences. And, that the Houses at Westminster, having by their Votes of October the xxvith. intimated unto them their resolution to apply themselves to His Majesty: as also, that they were preparing Propositions to be tendered to him; they desired that they might be expedited, and communicated to them; that, according to their many Engagements, and relations, there might still be a conjunction of Councils in those things which were for the Common-peace, and joint Interest of both Kingdoms: And therefore, that for the assisting of them, in clearing His majesty's doubts, and for giving mutual satisfaction to each other; they desired, in the name of the Kingdom of Scotland, that there might be a Personal Treaty with His Majesty, as the best and readyest means to obtain the joint desires of both Kingdoms: And, to that end, that the King might be invited to come to London, with that Honour, Freedom and respect, as was due to His Majesty; or at least, remain at Hampton-Court, and not to be under the power and restraint of the Soldiers.  
But this project of the Scots for a Personal Treaty, which might in any sort tend to the good of His Majesty or the people, was then set on foot too late; the Grandees of the Army, at that time driving on another design, in order to his absolute destruction; wherein the common Soldiers were to act their parts, by those pernicious Instruments, called Adjutators: which was by making show to frame certain Articles, in order for settling the Liberties of the people, and Interest of the Army; and this to be called the Agreement of the people. 
The agreement of the people.   
To which end they changed their Guards; putting such upon him as were more strict, and discharging well nigh all his Servants, whom they had formerly admitted to wait on him. The tenor of which Instrument, called the Agreement of the people was to this effect.  
1. That there should be a more equal distribution, by Counties, Cities and Boroughs, for election of their Representatives in Parliament.  
2. That the Parliament, then sitting, should be dissolved upon the last day of September, anno 1648. than next ensuing.  
3. That the people might, of course, choose a Parliament for themselves every two year; and to begin on the first Thursday in April, than next following, and to end upon the last of September ensuing.  
4. That 
b Ib. p. 1799.  the people were thenceforth to be declared the Supream-power, whereunto that, and all future Representatives should be subordinate and accountable.  
This not pleasing the Members at Westminster, was by them voted to be the very destruction of the Parliament, and fundamental Laws of this Kingdom; But no less active were they themselves (though in private) in framing an Impeachment against the King, by the name of Charles Stuart; a Committee being appointed to collect together all His majesty's Letters, and other Papers taken at Navesby, or elsewhere; to the end they might be ready, when the House should have occasion to use them: Yet all this while Cromwell (who was the very Soul of that party) did so play the Ambidexter, that he sometimes made show to the King, how well he was pleased with his late Answer to those Propositions from the Houses at Westminster, in that he seemed more to approve of the Armies Proposals, than those from thence: At other, heightening the Grandees there, by all the subtleties imaginable against His majesty's Answer: But privately spurring on the Agitators to the greatest fierceness that might be: yet whispering to the King such a fear of their unrulyness, as that His Majesty stood in no little danger to be clandestinely murdered by the Hand of some hot-spirited Enthusiast.   

CHAP. XXVII.  
AND here to enlarge a little farther upon this grand Impostor Cromwell (from the relation of a person of credit, who was at that time a confident of his) I shall observe; that when the King was on the way from Holdenby with that body of Horse commanded by joice (as before hath been observed) the Headquarters of the Army were at Kenton in Cambridgshire, about three miles from Newmarket, where Fairfax the General, being walked out with one of his Officers, having speedy advertisement thereof, by one that came with all possible haste from thence, he presently returned back to the Town, where he found Cromwell and Watson a Scout-master (immediately come from the Parliament) newly alighted off their Horses.  
To whom imparting the News, Cromwell seeming not a little surprised therewith, absolutely dissavowed any knowledge thereof: but forthwith concluded with the General to dispatch a special Messenger presently away, to prevent His majesty's being brought to the Army. Whereupon the Messenger, hasting away with that errand, met the King about two miles from Childerley, and there acquainting His Majesty that the General and Lieutenant General thought it not safe, that he should at that time come to Kenton or Newmarket, advised for the present, that he should lodge at Childerley, where the Lady Cuts then lived, and had fit accommodation for him. Which being, by His Majesty assented to, he rested there that night.  
Whereupon Fairfax and Cromwell coming thither on the next day, 1647. and behaving themselves with all obsequiousness to him; he asked them by whose authority he was thus taken from Holdenby, the Commissioners which were put there as a Guard upon him, knowing nothing from their Masters at Westminster of any Order for the same. Whereunto they answered, that it was not by any direction from either of them; and with no little confidence seemed to dislike the Action. To whom the King replied; If then you do not hang up Joyce, I will not believe you; desiring to go to his own House at Newmarket, whereunto they assented; and using very large expressions of fidelity to him, removed His Majesty thither, within few days after.  
There it was that Cromwell first gave him hopes of his restoration, and that he would be cordially instrumental therein; and, as an earnest thereof permitted divers of his own trusty Servants and Chaplains to come and serve him in their respective places: All which had been formerly denied him, as well by those Parliament-Commissioners who were placed over him upon his remove from Newcastle, as by the Scots for the time he was in their Hands.  
After which being carried from place to place (as hath been already observed) he was brought at length to Hampton-Court, and continually fed with fair promises, and great hopes by Cromwell, that he should be restored to his just rights; Commissary-general Ireton (who had married Cromwell's daughter, and had the most power with him of any, as is well known) being totally averse to the Presbyterean-government, which the then predominant party in Parliament had resolved to set up: Boldly expressing at Colebrook (but in private) so great an indignation against it, and such an entire affection to the King, out of a seeming hearty sense of his patient sufferings and unparallelled condiscensions; that rather than His Majesty should continue thus enslaved by that vile party, if but five men would join with him, he would adventure his life in order to his restoration; Cromwell himself, having for the same reasons afterwards at Putney, solemnly professed; that if but ten men would stick to him, he would hazard his life and fortune for him upon the same score, or words to that effect.  
Being thus at Hampton-Court, where the like unreasonable and enslaving Propositions were brought to him from the Members at Westminster, as he had received from them when he was at Newcastle and Holdenby, having no small hopes of his restoration, through the power of Cromwell, who had the greatest influence on the Army: and being well ware that the predominant party in Parliament did still aim at the establishing themselves in a perpetual dominion: as also, that, in order thereto they did resolve so to garble the Army, according to their own Interest, so that the strength thereof might be broke in pieces, and a new model set up, consisting of those, who should hold firm to the Covenant; His Majesty plainly foreseeing how destructive this must needs be, not only to himself and his royal family, but to Monarchick government, thought fit in his Answer to those their Proposals, to take care of the Armies' interest, which he then looked upon as the better friends to himself and the public.  
But before he would fully resolve what Answer to make, called that person to him from whom I had this relation, (he being a great officer under Cromwell, and in much esteem with him;) and told him he must resolve him a short Question; which was, whether he could assure him, that Cromwell was the same in his Heart to him, as he had by his Tongue so freely and frequently professed himself to be. At which Question that person being not a little startled; and fearing the danger of an uncertain and unsafe Answer, entreated respite till the next day at Noon. Which being given him, he went privily that night to Cromwell, then in bed at Putney; and acquainting him freely with the occasion of coming to him at such a time, Cromwell in brief assured him, that he did really and uprightly intent from his Heart, to perform the same to his utmost, which he had formerly so often professed to His Majesty that he would do; which was the full restoring and establishing him in his just and lawful rights: imprecating, that neither himself, his wife or children might ever prosper, if he did not perform what he had so promised, in case the Army remained an Army: and if not they were obliged to fall with him: and that he would stand by him if there were but ten men besides that would adhere to him, with most bitter reflections upon that rigid party in Parliament, which by their Presbyterean principles and practices did merely design to enslave him.  
But notwithstanding all this assurance, that person was so cautious, that he conditioned with Cromwell, that, if any thing should thenceforth happen, which might hinder the real accomplishment of this his fair design, that His Majesty might have timely notice thereof, to the end he might endeavour to avoid the danger, which being assented to, he returned to His Majesty with a cheerful countenance (not at all suspecting the least to the contrary) and imparted to him the substance of what had then passed betwixt them. Whereupon the King, framing his Answer to those Proposals from the Parliament (so brought to him as abovesaid) sent it by the same person to Cromwell and Ireton to be perused, with liberty to add or alter what they should think fit. Which being done by them, and returned to His Majesty, he wrote it a new and sent it to Westminster.  
But see now the horrid perfidiousness of Cromwell and Ireton. No sooner was this candid and gracious Answer from the King Imparted to the House of Commons, but that both of them appeared with the highest in their bitter invectives against it. The News whereof being forthwith brought to the King, he called for the person, who had been so lately with Cromwell, and acquainting him therewith, sent him back to Cromwell to require a reason thereof. Whose answer was, that what he had then said in the House of Commons, was to sound the depth of those virulent humours, wherewith the presbyterians, whom he knew to be no friends to the King were possessed with all: But after that time he never came more to His Majesty.  
That person therefore, whom the King had so employed to Cromwell, observing thus much, made it his chief business to find out the Councils and designs of the principal Officers of the Army at Putney: and discerning at length how dangerous they were in reference to His Majesty, gave him private Advertisement thereof, to the end he might consider which way best to preserve himself. Whereupon, resolving to get privately from Hampton-Court to the City of London, the same person (so employed as abovesaid) undertook to find him out a secure lodging there: and, accordingly leaving him, did provide such a one; His Majesty determining, that so soon as he should get safe thither, to let him have knowledge thereof.  
And now at length, being fully sensible of what he had so long feared: which was, that notwithstanding his own clear and candid dealing with them in all respects; and that he did so far rely upon them, that he had strictly prohibited all those of his faithful subjects, who had served in his Arms, that they should not join with the Scots, in case they should raise any forces in order to his pretended restoration, as Cromwell seemed to suspect that they might (though nothing less would have been the effects thereof, considering they stuck so close to their solemn League and Covenant:) he was to expect no better than destruction and ruin to himself and his posterity, and absolute slavery to all his good Subjects; he caused a Boat to be privately brought to the Riverside; and upon the eleventh of November, 
The King went from Hampton-Court towards the Isle of Wight, 11. Novem.  about the beginning of the night, went alone from the Privy-lodgings, through a Door where no Guard stood, into the Park; and so crossing the Thames landed at Ditton; where Sir john Berkley (afterwards Lord Berkley) Mr. john Ashburnham and Colonel William Legg (sometime Grooms of his Bedchamber) were placed with Horses.  
But so it happened, that when the King was got on Shore, and had stayed some time for them, Mr. Ashburnham dissuaded him from going to London, and led him into Hantshire, where His Majesty demanding of him, to what place he intended to conduct him; he answered into the Isle of Wight, whereof Colonel Hamond was then Governor, in whom Mr. Ashburnham had no little confidence.  
To which His Majesty replied, that he would not adventure himself thither; unless he might have sufficient assurance, under the governor's hand, for his security from any danger; and thereupon sent Mr. Ashburnham and Sir john Berkley into the Isle, to treat with Hamond to that purpose, staying himself at Lichfield- house (belonging to the Earl of Southampton) with Colonel Legg, till they returned: strictly charging them, that they should not let Hamond know where he was, unless he would give him full assurance under his Hand, for his freedom, and return thence when he pleased.  
But, instead of observing these His majesty's directions, they came back, and brought Hamond with them. And being come to Lichfield, went to the King (then in his Bedchamber) leaving Hamond below, telling His Majesty what they had done; whereat the King, being not a little amazed, asked them if they had a promise under Hamond's hand, for his security; and they replying No, but th●● he would approve himself a man of Honour, He plainly told them, that they had betrayed him, or words to that purpose, concluding then, that he was no better than his prisoner.  
Which sharp resentment of his condition, 〈…〉 them so near, that they offered to kill Hamond, 〈◊〉 take some other course for His majesty's safety. But to this their vain proposal the King did utterly refuse to assent, rather choosing to yield up himself a Sacrifice (as he afterwards was made) to those bloud-thirsty-men, who had resolved his destruction, and subversion of the Government, than to be guilty of assenting to take away the life of that one Rebel in cold blood. And putting himself thereupon into the hands of that unworthy person, was by him kept in no better condition than a prisoner, until he was by his consent taken away by the direction of Cromwell, and the rest of those bloody Regicides, who brought him to the Block, as we shall see anon. But I return.  
At his departure from Hampton-Court he left in his withdrawing-room a Letter directed to the Commissioners which attended him there, to be communicated to both Houses of Parliament; the effect whereof was to tell them, that he had with great patience endured a tedious restraint; which he did willingly undergo, whilst he had any hopes that it might conduce to the peace of the Kingdoms: but then finding by too certain proofs, that this his continued patience, would not only turn to his personal ruin, but be of much more prejudice than furtherance of the public good; he did conceive, that he was bound, as well by natural as political obligations, to seek his safety, by retiring himself for some time from the public view both of his friends and enemies: challenging the judgement of all indifferent men, if he had not just cause to free himself from the hands of those who did change their Principles with their condition; earnestly urging, that all just Interests (viz. Presbyterean, Independent; Army, and Scots) might be heard, together with himself, with Honour, Freedom, and Safety: and then, that he would instantly break through that cloud of retirement, and show himself to be really Pater patriae.  
In this Letter of his majesty's (who unparallelled Sufferings had raised his Observations to an higher pitch than some who have been much magnified for their Wisdom did ever reach) it is to be noted, that he saw he had just cause to free himself from the Hands of those who did change their principles with their condition. Now, lest this his expression should be thought to have reference merely to the Independents, in whose power he then was; it will not be amiss to consider that Letter, written by the Commissioners of Scotland unto the two Houses at Westminster, dated the sixth of November, then past, in reference to the King; together with that Answer of the Commissioners of the general Assembly of the Kirk, unto certain Proposals made to them anno 1646. touching the King's coming into that Realm, upon his exclusion from the Government in England, in case of his leaving them without taking the Covenant, he being then at Newcastle, in custody of the dear Brethren of that Realm.  
Being thus got away from Hampton- Court, he arrived 
d 13. Nou. Perfect Diurnal, p. 1785.  in the Isle of Uviht upon the thirteenth of November: whence (incessantly desiring a safe and well-grounded Peace to these Kingdoms) he soon sent another Message to the Members at Westminster, 
Another message from the King to the Houses at Westminster.  wherein, to shorten that Work, he expressed his mind to this effect; viz. That, conceiving himself to be at much more freedom and security than formerly, he thought it necessary to offer such Grounds to the two Houses for that purpose; which, upon due examination of all Interests, might best conduce thereto. And therefore, as to the abolishing of Arch-Bishops, Bishops, etc. he could not consent to it, as he was a Christian and a King: first, being satisfied in his judgement, that this Order was placed in the Church by the Apostles themselves; and, that ever since that time, it had continued in all Christian Churches throughout the World, till this last Century of years: And in this Church, in all times of Change and Reformation, it had been upheld by the wisdom of his Ancestors, as the great Preserver of Doctrine, Discipline, and Order in the Service of God. Next, as a King at his Coronation, that he had not only taken a solemn Oath: but, that himself and his predecessors, in their confirmation of the great Charter, had inseparably woven the Right of the Church into the Liberties of the rest of the Subjects: Nevertheless was willing, that it should be provided, that the particular Bishops might perform the several Duties of their Callings, both by their personal Residence, and frequent Preaching in their Diocese; as also, that they should exercise no Act of jurisdiction or Ordination without the consent of the Presbyters; and to limit their powers, that they might not be grievous to tender Consciences.  
Moreover, that he could not consent to the Alienation of the Church-lands, it being a Sin of the highest Sacrilege; conceiving it also to be a prejudice to the public good; many of his Subjects having the benefit of renewing Leases at much easier rates than if those Possessions were in the hands of private men; besides the discouragement that it would be to all Learning and Industry, when such eminent Rewards shall be taken away: yet, considering the great distemper concerning Church-Discipline, and that the Presbyterean-Government was then in practice; to eschew confusion as much as might be, and for satisfaction of the two Houses of Parliament, was content, that the said Government should be legally permitted to stand in the same condition it then was for three years: Provided, that himself and those of his judgement (or any other, who could not in Conscience submit thereto) might not be obliged to comply therewith, but have free practice of their own profession. And that a free Consultation and Debate might be had with their Divines at Westminster (twenty of his majesty's nomination being added to them) whereby it might be determined by his said Majesty and the two Houses, how the Church-Government, after that time, should be settled, (or sooner, if differences might be agreed) as should be most agreeable to the Word of God; with full Liberty to all those who should differ upon conscientious grounds from that settlement. Provided, that it might not be understood to tolerate those of the Popish-profession; nor to exempt those from the penalty of the Laws, or tolerate Atheism, or Blasphemy.  
2. As to the Militia, though it was undoubtedly the inherent right of the Crown: yet, to evidence his desire to secure the performance of such Agreement as should be made in order to a Peace, his Majesty was content, that, during his whole reign, it should be disposed of by his two Houses of Parliament.  
3. As to the Arrears of the Army, that he should concur in any thing that might be done without violation of his Conscience and Honour.  
4. As to the Disposal of the great Offices of State, and Naming of Privy-Councillers, he offered the disposing of them, for the whole time of his reign, by the two Houses of Parliament,  
5. For the Court of Wards and Liveries, that it should be taken away, so as a full recompense might be settled on his Majesty, his Heirs and Successors in perpetuity.  
6. That he would consent to the making of all Oaths, Declarations, and Proclamations, against both or either House of Parliament null and void. So likewise of all Indictments and other proceedings against any person for adhering unto them. And that he would pass a general Act of Oblivion.  
7. That, for Ireland, he would give satisfaction to them.  
8. That as to such Acts and Grants passed under his great Seal since the 22th. of May, 1642. and confirming such as had been passed under that, made by the two Houses, he would give satisfaction in what might reasonably be desired.  
9 That, for confirmation of all these and whatsoever else might be proposed by the two Houses; and also of what he should propose on his own part, he did earnestly desire a personal Treaty at London, with Honour, Freedom and Safety.  
10. And that the Proposals of the Army, concerning the Succession of Parliaments, and their due Elections should be taken into consideration.  
11. So likewise that as to what concerned the Kingdom of Scotland, he would apply himself to give all reasonable satisfaction.  
After the sending of this Message by his Majesty, the next thing observable that happened, was a Petition 
f 1. Decemb. Perfect Diurnal p. 1805.  through the influence of the presbyterians, presented to the two Houses at Westminster, by the Common-Council of the City of London; acknowledging the Parliament (for by that Title they then called those Members sitting at Westminster) to be the Supreme Power in this Kingdom: and (inter alia) praying that the Covenant might be duly observed.  
No wonder then, that his majesty's gracious Message of November the xujth. was so little regarded, as that he had no Answer at all thereto, upon the sixth of December following, he therefore put them in mind 
g 6. Decem. Ib. p. 1838.  of it, still pressing for a personal Treaty.  
Whereunto, instead of an Answer, they sent him four Bills to be assented unto by him, as preparatory to a Treaty. 
The four Dethroning Bills.  These were those four Dethroning Bills, which, if passed into Acts, as they required, might have saved the labour of a Treaty. Unto which, for Answer, his Majesty made these most prudent and rational Observations.  
1. That the Commissioners of Scotiand had openly protested against them.  
2. To allow of that great Seal, made by them, without his authority, before consideration should be had thereupon in a Treaty, might afterwards hazard the security itself.  
3. That these Bills did not only contain the divesting himself of all Sovereignty, and that without possibility of recovering it, either to Himself, or his Successors (except by Repeal of them:) but also, making his Concessions guilty of the greatest Pressures that could be upon his Subjects: as in other particulars; so by giving an arbitrary and unlimited Power to the two Houses for ever, to raise and levy Forces for land or sea service, of what persons (without distinction of quality) and to what numbers they should please, and likewise for levying money for their Pay.  
So that these their Proposals, being thus destructive to Himself and his Successors, he (in that his Answer) declared; That neither the desire of being freed from that tedious and irksome condition of life, he had so long suffered, nor the apprehension of what might befall him, in case they would not afford him a personal Treaty, should make him change his resolution, of not consenting to any Act, till the whole Peace were concluded: still earnestly pressing for a personal Treaty with them.  
It being now visible enough, that Independency grew up every day more and more, the Brethren of Scotland became so sensible thereof; that the Assembly of Divines of that Kirk, wrote to those sitting at Westminster; passionately desiring them to adhere unto the Covenant, and constantly to endeavour the extirpation of Heresy and Schism in the Church of England.  
And, to second that, came another Letter to the Members of both Houses sitting at Westminster, from the Scotish-Commissioners, wherein was enclosed a large Declaration, in which are these Expressions. — 
h Ib. p. 1850.  There be some things which properly concern the Kingdom of England, their Rights, Laws, and Liberties: But there be other matters, which in their own nature, as being common to both, or by Covenant or Treaty concern both Kingdoms; wherein, unless we should forget our duty to God, to the King's Majesty, to our native Kingdom, and to this Nation, our common Concernment and Interest cannot be denied. For as Scotland was invited and engaged in this War, upon grounds and reasons of common Interest: so we trust it will not be offensive, that in making Peace, we claim from the Houses an improvement of the very same principles, and a performance of the Treaties they have made with us; that the same measure of conjunction of Interest be given to us, which was had of us, and promised unto us; wherein the very Law of Nations, and the Rules of common Equity, doth plead for us. Yet, in the application of this Rule, we shall not stretch ourselves beyond our lines, the express condition of our Solemn League and Covenant, the duty of our Allegiance, and the Treaties and Declarations between the Kingdoms; which are so many strong Obligations, as all who have Honour or Conscience must acknowledge should be inviolably observed.  
Having laid this, as a most just and solid ground of our proceedings, we shall speak of the best and most probable means to procure a good agreement with the King, for settling Religion and a lasting peace: and next to the Propositions which are to be the foundation of the peace and safety of both Kingdoms. And it is still our opinion and judgement, that the most equal, fairest and just way, to obtain a well-grounded Peace, is by a personal Treaty with the King; and that his Majesty, for that end, be invited to come to London, with Honour, Freedom, and Safety. And, as it is far from our thoughts and intentions, in expressing our differences upon the Propositions, to provoke or give offence: so we trust, that our freedom, in discharge of the trust committed to us, proceeding from our Zeal to Religion, Loyalty to the King, and Love to Peace, shall receive a candid interpretation from the honourable Houses; and that they will, in their Wisdoms, not slight the desires of a Kingdom, who in the time of England's greatest danger, esteemed no hazard too hard for their assistance; and are now seeking nothing but the performance of the mutual Obligations, Declarations and Treaties between the two Kingdoms; and to prevent the danger, which may ensue upon the violation and breach of so solemn Engagements.  
The Houses of Parliament have frequently professed, 
☜  that the chief end of their wars was the Reformation and Establishment of Religion, according to the Covenant: and they have often promised and declared to the King, and to all the world (not without deep attestations of the name of God) that no trouble or success, should ever make them wrong or diminish the power of the Crown, which were the chief motives and arguments that induced Scotland to engage with them in this war. Let therefore that be given to God, which is God's, and to Caesar that which is Caesar's; whereby it may be evident, that you are not unmindful of the solemn Vows you made to God in the time of distress, for Reformation of Religion; and it may also really appear, that the advantages and power, which success hath put into your hands, hath not lessened your loyalty to the King. And, according to our many professions and near relations, let us really and cordially cherish and strengthen the union between the two Kingdoms, under His Majesty by all pledges of reciprocal kindness, that so Religion and Righteousness may flourish, and both Kingdoms languishing under the heavy pressures and calamities of an unnatural war, may live in peace and plenty.  
As we cannot agree to this way of sending those four Bills to His Majesty for his assent, before any Treaty upon the rest of the Propositions: so we are extremely unsatisfied with the matter of those new Propositions, lately communicated unto us, for the reasons expressed in our answer unto them, which we do herewith deliver unto your Lordships to be presented to both Houses of Parliament. And we do desire, that they would take the whole business into their farther consideration, and that there be a personal Treaty, with His Majesty here at London, upon such Propositions, as shall be agreed upon, with advice and consent of both Kingdoms, according to the Treaty.  
This in general was their Declaration: but the particular desires, which they exhibited, were these; viz. that the honourable Houses would establish the solemn League and Covenant; and that His Majesty be desired to give his royal assent for confirming the same by Act of Parliament. That the settling of Reformation, and an uniformity in Religion, in the Kingdoms of England and Ireland, be inserted in the new Propositions: And, in particular, that the Confession, the Directory for worship, form of Church-Government, and Catechism agreed upon by the Assembly of Divines, be established: That effectual course be taken by Act of Parliament for the suppressing of Blasphemy, Heresy and Schism and all scandalous Doctrines, and practices, as are contrary to the light of Nature, or to the known principles of Christianity, or the power of Godliness; or which may be destructive to order and Government; or to the peace of the Church or Kingdom.  
That the Ordinances concerning the calling and sitting of the Assembly of Divines, be desired to be confirmed by Act of Parliament.  
That the Proposition, for the confirmation of the Treaties betwixt the two Kingdoms, and the proceedings betwixt them, be expressed. And that Treaty for the return of the Scots Army of the date of Decem. 23. 1646. be inserted amongst the rest.  
That His majesty's assent be desired to what the two Kingdoms shall agree in the prosecution of the Articles of the large Treaty, which are not yet finished: and that all other things be inserted concerning the joint Interest of both Kingdoms, or the Kingdom of Scotland in particular. That the Armies in both Kingdoms, which were raised for the preservation of Religion, 
☞  and defence of the King's person, may be disbanded, now the war is ended, and have due satisfaction for their arrears. That speedy relief may be sent to Ireland: and that an Act of Oblivion may be agreed upon, to be passed in the Parliaments of both Kingdoms.  
That His Majesty be restored to His Rights; and that in the Propositions a conclusion may be added; promising all real endeavour, that His Majesty may live in the splendour and glory of his royal progenitors, as beseemeth his royal place; that so all differences and troubles may end in a mutual confidence and rejoicing.  
Upon debate of which Message from His Majesty (Nou. 16.) and of that Declaration and those Proposals by the Scottish-Commissioners, the House of Commons passed these following Votes 
i 3. Jan. Perfect Diurnal p. 1865.   
1. That no more addresses be made from the Parliament to the King; 
Vote of no more Addresses to the King.  nor any Letters or Message received from him.  
2. That it should be Treason for any person whatsoever, to deliver any Message to the King, or receive any Letter or Message from him, without leave from both Houses of Parliament.  
3. That the Members of both Houses, and the Committee of both Kingdoms, had power to sit and act alone (asformerly the Committee of both Kingdoms had) for the safety of the Kingdom.  
4. And, that a Committee should be nominated to draw up a Declaration to be published, to satisfy the Kingdom of the reasons of passing these Votes.  
To back which Votes, the General and Council of the Army, did put forth a Declaration 
k 11. Jan.  signifying their Resolutions to adhere to the Houses, for settling and securing the Parliament and Kingdom, without the King, and against him, or any other, that should thereafter partake with him. And sent Thanks 
l 15. Jan. Hist. of Ind. p. 75.  to the House of Commons for those Votes.  
To show the people likewise, the Reasons of those four Votes, the Grandees at Westminster appointed 
m Ib.  a Committee to search into the King's conversation, and errors of his Government, and to publish them in a Declaration to the World wherein they objected (as high crimes against him) his father's death, the loss of Rochel, and the Massacre and Rebellion in Ireland. Which Declaration being printed by their authority, was afterwards ordered 
n 11. Feb.  to be dispersed throughout the whole Kingdom, by the several Members of the House of Commons, in those Countries and places for which they did serve.   

CHAP. XXVIII.  
THE King therefore seeing himself thus laid aside, penned a Declaration 
o 18. Jan.  with his own hand, for the satisfaction of all his people; which, soon after was made public by the Press. Whereby, representing his sad and most disconsolate condition, through a long and strict Imprisonment, together with his earnest endeavours to have composed all things by an happy peace; whereunto he added most just, clear and undeniable Reasons, why he could not assent to pass those four dethroning Bills before-mentioned: farther showed what usage he had endured by Colonel Hamond the Governor, in whose custody he then was; most of his servants being by him discharged, the Guards redoubled, and himself restrained of that Liberty, which before he had been allowed. Appealing also to the world, how he had deserved that dealing from his subjects; having sacrificed to them, for the peace of the Kingdom, all, but what was much more dear to him than his life; viz. his Conscience and Honour: and, desiring nothing more than to perform it, in the most proper and usual way; viz. by a personal Treaty.  
Taking notice likewise of the often repeated professions, and Engagements made to him by the Army, at Newmarket and St. Alban, for asserting his just Rights in General, by their voted and revoted Proposals, which he had reason to understand should be the utmost that would be expected from him: yea that in some things he should be eased. And conlcuded; that, if it were peace they desired, he had showed the way thereto (being both willing and desirous to perform his part in it) by a just compliance with all chief Interests.  
Was it plenty and Happiness? Those were the inseparable effects of peace. Was it security? His Majesty who wished that all men would forgive and forget like him, did offer the Militia for his own time. Was it Liberty of Conscience? He who wanted it, was most ready to give it. Was it right administration of justice? Officers of Trust, were referred to the choice of the two Houses. Was it frequent Parliaments? He had legally and fully concurred therewith. Was it the Arrears of the Army? Upon a settlement, he told them that they would be certainly paid, with much ease; but before that there would be found much difficulty, if not impossibility in it.  
But all this was then to no purpose: for having got the power of the Sword into their hands, the Voice of an Angel from Heaven, could have been nothing regarded: for on they went with their great work; In order whereunto a Pamphlet was published by authority (that is to say licenced by a public Imprimatur) where the Prophet Ezekiel 
p Ezekiel, cap. 21. vers. 25, 26, & 27.  was produced to discover what they intended— Thus saith the Lord God, concerning the profane wicked Prince whose day is come, when Iniquity shall end. Remove the Diadem. Take off the Crown: This shall not be the same. Exalt him that is low and abase him that is high.  
And to cajole the Presbyterean (having formerly secured themselves from the reach of their Holy Discipline) they passed an Ordinance 
q 29. Jan. Scob. coll. p. 139. , for the speedy dividing and settling the several Counties of this Kingdom, into distinct Classical-Presbyteries, and Congregational Elderships. And, desiring to seem men of the greatest Sanctity imaginable, they constituted 
r Weekly Intelligencer. p. 824.  a Committee, for the enumeration of great crying sins; appointing that they should daily meet, and do their utmost endeavour to suppress them: And passed another Ordinance 
† 11. Feb. Scob. Col. p. 143.  for suppressing of stageplays, and demolishing Playhouses.  
But all these devices were merely circumstantial; those which more immediately tended to the carrying on their grand work, being the chief; viz. the approbation which the people than had (or seemed to have) of their Votes for no more Addresses to the King. Towards the obtaining whereof, having been not a little solicitous, they employed their most busy Emissaries, and confiding-friends in all parts of the Realm. Who acted for them so vigorously; as that, from Launton (a populous corporation in Somersetshire) they had very great Thanks for the same. So likewise from the Godly-party in Buckinghamshire 
t 9 March. Weekly Intelligencer p. 868. Hist. of Ind. p. 91. ; who also, made large promises to adhere to, and stand by them in the farther prosecution thereof, to the utmost of their abilities, against all opposers: desiring, that they would proceed to a speedy settling of the civil Government, in such a way as might best conduce to the freedom and happiness of this Nation: and that they would put forth their power, for promoting of Religion according to the word of God: to give due encouragement to all Godly and able Ministers; to cast out such as were scandalous, and unfit for the work of the Ministry: and to be tender of the Consciences of such, whose conversations were, as becometh the Gospel of Jesus Christ.  
For which the Petitioners had not only thanks thereupon rendered unto them, for their constant affections to the Parliament: but an order was forthwith made; that the Petition should be printed, to the end that the world might take notice of the singular affections of the Petitioners; and that they might be an example for other Counties of the Kingdom.  
Which transactions here, 
Anno 1648.  so awakened the Brethren of Scotland; that seeing no good could be effected by words, they resolved to dispute the business otherwise, and therefore agreed of raising an Army. But the general Assembly of that Kirk, endeavouring to oppose them therein, the estates of Parliament there declared 
v ... April. Perfect Diurnal p. 1978. , that the breaches of the Covenant and Treaties should be represented, and reparations sought for the same. Next, that the War which they were to make with England, should be for strengthening the Union betwixt the two Kingdoms, and encouraging the presbyterians and well affected there. Moreover, that they would declare His majesty's concessions concerning Religion, not to be satisfactory. And that whereas Religion had been, and they trusted should be, the principal end of all their undertakings; so they would be careful, that the then present question to be stated, should contain security and assurance, to be had from His Majesty, by his solemn Oath, under his hand and Seal, that he should, for himself, and for his successors, give his royal assent, to pass Acts of Parliament, enjoining the League and Covenant; establishing Presbytreal Government, the Directory for Worship, and Confession of Faith, in all his Dominions: and that he should never make opposition to any of these, nor endeavour any change thereof: As also, that this security should be had from him before his restitution to the exercise of his royal power.  
All this notwithstanding, the Kirk was not one jot satisfied: but earnestly urged 
x Ib. p. 1979. , that the Parliament should declare against His majesty's concessions, positively, without any condition, and presently without delay; they being (as they expressed) so prejudicial to the Cause and Covenant.  
And when they discerned, that Forces were levying throughout that Kingdom, they so much feared, that His Majesty and his good Subjects might receive any benefit thereby; that they did put up a large Petition to the Parliament there: wherein they earnestly desired 
y Ib. p. 1994.  the Lords, as they would answer the contrary at the great day of Judgement, that they would not proceed so, as to give any encouragement unto the prelatical or malignant party in England, nor be any grief to the Presbyterean Party; nor to restore the King, until he had resolved the settlement of Presbytery, and that what they intended on the King's behalf, might be with subordination to those ends expressed in the Covenant.  
Whereupon the Parliament there, declared 
z Ibid. , that they would be so far from joining, or associating with the popish, prelatical, or malignant-party, if they should again rise in Arms, either to oppose or obstruct all or any of the ends of the Covenant; that, on the contrary they would oppose, and endeavour to suppress them, as Enemies to the Cause and Covenant on the other side.  
Likewise, that in regard His majesty's late concessions and offers concerning Religion, were not satisfactory: and that the principal ends of all the undertakings of that Nation, had been, and they hoped should be, to see Religion in the first place settled: and that, as they should endeavour the rescuing of His Majesty from those, who maliciously carried him away from Holdenby-House against his own will, and the declared resolutions of both Kingdoms, and did still detain him close prisoner, to the end he might come, with honour, freedom and safety, to some of his Houses in or about London, where both Kingdoms might make their application to him, for settling of Religion, and a well grounded Peace: So they did resolve, not to put in His majesty's hands, or in any other whatsoever, such power, whereby the ends of the Covenant, or any one of them might be obstructed, or opposed; Religion, or Presbyterean-Government endangered: but, on the contrary, that before any Agreement should be made, His Majesty should give assurance, under his solemn Oath, and under his Hand and Seal; that he should, for himself and his successors, give his Royal assent and agreement to such Act or Acts of Parliament, of both, and either Kingdoms respectively, for enjoining the League and Covenant, and fully establishing Presbyterean-Government, Directory for Worship, and Confession of Faith in all his Dominions; and that he should never make opposition to any of these; nor endeavour any thing thereof.  
Moreover, that if any war should be made; as it should be on just and necessary grounds; so did they resolve, 
☞  to give the trust and charge of their Armies and Committees to none, but such as should be, and were of known integrity, and against whom there was no just cause of exception.  
Also, that the Parliament was willing to subscribe, for the grounds of their undertaking an Oath; wherein, both in the framing of it, and otherwise, they were willing the Church should have interest, as had been in the like case. And, that the resolutions of the Parliament thereupon might be the more effectual, and in regard of the then present condition of affairs, it was their opinion, that the Kingdom of Scotland should be put in a Posture of Defence, 
Posture of Defence.  as it was in the year 1643. And, like as they had drawn that Act of Posture; which being allowed in Parliament, and sent to the Shires, they thought it fit time to send their demands to the Parliament of England; and that some descreet man should be sent with the same, and a limited time appointed for his return with answer.  
¶ I shall not stand here to give instance of such particulars, as further happened betwixt the Grandees at Westminster, and the Scots, upon this business: for all those passages were to no other end, than by thus fencing with each other, to prevent any censure in their respective Actings; and consequently, to obtain the people's assistance upon occasion. For in short, the state of the business stood thus; the Independents of the Army, to gain the whole and absolute power of rule into their hands, having printed and published several Declarations, Remonstrances, Manifestos and Proposals; besides Petitions of their own framing (whereunto they got subscriptions in many places) insinuating to the people their willingness to redress public Greivances, to be the Restorers of Peace, the Laws and Liberties of the Subject; to be setlers of Religion, maintainers of the privileges of Parliament; Callers to account of all Committees, Sequestrators, Treasurers, etc. and to be their deliverers from Excise, and other Taxes; but, above all, preservers of all true Interests; Restorers of the King to his just Rights and Prerogatives, with Honour, Freedom and Safety to his person; without which, they professed there could be no settled peace or happiness in this Nation. And, in pursuance of their undertakings, having made Addresses to His Majesty, with more tolerable overtures, than any that he could obtain from the Members, sitting at Westminster; they, after a while, made private proposals to him, suitable merely to their own Interests, but wholly derogatory to his Regal power, the Religion established by Law; as also to the Liberties and Properties of the Subject. Whereunto, when they saw, that the King could not, with his Conscience and Honour assent, they entertained new designs against his Person and Government, 
History of Independency part 2. p. 5.  ushering them in by the help of a Levelling-party; who in pursuance thereof, obtruded clamourous Petitions against any farther Treaty with His Majesty, and demanded exemplary Justice from the Members at Westminster against him; which, through the influence that the Army had on them (considering how the Houses had been garbled) were entertained with Thanks.  
Hence was it, that when those Propositions of 13. Nou. anno 1647. were brought into the House from His Majesty, whereby he pressed them so earnestly for a personal Treaty, the four Dethroning Bills were sent to him, to be first signed, before they would admit thereof: And, upon his refusal to yield unto them; those Destructive Votes, of no more Addresses to him were passed.  
The miserable condition of his Majesty, and in him of all his loyal Subjects being therefore thus evidently seen by most men, who beheld nothing but slavery and oppression, thenceforth to be their portion; did so awaken them; that from Essex there came a Petition by many thousands, to the Members at Westminster, for a personal Treaty with the King, as the most proper means to a well grounded peace. After that, another from 
a 16. May.  Surrey, a multitude of that County, accompanying it to Westminster. Which relished so ill with the Grandees, that they sent the Guards to beat them away; whereupon divers were wounded and some slain.  
Nor had the Kentish-men better success: for having by their Grand Jury, in the name of the whole Shire, framed a petition for peace; the Committee of that County, being jealous, that the people would take Heart thereat, prohibited 
b History of Independency part 1. p. 95.  the same, by printed papers, published in all the Churches; branding it to be seditious and tumultuous; saying, that they would hang up two in every Parish, that were promoters of it, and sequester the rest.  
And, when the people, seeing themselves opposed in that their modest way of Application, resolved of farther consideration therein, by a general meeting, and to come armed for their own defence; a party of Horse was first sent in amongst them; and afterwards the whole Army (under the Command of their General Fairfax,) whereupon some of them fled into Essex, where Sir Charles Lucas and divers of that County joined with them; as also the Lord Capell at Colchester, with some Horse which necessitating the rest, for their own defence to make to Sandwich and some Castles on the coast thereabouts; the Army advanced after, slew and took divers of them prisoners, and sequestered the estates of all that desired peace; Weever (a hot-headed Independent) having 
c Ib. p. 97.  moved in the House of Commons, that all Kent might be sequestered, because they had rebelled; and all Essex because they would rebel.  
But, notwithstanding the strength of their Army, and severity against those, who did not submit to their oppressive power; the Scots, having raised an Army, which was then ready to march into England, in pursuance of the ends of the Covenant (as hath been observed) there were many others in sundry parts of the Nation, as well presbyterians as Royalists, discerning no better fruits to themselves of those successes, which the Independents than had, than oppression and slavery; boldly made attempts, in order to the rescue of His Majesty out of their cruel hands, and to free the whole Kingdom from their farther Tyranny.  
Of these, the first was by Sir Nicholas Kemish, who got 
a 3. April.  with some forces into Chepstow-castle. The next was that of the valiant Sir Marmaduke Langdale, who shortly after surprised 
b 30. April.  the strong town of Barwick. After this, Col. Laughorn, Poyer and powel, having raised eight thousand men in Pembrokeshire, secured Lenvy-castle, with the town and castle of Pembroke; and declared 
c 8. May.  in those parts for the settlement of the King and Kingdom. Sir Philip Musgrave also, upon the like fair hopes, took 
d 25. May.  Carlisse. About the same time 
* 27. May.  likewise, part of the royal Navy (consisting of twenty great Ships of War, under the command of their Vice-Admiral Batten) revolted, and came 
f 27. May.  in to the Prince in Yarmouth rode; Pontfrait-castle, being within few days, after surprised 
g 3. June . by the Royalists; and the Earl of Holland, with the Lord Francis Villers in Arms 
* 5. July.  with two thousand men, near Kingston upon Thames.  
And to make the expectation more secure, Duke Hamilton, with a powerful Army of the Scots entering 
h 13. July. The third Invasion of the Scots.  England, published a Declaration, consisting of these heads, 1. That the King should be brought to London, to treat in person with the two Houses of Parliament. 2. That all those who had a hand in, or contrived the carrying of the King from Holdenby, should be condignly punished. 3. That the English Army should be disbanded. 4. That Presbytery should be settled. 5. And that the Members of Parliament, which were forcibly secluded from the House, should be reseated there.  
After which, within few days, Major Lilburne (Brother to john) Governor of Tinemouth-castle in the Bishopric of Durham, declared 
i 9 Aug.  for the King.  
But the fruits of all these fair hopes were soon blasted: for as that Castle was shortly after stormed by Sir Arthur Haslerig, and Lilburne, with his men put to the Sword: So was Chepstow-castle by Col. Ewer; and Sir Nicholas Kemish killed in cold blood.  
The Earl of Holland also with the Lord Francis Villers were encountered by Colonel Rich, Major Gibbons and Sir Michael Livesey, totally routed 
k 7. July. ; the Lord Francis Villers slain; the Earl himself pursued to St. Ives in Huntingdon-shire, and there taken. Laughorne, Poyer and powel were likewise defeated by Cromwell and Colonel Horton: And Sir john Owen, who was in Arms about that time in North-wales, vanquished by Major General Mitton.  
The Navy also (brought in by Batten) fell off to the Earl of Warwick: Duke Hamilton with his Army, being utterly routed 
l 17. Aug . at Preston in Lancashire, and in his flight at Uttoxeter in Staffordshire, taken prisoner. Colchester lastly, which had held out with great hardship, expecting relief from Duke Hamilton, was forced to surrender 
m 27. Aug.  and submit; whereupon Sir Charles Lucas and Sir George L'isle, were immediately sacrificed to the rage of these merciless men; the Lord Capell made prisoner, and the Townsmen fined at fourteen thousand pounds.  
But those black clouds, before they were thus dispersed, betokening a sudden storm, put these new Saints, for their more security, upon some desperate thoughts of taking away the King's life. To which end one Captain Rolfe was employed 
d 10. June. Ib. p. 104.  by them (as himself did confess) to remove his Majesty out of the way, by poison; or any other means; forasmuch as it would highly conduce to their affairs.  
Whether it was by Reason that Osburne (a confident of Rolfe's) had discovered the design; or that, upon more considerate thoughts they took other resolutions, it is hard to say: but the execution of that murder, was then, at present, laid aside.  
Many were the petitions, at that time, to the Members at Westminster, from sundry parts; all pressing earnestly for a personal Treaty: yea some of them from such as they durst hardly displease; as from 
* Ib. p. 110.  the Masters of the Trinity House, Captains of Ships, and Seamen; and another from 
f 2. July. Ib. p. III.  the City of London.  
¶ There is no doubt, but that the Presbyterean-members, were private wellwishers, if not contrivers of this third Scottish Invasion; though, by the prevalency of the other faction, a Vote 
g 15. July. Ib. p. 120.  was passed in the House of Commons; that the Scottish-Army, under the command of Duke Hamilton, were Enemies, and that they should accordingly proceed against them; In which argument the Independents were so fierce; that, when it was objected by one, that he thought the Lords would not concur therein; Reply 
h Ib. p. 130 . was made; That the House of Commons, being the Representative of the people, had power to act without the Lords, for the people's safety, in case the Lords deserted their Trust.  
Nevertheless, whether it was the courage that the presbyterians than took, by reason of Duke Hamilton's Invasion, and those other disturbances, beforementioned; or whether it was the doubts the Independents had, of the dangers which these approaching troubles might produce, 'tis hard to say: Sure it is, that after much debate and many Arguments, it was resolved 
i 28. July. Perf. Diurnal, p. 3003.  That his Majesty in person should be treated with by Commissioners of both Houses of Parliament in the Isle of Wight, upon the whole matter of the Propositions at Hampton-court, for settling the peace of the Kingdom▪ Which Vote, with other circumstances, did then make such a change in the face of things, that the City of London began to assume the power of their own Militia, and listed men; saying 
k Hist. of Indep. p. 123.  they did it by the Law of self Defence, warranted by the Law of God, of Nature, and of the Land: and by a farther Authority, which would make little for the advantage of the Parliament to question.  
Which so startled the Members at Westminster; that resuming their old Presbyterean-cloak, they forthwith dispatched Letters 
l 3. Aug. Ib. p. 126.  to the Assembly of the Kirk of Scotland; setting forth what the Parliament had done in the way of settling peace, reforming the Church and Universities, and maintaining the Covenant and union betwixt the two Nations; complaining of Duke Hamilton's Invasion, under colour of authority from the Parliament of that Kingdom.  
And though the Brethren of Scotland grounded this their third Invasion upon the Covenant; the Independent-members at Westminster utterly denied that their assertion; affirming 
m Ib. p. 128.  stoutly, that the Scots had broke the Covenant therein: yea, that in so doing, they had set the English at Liberty from it; and that the Covenant was no more jure divino than Presbytery.  
To which was answered by the presbyterians (for concerning this point there grew a tough dispute in the House betwixt those two Parties) that the large Treaty contained the League between the two Nations; so did not the Covenant, which was a vow made unto God, with their Hands lifted up to Heaven, for the maintenance and observation of the ends and principles expressed in the Covenant, from which no power on earth could absolve them. And that, though the Covenant was not jure divino; yet the keeping of it, after they had taken it, was jure divino; it being the revealed will of God that they should not offer unto him the sacrifice of fools, a Covenant to day, and break it to morrow.  
But to this some of the more zealous replied; that the Covenant was originally framed to satisfy the Brethren of Scotland, upon the first bringing in of their Army hither, to help the Lord against the mighty; without which, the Scots would not have come in to their assistance: And that work being over, they were not at all obliged by the Covenant any further; it being to be laid aside, as an Almanac out of date. And therefore, to strengthen themselves the more, there were private Listing 
n Ib. p. 124.  of the Schismatics and Antimonarchists, in London. Which did so awaken the Presbyterean-Saints in that City; that they complained to the House of Commons; representing the danger thereof: saying, that if the Houses did not give them leave to look to their safety, they must have recourse to the Law of Nature, and act in their Militia, without the Houses, in order to self Defence, allowable by all Laws, and practised by that very Parliament against the King; and likewise by Fairfax his Army against the Parliament. 
☜   
Unto which words, there were such high exceptions taken; that some of the fiery-spirited Independents replied; 
o Ib. p. 135. ; that the Parliament having fought with the King for the Militia, and gotten it by the Sword; no other Interest, upon any title whatsoever, should dare to lay claim to any part of it. Upon which Doctrine they practised to purpose, as by and by will appear.   

CHAP. XXIX.  
THE next thing whereof I am, in order of time to take notice, is that this fatal and absolute destruction 
p P 17. Aug.  of the Scottish-Army, under the command of Duke Hamilton, by Lieutenant General Cromwell, at that time Commander of the Parliament's forces (Fairfax) having declined to serve against the Brethren) was not by any formal Battle; but rather a beating up of Quarters, and some slight skirmishes: and that it was then chiefly attributed to the over-confidence which Duke Hamilton had in the strength of his own Countrymen; exposing those English, which were Commanded by the truly noble Sir Marmaduke Langdale, to be over poured by the Enemy; thereby expecting an absolute Conquest through his own puissance; and so to have reaped the whole honour of restoring the King, if he ever had any such intent.  
So that Cromwell being now triumphant over the whole Scottish-Army (which was the most formidable of any then on foot against them) and not long after over those right valiant and loyal persons at Colchester; The Ships also, which went over to the Prince, falling off again, (as hath already been observed) He became so strangely elated, that nothing then to be done, could give satisfaction to his ambitious and unlimited desires.  
But here, I shall also observe; that notwithstanding the strong factions into which these men were then divided, had begot a perfect hatred of each to other (as the many printed pamphlets then spread abroad do sufficiently show:) Nevertheless, for the utter eradicating of the Religion by Law established in the Church of England, which themselves had at first (3. May 1641.) solemnly protested to maintain; about this time, they all agreed together, in framing an Ordinance 
q 29. Aug. Scob. coll. p. 165.  for the establishing of Presbytery; containing a particular form and order of Church-government, in their congregational, Classical, Provincial and National Assemblies: In which the Lay Elders, constituted at that time, in all the Parishes, throughout the City of London, are expressly nominated; with direction for the settling of all others, throughout England and Wales, and limitation of their powers: unto the sharp and rigorous penalties whereof, all conscientious and orthodox Protestants of the Church of England, were to be subject: but the Independent brood, (consisting of all sorts of Schismatics and Sectaries) under the notion of Godly-men, and tender conscienced, to be at liberty.  
¶ And now to proceed. As I have already taken notice, that a personal Treaty 
Treaty in the Isle of Wight.  with the King, was voted by the Members at Westminster; I shall here observe; that all things being prepared for the same, it began 
r Perfect Diurnal P● 2164.  at Newport in the Isle of Wight, upon the 18th. of September; the chief persons permitted to attend his Majesty there, being these; the Duke of Richmond, the Marquis of Hertford; the Earl of Lindsey, and Earl of Southampton, (Gentlemen of his Bedchamber:) the Bishops of London and Salisbury, Dr. Sheldon, Dr. Hamond, Dr. Oldsworth, Dr. Sanderson, Dr. Turner and Dr. Heywood Chaplains; Sir Thomas Gardner, Sir Orlando Bridgman, Sir Robert Holborn, Mr. Gessrey Palmer, Mr. Thomas Cook, and Mr. john Vaughan, Lawyers.  
The Members at Westminster employing these; the Earls of Northumberland, Salisbury, Middlesex, the Viscount Say, the Lord Wenman; Denzil Holles, and William Pierpont Esquires, Sir Henry Vane junior, Sir Harbotle Grymston, Mr. Samuel Brown, Sir john Potts, Mr. Crew, Sergeant Glyn, and Mr. Bulkley.  
These other Divines, for the King being afterwards added; viz. Dr. james Usher Archbishop of Armagh in Ireland, and Dr. Ferne: And for the Parliament; Mr. Stephen Marshal, Mr. Richard Vines, Mr. Lazarus Seaman, and Mr. joseph caryl.  
But withal, as it is now most evident to the world, that there was never any real purpose, on the part of the Grandees at Westminster, that the Treaty, formerly at Uxbridge, should take any good effect: so was there less expectation here, the King being then their prisoner, and all his forces come to nothing: for, though they then gave way to this Treaty; they were, at that very time, contriving and framing the formality of his absolute destruction; of which the symptoms were visible enough, during the whole continuance of that Treaty, by sundry Petitions to the Members at Westminster, all declaiming bitterly against it. Which Petitions (as 'tis well known) were first framed by the Grandees themselves, and then sent amongst the people, to be subscribed, according to their usual practice. In most whereof, it was desired, that all Delinquents, without exception, might be brought to condign punishment; one whereof concluding 
† Moderate Intelligencer, n. 16.  thus, from Psalm 149. ver. 6, 7, 8, and 9 Let the high praises of God be in the mouths of his Saints, and a twofold Sword in their Hands, to execute vengeance upon the Heathen, and punishment upon the people; to bind their Kings with chains, and their Nobles with fetters of iron: to execute upon them the judgements written; This Honour have all his Saints.  
Besides, it is farther to be observed; that after the destruction of this Scottish-Army at Preston, and the reducing of Colchester, Cromwell went into Scotland; where he not only laid the plot with the Marquis of Argyle, for the destruction of the King, and extirpation of Monarchy; but by his help, in the contrivance of that unparalleled murder; agreed in the formalities conducing thereto.  
¶ And now, as to this Treaty in the Isle of Wight, 'tis sufficiently known that it was on His majesty's part, totally and singly managed by himself, against all those subtle persons above-mentioned; the Houses at Westminster, not permitting him to have any assistant therein, either Divines or others. Also, that it was performed by him with so much judgement, gravity, meekness, and courtesy; as not only much astonished, but made converts of some, that had been his greatest Enemies, and were then his Antagonists there. Wherein, to manifest his earnest desires for the peace of those distracted Realms, he was contented to divest himself, totally in effect of his own Regal power, for life; and to trust those insatiable men with the exercise thereof; as is apparently to be seen by the particular Articles, than assented to by him; viz.  
1. As to the Militia, he consented thereto, as 'twas required by their Proposition.  
2. For Episcopacy, though he could not consent to the utter abolishing thereof; yet he offered, that it might be regulated and reduced to the primative usage; and so settled and continued in the Church: And, in order thereto, that it might be enacted, that the Bishops should not act without the Council and assistance of the Presbyters, in the exercises of Ordination and jurisdiction: and therefore desired the consent of the Houses in the one, that he might the more freely give his assent unto the other. Offering to lessen the extent, or multiply the number of the Dioceses, as should be agreed upon by both Houses.  
3. As to Bishop's lands, that he could not consent to the alienation of them; but offered what he had done before, for satisfaction of the Purchasers and Contracters (which was for the enjoyment of them for a certain time:) being therein seconded by the opinion of many Divines (who differ in other things) that the alienation of them would be no less than Sacrilege.  
4. That he would confirm their Ordinance, for the calling and sitting of the Assembly of Divines.  
5. That he would confirm the form of Church-government presented to him, with the Directory; and repeal those Statutes, which enjoined the use of Common Prayer: and all this for three years; provided that a consultation should be had, between the Assembly of Divines, and twenty of His majesty's nomination added to them, in the mean time, for the farther settling of the Church, at the end of those three years; and that Himself and His might have the use of the Com●●prayer. But, for the new Articles of Religion, His Majesty having not had time sufficient, as yet, for consideration of so weighty matters, as concern Faith and Doctrine, desired, that that part of the Proposition might, for the present be omitted.  
6. That he would confirm the Ordinance for ●words● better observation of the Lord's day: provided, that ●words● this Ordinance, and others likewise presented to hi● alterations should be made of some expressions in them, which did reflect on former established Laws; it being therefore necessary, that they should be penned in other terms.  
7. That he would pass an Act; for prevention of saying Mass in Court, or other places: provided only, that his Queen might have free exercise of her Religion, for herself and her ordinary servants, according to the Articles of Marriage, made between the two Crowns, France and England.  
8. Lastly, that for the Covenant, he could not in Conscience take it himself, nor impose it upon others; therefore hoped that it should not be insisted on, in regard the imposing thereof could not tend to peace; a great part, even of the Parliaments-party, being utterly persuaded against it: And further, because all the ends of the Covenant would be obtained, if an agreement were made in the rest of the Propositions.  
These were the chief; referring the rest until his coming to Westminster, where he might personally advise with his two Houses, and deliver his opinion, with the reasons thereof, which done; he would leave the whole matter of those remaining Propositions to the determination of his two Houses.  
But, as His Majesty had formerly well observed the humours of these impious men to be restless; ever altering and changing their Principles with their success: So did he then find the greatest and most woeful experiment thereof. For, having, by the defeat of D. Hamilton's Army; the reducing of Colchester, and subduing the Welsh, in Pembrokeshire, cleared all opposition, which any could make against them; they than did openly manifest to the world, that nothing should suffice, but the absolute destruction of the King, and utter extirpation of Monarchy.  
Towards the accomplishing of which execrable design, a prodigious Remonstrance 
t 16. Nou. Declaration of the Army at St. Alban.  was contrived by Cromwell, and his son Ireton, with some other venemous-minded officers in the Army, then at St. Alban, and presented to the House of Commons by Colonel Eure and seven other Officers of the Army, whereby they fiercely declaymed against any peace at all with the King; and likewise against his Restauration: demanding, that he should, by a Trial, be brought to justice.. So likewise against those Members of Parliament, as had been impeached the year before; and all others that sat, when the Speaker and Members fled to the Army, that they might be excluded the House: Requiring, that the Soldier's arrears should be paid out of the King's and Dean and Chapters lands. Moreover, that a certain term should be prefixed to that present Long-Parliament; as also a more equal number of persons, as Representatives of the People, to be thenceforth elected, in whom the supreme power should thereafter reside.  
In which Remonstrance, it is not unworthy observation, that they said; whereas it might be objected, that by the Covenant they were obliged to the preservation of His majesty's person and authority; it was with this restriction; viz. in the preservation of the true Religion, and Liberties of the Kingdom. So that; considering Religion and the public Interest, were to be understood the principal and supreme matters engaged for; and of the King's person and authority, as inferior and subordinate thereto. As also, whereas the preservation of his person and authority was not consistent with the preservation of Religion, 
☜  and the public Interest; they were therefore, by the Covenant, obliged against it.  
And the better to illustrate this, they instanced the practice of the Parliament, all along the late wars; which not only opposed his Majesty and his authority, but really endeavoured to kill and destroy both his person and authority by Bullets and otherwise, in order to the preservation of Religion, and Liberties of the Kingdom. Which Remonstrance was soon after presented 
v 120. Nou.  to the House of Commons, and tendered to the consideration of the whole Kingdom. But three days after, they Treaty (having continued forty days, whereunto they limited it) ended 
x 27. Nou.   
And here it is not improper to take notice; that as they had frequently used to procure Petitions from sundry places, to countenance the carrying on of any notable design, which they had in hand: So now, having published this wicked Remonstrance, they obtained Congratulations from those called the Well-affected in several parts; to the end that others might be the more daunted from any opposition thereto.   

CHAP. XXX.  
THIS business of the Treaty being therefore thus over, I come now to the last Act of this afflicted King's life. A Scene (indeed) of much sorrow, and which cannot well be represented without great lamentation and the deepest expressions of sadness, wherein I shall be as brief as well may be; pointing chiefly at the times of the most notable passages therein; but leaving the larger Narrative thereof to such of our Historians, as have already, or shall hereafter set forth the Life and Sufferings of this incomparable Prince.  
As an Introduction whereunto, it may be sit enough to observe; that though the Parliament had been garbled (as before is showed) whereby the Remnant of the Presbyterians was totally disheartened: Yet did the Invasion from Scotland, and Rise in other Parts, about that time, put so much Life and Courage into the drooping Spirits of that Party; as that, having with no little difficulty carried the Vote for a Treaty; they struggled to their utmost, for such an issue thereof, that the King might be at some better Liberty, than he was at that time: and the Administration of his Authority, in the Two Houses, as formerly. And then, though the Army stood not right to them at present; the Majority, of Votes might some time or other, so altar the case, as that the sweetness of Dominion might return to them again.  
To second therefore what they had so vigorously begun, discerning that the Army in pursuance of their late Remonstrance, were on their March towards London, they Voted 
y Hist. of Indep. part 2.  a Letter to the General, forbidding his nearer approach. Which Vote so irritated the Souldiary, that immediately they published a sharp Declaration; 
z p. 25. & 26.  therein accusing the Parliament with Breach of Trust, Inconstancy and Indiscretion; saying that they would appeal from them to the People; threatening forthwith to advance up to Westminster, and there to do what God should enable them; and accordingly came up 
a 30. Nou.  to the corner of Hyde-park. Where upon it was put to the Question in the House; whether that approach of the Army were not prejudicial to the Freedom of Parliament. But into such a terror were the Presbyterian Members than 〈◊〉, that they durst not hold up their Heads to give their Votes therein.  
Nevertheless, within two days following they took better heart, and set on foot a debate, 
b 2. Dec.  touching the satisfactoriness of His Majesty's Answer to the Propositions in the late Treaty. And, though the same day, the General entered Westminster with Four Regiments of Foot, and Six of Horse, taking up his Head Quarters at Whitehall: and that soon after the King was seized on in his Bedchamber, and carried 
c Ib. p. 29. 4. Dec. The King taken from the Isle of Wight, and sent to Hurst-castle.  to Hurst-Castle (a Block-house in the Sea, not far from the Isle of Wight, where the cold was most sharp, and the Air very unwholesome) as men inflam'd, in this desperate condition, they again took courage, and held out a stout contest with the Independant-Party, for the space of a whole day and night together: And, notwithstanding the many sharp Menaces, which they had from the Swordmen, on the other side; they than Voted, 
d 6. Dec. Ib. 1. 29.  that the King's Answer to the Propositions from both Houses, was a ground for them to proceed on, to the settlement of the Kingdom's Peace.  
Which put the Army into such a rage, that they forthwith sent a Paper to the House by Pride and Hewson (two of their Colonels) requiring, that the formerly impeached Members, together with Major General Browne (whom they charged to have been an Inviter of Duke Hamilton with the Scottish Army) might be secured, and brought to justice.. As also, that the Ninety and odd Members, who refused to Vote against the late Scottish Engagement; and all that Voted for recalling the Votes of Non-Addresses: and likewise those that Voted for the late Treaty; and that the King's concessions therein were a ground for the Houses to proceed to a settlement, should be immediately suspended the House. And that all such faithful Members, as were innocent of those Votes, should by protestation acquit themselves from any concurrence in them, to the end they might be distinguished.  
And scorning to make any long stay, for an Answer to that their Paper, they sent, the next Morning, certain Regiments of Horse and Foot to Westminster, who setting Guards upon all the Avenues to the Parliament House, seized upon one and Forty of the Members, then Sitting, viz.  

Major General Browne.  
Mr. john Buckley.  
Colonel Birch.  
Mr. Thomas Boughton.  
Mr. Francis Buller.  
Sir john Clotworthy.  
Mr. Lionel Copley.  
Mr. john Crew.  
Sir Simonds D'ewes, Knight and Baronet.  
Mr. Drake.  
Sir Walter Earl.  
Mr. Nathaniel Fienes.  
Mr. Giles Greene.  
Sir. Gilbert Gerard.  
Sir Herbottle Grimston Kt.  
Mr. Francis Gerard.  
Sir Robert Harley. Kt.  
Colonel Edward Harley.  
Sir Anthony Irby.  
Mr. john Knightley.  
Sir. Martin Lyster.  
Colonel Edward Leigh.  
Mr.— Lane.  
Sir Samuel Luke.  
Sir William jews.  
Major General Massy.  
Sir john Merrick.  
Sir Richard Onslow.  
Mr. Henry Pelham.  
Sir Robert Pie, Kt.  
Mr. William Pryn.  
Mr.— Preistley.  
Sir Benjamin Rudyard.  
Mr. William Strode.  
Sir Thomas Soame.  
Mr. Edward Stephens.  
Mr. john Swinfen.  
Mr. Charles Vaughan.  
Sir William Waller.  
Mr. William Wheeler.  
The Lord Wenman.  
Mr. Clement Walker.   
Of whose Names Mr. Hugh Peter's (one of their hot-headed Preachers) came to take a List; and then conveyed them into their great Victualling-house, near Westminster-Hall, called Hell; where they kept them all night, without any Beds. Whence, being driven a Prisoners, (through Snow and Rain) by the Guards, to several Inns in the Strand; the Soldiers upbraided 
e Ib. p. 31.  them in their passage; that they were the men, who had cozened the State of their Money, and kept back the Armies Pay. Which signal Act happened the very day, that their great Master, Oliver Cromwell returned from Scotland to Loudon.  
And, as they made Prisoners of these, so they denied entrance into the House unto above one hundred and Sixty more. Whereupon the rest of the Presbyterian Party, being terrified with this usage of their Fellow-Members, declined the House, leaving 
f 7. Dec.  it to about an hundred and Fifty, who, for the most part, being Officers of the Army, performed whatsoever the Grandees of that Faction prompted them to do: This Exclusion of those Members, being called Colonel Pride's Purge.  
¶ It is very well known to the world, that throughout the whole course of this grand Rebellion, it was the usual practice of the Presbyterians, to make great advantages unto their Party, by frequenting of Sermons, and performance of other pretended exercises of Religion. Amongst which the strict observance of such days, as were set apart by their Leaders for Seeking of God (as they called it) by Fasting and Prayer, and other ways of Humiliation, were not the least. In which act of deluding the People, they were at length grown to be such excellent Masters; that, when any transcendent work was to be done, it was always ushered in, with this sanctified veil; under pretence, that in the zealous performance of those Duties, they did ask Council of the Lord: and thereupon, by some more than ordinary Illumination, were directed to proceed in the business designed.  
Which notable example the Independants, deeming fit to be imitated, in order to their own High and Mighty designs; they kept a Fast 
g 8. Dec.  in the House of Commons, upon the Eighth of December. Where Mr. Stephen Martial (formerly the Great Bell-wether of the Presbyterian Flock) Mr. Carrill and Hugh peter's Preached that day to them; under pretence of directing them to humble their Spirits, now that God had so signally appeared to them in their great Victory over the Scots at Preston, and other eminent manifestations.  
Next to which devout work, the remaining Members, that sat after this Grand Purge, damned 
h Ib. p. 37. & 38.  all the Votes, which the Presbyterians had made, either in reference to the Treaty, or to their secluded Brethren. And, within few days after, divers of the Lords went to the General, to express their good affections to him, and concurrence with his purposes for the Common God: as also to let his Excellency know, 
☞  that they would wave their Privileges and Titles, in case they should be found burdensome to the Liberties of the People.  
And, as the Lords had thus manifested their obsequiousness to the Army: so did also the most Godly men of the House of Commons; by subscribing 
i Ib. p. 48▪ & 49.  a Protestation against the late Treaty with the King, in the Isle of Wight: but especially against that Vote of 5. Dec. allowing His Majesty's Answer to the Propositions of Both Houses, to be a ground for them to proceed on for a Settlement: the names of which worthy Members I have here added.  

Philip Lord Lisle.  
Colonel Boswell.  
Mr. john Gourdon.  
The Lord Grey of Groby.  
Mr. Peregrine Pelham.  
Colonel jones.  
Colonel Temple.  
Colonel Ven.  
Sir Thomas Maleverer.  
Sir Thomas Wroth.  
Sir john Bourcher.  
Colonel Peter Temple.  
Mr. Humphrey Edward's.  
Mr. Thomas Chaloner.  
Sir Gregory Norton.  
Michael Old worth.  
Augustine Garland.  
Sir john Danvers.  
Mr. Dove.  
Mr. Henry Smith.  
Mr. Frye.  
Mr. Searle.  
Mr. Nicholas Love.  
Mr. john Lisle.  
Colonel Rigby.  
Mr. Cornelius Holland.  
Colonel Ludlow.  
Gregory Clement.  
Colonel Purefoy.  
Colonel Stapeley.  
Mr. Dunch.  
Mr. Cawley.  
Colonel Downes.  
Mr. john Carey.  
Mr. john Blakeston.  
Mr. Thomas Scott.  
Colonel Hutchinson.  
Sir Henry Mildmay.  
Sir james Harington.  
Colonel Edward Harvey,  
Alderman Penington.  
Alderman Atkins.  
Mr. Daniel Blagrave.  
Colonel Moor.  
Colonel Millington.  
Mr. Prideaux.  
Mr. Roger Hill.  
Mr. Dennis Bond.  
Colonel Harrington.  
Mr. Hodges.  
Mr. Benjamin Valentine.   
The work being therefore thus smoothly carried on, to accomplish their chief design for murdering the King. 
The King removed from Hurst-Castle to Winchester.  they removed 
k 21. Dec.  him from Hurst-Castle to Winchester, and thence to 
l 22. Dec. Thence to Farnham.  Far●ham-Castle in Hantshire.  
And that they might effect their business with the greater Formality, they held a solemn Fast. in St. Margaret's Church at Westminster; four of the most zealous Lords being present thereat; and of the House of Commons at least Twenty; where their Pulpit Buffoon, Hugh peter's Preached 
m Ib. p. 49. & 50.  to them of bringing the Children of Israel out of Egyptian Bondage, whereunto he Paralleled the State of this Kingdom. And the better to show how they should be brought out of this Bondage; having put his hands before his eyess and laid his head on the Cushion; thence rasing it up again (after a while) he told them, that he had a Revelation how to do it, which was, by Extirpating of Monarchy, both here, and in all other places. 
Thence to Windsor.   
In order whereunto they removed 
o 23. Dec.  the King to Windsor-Castle, where it was concluded 
p 27. Dec.  on by his Guards, that all State and Ceremony towards him should thenceforth be forborn, and his attendants lessened.  
At the same time also it was first moved 
p Ib. p. 44.  in the House of Commons, that they should proceed Capitally with the King. Whereupon Oliver Cromwell stood up and said, 
q Ibid.  that if any man moved this upon design, he should think him the greatest Traitor in the World: but since Providence and Necessity had cast them upon it, he should pray God to bless their Councils, though he was not provided, on the sudden, to give them Council.  
But no long after he was: for being a great Pretender to Enthusiasms and Revelations, he told 
* Life of K. Charles by Dr. Perenchief p. 153.  them, that as the was praying for a Blessing from God on his undertaking to restore the King to his pristine Majesty, his Tongue cleaved to the roof of his mouth, that he could not speak one word more; which he took as a return of Prayer, and that God had rejected him from being King. And to others he did impudently assert, that it was lawful to circumvent a wicked man with deceit and fraud.  
Whereunto, the very next day 
r 28. Dec. Hist. of Indep. part. 2. p. 55.  Mr. Thomas Scott, brought in the Ordinance for Trial of the King; which was then read, and recommitted three several times; and the names of the Commissioners (consisting of some Lords, some of the House of Commons; some Citizens of London, and some Officers of the Army) added thereto. Which Ordinance, being soon agreed on, and sent up to the House of Lords, by the Lord Grey of Groby, was by them rejected.  
Whereupon the Commons fell to voting again, and declared, 
s Ibid. p. 56.  That all Members of that House, and others appointed by order of that House, or Ordinances of both Houses of Parliament, to act in any Ordinance, wherein the Lords were joined, should be empowered, and enjoined to sit and act, execute in the said several Committees of themselves; notwithstanding the House of P●●rs should not join with them therein. Some of then being so fierce against the Lords for this their refusal; as that they moved for an Impeachment to be framed against them, for thus favouring the grand Delinquent of England.  
And that they might not fall short in imitation of their Parent, the Presbyterian (which first laid the Foundation of all this mischief) they brought 
* 29. Dec.  upon the Stage, such another Prophetess, 
t The daughter of one Michelson.  as the Brethren of Scotland, produced, in order to the carrying on their Blessed work, in An. 1638. (whereof I have then taken notice) viz. a Godly Woman out of Hereford shire (the News-book of that Week, calls her a Virgin;) who coming to the General and Council of War at Whitehall, said she had a Revelation from God, whereby she was in●ited to encourage them to go on in their designs. Of which they made no small advantage, approving thereof, as most seasonable at that time; and accordingly proceeded: First Voting, 
u 4. jan. Ib. p. 56.  that the people were, under God, the Original of all just power: Secondly That the Commons of England, in Parliament Assembled, being chosen by, and representing the people, were the supreme power of the Nation: and Thirdly, that what soever is enacted or declared for Law by the House of Commons, Assembled in Parliament, hath the force of Law.  
In pursuance of which monstrous Votes, they framed a bloody Ordinance; 
* 6. jan. Ib. p. 57  whereby they constituted these Persons, whose names I have here inserted; or any Twenty or more of them, to be Judges, for the Hearing, Trying and Judging of the King's Sacred Majesty, which were thereby also constituted and called an High Court of justice..  

¶ Thomas Lord Fairfax, General of the Army.  
* Oliver Cromwell Lieutenant General.  
Henry Ireton Commissary General.  
Philip Skipton Major General.  
* Colonel Valentine Walton.  
* Colonel Thomas Harrison.  
* Colonel Edward whaley.  
* Colonel Thomas Pride.  
* Colonel Isaac Eure.  
* Colonel Richard Ingoldsby.  
* Sir Henry Mildmay, Kt.  
Sir Thomas Honywood, Kt.  
* Thomas Lord Grey. of Groby.  
Philip Lord Lisle.  
* William Visc. Castlemaine.  
(aliter Lord Munson.)  
* Sir john Danvers, Kt.  
* Sir Thomas Maleverer. Bar.  
* Sir john Bourchier, Kt.  
* Sir james Harrington, Kt.  
Sir William Brereton, Bar.  
* Robert Wallop, Esq  
* William Heveningham, Esq  
* Isaac Pennington, Alderman.  
Thomas Atkins, Alderman.  
* Colonel Rowland Wilson.  
Sir Peter wentworth, Knight of the Bath.  
* Colonel Henry Martin.  
* Colonel William Puresey.  
Colonel Godfrey Boswell.  
john Trenchard Esq  
* Colonel Matthew Tomlinson.  
* john Blakeston, Esq  
* Gilbert Millington, Esq  
* Miles Corbet, Esq  
* Sir William Constable, Kt.  
* Colonel Edward Ludlow.  
Colonel john Lambert.  
* Colonel john Hutchenson.  
Sir Arthur Haselrigg, Bar.  
* Sir Michael Livescy, Bar.  
Richard Soloway, Esq  
Humphrey Soloway, Esq  
* Colonel Robert Tichburne.  
* Colonel Owen Roe.  
Colonel Robert Manwaring.  
* Colonel Robert Lilburne.  
* Colonel Adrian Scrope.  
* Colonel Richard Deane.  
* Colonel john Okey.  
Colonel Robert Overton.  
Colonel john Harrison.  
Colonel john Desborough.  
* Colonel William Goffe..  
Colonel Robert Duckenfeild,  
* Cornelius Holland, Esq  
* john Carve, Esq  
Sir William Armine, Kt.  
* Colonel john jones.  
* Miles Corbet, Esq  
* Francis Allen, Esq  
Thomas Lister, Esq  
Benjamin Weston, Esq  
* Peregrine Pelkam, Esq  
john Gourdon, Esq  
Francis Thorpe, Sergeant at Law.  
John Nutt, Esq  
Thomas Chaloner, Esq  
Colonel Algernon Sidney.  
* Sir Hardres Waller, Kt.  
* Colonel john Barkstede●  
john Anlaby, Esq  
* Colonel john Moore●  
Richard Darley, Esq  
* William Say, Esq  
* john Alured, Esq  
john Fag, Esq  
james Nelthorpe, Esq  
Sir William Roberts, Kt.  
Colonel Francis Lascels.  
Colonel Alexander Rigby.  
* Henry Smith, Esq  
Edmund wild, Esq  
james Chaloner, Esq  
josias Barnes, Esq  
Dennis Bond, Esq  
* Humphrey Edward's, Esq  
* Gregory Clement, Esq  
john Fray, Esq  
* Thomas Wogan, Esq  
* Sir Gregory Norton, Kt.  
* john Bradshaw, Sergeant at Law.  
* Colonel Edward Harvey.  
john Dove, Esq  
* Colonel john Venn.  
john Fouke, Alderman of London.  
* Thomas Scott.  
* Thomas Andrews, Alderman.  
* William Cauley, Esq  
Abraham Burrell, Esq  
* Colonel Usum Stapeley.  
Roger Gratwick, Esq  
* john Downs, Esq  
* Colonel Thomas Harton.  
* Colonel Thomas Hamond.  
* Colonel Geotge Fenwick.  
Robert Nicholas, Sergeant at Law.  
* Colonel john Hewson.  
Robert Reynolds, Esq  
* john Lisle, Esq  
* Nicholas Love, Esq  
* V●cent Potter.  
Sir Gilbert Pickering, Kt.  
john Weaver, Esq  
john Lenthall, Esq  
Sir Edward Bayton, Kt.  
john Corbet, Esq  
Thomas Blount, Esq  
Thomas Boone, Esq  
* Augustine Garland, Esq  
Augustine Skinner, Esq  
* john Dixwell, Esq  
* Colonel George Fleetwood.  
* Simon Maine, Esq  
* Colonel james Temple.  
* Colonel Peter Temple.  
* Daniel Blagrave, Esq  
Sir Petter Temple, Bar.  
* Colonel Thomas wait.  
john Brown, Esq  
john Lawry, Esq  
* john Bradshaw, Sergeant at  
Law named Precedent.  
Councillers-Assistants to this Court, and to draw up the Charge against the King.  
* Doctor Isaac Dorislaw.  
* Mr. William's Steel.  
* Mr. Ask.  
* Mr. Cook, Solicitor.  
* Sergeant Dandy, Sergeant at Arms.  
* Mr. Phelps Clerks to the Court.  
* Mr. Broughton  
Messengers and Doorkeepers.  
Mr. Walford.  
Mr. Radley.  
Mr. Pain.  
Mr. powel.  
Mr. Hull.  
Mr. King, the Crier.   
And that these their Sanguinary proceedings might carry the more show of Authority; upon the Third day 
y 9 jar.  following, they sent their Sergeant at Arms with his Mace, accompanied by six Trumpets on Horseback, into Westminster-Hall, (great Guards of Soldiers waiting in the Palace-yards.) Where (in the midst of the Hall) after the Trumpets had sounded, he made solemn Proclamation, on Horseback; that if any man had aught to allege against Charles Start, they should repair, the day following, at Two of the Clock Afternoon, into the Painted Chamber; where the Committees to receive the same were to Sit.  
The like Proclamation he made at the Exchange, and other places in London.  
The same day also they Voted, that Writs should no longer run in the King's Name; and the making of a new Great Seal, with the Arms of England and Ireland (viz. the Cross and Harp) on the one side, and this Circumscription; viz. The Great Seal of England. On the other side the Figure of the Parliament and the Circumscription; In the first year of Freedom, by God's Blessing restored, 1648.  
According to which Proclamation, so made in Westminster-Hall, the next day 
z 10. jan.  following those High Court of Justice-men sat formally in the Painted Chamber, to receive Informations from such, whom they had then prepared to come in for that purpose. For which time, for the space of Nine days, the Grandees had frequent Meetings, to frame and settle the special order and form for executing of that their accursed design. 
The K. removed from Wind●●r to St. James'.  And, having in the Interim, erected a Bloody Theatre at the upper end of Westminster-Hall, which they called The High Court of justice, they removed 
a 19 jan.  His Majesty from Wind●●●●, to St. James' (near Westmi●ster) and upon Saturday january the Twentieth, made their entrance 
b 20. jan.  in State into Westminster-Hall, Bradshaw the Precedent having a Sword and Mace carried before him; and for his Guard Twenty Soldiers with Partisans, under the Command of Colonel Fox the Tinker.  
Where, after this Prodigious Monster (Bradshaw) with the rest of that Bloody-pack (in all to the number of Seventy two, the rest then declining to show their Faces in so Horrid an Enterprise, though most of them afterwards avowed the same) were set; and that Hellish Act read, whereby they were constituted the King's Judges; His Majesty was brought to the Bar by Colonel Hacker, Guarded with a Company of Halberdiers. In whose passage, it is not unworthy of note, that Hugh Peter's (one of their wicked Preachers) did set on divers of the Soldiers to cry out justice, justice, against him, and that one of them did then Spit in the King's Face.  
Which being done, that insolent Bradshaw stood up, and most impudently told 
c Hist. of Indep. Part. 1. p. 87.  the King (calling him Charles Stuart) that the Commons of England Assembled in Parliament, being sensible of the great Calamities brought upon this Nation; and of the Innocent Blood shed (which was referred to him as the Author) according to that duty which they did owe to God, the Nation, and themselves; and according to that Power and Fundamental Trust reposed in them by the People, had Constituted that High Court of justice, before which he was then brought; and that he was to hear his Charge, upon which the Court would proceed.  
Then Cook their Solicitor, went on, and said, 
d Ib,  that he did accuse Charles Stuart, there present, of High Treason, and Misdemeanours; and did, in the Name of the Commons of England, desire that the Charge might be read against him.  
Whereupon they caused their most false and Infamous Charge to be read. Which importing, that he being admitted King of England, and trusted with a limited Power, for the good and benefit of the People, had Traitorously and Maliciously levied War against that present Parliament, and the People therein represented; and caused and procured many Thousands of the Free People of this Nation to be slain. Concluding, that he did therefore impeach him, as a Tyrant, Traitor, Murderer, and a public and implacable Enemy to the Commonwealth of England; Praying, that he might be put to answer the premises; and that such Proceedings, Examinations, Trials, Sentence and judgement might be thereupon had, as should be agreeable to justice..;  
I shall not stay here to give instance of the particular expressions then made by His Majesty unto those Bloodthirsty men. Which were with the greatest Wisdom, Gravity, and Christian Courage imaginable; considering that they already are by some Historians, and others, so exactly published to the World: He absolutely denying and renouncing that their usurped Jurisdiction, and Authority thus to convent him; and stoutly refusing to submit to their power. In which he most undauntedly persisted every time he was brought before them, with incomparable magnanimity of Spirit.  
On the Second 
e 21. jan.  day of their Sitting, they held a Fast at White-Hall.  
And on the Third day, 
f 22. jan.  the Scots Commissioners delivered in certain Papers to them, with a Declaration from the Parliament of Scotland, importing a dislike of those their Proceedings against His Majesty, but nothing regarded.  
After which, to the end that these Barbarous Regicides might the better consult touching the manner of his Execution, and to perform it with the greater Ignominy, they respited his Sentence of Death for Four or Five days. But then, having fully determined thereon, upon Saturday 
g 27. jan.  the Twenty Seventh of january, they caused Him to be brought before them again. Where, after a most insolent Speech, made by the same Bradshaw the Precedent, His Sentence of Death was read; there being then present no less than Seventy two of those His Bloody Murderers, called Judges, who stood up and avowed the same, the Names of which I have noted with an Asterism in the preceding Catalogue.  
Which being done, a Public Declaration 
h Ib. p. 108.  was appointed to be drawn against the Proclaiming of Prince Charles, after the removal of his Father out of this Life; denouncing it to be High Treason for any one so to do. Likewise, that no person upon Pain of Imprisonment, and such other punishments as should be thought fit, might speak or divulge any thing contrary to those their proceedings.  
And upon the Morrow, being Sunday, 
i 28. jan. Ib. p. 109.  some of the Grandees came, and tendered to him a Paper Book, with promise of Life, and some shadow of Regality, in case he would Subscribe it; which contained many particulars destructive to the Religion established, to the Laws of the Land, and to the Liberties and Properties of the People. Whereof one was, that he should pass an Act, for keeping on Foot their Army during the pleasure of such, as they should nominate to be entrusted with the Militia; with power, from time to time, to recruit and continue them, to the Number of Forty Thousand Horse and Foot, under their present General and Officers, and that the Council of War, should have power to make choice of new Officers, and Generals, from time to time, as occasion should happen, and they think fit: as also to settle a Tax upon the People, by way of Land-rate for supporting the same Army; to be Collected and levied by the Soldiers themselves. And for the establishing a Court-Marshal of extraordinary extent. But so soon as His Majesty had read some few of those Tyrannous Proposals, he threw them aside; saying, that he would rather become a Sacrifice for his People, than thus betray their Laws, Liberties, Lives, and Estates, with the Church, the Commonwealth, and Honour of the Crown, to so intolerable a Bondage of an Armed Faction.  
And such a Sacrifice they really made him, upon the Tuesday following (which was the Thirtieth 
k 30. jan. Ib. p. 110.  of january) having (the more to affront and deject him, had it been possible) built a Scaffold for His Murder, before the Great Gate at White-Hall, whereunto they fixed several Staples of Iron, and prepared Cords, to tie him down to the Block, had he made any resistance to that Cruel, and Bloody stroke. To which place they then brought him on Foot, from St. James' attended by Guards of Soldiers; having filled all the Streets, from Charing-Cross to Westminster, with Troops of Horse, and Companies of Foot.  
Whereon, being ascended with the Greatest Christian Magnanimity imaginable; he told them, that they were in a wrong way to the Kingdom's Peace, their design being to do it by Conquest, in which God would never prosper them. Farther declaring to them, that the right way thereto, would be first to give God his due, by regulating rightfully the Church, in a National Synod, freely called and freely debating. Secondly the King (his Successor) his due: wherein the Laws of the Land would sufficiently instruct them. Thirdly the People, theirs; in such a Government, whereby their Lives and Gods might be most their own.  
It was for that (quoth he) I come now hither; for would I have given way to an Arbitrary sway, to have all Laws changed, according to the power of the Sword, I needed not to have come here. Telling them farther (but praying God, it might not be laid to their Charge) that he was the People's Martyr.  
And then, most Christianly forgiving all, 
The King Murdered.  praying for His Enemies, he meekly submitted to the stroke of the Axe. It is not unworthy of Observation (and therefore, not finding a more proper place for it, I have thought fit to insert it here.) that some of those most Impious Regicides, who sat, and gave judgement of Death upon this Blessed Martyr, when, (after the happy Restoration of our present Sovereign) they were brought to their Trials for that unparallelled Murder; stuck not (in justification of themselves) to plead, that they were not within the compass of Treason, as it is declared by the Statute of 25. E. 3. For that, questionless, (said they) must intent private Persons, Councilling, Compassing, or imagining the Death of the King: but you know (said they) that the War was first stated by the Lords and Commons, the Parliament of Enlgand, and by virtue of their Authority was raised; they pretending by the Laws, that the right of the Militia was in them; whereupon, accordingly, they raised a Force, making the Earl of Essex General, and after that Sir 〈…〉. This therefore they insisted on for a legal Authority; because (said they) that this Parliament was called by the King's Writ, and that the Members thereof were chosen by the People: Adding, that the Persons which acted under that Authority, ought not therefore to be questioned, as Persons Guilty; because, if that which they acted 
☞  was Treason, than the Lords and Commons in Parliament began the Treason.  
Having thus finished their Grand, and long designed work, 
His Corpse removed from White-Hall to St. James'. I. Feb.  they permitted the Duke of Richmond, the Marquis of Hertford, the Earl of Southampton, and Earl of Lindsey to Inter his Corpse in the Collegiate Chapel, within the Castle at 〈◊〉, refusing him Burial, with his Ancestors in the Church of Wes●minster, under colour of preventing such confluence of People, 
Thence to Windsor. 7. Feb.  which out of a superstitious respect might resort to his Grave; reserving that place, 
There Buried. 9 Feb.  therein, which had been built by King Henry the Seventh, purposely for the Sepulture on himself and his Posterity, for the Bones of his chiefest Murderers. Some of which being afterwards, accordingly, there deposited, have since been Translated, and laid, more properly under the Gallows.  
Being thus come to the Period of this incomparable Prince's Life, I may not omit to take notice; that the time was, when these Monsters of men, did publicly declare, that they would make his Majesty a Glorious King: which now we see most truly verified, though not as they then seemed to intent it. So Glorious indeed, as Mortal man never was more.  
First, In that he suffered as an Heroic Champion for the Rights of the Church, the Laws of the Land, the Liberties and Properties of the Subject, and Privileges of Parliament; in stoutly (to his utmost) withstanding the conjunctive Power of his Rebellious Subjects; which under the colour of asserting these, most Traitorously assaulted him in divers sharp Battles.  
Next, by his cheerful undergoing the many hardships of a destructive War, and a tedious Imprisonment.  
Thirdly, by his patient enduring the many insolent affronts of this subtle, false, cruel, and most implacable Generation, in their Barbarous manner of conventing, and Condemning him to Death; and to see his most bloodthirsty Enemies than Triumph over him.  
And that no part of true felicity might be wanting to him, they have made him Glorious in his Memory, throughout of the World, by a Great, Universal and most durable Fame; and Glorious, by his enjoyment of an Immortal Crown, with the Blessed Saints, Martyrs, and devout Confessors in the highest Heavens.   

CHAP. XXXI.  
AND here, having made a mournful stop, for a while, to contemplate the unspeakable loss of this excellent Prince, 
Whether the Presbyterians or Independants were the chief Actors Murdering the King  and the direful actings of these matchless Conspirators; I begin to consider, that the Presbyterians, may (possibly) take much exceptions at this Historical Narrative, in regard that by the Life of the King was not taken away by them, but by that Sect which are usually called Independants.  
Whereunto I answer, that, it is not denied, but that he was actually put to death, by those who (in common discourse) do pass under that name. But whether the Presbyterians can clear themselves from the Guilt of his Murder, as I know not how to excuse them; so am I somewhat doubtful thereof.  
For in the First place I would ask, whether they were not the men, which Originally put themselves in Arms against him, and strenuously endeavoured to kill him in sundry Battles? and whether the name of Independent was ever then heard of?  
Next, whether they did not Covenant with the Scots, and therein vowed to endeavour the establishing of Church-Government here, consonant to that of theirs, which is well known to be Presbyterian?  
Likewise, whether they, either before, or whilst the King was in their Hands, did ever make Proposals to him; but that the establishing of their Discipline was chiefly insisted on?  
Moreover, whether they were not the first that distinguished betwixt His Person and His Office? and by the strength of their Armies, Murdered him in his Politic Capacity, usurping with great boldness, the Power and Authority thereof?  
Likewise, whether they were not the very men, that made him their Prisoner at Newcastle, and Holdenby, refusing him the comfort of any one of his own Chaplains?  
Finally, whether they did not perpetually torment him, with their incessant importunities; not only to become a Felo de se, in Murdering himself in his Regal capacity, by giving up the Power of the Sword, into their ambitious Hands: but by endeavouring to extort his consent, for the Sacrificing the Lands of the Church to their greedy Appetite; aiming therein, as much as in them lay, at the very ruin of his Soul, by making him a Robber of God; and thereby pulling upon him all those heavy Curses, denounced by the Pious Donors of those large Possessions, on the Violators of their devout Gifts, which they full well knew, that by his Coronation Oath, he was strictly obliged to defend.  
And, though a more violent and rigid sort of these men, who severed from the rest, not so much in point of difference in Religion (if I may say they have any Religion in them at all) as to secular Interest; did get the King out of their Hands; using him no less Barbarously, and at length did put an end to his Life by an insolent and cruel Murder of his Royal Person: what was this worse, than was done to him by the Presbyterian? who most inhumanely tormented him, by a lingering and disconsolate Imprisonment; wherein he was in perpetual fear of Murder, by Pistol, Dagger, or Poison. Nay I would ask of any Rational man, whether the would not rather choose to have an end to the like Miseries, by an open and Public Death, as His Majesty had, whereby the World might be the more convinced of his Innocency, and Goodness; than to be so strictly immured in the merciless hands of such, who might thereby take advantage to divulge what they list of him.  
I cannot deny, but that so soon as this Hellish-Murther was committed, many of the Presbyterians did loudly declaim against it; seeming as much to wash their Hands of the Guilt, as Pilate did from the Death of our Blessed Saviour. And I am not ignorant, that whosoever shall, in any sort, charge the Guilt of his Blood upon them, must expect to be severely censured by all that Party.  
Therefore I shall herein refer the decision of this point, to a Person wholly unconcerned, and without exception; being a Foreigner both by Birth and Residence, most Eminent for his Learning, throughout the Christian World, and who had no reason to deliver any partial opinion herein: I mean the late Famous Claudius Salmasius; who having most judiciously and elegantly Written upon this Subject, of the King's just Rights, 
The opinion herein of the Learned Salmasius.  as a Monarch here; and concisely Historized the chief particulars in the late Rebellion against him, until his Generally deplored Murder: at length, by reason that the Independants did actually cut off his Head; coming to State the case rationally, (in brief) lays the main Guilt of his Blood at the Presbyterians Door, his expression being (in short) this 
l Salam●●●s de●ensio regia, pro Carolo primo. c. 10. p. 343  Nuncad eam quaestionem pervenimus, quâ tractandun est, quinam fuerint Rebellionis illius, & Condemnationis praecipui autores; quis Anglis, Scotis, & Hibernis, optimum Regem pessimo facinore abstulit; & tria haec Regna magnae Insulae, sub uno Rege, quondam florentia & beata, tot ruinis, stragibus, & incendiis miscuit.  
— Et 
m Ib. p. 353  quinam alii meritò Regis occisi crimine notari magìs debuêre, quàm qui vaim ad eum occidendum munierunt? Illi sunt, qui nefariam illam securim cervicibus ejus inflixerunt, non alii. Si Latro viatorem per sylvam transeuntem insidiis exceperit, gladio discinctum, & crumenâ spoliatum, vestimentis etiam postremò nudatum, ut plerique faciunt, ad arborem religaverit, & fera silvestris de nocte super veniens, & miserum sic revinctuns offendens, invaserit, laniaverit & consumpserit, cui debet ascribi mortis ejus causa Latroni an Ferae? ille amovit ensem viatori, que se defendere poterat; & insuper, devinctum, dilacerandum lupis objecit; ergo ille potiùs titulum hujus caedis quàm bellua feret. Mutatis nominibus haec fabula Presbyterianis convenit, nam res eadem est. Illi aliquot annis antè, omnibus modis, per varias Petitiones, jus Regis imninuere, & Authoritatem ejus infringere moliti fucrunt, etc.  
— Scitum est, 
Ib. p. 468.  & verè dictum à quodam de Sectâ Independentium, Regem in Carolo primùm perdidisse Presbyterianos: de●inde & Carolum ipsum trucidasse Independentes. Ita justum Regem & sanctum extinxere Presbyteriani; Carolum verò, virum probum & pium, non tantum innocentem Independentes condemnarunt. Thus far Salmasius.   

CHAP. XXXII.  
AND now, before I proceed farther in this Historical Discourse, there are two malicious Scandals, wherewith these wicked men, since that execrable Murder of their Lawful Sovereign, have endeavoured to bespot his precious Memory.  
The first is, that to colour these their most perfidious and Barbarous deal, they have not stuck to say, that Cromwell had a real purpose (after the King was so taken from Holdenby) to restore him to his just Rights (as hath been already observed,) with this condition, that he should wholly rely upon him, and his Party, and not endeavour to procure any aid from the Scots for that purpose: But, that after he was brought to Hampton-Court, a certain Letter from the Queen was intercepted by them, and privately opened; the Contents whereof were, that she did thereby acquaint him, that the Scots were, Raising, or preparing to Raise an Army in order to his Restoration, or expressions to that effect. And, that Cromwell, having seen this Letter, and made it up again so artificially, that no violation of the Seal could appear, conveyed it to the King, and the next Morning sent Ireton on purpose to His Majesty, to inquire of him what he knew of any Hostile Preparations then in hand by the Scots to the purpose aforesaid. Unto whom the King briefly saying, that he did neither know nor believe any thing thereof, Ireton returned with this answer; and that thereupon both of them concluding that His Majesty was not to be farther trusted, they did thenceforth resolve to proceed against him, as hath been already showed.  
To the which Story, as to the improbability of it, I reply, that 'tis very well known the King was in that open Freedom at Hampton-Court, all the time he remained there, that divers of his old and Faithful Servants were not only permitted to attend on His Royal Person, in their respective places, but many others had the Liberty of Free access to him: So that it is not at all likely, that any Letter from the Queen should come to him at that time, by other hands than those who were of known trust.  
Besides, what could he expect from the Scots, which might conduce to the Restoring him to any part of his Regal Authority, without submitting to their solemn League and Covenant, which they full well knew he could never be prevailed with to do.  
Next, that he had no great reason to conside much in Duke Hamilton's fair intentions towards him, in case he should have vanquished those men. And lastly, that it had been no Prudence to depend upon the strength of their Arms, considering that the Events of War are uncertain; especially, having so much reason to hope, and believe, that Cromwell and his Party (who had such an influence upon those Members which then Sat in their Parliament, as on the Army) would accomplish what he had so solemnly promised; considering also, (in all Humane reason) it would conduce to his own proper Interest. Thus much as to the Improbability of any Truth herein.  
But now to the Impossibility thereof. Let it be considered, that the Scots could not foresee any danger towards His Majesty till after he left Hampton-Court, which was upon the Eleventh of November 1647. Nor then, till the Month of December next following, that they saw the Fur Dethroning Bills, which through the influence of Cromwell and his Party were sent to him; and the Vote on the Third of january ensuing, of No more Addresses; Shortly after which he was made close Prisoner by Colonel Hamond.  
Which destructive Bills, and malevolent Votes, was that which in truth alarmed the Scots, as it did the English in divers, Parts: who, discerning His Majesty in this miserable condition, made several attempts in order to his rescue (though without success, as hath been already observed:) who thereupon, and not till then did constitute 
* In April or May, 1648. Vide Sandersons Hist. of K. Charles p. 1071.  a Committee of Danger at 〈◊〉, (which was previous to any preparation for Raising an Army) and necessitated them to consider what was without delay to be done in this great exigent; foreseeing well, that the Tyranny of these Antimonarchists would, in the end, overwhelm them there, as well as the English here. Whereupon they resolved to Raise an Army in order thereto.  
Besides, most apparent it is, that the King was so ignorant of any Preparations made by the Scots to that purpose, that, 
Scots entered England with a third Army, 13. july, 1648.  until the Month of july 1648. when it was told him, that Duke Hamilton was entered England with an Army, he was so strangely surprised with the News, that he suddenly said, Then he is undone.  
To pass by this base Fiction therefore, merely devised to give some colour for the perfidiousness of Cromwell, I descend to the next device they had, to countenance their wicked Actions; which was to detract from his deserved Fame in another kind.  
For discerning, soon after his Death those most Divine Meditations made public by the Press, and Entitled Icon Basilike, which in his deplorable and disconsolate soli●udes he had Pathetically put in Writing; whereby his Great Prudence, Patience, and Piety, in those his woeful Sufferings would be made openly conspicuous to the World; and not being able to suppress them, (as they did earnestly endeavour to do) they made it their work to blast them, by their false and Impudent Reports, that they were none of his own, but composed by some royalist to gain a Reputation to his Memory, which they studied by all malicious projects and practices to suppress, and to that purpose encouraged a needy Pedagogue, preferring him to the Office of Secretary, to write that Scandalous Book called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 being a bitter invective against those his Divine Meditations.  
But to manifest that these were no borrowed wares, but by the Good and Gracious assistance of Almighty God were totally of his own composure in the midst of his most sad afflictions; besides the unlikely-hood, that any such expressions could flow from an Heart not oppressed and grieved with such a weight of sorrow as his was; I shall make it evident from the Testimony of very credible persons yet living, that he had begun the Penning of them long before he went from 〈◊〉 to the Scots▪ For the Manuscript itself, written with his own Hand, being found in his Cabinet, which was taken at revesby Fight, was restored, to him, after he was brought to Hampton-Court, by the hand of Major Huntingdon, through the favour of General Fairfax, of whom he obtained it. And, that whilst he was in the Isle of Wight, it was there seen frequently by Mr. Thomas Herbert, who then waited on His Majesty in his Bedchamber; as also by Mr. William Lever, (a Page of the the back Stairs) the Title then prefixed to it being Suspiria Regalia, who not only read several parts thereof, but saw the King divers times writing farther on it.  
Which Mr. Herbert (being that Learned Person, who hath published his Observations upon his Travels in Asia) hath since the Kings most happy Restauration, been honoured with the Title of Baronet, in Testimony of the Gracious sense His Majesty hath of his dutiful demeanour and perfect sidelity, in those Perilous times to his dear Father of Blessed Memory. Add hereunto the Testimony of Mr. Richard Royston a Bookseller at the Angel in 〈◊〉; who having in those Rebellious times adventured to Print divers of His late Majesty's Declarations, Speeches, and Messages; about the beginning of October 1648. (the King being then in the Isle of 〈◊〉) was sent to by His Majesty to prepare all things ready for the Printing some Papers which he purposed shortly after to convey to him. Which was this very Copy, brought to him on the Twenty Third of December next following, by one Mr. Edward Symmons, a Reverend Divine, who received it from Dr. Bryan Duppa, than Bishop of Salisbury, and afterwards of Winchester. In the Printing whereof Mr. Royston made such speed, that it was finished before that dismal Thirtieth of January, that His Majesty's Life was so taken away, as before is observed.  
What I have here instanced to wipe off this soul stain, which the malice of wicked men have cast upon the Memory of His late Majesty, will be sufficient, I am sure, to satisfy all such, who through those most venomous Insinuations have been doubtful herein; and enough to stop the mouths of those vile Detractors, which are any way favoures of that execrable Murder of their Lawful Sovereign.  
Whose last Legacies of what he had left the night before his Suffering, and afterwards delivered by the hands of Mr. Herbert, were as followeth, viz.  
To the Prince (our now Gracious King) his Bible, in the Margin whereof he had with his own hand Written many Annotations. To the Duke of York his large Ring-Sun-Dial of Silver, which His Majesty much valued, it having been invented and made by Mounsieur De la mine, an able Mathematician; and who, in a little Printed Book hath showed its excellent use, for resolving many Questions in Arithmetic; and other rare operations in the Mathematics, to be wrought by it.  
To the Princess Elizabeth, his Daughter, the Sermons of the most Learned Dr. Andrews sometimes Bishop of Winchester; and Archbishop Laud's Book against Fisher the Jesuit, which he said, would ground her against Popery; with Mr. Hooker's Ecclesiastical Policy. As also a Paper to be Printed, in which he asserted Regal Government to have a Divine Right, with Proofs out of sundry Authors Civil and Sacred.  
To his Son the Duke of ●aucester, King james his works, and Dr. Hamond's Practical Catechism: To the Earl of Lindsey Cassandra; To the Duchess of Richmund his Gold Watch: And to Mr. Herbert himself the Silver Clock, which usually hung by his Bedside.  
Hereunto it will not seem impertinent, I presume, to add a Catalogue of the other Books, which His Majesty had with him in this His disconsolate condition; they being these, Dr. Hamond's other Works; Villalpandus upon Ezekiel, etc. Sands his Paraphrase upon King David's Psalms; Herbert's Divine Poems: Godfrey of Bulloign, Written in Italian by Torquato Tasso, and Translated into English Heroick Verse by Mr. Fairfax (a Poem which His Majesty much commended) as he did Ariosto by Sir john Harrington a Facetious Poet; Spenser's Fairy Queen, and the like, for alleviating his Spirits after serious Studies.  
Nor can I here omit to tell, that this excellent Prince, with his own hand Translated that Learned Discourse written in Latin by Dr. Saunderson (afterwards Bishop of Lincol●e) de juramentis, which he caused Mr. Herbert and Mr. Harington to compare with the Original, who found it most accurately done.  
Those particulars are such, whereof those who have published much of his Life and Reign have not taken notice.  
To give a Character of his Eminent virtues I shall not need, it being already so well done by Dr. Pireinchief in the short History which he hath published of his Life; but shall take notice, that his delight in Learning was such, that he understood Greek, Latin, French, Spanish and Italian Authors in their Original Languages, which Three last he spoke perfectly; no man being better read in Histories of all sorts, being able also to Discourse in most Arts and Sciences.  
In one of his Books he wrote this Distich of Claudian.  
Rebus in adversis facile est contemnere vitam,  
Fortiter ille facit, qui miser esse potest.  
And out of another Poet, against the Levellers and Antimonar chists then predominant:  
Fallitur egregio quisquis sub principe credit  
Servitium. Nunquam libertas gratior extat  
Quàm sub Rege pio—  
Whereunto I shall add, that after Mr. Herbert had much solicited those who were then in Power, that His Royal Corpse might be Buried in King Henry the Seventh's Chapel at Westminster, near to the Grave of King james; which they refused, alleging the danger of much concourse to that place out of a superstitious respect; they thereupon granted a Warrant to him, bearing Date the Sixth of February for the Interring thereof at Windsor. Hence it was, that Mr. Herbert, having often heard His Majesty speak with Great Honour of King Edward the Fourth, from whom he was descended, he resolved to Bury the Corpse in that Vault under the Monument of that King (which is betwixt the High Altar and the North Isle) and gave order for the opening thereof accordingly: but the Duke of Richmond, Marquess of Hertsord, Earl of Southampton, and Earl of Lindsey, coming to Windsor to perform their last duty of His Memory, in seeing His Royal Corpse decently Interred; and walking up the Choir, where they found by knocking on the Pavement an hollow found, they caused the place to be opened, it being near to the Seats, and opposite to the Eleventh Stall on the Sovereign's side; in which were Two Coffins, one very large, of King Henry the Eighth, the other of Queen jane his Third Wife, both covered with Velvet; whereupon they concluded to deposit it there. It was therefore brought down accordingly out of the King's Lodgings, in the upper Ward of the Castle, into the Court, the Air being then Serene: but (which is observable) before they came to the Door of the Chapel, there happened Snow to fall, which covered the Hearse of Black Velvet, in which it was carried, that it was all White. It being brought to the Grave, the Reverend Dr. juxon Bishop of London, who had been permitted to wait on His Majesty in the time of His Preparation for Death, and on the Scaffold, was there ready to have performed the Office of Burial, as it is prescribed in the Public Liturgy of the Church; but the Governor of the Castle (Colonel Whitchcot) would not suffer it.   

CHAP. XXXIII.  
HAVING thus finished what I thought proper to be said in reference to His Late Majesty King Charles the First, thus destroyed by these great Pretenders to Godliness (as hath been observed;)  
I shall now go on with the remainder of this Story, until I come to the most happy, and Miraculous Restoration of our present Sovereign King Charles the Second, whom God long preserve, and continually defend from the Infernal Plots, and subtle Machinations of this dangerous Brood of Cruel men.  
Proclamation 
o 30. jan. Hist. of Indep. part 2. p. 113.  being therefore made in London (and afterwards throughout all England forbidding to Proclaim Prince Charles, the Members remaining in the House of Commons, passed an Act 
p 1. Febr. Ib. p. 115.  (for thenceforth their Edicts were so called) that such as had assented to the Vote of December the Fifth, viz. that the King's concessions were a ground for the House to proceed to a settlement, should not be readmitted to Sat as Members: As also, that such as were then in the House, and Voted in the Negative, should first enter their dissent to the said Vote: And that such as were absent should declare their disapproval before they Sat.  
Soon after this, they passed an Act, 
q 3. Febr.  for the setting up of another High Court of Justice, for the Trial of Duke Hamilton, the Earl of Holland, the Earl of Norwich, Lord Capel, and Sir john Owen. Which Court, upon the Fifth of February met 
r 5. Febr.  in the Painted-Chamber, and Elected their Precedent: It being then also debated in the House of Commons, whether they should continue the House of Lords, as a Court of Judicatory, or Consultatory only. And the day following, 
s 6. Febr.  it being put to the Question, both were carried in the Negative; and farther Voted; 
t Ib. p. 115. Et Perf. Diurnal. p. 1250.  that the House of Peers in Parliament was Useless and Dangerous, and aught to be abolished; and that an Act should be brought in for that purpose: as also that the Peers should not be exempted from Arrests: 
House of Peers abolished.  but did admit, that they should be capable of being Knights and Burgesses in Parliament, in case they were elected.  
¶ The next thing of Note that happened, was the Proclaiming 
u 5. Febr.  of Prince Charles at Edinburgh, in Scotland, to be King of Great Britain, France, and Ireland (his Royal Father being thus destroyed:) But 'tis to be noted, that this Proclamation ran thus— Whom all the Subjects of his Kingdom, are bound humbly to obey, maintain, and defend, according to the National Covenant, betwixt the Two Kingdoms, with their Lives and Goods against all, deadly, And that before he should be admitted to the exercise of His, Royal Power, he was to give satisfaction to that Kingdom, in those things that concerned the security of Religion, the Union betwixt the Kingdoms, and the Good and Peace of that Kingdom, according to the National Covenant, and the Solemn League and Covenant.  
And for Establishing the Dominion of these Bloody Regicides at We●tmin●●er, the Members there Sitting went on Vigorously; First Voting the absolute abolition of the Oaths of Allegiance, and Supremacy. Next in devising and appointing A new Stamp for Coin. And by Erecting a Council of State, consisting of Thirty Persons, viz. the Earls of Densigh, Mulgrave, Pembroke, Salisbury, Lord Grey of Work, Lord General Fairfax, Lord Grey of Groby, Lord L'isle (Son to the Earl of Leicester) Lord Chief Justice Rolls, Lord Chief Justice St. john, Lord Chief Baron Wylde, Lord Precedent Bradshaw, Lord General Cromwell, Major General Skippon, Sir Gilbert Pickering, Sir William Masham, Sir Arthur Haselrig, Sir james Harrington, Sir Henry Vane, Jun. Sir john Davers, Sir William Armyn, Sir Henry Mildmay, Sir William Constable, Alderman Penington, Alderman Wilson, Bulstrode Whitlock, Esq Henry Martin, Esq Colonel Ludlow, Anthony Stepeley, Esq William Heveningham, Esq Robert Wallop, Esq john Hutchinson, Esq Dennis Bond, Esq Alexander Popham, Esq Valentine Walton, Esq Thomas Scot, Esq William Purefey, Esq john jones, Esq  
But the Lord Grey of Work waving that employment, Mr. john L'isle of Hantshire, Cornelius Holland, and Luke Robinson were added to this Number, who were called the Committee of Estates appointed by Parliament.  
¶ It is not unworthy of Observation, that as the Scots and this unhappy Long Parliament, at the beginning of their desperate Practices against the King, did declare, that their whole Proceedings, then were according to the Fundamental Laws. So these wicked Regicides, after their Bloody Murder of the King, in answer to an Embassy from the Dutch, expressed; 
x Moderate Intelligencer. p. 315.  that these their Proceedings against the King, were consistent with the Fundamental Laws of this Nation of England, which were best known to themselves.  
Nor was the project for their new Church-Discipline less notable, as may seem by this following Petition 
y The Armies weekly Intelligencer. p. 33, & 34.  and Advice, which was presented 
z Febr. 16.  to the General of their Army, and the Council of War, by many Christians (as they called themselves) dispersed abroad, throughout the County of Norfolk, and City of Norwich, in these words;  
— That your Petitioners acknowledge themselves unspeakably engaged to the God of Heaven and Earth, for his great Mercy to us, in giving you Hearts to offer yourselves so willingly among the People, in the late Great undertaking of the Nation, against the Enemies of the Peace thereof, and Blessing your Faithful endeavours, with such Glorious and wonderful successes; whereby, as the Lord hath put great Honour upon you, Crowning your Valour with Victory, and making you the Warlike Glory of the World, so hath be no less put great Obligations upon you all, to exalt him that hath exalted you, and to lift up his Glory in the World, where he hath given you a name so Great and Glorious, etc.— Therefore our daily Prayers shall be for yourselves, and your Noble Army, that you may never stumble at the stumbling-stone, nor take the honour to yourselves, that is due to Christ; nor be Instrumental for setting up of a mere Natural and Worldly Government, like that of Heathen- Room, Athens, etc.— To which end we humbly pray, that yourselves would enter into Serious and Grave consideration, and debate the Particulars in the Papers here humbly offered to you: and also present them to the Honourably Parliament, that they may be improved so far, as shall be found agreeable to the will and word of God. Which done, we doubt not, but God shall have much Glory, the Godly Party shall be comforted: Natural men (enjoying their Estates) will be at rest also, and much satisfied, and this Commonwealth will be exalted, to be both an Habitation of justice, and Mountain of Holiness; even such a People as God shall Bless.  
An humble Advice, concerning the Government of the Kingdom, according to the former Platform, or Model.  
1. That you would stir up Godly Ministers, and People, throughout the Kingdom, to Associate, or incorporate into Church-Societies; and grant them your special Favour, Provision and Protection; so shall you be Saints Nursing Fathers.  
2. That you would please to satisfy the Godly-dissenting Brethren, both of Presbytery and Independency (by such ways and means as your Wisdoms shall think fit) how both their Interests may meet herein, that so they may concur with one heart in the work.  
3. That Sister-Churches oversee such Incorporations, and Imbodying, that only such as be of approved Godliness, may have the Right-hand of Fellowship given to them.  
4. That such Churches, where more of them are thus Collected and embodied in any Division, Circuit, Province, etc. may choose and send out some Delegates, Members, and Officers to Meet in one Sessions, Lesser-Parliament, Presbytery, or Assembly, for ordering of all such affairs as there occur, according to the word, if appertaining alone to that division.  
5. That all such Churches, and the Members thereof, have voices in Elections of such as are to sit in General Assemblies, or Church-Parliaments, so often as occasion is; and those Elected to Sat there as Christ's Officers, and the Church's Representatives; and to determine all things by the word, as that Law, which God will exalt alone and make honourable.  
6. That you take special care to send out, and encourage Godly Preachers, that may go into the rest of the Kingdom, to Preach the Gospel; that so, when others are converted, and the Son of God makes them Free, they may enjoy the former Freedom with the rest of the Saints.  
And in father order to the utter abolishing of Kingly Government, they appointed all those Antic and most Venerable Regalia, conserved in the Treasury at Westminster, and chiefly made use of at the Magnificent Coronations of the Kings of the Realm, and solemn Proceedings to Parliament: And also the costly Hang, precious Jewels, with other of the King's Goods, 
18. Febr.  and rich Furniture for his several Princely Palaces, to be sold. And, within few days following, caused the Heads of james Duke of Hamilton, Henry Earl of Holland, with that truly Noble Arthur Lord Capel, to be cut off. Touching whose actings against them, having already made some brief mention, I shall only take notice of their dealing with Duke Hamilton a little before his Execution, 
2. Hist. of Indep. p. 2. p. 131.  which was that in order to his discovery of such Members of Parliament, and Citizens of London, as had any Hand in calling him in, Cromwell took a Journey on purpose, to Windsor, and there flattered him with fair promises of Life: and though he could get nothing out of him; nevertheless he caused Bradshaw to carry a favourable countenance towards him upon his Trial in Westminster-Hall; the Lord Grey of Groby, Colonel wait and Hugh Peter's being likewise employed to him upon the like Errand: who told him, that they would not much obstruct him Pretended Plea of Quarter from Lambert, upon Articles: Peter's also promising him to witness the same for him (though Wait upon his Report to the House of Commons, of the manner how he took him, had affirmed, that he yielded at discretion, and that Lambert was not near him.) Nay honest Hugh seemed so zealous in his behalf, that he Prayed openly for him as his Lord and Patron, and fed him with no small hopes in case he would impeach those whom they suspected. But Hamilton, in stead of complying with them therein. (expecting otherwise to save his Head) did not only offer them an hundred thousand Pounds for his Life, intimating what Service he would do them in Scotland; but assured them, that he would join Interests with Argile, and be a Servant to them there. Whereupon Messengers were sent Post thither, to know Argile's mind; who resolving, that none should share with him in so Glorious a Work, refused any conjunction with him. The Wind, therefore, blowing in that Door, Bradshaw used him more roughly, upon his Farther Trial, than before; and Hugh Peter's renounced what he had formerly testified; insomuch, as Sentence of Death was given against him. Nevertheless, that he might still expect Life, and not give that Glory to God in this his Judgement, and cast Infamy upon them, by a Christian acknowledgement of his own and Argile's mutual Practices, they soon cut off his Head.  
And immediately after this, they passed an Act, 
a 17. Martii Scob. Coll. p. 7.  for discharging all people from their Allegiance to the late King's Issue, and abolishing 
b Ibid: p. 8.  the Kingly Office. Likewise for abolishing the House of Peers, as useless and dangerous: but with favour to some Lords, who had demeaned themselves with honour, courage and fidelity to the Commonwealth (as the words are) so that they might be capable of Voting in Parliament, if elected; Philip Earl of Pembroke, being 
c 16. Apr.  the first, which had the benefit of this Act, being admitted a Commoner in this new framed Parliament; and the Lord Howard of Escrick the Second. After whom followed William Earl of Salisbury—  
And wisely considering; 
An. 1649.  that as the Preachers had been their chief Instruments, for infusing such Principles into the Vulgar sort of People, by their Seditious Lecturing Sermons, as had at last accomplished their long studied design, for the abolishing of Monarchical Government: Lest therefore, that by the same Engine, the like ruin in time, might be brought upon themselves; they ordered, that no Minister, in the Pulpit, should meddle with any State-Matters; therein pursuing the practice of the Netherlanders, who had done so before, for the prevention of mischief to their own Commonwealth.  
But now to digress a little; let us here behold what a Brainsick Generation in a short space of time sprung up from this precious root of Presbytery.  
About 
d Hist. of Indep. p. 2. p. 152.  this time, there came Six Soldiers into the Parish-Church of Walton upon Thames, in Surrey, near Twilight in the Evening (Mr. Faucet, the Preacher there, having not till then ended his Sermon) one of which number with a Lantern in his hand, and a Candle burning in it; and in the other Hand, four Candles not lighted, desired the Parishioners to stay a while; saying, that he had a Message from God unto them, and thereupon offered to go up into the Pulpit. But the people, refusing to give him leave so to do, or to stay in the Church, he went into the Churchyard, and there told them, that he had a Vision, wherein he had received a command from God, to declare his will unto them, which he was to deliver, and they to receive, upon pain of damnation; it consisting of Five Lights.  
1. That the Sabbath was abolished as unnecessary, jewish, and merely Ceremonial; And here (quoth he) I should put out my first Light, but the wind is so high I cannot kindle it.  
2. That Tithes are abolished, as jewish and Ceremonial, a great Burden to the Saints of God, and a discouragement of Industry and Tillage; and here I should put out my Second Light, etc.  
3. That Ministers are abolished, as Antichristian, and of no longer use, now Christ himself descends into the hearts of his Saints, and his Spirit enlighteneth them with Revelations, and Inspirations. And here I should put out my Third Light, etc.  
4. Magistrates are abolished, as useless, now that Christ himself is in purity of Spirit come among us, and hath erected the Kingdom of the Saints upon Earth. Besides they are Tyrants and Oppressors of the Liberty of the Saints, and tie them to Laws and Ordinances, mere humane Inventions: And here I should put out my Fourth Light, etc.  
5. Then putting his Hand into his Pocket, and pulling out a little Bible, he showed it open to the People, saying, Here is a Book you have in great Veneration, consisting of Two parts, the Old and New Testament: I must tell you, it is abolished, it containeth Beggarly Rudiments, Milk for Babes: but now Christ is in Glory amongst us, and imparts a farther measure of his Spirit to his Saints, than this can afford, I am commanded to burn it before your Face. So taking the Candle out of his Lantern, he set fire on it. Then putting out the Candle he said; and here my Fifth Light is extinguished.  
Nay, the stream at that time carried Multitudes, so violently, this way, that the Soldiers fell to Preaching 
e Ib. p. 153.  in many places; six of them, in one day, exercising their Gifts, in that kind, at White-Hall; in so much, as that Grand Impostor Cromwell, subtly observing the bent of this Tide, ascended the Pulpit there himself, pretending that he was called up by the Spirit of God; and standing a good while with his Eyes lifted up (as it were in a Trance) his Head inclining to one side, he fetched many deep Groans; spent one hour in his Prayer, and near two in his Sermon. In which Prayer, his Humility was such; that, in imitation of Moses, he desired God to take off from his Shoulders the Government of this Mighty People of England, as being too heavy for him to bear.  
And so much did he then pretend to Revelations, and Inspirations; that when any weighty matter was propounded to him, he usually retired for a quarter of an hour, or more, and declared what was revealed to him. But to proceed.  
About this time they passed an Act, 
f 7. April. Scob. Coll. p. 8.  for supporting of their Military Forces, by imposing a Tax of Ninety thousand Pound; Per Mensem upon the Kingdom.  
And that the people might be totally confounded as to matter of Religion, or have any regard to Moral Honesty, but wholly guided by those whimsical Fantasies, which were, by their Ringleaders called the Revelations and Inspirations of God's Holy Spirit; it was referred 
g 12. April. Ib. p. 156.  to a Committee, to consider of a way for the Raising of Pensions, and allowances out of Deans and Chapters Lands, to maintain certain Itinerant Preachers, who were Authorized to go up and down, and spread abroad their Antimonarchical Doctrine, whereby the Rabble might be set up, and comply with the Soldiery against the Nobility and Gentry, Clergy, Lawyers, and all orderly Government. But upon better consideration, fearing that the Liberty, might in time, overwhelm them with confusion; and give such a countenance to the Levellers (of whose help they had made no small use, for the King's Destruction) as would bring upon them inevitable ruin; Cromwell moved 
h Ib. p. 157.  in their Parliament, that the Presbyterian Government might be settled, promising his endeavours thereto; and that the secured and secluded Members might be again invited to return into the House.  
They likewise employed divers of their Preachers (of which Mr. Marshal, Mr. Nye, Mr. Carrel, Mr. Goodwin and Hugh Peter's were the chief) to cajole others of their own Coat, together with the Citizens and expulsed Members, with certain Discourses and Proposals; telling them, that the Presbyterians did differ with the King in point of Civil Interest, which was much more irreconcilable, than the Interest of Church Government, whatsoever show was made to the contrary: Also, 
i Ib. p. 158.  that it was the Presbyterians who first made War against the late King, brought him low, and prepared him to receive his deadly blow from the Independants: 
☞  and therefore, that the King would look upon them, as equally Guilty with the Independants, and endeavour equally to cut them off; their design being thereby to cast the Presbyterians into utter despair; and so, to bring them in point of self Preservation, to join with their Interests, for common defence.  
And to carry on their work with the more show of Sanctity, they ordered, 
k 19 April. Ibid.  that a strict Fast should be kept, to humble themselves, and implore God's Forgiveness, for the Ingratitude of the People, who did not sufficiently acknowledge, with Thankfulness, God's Great Mercies upon this Land, in Freeing them from Monarchy, and bestowing Liberty upon them, by changing Kingly Government, into a Free State, or Republic.  
To sweeten, likewise, the affections of the Vulgar towards them, they made most specious pretences of paying all the public Debts, and raising Three Hundred thousand Pounds for supplying the necessities of the Commonwealth (as they termed it) without any charge or burden to the people; and to that end passed an Act 
l 30. April. Scob. Coll. p. 16. Act for sale of Deans and Chapters Lands▪  for abolishing all Deans and Chapters, and for sale of their Lands.  
And the better to fortify themselves, and their Usurped Dominion, they framed another Act, 
m 1. May. Hist. of Indep. p. 2. p. 167.  whereby they declared certain particulars to be Treason, viz.  
1. If any man should maliciously affirm their present Government to be Tyrannical, usurped, or unlawful: or that the Commons in Parliament were not the Supreme Authority of the Nation; or that should endeavour to alter that their Government.  
2. If any should affirm their Council of State or Parliament to be Tyrannical or unlawful, or endeavour to Subvert them, or stir up Sedition against them.  
3. For any Soldiers of their Army to contrive the death of the General, or Lieutenant General; or endeavour to Raise Mutinies in the Army; or to Levy War against the Parliament, or to join with any to Invade England or Ireland, to Counterfeit their Great Seal, or kill any Member of their Parliament; or any Judge or Minister of Justice in their duty.  
Soon after this, they framed and passed another Act, 
n 19 May. Scob. Coll▪ p. 30.  declaring England with all the Dominions and Territories thereto belonging, to be a Free State, and to be Governed by the Representatives of the People in Parliament, without any King or House of Lords. Which Act was Proclaimed 
o 30. May. Hist. of Indep. part 2. p. 184. & 185.  in the City of London, by Alderman Andrews then Lord Mayor.  

Alderman  
Pennington  
Wollaston  
Fowkes  
Kenrick  
Bide  
Edmund's  
Pack  
Bateman  
Atkins  
Viner  
Avery  
Wilson  
Dethick  
Foot then attending him.   
The Londoners being by that time brought unto so much Vassalage by these insolent Regicides; as that, in obedience to a Vote, made by their servile Parliament, they were constrained to invite 
p 7. Iunii. Ib. p. 187.  that wicked Conclave to a Thanksgiving Dinner; whereat all of them were to rejoice together, for bringing the Grand Delinquent to punishment (that is to say for the Murder of the King) for the greater honour of that day, the Lord Mayor met the Speaker, and the other Members of Parliament at Temple-Bar: and there resigning the Sword to him, received it again, and carried it before him to Christ's Church. Whence, after a Canting Sermon, he conducted them to Grocers-Hall, and entertained them in the quality of a Free State: the Cooks having every one of them an Oath to prepare for those Saints, nothing but wholesome Food.  
Being therefore thus seeming firmly settled in their Tyrannical Dominion, they went on in passing sundry other Acts, in their Pseudo-Parliament, of which the Ruling Grandees had the chief benefit, viz.  
1. To 
q 25. Iunii. Scob. Coll. p. 45.  encourage the Purchasers of Deans and Chapters Lands, by the sale of them at Ten years' Purchase, in case of ready Money; or doubling what was due to those as should so purchase.  
2. Another for 
r 4. Iulii. Ib. p. 46.  the sale of the Goods, and Personal Estate of the King, Queen, and Prince.  
3. A Third 
s 16. Iulii. Ib. p. 51.  for sale of the Crown Lands, with particular Instructions to sell them at Thirteen years' purchase.  
4. Soon after this they passed another Act, 
t 17. Iulii. Ib. p. 64.  for Coining of new Money; with direction for the form of the stamp to be thereon.  
5. Another, 
u 17. Iulii. Ib. p. 65.  declaring what Offences should be thenceforth adjudged Treason; viz. to express or publish their Government to be Tyrannical; or that the Commons in Parliament were not the Supreme Authority.  
6. And for the quicker riddance of Deans and Chapters Lands, they added farther Power 
x 31. Iulii. Ib. p. 68  and Instructions to the trusties for the sale of them.  
7. Next, to reward their Bloody Precedent Bradshaw, who gave Judgement of Death upon the King, they passed another Act, 
y 15. Aug.  for settling Two thousand pounds per annum upon him.  
And that there might be a known mark of distinction, betwixt themselves and others they passed an Act, 
z 2. jan. Scob. Coll. p. 101. Act for the Engagement.  for the Subscribing an Engagement; whereby every man should promise to be true and Faithful to the Government then established, without a King or House of Lords; or in case of refusal to have no benefit of the Laws.  
But the Crown-lands, so doomed to be sold, went but slowly off: they therefore passed another Act 
a 18. Febr. Ibid.  to constitute a Committee to remove obstructions in the sale of them. Nor was all this sufficient to satisfy their greedy appetites, or was evident enough from the aim they had to devour all the Glebe and Tithes throughout the whole Kingdom. To which purpose they passed an Act, 
b 22. Febr. Ib. p. 104▪  whereby they nominated certain Commissioners, to receive and dispose of all Rents, Issues, and profits of all Rectories, Vicaridges, Donatives, and all other Ecclesiastical live; and of all Impropriations and Gleabe-lands, then under Sequestration; out of which to allow an yearly maintenance, for such as should be approved of for the work of the Ministry; this act being called An Act for the better propagating and Preaching the Gospel in Wales: For it was to extend no farther at present; their Resolutions being to go on as they found their success in this. Hereupon all the Church-doors in that part of the Realm being soon shut up; they employed three or four most Impudent Schismatical Knaves (viz. jenkin jones, Vavasor Powel, and David Gam) to range about in those Parts as Itinerants, there to Preach to the People, when, where, and what they pleased, in order to the more firm establishment of their own Tyrannical Dominion.  
The next work was to make sale of the Fee-farm-Rents of the Crown: to which end they passed an act. 
c 11. Martii. Ib. p. 106.  Also, 
An. 1650.  for the farther enslaving and terrifying of the People, they passed another 
d 26. Martii. Scob. Coll. p. 111.  for the establishing an High Court of justice; by which act Commissioners were named, to hear and determine of all Crimes and Offences, contrary to the Articles therein contained. And having built Three Famous new Pinnaces, the better to spread forth and perpetuate the Memorial of some of their Grandees; upon the launching 
e 15. Apr.  of them (which the States went to see) they named one of them the Faithful Speaker; another the successful Fairfax; and the Third the Bold Precedent: and soon after, for the surer obliterating of Monarchy, they Voted 
f 3. Maii.  that the King's Arms in all places should be pulled down and defaced.   

CHAP. XXXIV.  
ABOUT this time the Scots (in whose power it once was to have restored the late King to his Royal Throne; had they been really sensible of that whereof in their many Declarations they so boasted) seeing the Clouds thicken apace from England, which threatened the like Slavery to them, as their Presbyterian Brethren here did then suffer under the power of the Independent Saints; resolving to adventure an aftergame, for the recovery of their power, dispatched 
g Hist. of Indep. part 2. p. 14. & 15.  the Lord Libertoun into the Netherlands, unto the young King (Charles the Second) by the colour of whose Title, they knew full well, that an Army might easily be Raised: But withal making advantage of his then distressed condition (instigated and animated by the Presbyterians here) they required that he should take the Covenant, and likewise submit to their Directory and Catechism, promising that in so doing, they would admit him to the Throne of that Realm; endeavour the recovery of his Rights, and assist him in bringing the Murderers of his Father to condign punishment. Towards the accomplishment of which work, the Presbyterians here, were also by compact to have acted as opportunity might best serve.  
Unto which dishonourable terms he being over-persuaded, by some greater Politicians than St. Paul (who prohibited the doing Evil, that Good might come thereof) against his own judgement, was drawn to assent, and to adventure His Royal Person into Scotland, for carrying on that work. Whereupon the Scots having by the help of their Preachers, soon Raised a powerful Host (and for that reason called the Kirk-Army) as a preamble to that Slavery which they intended to the King, welcomed him thither with that most inhuman and infamous Murder, of the best of His Subjects; I mean the most Loyal and truly noble Marquis of Montross, whom the unhappy event of War had made their Prisoner.  
The danger of which Army, so Raised in Scotland, being discerned here; it was Voted 
h 6. Iunii.  at Westminster, that General Fairfax should forthwith March into that Kingdom, and quell the Brethren: But he, being either touched in conscience with the solemn League and Covenant, which had formerly so firmly knit these Brethren in iniquity together; or rather overawed by some of the Godly Party here; 
General Fairfax layeth down his Commission.  declined that Service, laying down his Commission. Whereupon that Superlative Saint Cromwell, being constituted 
i 26. Iunii. Oliver Cromwell made General of the Army▪  General (having taken off the Heads of Mr. Love (one of the fiercest of the Presbyterian Pulpit-men) and Gybons, another active man for the Cause; the more to strike a terror into the rest of the Presbyterians here, Marched into Scotland with no less than sixteen thousand Horse and Foot. Where, notwithstanding he had at first some hopeful effects of his Expedition, he became at length reduced to such desperate extremities, that he would gladly have retreated for the preservation of himself.  
In this seeming lost condition, therefore when those proud Presbyterians of that Realm had in conceit swallowed him up, Almighty God made him the apparent and signal scourge of that disloyal and most perfidious people, by the utter overthrow 
k Battle of Dunbar. 3. Sept.  of their great and powerful Army at Dunbar; their word then being for Kirk and Covenant. As Trophies of which wonderful Victory, the colours then taken, were soon after hung 
l 21. Sept.  up in Westminster-Hall.  
It will not (I think) be amiss, before I proceed farther, to observe foam particulars, which passed by Letters betwixt General Cromwell, and the Governor of Edenborough-Castle, within a few days after this great Victory at Dunbar; the Governor objecting; 
m Perf. Diurnal. p. 476. etc.  First that the English had not adhered to their first Principles, nor had been true to the ends of the Covenant. And Secondly that men of Civil employments had usurped the calling and employment of the Ministry, to the scandal of the Reformed Kirks.  
To the first of these objections therefore, Cromwell demands of them; whether their bearing witness to themselves of their adhering to their first Principles, and ingenuity in presecuting the ends of the Covenant, justifies them so to have done, because they themselves say so. Adding, that they must have patience, to have the truth of their Doctrines and Say, tried by the Touchstone of the word of God: and that there be a Liberty and duty of Trial, there is also a Liberty of judgement for them that may and aught to try. Which, if so, than they must give others leave to say and think, that they can appeal to equal judges, who they are that have been the truest fulfillers of the most real and equitable ends of the Covenant. But if those Gentlemen (quoth Oliver) who do assume to themselves, to be the infallible Expositors of the Covenant, as they do (too much to their Auditories) of the Scriptures, account a different sense and judgement from their own, to be a breach of the Covenant, and Heresy; no marvel (quoth he) that they judge of others so authoritatively and severely: but we (quoth he) have not so learned Christ.  
And to the second answered thus; Are you troubled that Christ is Preached? Is Preaching so inclusive in your Function? Doth it scandalize the Reformed Kirks and Scotland in particular? Is it against the Covenant? Away with the Covenant, if it be so. I thought the Covenant and these could have been willing, that any should speak good of the name of Christ: If not 'tis no Covenant of God's approving; nor the Kirk (you mention) so much the Spouse of Christ. For a Conclusion. In answer to the witness of God upon our solemn Appeal, you say you have not so learned Christ, to hang the equity of your Cause upon events. We could wish, that blindness had not been upon your Eyes, to all those marvellous Dispensations which God hath wrought lately in England. But did not you solemnly Appeal and Pray? Did not we do so too? And ought not we and you to think, with fear and trembling, of the Hand of the Great God, in this Mighty and strange appearance of his, but can slightly call it an event? Were not both your and our expectations renewed from time to time, whilst we waited on God, to see which way he would manifest himself upon our Appeals. And shall we, after all these our Prayers, Fast, Tears, Expectations and solemn Appeals, call these bare Events? The Lord pity you. Surely we fear because it hath been a merciful and gracious deliverance to us.  
I beseech you in the Bowels of Christ, search after the mind of the Lord in it towards you, and we shall help you by our Prayers, that you may find it. For yet (if we know our Hearts at all) our Bowels do in Christ yearn after the Godly in Scotland.  
It is not unworthy of Observation likewise, that as this signal dissaster to the Presbyterians, did very much raise the Spirits of the Independent Grandees; so did it incite them to give all possible encouragement to the rest of that Party, and to all other Sectaries, of whose help, upon occasion, they might stand in need. They therefore first passed an Act, 
n 27. Sept.  Entitled An Act for the relief of Religious and peaceable People, from the rigour of former Acts of Parliament in matter of Religion: amongst which those of primo and 35o Eliz. which concern the Subjects obedient repairing to Church, were repealed. And shortly after that, another Act, 
o 22. Nou. Scob. Coll. p. 148.  whereby they directed all proceedings at Law, scil. Writs, Pleadings, Patents, Books of Reports, and other Law Books to be in English.  
Next they imposed 
p 29. Nou. Ib. p. 149.  a Tax of an hundred and twenty Thousand Pounds a Month for the support of their Army: and not long after passed an Act, 
q 22. jan. Ib. 151.  declaring that their new Great Seal, Engraven with a Cross and an Harp, with this Circumscription, The Seal of the Parliament of the Commonwealth of England, should be the Seal of the Parliament of that Commonwealth, and be only used by order of Parliament; and that it should be Treason to counterfeit the same.  
Most certain it is, that the late wonderful defeat, which the Scots received at Dunbar by the English then commanded by Cromwell, did not a little startle the whole Godly Party in that Nation. For whereas before, though it was through the advantage they made of the King's Name (whom they had got thither, as hath been already observed) that they raised their Army; 'tis very well known, that His Majesty was not permitted to have any hand in the conduct thereof; no not so much as to be Personally in that part of the Realm, in which it was; lest his presence should have had any influence thereon, in reference to his own just Rights; so much did their own guilt of Disloyalty terrify them.  
But the case was now altered: For soon after this great overthrow, they sent to His Majesty, earnestly desiring his presence with them; and to Court him with the fairer assurance of their fidelity, appointed a certain day for his Coronation, 
r 1 jan.  which was accordingly performed with great Solemnity. So that then standing clear with his best Subjects of that Kingdom, he began to form an Army upon his own, and their Interest: Yet not without the assistance and Joynt-help 
s Hist. of Indep. p. 4. p. 20.  of the Kirk-Party there, which in humane reason might have been thought to his advantage: In the Head whereof he entered 
t 7. Aug.  England at Carlisle upon the Seventh of August; and marched to Worcester 
u 22. Aug.  without any great opposition. But whether there was any thing of Treachery in them that then over-persuaded His majesty to make stay there, against his own judgement: or whether Almighty God would not give his Blessing to the aid of those who had formerly been so false and perfidious to His Royal Father and himself, is hard to say. Sure we are, that so great was the confluence, from most parts of England, to Cromwell's assistance (the Presbyterians then joining 
x Ib. p. 22.  with him, and divers of their Preachers, Marching with him in a Military way) that after a most sharp dispute, at and near that City, being overpowered with strength and numbers, his Army was totally routed 
y 3. Sept.  and destroyed; himself, and some few others being necessitated to escape by flight.  
It may seem strange (I presume) to some, that I should here touch the Presbyterians so near the Quick, there being some of opinion; that though the most rigid of that Sect, were at that time forward against the King: yet, that His Majesty had many Wellwishers of them in this his adventure. But if I be herein censured, I desire to know, what this expression, used by those Thirty six Presbyterian and Independent Ministers, which joined together in a Petition for respiting the Execution of Mr. Love (one of their own coat, of whom I have already given some touch) doth mean, viz. that in putting him to death, the hopes and expectations of the Common Enemy, against compliance with whom, he had made open protestation at his Trial, will be heightened. And, that the forbearance of so putting him to death, would manifest to the World, that you (id est the Parliament) do put a difference betwixt those, who offend from Principles of Enmity against God and his People; and others, who transgress through the mistakes of an erroneous conscience, in the midst of great and various changes.  
Again, I would gladly know what construction is to be made of those words, Printed in one of the News-books of that year, viz. The Presbyterians in Lancashire, and parts adjacent, have not only declaimed against the late defection in Norfolk; but declared against the Conjunction and Proceedings of jockey, and their young King, with Middleton, Ogilby, and the rest of the Royal Party; and are resolved to adhere to the present Government, and to walk close and steadfast in the ways of Truth and Holiness.  
¶ Here it will not be impertinent (I hope) to make a little pause, and contemplate the infinite goodness and mercy of God, in so wonderful a preservation of the King (our present Sovereign) after this fatal ruin of his Army at Worcester. Who, though pursued and sought for, with all the art and skill, that these Bloody Regicides, and their whole Party could devise; was through the signal fidelity of some few persons (of whom certain Narratives of the particular passages therein, which are already made public, do make honourable mention) so well secured from their fury; and with such admirable contrivance and skill conducted, that he Landed safely upon the Fifteenth of October following at New-Haven in France.  
And as so strange, and little less than Miraculous a Preservation of His Majesty's Person, deserves (for a perpetual Thankfulness to God Almighty) to be specially recorded to Posterity: So doth the Memorial of Gods most evident Judgements upon the Scottish Nation, after their unhappy defection from the obedience which they did owe to His Royal Father their Native King; levying divers Armies; solemnly Covenanting with His English Subjects against him, and the Established Government▪ and lastly selling Him for Money, when for his Safeguard and Protection, he became necessitated to fly from the fury of these, and to put himself into their Hands. For 'tis not unknown, that they did twice Raise their Covenanting Brethren in that Realm, to invade this, in an Hostile manner; and after much spoil and Rapine made in this (no less than Three of their Armies being utterly destroyed; the first at Preston in Lancashire; the Second at Dunbar in Scotland; and the last at Worcester) the flower of their Youth and most Eminent for Chivalry, were either slain in open Battle; Famished and wasted by most cruel and merciless usage in Prison, or Barbarously sold to Foreign Plantations, there to be Enslaved with perpetual Servitude.   

CHAP. XXXV.  
BUT to go on with my Story. Certain it is, that this fatal blow at Worcester did not only much deject all true hearted and Loyal Persons; but seemed so firmly to establish this Barbarous Generation, in their Tyrannous sway, that nothing but a Miracle was ever like to alter the Scene. Therefore the more to perpetuate their future oppressive Dominion, their next business was, to lessen and opress the Nobility; and to Flatter the Commonalty into a Slavish subjection to their Usurped and Rigorous power: To which end they (shortly after) passed Two Acts 
a 4. Febr. Scob. Coll. p. 178.  in their Grand Convention at Westminster, (called the Parliament) the one relating to the Nobility; which was to make void all Titles of Honour, Dignities, or Precedencies, given by the late King. The other a General Pardon, 
b 24. Febr. Ib. p. 179.  in reference to the People; for the first moving, and at length obtaining whereof, Cromwell himself was known to be the sole Instrument.  
All being therefore now in their Power, 
An. 1652.  and no visible Enemy to disturb their quiet; though at the beginning of their Rebellion (Anno 1642.) they highly complemented the Dutch, desiring that the King might have no manner of Supplies from them, in respect of the near Relation that was betwixt that Model, into which they themselves then aimed to cast this Government, and the State of their Provinces; and for that reason, expected not only their assistance, but a Loan of Money from them upon the Public Faith (as in the Twelfth Chapter of this Work may more fully appear.) The case was now altered; For looking upon themselves, after all this wonderful success as Mighty Potentates in their New Commonwealth and Free-State; they employed Oliver St. john (the Chief Justice of their Court of Common Pleas) commonly called Cromwel's Darklanthorn, as Ambassador into the Netherlands, not only to make a firm alliance with the Dutch from the similitude of their Governments, against all Sovereign Monarchs and Princes; but to weaken the Interest of the Prince of Orange with them, who had Married the King's Daughter.  
Which courteous overture being not at all relished, was taken in great disdain by our Grandees here. But the Hogen mogen's on the other side; being the Elder Commonwealth, strong in Shipping, and expecting to make themselves absolute Lords of the World's Commerce, were resolved not to stoop, by yielding them the Flag or the old duty of Herring-Fishing. These differences therefore occasioned a War at Sea with them, which began 
a 19 Iunii. Heath 's Chr. p. 322.  in the Downs this year, on the Nineteenth of june; and was again renewed 
b 16. Aug. Ibid. p. 323.  the Sixteenth of August, Westwards of the Isle of Wight; in both which the Dutch had the worst, Sir George Ascue then commanding the English Fleet.  
So likewise on 
c 28. Oct●●. Ib. p. 327.  the Twenty eighth of October following, Blake being then Vice-Admiral.  
But upon another Fight 
d 29. Nou. Ib. p. 329, 330.  with them in the Downs on the Twenty ninth of November ensuing, Blake received a great defeat, which did not end the dispute: for on the Eighteenth of February not far from Portland, they had another 
e 18. Febr. Ib. p. 335.  sharp fight, in which both sides received no small loss. As also at 
f 2. Martii. Ib. p. 336.  Legorne, about the beginning of March, in which the English were worsted.  
¶ Leaving therefore the farther Prosecution of these Sea Fights till the next year, I find, that at home, they better to secure themselves against the Royalists, the passed a Third Act 
g 29. Sept. Scob. Coll. p. 209.  in their Parliament, for disabling of Delinquents (by which name the Royalists were called) to bear any Office of Trust, or Power in the Commonwealth; or to have any Voice or Vote in Election of any Public Officer.  
The King's Authority and Friends, being thus absolutely suppressed, and Cromwell at every turn the chief Agent therein; not only in those his bold adventures against the scots, but in many other, both here and in Ireland (as though Victory had been entailed upon his Sword) the time was now come, that he thought fit to act his own part more nearly; yet still under colour of solely minding the Public. As he had therefore made the Soldiery instrumental for the ruin of the King, by the influence of his inferior Officers, called Adjutators; so now did he, again set those active Engines on work, for the utter confusion of that Impious juncto called the Parliament. Which Adjutators being readily inclinable to any thing of change, objected to the juncto, that they had not approved themselves such worthy Patriots as they expected, but had sought themselves, and their own peculiar profit. And therefore (as good Commonwealths-men, and Friends to the Public) required, that they should suddenly prefix a Period to their Sitting; to the end that the Godly Party, and good People of the Nation, might thereupon make choice of a more equal Representative, for the rectifying and amendment of what was still out of order.  
But notwithstanding this fair pretence, 
An. 1653.  the aim of the Soldiers, was by outing those old Saints, to reduce the whole sway of all under the power of themselves, which made them so earnest and forward in the work; being fed with those hopes, through the insinuation of Cromwell. The juncto therefore, foreseeing this danger; for preventing thereof, were neither slack nor unactive: endeavouring first to break the Army by Disbanding; and in the next place, to spoil their design by delays: Nevertheless, with much zeal, seemed earnest to retire; affirming, that they then were in contrivance for a new Representative to succeed them. All which availed nothing, there being no halting before an Old Cripple: for Cromwell was not ignorant of what they aimed at; being well assured, that if he let them alone, his design would be Crossed: and therefore determined without more ado, to turn them out of Doors.  
To which end, having well seasoned the Soldiery for his purpose; and for the better engratiating himself therewith, taken the Officers into his Council, he resolved (as 'twas usual with him) to carry on this great work, under the specious Mask of Religion and pretended Revelations; those standing him in such stead upon all his attempts, as that there were not a few that really believed, whatever he undertook could not easily miscarry.  
Upon the Twentieth of April therefore, attended with strong Guards, he entered the Parliament-House (with Fleetwood his great Confident) commanding some few of his attendants to tarry without. Where, without moving his Hat, or going to any Seat, he first addressed his Speech to the Chief Justice St. john; telling him, that he then came to do that which grieved him to the very Soul, and what he had earnestly, with Tears, prayed to God against. Nay, that he had rather be torn in pieces than do it: But, that there was a Necessity laid upon him therein, in order to the Glory of God, and the good of this Nation.  
Whereunto St. john answered, that he knew not what he meant; but did pray, that what it was which must be done, might have a happy Issue for the General Good.  
Then Cromwell turning towards the Speaker, told him how long, under colour of Service to the Public, they had sat and acted there: and that in stead thereof, themselves and their Kindred (Engrossing all places of great profit) had, upon their own Pride and Luxury, consumed the Wealth of the Land. Which being said, he gave a stamp with his Foot, and bade them for shame be gone, and give place to honester men.  
Whereupon a Member standing up, and modestly saying that it stood not with common Justice to cast so general an aspersion upon them all, without any Proof; he in wrath taking Sir Henry Vane, Junior by the Cloak, said thou art a juggling Fellow; and told Allen the Goldsmith, that he had enriched himself by Cozening the State, for which he should be called to account: and commanded those of his Guard, who at the signal of that stamp, were entered the Door, 
Cromwell turns the Parliament, called the Rump out of Doors.  immediately to turn them out of the House; Colonel Harrison accordingly pulling the Speaker out of his Chair.  
It was observed, that as they went out of the House, he pointed at Harry Martin and Tom chaloner; and said, Is it fit that such Fellows as these, should sit to Govern? Men of vicious Lives; the one a noted Whoremaster, and the other a Drunkard? Nay he boldly upbraided them all, with selling the Cavaliers Estates by bundles; and said they had kept no Faith with them.  
This, as it was one of his greatest Adventures, so was it the most grateful to the People of all that ever he did; it being no less than the quelling of that many-headed Monster, which glutted with unmeasurable Rapine, and Innocent Blood, had been not a little dreadful to the greatest part of Europe.  
Having therefore so happily removed this Block, yet still keeping close the main end of his design, under the shadow of ruling by a Civil Power; after much pretended seeking of God, he selected certain Persons to manage the same, as a Council of State, whose Names were as followeth,  

1. Himself as General of the Army.  
2. The Lord L'isle, Son to the Earl of Leicester.  
3. Lieutenant General Fleetwood.  
4. Major General Lambert.  
5. Major General Harrison.  
6. Major General Desborow.  
7. Sir Gilbert Pickering, Kt.  
8. Sir Charles Wolfesley, Bar.  
9 Sir Anthony Ashley Couper, Baronet.  
10. Sir james Hope of Scotland.  
11. Colonel Hewson of Ireland.  
12. Colonel Norton.  
13. Colonel Mountagu.  
14. Colonel Benet.  
15. Colonel Stapeley.  
16. Colonel Sydenham.  
17. Colonel Tomlinson.  
18. Colonel jones.  
19 Alderman Tichburne,  
20. Mr. Strickland.  
21. Mr. Carey.  
22. Mr. Howard.  
23. Mr. Broughton.  
24. Mr. Laurence.  
25. Mr. Holister.  
26. Mr. Comptney.  
27. Mr. Major.  
28. Mr. St. Nicholas.  
29. Mr. Moyer.  
30. Mr. Williams of Wales.   
And to the end that there might be the less suspicion of his affecting the Rule; with the advice of his Officers, he made choice of no less than an hundred and four Godly-men, unto whom he committed the whole sway of the Realm; who were accordingly summoned by a special Letter to each of them under his Hand.  

Berks.  
Samuel Dunch.  
Vincent Goddard.  
Thomas Wood   

Bedf.  
Nathaniel Taylor.  
Edward Cater.   

Buck.  
George Fleetwood.  
George Baldwin.   

Cambr.  
john Sadler.  
Thomas French.  
Robert Castle.  
Samuel Warner.   

Chesh.  
Robert Duckenfeild.  
Henry Birkinhead.   

Cumb Northumb. Bishopric of Durch. Westmor.  
Charles Howard.  
Robert Fenwick.  
Henry Dawson.  
Henry Ogle.   

Cor●w.  
Robert Benet.  
Francis Langdon.  
Anthony Rows.  
john Bowden.   

Derb.  
jervas' Benet.  
Nathaniel Barton.   

Devon.  
George Monk, one of Lanc▪ the Generals at Sea.  
john Carew.  
Thomas Sanders.  
Christopher Martin.  
james Erisey.  
Francis Rows.  
Richard Sweet.   

Dorset.  
William Sydenham.  
john Bingham.   

Essex.  
joachim Mathews.  
Henry Barington.  
john Brewster.  
Christopher Earl.  
Dudley Temp●er.   

Glouc  
john Crostes.  
william Nest.  
Robert Holmes.   

South.  
Richard Norton.  
Richard major.  
john Hildesley.   

Hertf.  
Henry Laurence▪  
William Reeve.   

Heref.  
Wroth Rogers.  
john Herring.   

Hunt.  
Edward Mountagu▪  
Stephen Pheasant.   

Kent.  
Lord L'isle.  
Thomas Blount.  
William Kenrick.  
William Cullen.  
Andrew Broughton.   

Lanc.  
William West.  
john Sawrey.  
Robert Cunliss.   

Leic.  
Henry Danvers.  
Edward Smith.  
john Prat.   

Linc.  
Sir William Brownlow.  
Richard Cust.  
Barnabas Bowtell.  
Humphrey Walcott.  
William Thompson.   

Midd.  
Sir William Roberts.  
Augustine Wingfeild.  
Arthur Squib.   

Monm.  
Philip Jones.   

North.  
Sir Gilbert Pickering.  
Thomas Brooke.   

Norf.  
Robert jermy.  
Tobias Freze.  
Ralph Wilmer.  
Henry King.  
William Barton.   

Nott.  
john odingsell's.  
Edward Clud.   

Oxon.  
Sir Charles Wolseley, Bt.  
William Draper.  
Dr. jonathan Goddard.   

Rutl.  
Edward Horseman.   

Salop.  
William Boterel.  
Thomas Baker.   

Staff.  
George Bellor.  
john Chetwood.   

Suff.  
Jacob Caley.  
Francis Brewster.  
Robert Dunkon.  
John Clerk.  
Edward Plumsted.   

Summer.  
Robert Blake another of the Generals at Sea.  
John Pyne.  
Dennis Hollyster.  
Henry Henly.   

Surrey.  
Samuel Highland.  
Laurence March.   

Suff.  
Anthony Stapeley.  
William Spence.  
Nathaniel Studdey.   

Warr.  
John St. Nicholas.  
Richard Lucy.   

Wilts.  
Sir Anth. Ashley Couper, Baronet.  
Nicholas Greene.  
Thomas Eyre.   

Wigorn.  
Richard Salway.  
John James.   

Yorksh.  
George Lord Eure.  
Walter Strickland.  
Francis Lascells.  
John Anlaby.  
Thomas Dickenson.  
Thomas St. Nicholas.  
Roger Cotes.  
Edward Gill.   

Lond.  
Robert Tichburne.  
John Ireton.  
Samuel Moyer.  
John Langley.  
John Stone.  
Henry Barton.  
Prais-god Bare-bone.   

Wales.  
Bushey Mansell.  
James Philips.  
John Williams.  
Hugh Courtney.  
Richard Price.  
John Browne.   

Scotl.  
Sir James Hope.  
Alexander Bredy.  
John Swinton.  
William Lockart.  
Alexander Jeffreys.   

Ireland▪  
Sir Robert King.  
Colonel john Hewson.  
Col. Henry Cromwell.  
Colonel john Clerk.  
Daniel Hutchenson.  
Vincent Gookin.   

Afterwards these following were Elected into them.  
Lord General Cromwell.  
Major General Lambert.  
Major General Harrison,  
Major General Desborough.  
Colonel Matthew Tomlinson.   
Of these, many were Illiterate and of mean condition, divers Fanatic Sectaries, and of that kind the most busy and mischievous; yet here and there mixed with confiding men, and such whose Interest was firmly trusted with Cromwel's.  
Being thus chosen and sent for, they first met 
d 4. Iul●●.  together in the Council-Chamber at White-Hall. Whence, after a Grave Speech made to them by Cromwell; expressing, that he had thus called them together, to consult of the great affairs of these Three Kingdoms, they adjourned themselves to the House of Commons at Westminster; and there taking their places, and chosen Mr. Rows to be their Speaker; admiring the great goodness of God, that had put it into the General's Heart, to select them for so great a work, they Voted themselves to be the Parliament of England, and by that Title to be known and called.  
Having so done, they fell vigorously to work for a thorough Reformation; Dreaming of nothing less, than that jesus Christ must shortly Reign with them here on Earth. To prepare the way therefore to his Personal coming, they considered of abolishing the Ministerial Function, as favouring (in their opinion) totally of Popery. Likewise for the taking away of Tithes, as the Relics of Judaisme. Also to abrogate the Old English Laws, as Badges of Conquest and Norman Slavery. And lastly to suppress the Universities, and all Schools for Learning, as Heathenish and unnecessary; with all Titles of Honour and distinctions, as not agreeable to Christianity. All which they had (without question) soon effected; but that some few of them, of better judgements, gave a stop to their Frenzy.  
But the Court of Chancery they really Voted 
e 5. Aug.  down; and passed an Act 
f 24. Aug. Scob. Coll. p. 236.  for the solemnising of all Marriages by Justices of Peace, after Publication made of such purpose in the Church or open Market: and that the Birth (but not Baptising) of Children should be thenceforth Registered, which shows of what Judgement they were in that point.  
The Act likewise for Subscribing that Instrument, called the Engagement, which was passed 2. jan. An. 1649. they Voted 
g 4. Nou. Ib. p. 268.  unfit to continue, and totally repealed it. And for the Trial of what they called Treason or High Crimes, they Erected 
h 21. Nou. Ib. p. 272.  a new High Court of justice..  
By which Frantic do, having made themselves, as well distasteful, as ridiculous to the World, their Grand Master (Cromwell) to ingratiate himself farther with the People, put a Period 
i 12. Dec.  to their Sitting; the manner whereof was thus.  
In the Morning a little sooner than usual (12. Dec.) those of the Members which were Cromwel's chiefest Confidents, came to the House; where finding then but few of the Anabaptists, an Eminent Member stood up, and addressing himself of the Speaker, told him, that he must disburden himself of some things that had a long time lain upon his Heart: That he was now to speak to the Esse, or being, rather than the Bene Esse, or well-being of the Commonwealth, which was ready to sink under them, through the ill management of the power betrusted with them; and, that for his own part, he must resign his power from whence he had it; foreseeing clearly that their Waitings and Expectations of ever coming on the things of public good were more and more disappointed: and so descended to these particular instances.  
1. That they had dealt disingeniously with the Army, in moving, that the Officers should be treated with to lay down their Pay; and when they could not effect that, the Bill of Assessments was endeavoured to be cast out.  
2. That they had not a Spirit to do Justice, which appeared in their Act for confirming the sale of Sir john Stowells Estate, though he were relieved by the Court of Articles. And however he was as vile as could be imagined (so was his expression;) yet he knew not but that man was left to be a Trial upon them, whether they would do Justice, or not.  
3. That they had a Principle amongst them, of destroying and pulling down, though nothing were set up in the stead; and that this was especially manifested in their Vote, for removing the Chancery, and total alteration of the Laws.  
4. That though they called their selves a Parliament, yet they Acted most unlike unto it; and that appeared in their endeavours to destroy propriety, in attempting to take off the Power of Patrons to present to Church Live.  
5. That they would destroy the Ministry itself, which appeared by their Vote on Saturday before: and that for these Considerations, they could not satisfy themselves to sit any longer, and so be guilty of bringing confusion and desolation upon the Nation. But if any would yet be so hardy as to continue there, he would say unto them in the words of the Prophet; Ephraim hath joined himself to Idols, let him alone.  
This being seconded, and after him pressed earnestly by some others, much startled the Anabaptists then present, who spoke fiercely against it. Insomuch as those who had appeared for their Dissolution, fearing, lest by delaying time in Speeches, more of the Anabaptists might come in and out-Vote them; moved, that all who were for their Dissolution, should rise and walk out. Whereupon, the Speaker and divers other, forthwith went out of the House. But Squib, Moyer, St. Nicholas, and some more of that Gang (to the number of about Twenty) sat still, and having placed Mr. Moyer in the Chair, fell to protesting against what the rest had done; professing, in the presence of the Lord, that their Call of God to that place, was the Principal Motive that drew them thither; and that they apprehended their said Call, was chiefly for promoting the Interest of jesus Christ. Whereupon they continued there until Colonel Goffe., with some Musketeers came, and asked them What they sat there for? Whereunto it was Answered, to seek the Lord: But perceiving what the Issue thereof was like to be, they (nevertheless) departed, and Subscribed an Instrument, whereunto some others had set their Hands before, for surrender of their Power into the Hands of their Master, Cromwell.  
Which Instrument, so signed, being brought to His Excellency, he lifted up his Eyes with seeming great admiration: and at first, with no less modesty faintly refused it: but at length, after assiduous and importunate suit, earnestly representing to him the welfare of the Nation; inculcating to him also, how zealous a Patriot he had ever been for the People, he was at last overcome (though unwillingly) to receive it.  
¶ This Pageant therefore, being thus formally over; the next work was, his assuming to himself the sole Dominion and Rule: a thing which sew could think it safe for any of them to aspire unto, considering what had been acted by him and his Party, utterly to eradicate Monarchique Government. But, as the Common Watermens, look always the contrary way to that they Row; so did this Grand Impostor: The contrivance thereof being secretly laid by himself and Major General Lambert (who had an aim in time, to succeed him in the Government) Lambert was the man that dealt with the Principal Officers of the Army, to carry on this design, with all subtlety imaginable.  
Whereupon he first told them, how much the Governing by a single Person, would conduce to the General quiet and advantage of the Public; and next to the peculiar Interest of each of them in particular, in case it were bounded with sober limitations, and not to be by the Title of King. For an expedient therefore, they resolved on the name of Protector; and of a formal Instrument, wherein should be contained the Rules of his Government.   

CHAP. XXXVI.  
ALL things being accordingly ready in order thereto, upon the Sixteenth of December (and about One of the Clock that day) Five Regiments of Foot, and Three of Horse, were drawn out as a Guard, from White-Hall to Westminster-Hall: whereof one (viz. Colonel Goffs) was placed within the Precincts of the Hall.  
This being done, Cromwell, with the Captain of his Guard and some few others, passed through these Bands of Soldiers to the Door of Westminster-Hall. Where alighting from his Coach, there proceeded, First the City Marshals: Then the Aldermen of London, in Scarlet: After them the Judges (all except their Chief-Justice Rolls:) Next the Two Keepers of their Great Seal (Keble and L'isle:) Then Four Sergeants at Arms, with Maces (viz. the Parliament Mace, the City Mace, the Council of State's Mace, and the Lord Keeper's Mace:) After thses the Lord Mayor's Sword-bearer, with the Cap of Maintenance and Sword (but the Sword not Erected:) Then the Lord Mayor: And next to him Cromwell himself in a Black Suit and Cloak Lined with Velvet, Boots, and a Gold Hatband (all bare headed:) And after him the Principal Officers of the Army, and Council of State.  
In which manner they proceeded to the Chancery-Court, where a Rich Chair of State was set, with a large Cushion, and Carpets on the Floor.  
Being ascended into the court, Cromwell standing before the Chair, with the Two Keepers and Judges on each hand of him; Major General Lambert declaring to him the Dissolution of the Parliament, and exigency of the times; did, in the name of the Army, and of the Three Nations, desire him to accept of the Protectorship of them. Whereunto he assenting, a large Instrument (extending to a whole skin of Velome) was read to him, which contained the form of his Government, and somewhat, called an Oath; at which he lifted up his Right Hand and Eyes, and assented thereto.  
Then did the Lord Mayor present the Sword to him, and the Keepers the Seal. Both which he delivered back to them respectively. 
Cromwell made Lord Protector.  This being done, a Common Soldier Seconded with about Twenty more, cried aloud, God Bless the Lord Protector of the Commonwealth of England, Scotland and Ireland. After which there was a General shout made by the Soldiers throughout the Hall, and after a little pause; the like twice more.  
Then he went back to White-Hall, the Lord Mayor carrying the Sword upright before him, the Protector having his Hat on. After which (in the Evening) were several Volleys of small shot, and some great, with Ringing of Bells. The Tenor of which Instrument, was as followeth, viz.  
That the Supreme Legislative Authority, 
The Instrument of Government.  should be in a Single Person and the People in Parliament; but the Administration thereof to be left to the Lord Protector and to his Council, whereof the number was not to be above Twenty and One.  
That all Charters, Patents, Writs, and Commissions, should be passed by the Protector: All Power of Magistracy, Honours and Titles to be derived from him. Likewise the Pardon of all Offences excepting Treason and Murder. He also to have the Administration of all things, with the Advice of his Council and according to the Tenor of this Instrument.  
That the Militia, Sitting the Parliament, should be in the disposal of the Protector and the Parliament; but in the Intervals in the Protector and his Council. The Power also of making Peace and War with Foreign Princes to be in the Protector and his Council: but he to have no Authority of Repealing, or making any Laws without the consent of Parliament.  
That the Parliament should be called before the end of Six Months then next ensuing, and afterwards once in Three Years, or oftener if need require; and that it should not be in the Protector's Power to Dissolve the same for the First Five Months, without the consent of the House.  
That the Number of Members for England, should consist of full Four hundred, Elected according to an equal distribution: For Scotland Thirty; and for Ireland the like Number; the number for each County and City to be also assgned.  
That the Calling of such Parliament, should be under the Seal of the Commonwealth, by Writs to the Sheriff in the Protector's Name. But if the Protector should not call the same within the times limited, the Chancellor then to do it, under the Penalty of High Treason; and if he should fail therein, then that the Sheriffs should perform it. And after such Election should be made, to be transmitted by the Chief Magistrate, by Indenture to the Chancellor, Signel with his Hand Twenty days before the Sitting of the same Parliament. Also, if the Sheriff or Mayor should make a false Return, that he be Fined in Two thousand Marks.  
That none should be capable to Elect, who had ever born Arms against the Parliament, or been Actors in the Irish Rebellion. Nor that any Papist should ever be capable to give his Voice. And that all Elections against these Rules should be void, and the transgressors Fined at Two Years value of their Revenues, and third part of their Goods.  
That no Person under the Age of One and twenty years, should be capable of being Elected; nor any other than of known credit, fearing God, and of good behaviour.  
No man likewise to have power of Electing, whose Estate should not be worth Twenty Pound per annum Sterling.  
That the Return of the Persons Elected, should be transmitted by the Prothonotary in Chancery unto the Council of State, within two days after they should come to his hands; to the end, that judgement might be made of the Persons, if any question should arise, touching the lawfulness of the choice.  
That Sixty Members should be accounted a Parliament, in case the rest be absent. Nevertheless, that it should be lawful to the Protector to call a Parliament, when he should see cause.  
That the Bills agreed on in Parliament, should be presented to the Protector, for his assent thereto: and if he should not give his assent to them within twenty days, that then they should have the force of Laws without it.  
That if any Councillor of State should die, or be outed of his place, for corruption in the Intervals of Parliament, the Protector, with the rest of the Council, to substitute another in his stead.  
That a certain annual Tax shouldbe made throughout the There Commonwealths, for the maintenance of Ten thousand Horse, and Fifteen thousand Foot; which Tax should also supply the charge of the Navy: and that this rate should not be lessened, or altered by the Parliament, without the consent of the Protector and his Council. But if it should not be thought necessary hereafter, that any Army should be maintained; then whatsoever surplusage of this Tax should be, to be kept in the Treasury for sudden Emergencies.  
That if there might happen to be occasion of making extraordinary choices, and to Raise new Forces, it should not be done, without consent of Parliament; but that in the Intervals of Parliament, it should be lawful for the Protector, and his said Council, both to make new Laws, and raise Moneys for the present Exigencies.  
That all the Lands, Forests, and jurisdictions, not then sold by the Parliament, whether they had belonged to the King, Queen, Prince, Bishops, or any Delinquent whatsoever, should thenceforth remain to the Protector.  
That the Office of Protector should thenceforth be Elective; but that none of the King's Line should be ever capable thereof; and that the Election should belong to the Council.  
That, for the present, Oliver Cromwell should be Protector.  
That the great Office of the Commonwealth, viz. Chancellor, Keeper of the Seal, Governor of Ireland, Admiral, Treasurer; in case they should become void in Parliament time, to be filled up, by the approbation of Parliament: and in the Intervals by the like approbation of the Council.  
That the Chrisian Religion, as it is contained by Holy Scripture, should be the Public Profession of the Nation; and that those who were to have the care thereof, should have their support from the Public; so that it be with some other more convenient maintenance, and less subject or envy than by Tithes.  
That no man should be by any Fine, or Penalty what soever, forced to comply with the said public Profession, otherwise than by persuasions and Arguments.  
That no man professing Faith in Christ, should be prohibited the Exercise of his own Religion, so that he disturb not any other: but that neither Popery, or Prelacy should be permitted the least favour or Licence; and that all Laws to the contrary should be void.  
That all Agreements made by Parliament should be firm and stable; All Articles of Peace made with Domestic Enemies made good.  
That all Protectors, in their Order, should be obliged by Oath, at their first taking upon them the Government, by all means to procure the Peace, Welfare, and quiet of the Commonwealth; by no means to violate the present Agreements: and lastly to his power to Administer all things, according to the Laws, Statutes, and Customs of England.  
After which solemn Inauguration, he was publicly proclaimed 
† 〈…〉.  Protector, First in London; and then throughout all the three Kingdoms.  
And now that by this transeendent subtil●y, this egregious Imposter had cherished so many Sects of desperate Schismatics in the Army, and elsewhere, by whose help he first pulled down the Presbyterian, and then Murdered the King; it was not his least skill so to manage these unruly Spirits, that none of them by clashing with each other might endanger the public; nor that any of them, upon occasion, should be unserviceable to his designs. To which end, as well to balance them equally, as to rule them how he listed, he made choice of the most active and leading Men, into his Council, by whose Influence he had the guiding of all the rest of each Faction. The like course he took for the chief Officers of his Army.  
And being thus settled in this his new Dominion, he set forth an Ordinance 
* 19 jan. a Scob. coll, p. 277.  declaring what Offences should be adjudged Treason: And likewise another for repealing those Acts, and Resolves of Parliament, which had formerly been made for Subscribing the Engagement; the preamble whereof I have thought fit here to Insert.  
— Whereas many general and promissory Oaths and Engagements, 
Act against the Engagement.  in former times Imposed upon the People of this Nation, have proved Burdens, and Snares to tender Consciences; and yet have been exacted under several Penalties, Forfeitures, and Losses. In consideration whereof; and out of a tenderness of requiring such obligations; be it ordained by his Highness the Lord Protector, by and with the consent of the Council; that one Act of Parliament, published in Print 2 Jan. an. 1649. Entitled an Act for subscribing the Engagement; and certain Orders, entitled Resolves touching the subscribing an Engagement, etc. And all and every Clause, Branch, Article, and Sentence in them, etc. be absolutely Repealed, etc.  
And being Invited by the Lord Mayor and Aldermen of London, to dine at Grocers-Hall upon Ash-wednesday; to the end he might have the greater Veneration from the People, it was contrived, that he should Ride through the city in State to that Feast, which was accordingly performed as followeth.  
First the several Companies of London, having order to meet at Guild-Hall, in their Liveries, went thence, and placed themselves, according to their Superiority, in the Streets, from the lower end of Cheapside to Temple-Bar, within Rails, hung with blue Cloth; the City Banner, and Streamers, belonging to the respective Companies, being set before them. Then the Lord Mayor, with his Mace, Sword, and Cap of Maintenance, attended by the Aldermen in Scarlet, and their GoldChaynes, Rode to Temple-Bar. Where, meeting the Protector, with his Military Train, he delivered up the Sword to him, making a short congratulatory Speech to his Highness. Which being ended, they proceeded towards Grocers-Hall, thus.  
First the City-Marshal, and some other Officers. 
The Protectors Riding to Grocers-Hall in State.  Then six Trumpets. After them his Highness' Lifeguard. Then eight Trumpets more. Next the City Streamers Red and White. Then the Aldermen. After them the two Shireeves. Next his Highness Heralds, with rich Coats, adorned with the Commonwealth's Arms (viz. the Cross and Harp) Then the Mace and Cap of Maintenance. Next the Lord Mayor (bareheaded) carrying the Sword. After him two Gentlemen Ushers. Then his Highness the Protector, with twelve Footmen in Grey Jackets, laced with silver and black-silk Lace. After him Rode Major General Skyppon, and the rest of the Council. Then the Officers of the Army: And lastly divers other, on Horseback and in Coaches.  
Being thus come to Grocers-Hall, the Recorder made a Speech to him; letting him understand, how happy that City did account themselves under his Government, and likewise in the enjoyment of his presence there with them that day. Which done, he Knighted the Lord Mayor; and then dined at the midst of a long Table in the great Hall; the Lord Mayor sitting at some distance on his Right hand, and his Son Henry on his left: and on each side of them his Council of State.  
But, notwithstanding this great Entertainment; well knowing, that all the Bloodshed and confusion, which had formerly been; as 'twas chiefly accomplished by the Pulpits, so by the like means his new established Rule might easily be shaked; he framed another Ordinance, 
b 20. Martij Scob. coll. p. 279.  whereby certain Commissioners were appointed for approbation of public Preachers; the preamble whereof, with the Names of the reverend Tryers, I have also added.  
— Whereas, for some times passed hitherto, there hath not been any certain course Established, for the supplying vacant places, with able and fit persons to Preach the Gospel: by reason whereof, not only the Rights, and Titles of Patrons are prejudiced; but many weak, scandalous, Popish, and ill affected persons have intruded themselves, or been brought in, to the great grief and trouble of the good people of this Nation. For remedy, and prevention whereof, be it Ordained by his Highness the Lord Protector, by and with the consent of his Council; that every Person, who shall from and after the 25th, day of March, instant, be presented, chosen, or appointed to any Benefice (formerly called Benefice with Cure of Souls) or to Preach any public settled Lecture, in England or Wales, shall, before he be admitted, etc. be judged and Approved by the Persons hereafter named, to be a Person, for the Grace of God in him, his Holy, and unblameable Conversation, as also for his knowledge and utterance, able and fit to Preach the Gospel; viz.  

Francis Rous Esq  
Dr. Thomas Goodwin.  
Dr. john Owen.  
Mr. Thankful Owen.  
Dr. Arrowsmith.  
Dr. Tuckney.  
Dr. Horton.  
Mr. Joseph caryl.  
Mr. Philip Nye.  
Mr. William Carter.  
Mr. Sidrak Simpson.  
Mr. William Greenhill.  
Mr. William Strong.  
Mr. Thomas Manton.  
Mr. Samuel Slater.  
Mr. William Couper.  
Mr. Stephen Martial.  
Mr. john Tombs.  
Mr. Walter Cradok.  
Mr. Samuel Faircloath.  
Mr. Hugh peter's.  
Mr. Peter Sterrey.  
Mr. Samuel Bamford.  
Mr. Thomas Valentine of Chaford.  
Mr. Henry jesse.  
Mr. Obediah Sedgwick.  
Mr. Nicholas Lockyer.  
Mr. Daniel Dike.  
Mr. james Russel.  
Mr. Nathaniel Campfield.  
Robert Tichburne Alderman of London.  
Mark Hildesley.  
Thomas Wood  
John Sadler.  
William Goff.  
Thomas St. Nicholas.  
William Packer.  
Edward Crescet Esq or any five, or more of them.   
Having now ended this year 1653. as to the Principal Transsactions at Home, I must look back a little, and take notice of our farther Military contests with the Dutch: wherein I find, that on the second of june, upon another sharp Fight in Yarmouth rode, 
2. junij. Heath's hist. p. 344. 345.  they much worsted those Hogen-mogens. so likewife on 
b 31. july. Ibid. p. 346. et. 347  the last day of july, wherein Van Trump their famous Admiral was slain.  
But both parties, at length, growing weary of this chargeable and destructive War, before the end of this year, a Peace was concluded 
c Ib. p. 357.  betwixt them, though not ratified till April ensuing.  
Which Peace with the Dutch, 
An. 1654.  and the slavish condition, whereunto this Monster Cromwell had brought the People of these Nations, made him not only much Idolised here, by all his Party, but somewhat feared abroad: For certain it is, that most of the Princes of Europe, made application to him; amongst which the French King was the first, his Ambassador making this Speech to him in the Banqueting-house at White-Hall. 
28. Martij.   
Your most serene Highness hath received already some principal assurances of the King my Master, and of his desire to establish a perfect Correspondency, between his Dominions and England. His Majesty gives unto your Highness, this day, some public Demonstration of the same, and sending his Excellency for his Service, in the quality of Ambassador to your Highness, doth plainly show, that the esteem which his Majesty makes of your Highness, and the Interest of his People, have more power in his Councils, than many Considerations, that would be of great concernment to a Prince less affected with the one and the other. This proceeding, grounded upon such sound principles, and so different from that which is only guided by Ambition, renders the Friendship of the King my Master, as much considerable for its firmness, as for the Utility it may produce: and for that reason it is such eminent esteem, and sought after, by all the greatest Princes and Powers of the Earth. But his Majesty doth Communicate none to any, with so much joy and Cheerfulness, as unto those, whose virtuous deeds, and extraordinary Merits, render them more eminently Famous than the greatness of their Dominions. His Majesty doth acknowledge all these advantages, wholly to reside in your Highness; and, that Divine Providence, after so many Troubles and Calamities, could not deal more favourably with these three Nations, nor cause them to forget their past Misery with more content and satisfaction, than by submitting them to so just a Government. And whereas it is not enough, for the completing of their happiness, to make them enjoy Peace at Home, since it depends no less on a good correspondency with Neighbour-Nations abroad; the King my Master doth not doubt but to find also the same disposition in your Highness, which his Majesty doth express in those Letters, which his Excellency hath Order to present unto your Highness. After so many Dispositions expressed by his Majesty and your Highness, towards the accommodation of the two Nations, there is cause to believe, that their wishes will be soon Accomplished. As for me, I have none greater, than to be able to serve the King my Master, with the good liking and satisfaction of your Highness; and that the happiness I have to tender unto your Highness the first assurances of his Majesty's esteem, may give me occasion to deserve by my respects, the honour of your Gracious Affection.  
Being therefore thus puffed up he (soon after) passed an Act 
d 12. Apr. Scob. coll. p. 288.  of Grace and Pardon to all Persons of the Scottish Nation, excepting james late Duke Hamilton, William late Duke Hamilton, john Earl of Crawford-Lindsey, james Earl of Calendar, and many more therein specially named. As also another Act, 
e Ib. p. 293. Act for making Scotland one Commonwealth with England.  for making Scotland one Commonwealth with England. Whereby it was likewise Ordained, that thirty Persons of that Nation, should serve in Parliament here, for Scotland: And, that the People of that Nation should be discharged of their Allegiance to any Issue of the late King. Also, that Kingship and Parliamentary-Authority should be there abolished; and the Arms of Scotland (viz. St. Andrew's Cross) should thenceforth be borne with the Arms of this Commonwealth. All which being done, he removed 
f 18. Apr. Cromwell first seated himself at Whitchall.  his Lodgings (which were before at the Cockpit) into those of the late King, in his Royal Palace at White-Hall.  
About this time it was, that Colonel Venables, having been employed by Cromwell to attempt some of the chief Plantations, made by the Spaniard in the West-Indies, Landing his Men in Hispaniola, and expecting with little trouble to have taken S. Domingo, he received a shameful defeat. 
* 25. Apr. Heath's hist. p. 370. et 371.  But the next Month he had better success in those Foreign parts: For 
† Ib. p. 371. et 372.  the Spaniards in jamaco timorously flying before them when they Landed there, an easy acquisition was made by the English of that large Island, which hath since proved a very prosperous and beneficial Plantation. But to return.  
Cromwell by this time being grown very great; to make himself the more formidable to all his late Majesty's good Subjects (then called Royalists) by establishing his Dominion upon more Innocent blood; having by the wicked practices of his Emissaries, trained in some Persons purpose of endeavouring, their own and the People's freedom from his Tyrannous Power; he caused another bloody Theatre to be erected in Westminster-Hall, calling it an high-Court of justice, where Mr. john Gerard, and Mr. Wowell (two Gentlemen of great Loyalty) received Sentence 
g 6. july.  of Death; and were accordingly Sacrificed, as a peace-Offering to this Moloch.  
For the better maintenance, likewise, and encouragement of Preaching-Ministers; and for uniting and severing of Parishes, he made another Act, 
h 2 Sept. Scob. col. p. 353.  which begins thus— Whereas many Parishes in this Nation, are without the constant and Powerful Preaching of the Gospel, through want of competent maintenance, etc.  
Also another 
i Ib. p. 357.  for Soldiers, which had served the Commonwealth in the late Wars, being Apprentices, and not served out their times; and others that had so served the Commonwealth, who were fit for Trades, should exercise any Trade; that to such as had served the Parliament and Commonwealth, in England, Scotland, or Ireland, by the space of four years, at any time since the year 1642. and before the third of September an. 1651. and not revolted to the Kings-party, or deserted the service; or that had served two years in the Wars of Scotland, or Ireland in the Service of the Commonwealth, since the third of September 1651. and before the first of August 1654.  
Likewise a third Act, 
k Ib. p. 366.  appointing Visitors for both Universities. Also, for the Schools of Westminster, Winchester, Merchant-Tailors-School, and Eaton-Colledge-School.   

CHAP. XXXVII.  
THAN he called a Parliament to meet at 
l 3. Sept. A Parliament called.  Westminster upon the third of September, and on the day following, went thither from White-Hall in State; the manner thus;  
First a Marshal with his Staff.  
Then all the Lifeguard, 
The manner of his proceeding to Parliament.  and his Domestick-Officers, with some well-affected Citizens; viz. his Draper and other Tradesmen, in rank, three and three (on Foot) bareheaded.  
Next, a rich Coach, drawn by six Horses, in the hinder end whereof he himself sat; the Lord Lambert on his left side, and the Lord Laurence Precedent of his Council, on the right; the Lord Strickland and Captain Howard (Captain of his Lifeguard) walking on Foot.  
Then the Lord Claypole Master of his Horse (on Horseback) leading the Horse of State, with a Rich Saddle, curiously Embroidered with Gold and Pearl.  
Next, a War-Horse led, with Pistols at the Saddle.  
After this, another rich Coach, wherein sat the Lord Keepers of the Great Seal, and two Sergeants at Arms, with their Maces.  
Then another rich Coach, wherein rode the Secretaries of State.  
Thus, with all his Guard of Gray-coats (having new Halberds) and twelve Footmen in like Liveries, they went to the Abby-Church at Westminster, where Mr. john Goodwin Preached: and from thence, on Foot, to the Painted Chamber, the Lord Lambert carrying the Sword before him. Where, standing by a rich Chair, set by the Wal, on that side the Room towards the Lord's House, he made a long speech to them. wherein (using many canting expressions) he told them, they came that day to settle, not only the Interest of three great Nations, but of all the Christian-people in the World, he talked likewise very much of Healing, and Settling; and of the danger by the Levelling party. Also of those, who had only a form of Godliness, but not the power thereof. He likewise complained of an Extremity, that (as formerly he said) none having a good Testimony, and who had received Gifts from Christ might Preach, if not Ordained. That then, on the other hand, many who were Ordained, had Antichristianism stamped upon their calling, so that he ought not to Preach, nor be heard. As also, that there was inveighing against such, as denied Liberty to those, who had earned it with their Blood; who had gained civil liberty, and Religious also.  
Next he touched upon those many honest people (as he called them) whose hearts were sincere; many of them (as he said) belonging to God; viz. the mistaken notions of the fifth-Monarchy men; a thing pretending more to Spirituality, than any thing else affirming that Liberty and Property were not the Badges of the Kingdom of Christ; who, instead of regulating Laws, would have Laws subverted, and bring in the Judaical Laws. He told them also of the advantages, which the common Enemy (id est the Royalists) did make by those their divisions. Likewise of the endeavours here by the Emissaries of the Jesuits; of the decay in their Trade by the War with Portugal, Dutch, and French; and the remedy applied was that Government, calculated for the Interest of the people; instancing what Reformation had been aimed at by it; that is to say, the Reforming the Laws, and putting the administration of them into the hands of just men. Also to put a stop to every man, who would make himself a Preacher; and that That work was committed to the trust of persons, both of the Presbyterian and Independent judgements, of as known ability and integrity, as any this Nation then had: Men (as he said) who had put such into that great employment, who had received Gifts from him, that ascended on high, and had Gifts for the work of the Ministry, and for the edifying of the Body of Christ. He told them also, that That Government had been instrumental to the calling of that Parliament, which they saw there that day: Saying it was a free Parliament. He told them likewise what Peace they had with Neighbour Princes; and of a people, which were brought out of Egypt, towards the Land of Canam; but, through unbelief, murmuring and repining; and other temptations and sins, wherewith God was provoked, they were fain to go back again, and linger many years in the Wilderness. He also added, that they had cause to take notice, how that they were not brought into misery, but that a door of Hope was open: And, that if the Lords blessing and his presence, went along with the management of affairs, at that meeting, they would be enabled to put the top Stone to their work, and make the Nation happy. He likewise told them, that they were like to the people under Circumcision, but raw, their Peace being but newly made: and that it was one of the great ends of calling that Parliament, that their Ship of the Commenwealth might be brought into safe Harbour: persuading them therefore to a Sweet, Gracious, and holy understanding of one another. And concluded, that he had not spoke those things to them, as one that assumed to himself Dominion over them; but as one that did resolve to be a fellow-Servant with them, to the Interest of those great affairs, and of the people of these Nations.  
And so dismissing them, they went to the House of Commons, and chose William Lenthall their Speaker.  
But, instead of falling to work, as the Protector had directed in his Speech; so great was the Ambition of those, who had been Members of the late long Parliament, to get the sole power into their hands again; that after some private discourses amongst one another, they fell to clandestine plots, for the pulling down this their great Master, and setting up themselves in their old Tyrannical Dominion again. To which end they fell to making Speeches in derogation of the Lord Protector's Authority; pressing earnestly, that those Members of the good old Parliament (as they called it) which were then, by God's providence (as they said) so met together, should forthwith declare for, and reassume their just and rightful Power.  
Which motion, being backed with many plausible Arguments, found at that time such favourers in the House, that the promoters of it hourly got ground, upon those of the contrary party. The debate therefore holding on with much eagerness, and drawing very near to a dangerous issue, did so awaken the Protector, (who discerned his own certain ruin, if it ever came to the question; his party in the House, being then too weak for the other) that, having first sent his Soldiers, to shut up the Parliament doors, and to signify to the Members, that he would meet them again in the Painted-Chamber; he came thither accordingly; and with a stern, but troubled Countenance, said; that at his last being there, he did acquaint them with the Rise of that Government which had so called him thither, and with the Authority thereof, as also that he then acknowledged they were a free Parliament. And so you are (quoth he) whilst you own the Government and Authority, which called you hither. But, discerning what they drove at, which touched him so near, he farther, plainly, told them, that he now came to magnify his Office, which before he had not been apt to do; saying, that if God would not bear it up, let it sink. Adding also, that if a duty were incumbent on him, to bear his own testimony unto it (which in modesty he had till then forborn) he was, in some measure necessitated thereunto.  
Then he went on, and affirmed, that he called not himself to that place; but that his calling was from God, and the people of these Nations; and that his calling being such, God and the people should take it from him, else he would not part with it.  
To manifest therefore, that such was his Call, he proceeded, and said; that being a Gentleman by birth, he had been called to several employments in the Nation! First in Parliament; then in the late Wars. Which being ended by that great Victory at Worcester; he said, he did hope to have god leave for retiring to a private life! and begged again and again, to be dismissed of his charge; calling God above as witness thereto: but expressing, that he could not therein obtain, what his Soul longed for. And farther added, that he pressed the Parliament (as a Member) to put a period to themselves, again and again; nay ten and twenty times over: and said, that he told them, that the Nation loathed their sitting; and, that, so far as he could discern, that when they were dissolved, there was no visible repining at it; no not so much as the Barking of a Dog: Affirming, that they aimed to have perpetuated their sitting to the World's end; and that under their arbitrary power, poor men were driven like flocks of sheep to confiscation of goods and estates. Also that the seeming remedy, which those Members then offered, was to have had a succession of Parliaments always sitting, whereby the Liberties, interests, and Lives of the People, should still have been judged by an arbitrary power. Likewise, that the remedy, by so dissolving them (as they had been) was fitted to the disease: And, that thereupon, he desiring to see, if a few called together, for some short space of time, might not put the Nation into some way of certain settlement; he therefore, called those persons 
† Praise-God Bearbone and his Fellows.  together, out of the several parts of the Nation; and this he did, that he might have had an opportunity, to lay down the Power, which was then in his hands; wherein he appealed to God (as he said) before persons, who knew God, and what Conscience was; as also what it was to Lie before God. A desire (he said) sinful enough, he was afraid, to be quit of that Power, which God had most providentially put into his hands, before he called for it again; and before those honest ends of their fighting were attained, and settled (he being by Act of Parliament, General of all the Forces in England, Scotland, and Ireland.)  
But that meeting, not answering the hopes of it, and they bringing him an Instrument of Resignation of that Authority, so placed upon them (whereof he professed he knew nothing before it was brought, and tendered to him) he was then exceedingly to seek what to do, his Power then being (as General of all the Forces in the three Nations) as boundless as before.  
At length therefore, (as he said) divers Gentlemen, consulting seriously together, did frame that model of the then present Government, he being not at all privy to their Councils; and, having so done, told him, that except he would undertake the same; Blood and Confusion, for lack of a settlement, would break in upon them. Yet nevertheless, that notwithstanding this their offer, he denied it again, and again; till at length, weighing, that it did not put him into an higher capacity, than he was in before, being also bounded and limited, as appeared by the Instrument, he then accepted it; instancing the public formality of that his acceptance, in the great Hall at Westminster, and in the presence of the then Lord Mayor of London, Aldermen, etc. and divers Persons of quality.  
Adding, that what he had then expressed, was a Narrative, discovering to them the series of Providence and Transaction, which had led him into that condition.  
Then he went on, and said, that he did not bear witness to himself (being far from alluding to him that said so) but that he had a cloud of witnesses; instancing the Officers of the Armies in the three Nations, as appeared by their respective Remonstrances; and the consent of those persons, that had somewhat to do in the World, who had been instrumental, by God, to fight down the Enemies of God and his People, in the three Nations.  
Likewise, that for farther witness, he had the City of London, manifested by their congratulatory Entertainment of him at Grocers-Hall, upon Ash-wednesday 1653. And of the Grand-Iuries from several Counties. Also of the judges, who received Commissions from him, and all the justices of Peace in England. Nay all the People in England (he said) were his Witnesses, and many in Ireland, and Scotland. Moreover, all the Shireeves, and all that came in upon Processes Issued out by the Shireeves, yea the return of Elections to the Clerk of the Crown, by the Inhabitants of all the Counties, Cities, and Boroughs: and lastly, themselves, as returned upon those Elections; the Instrument of Government, being distinctly read at all places of such Elections, wherein was that special proviso; viz. that the persons so chose, should not have power to alter the Government, as then settled in one single Person, and a Parliament.  
Farther adding; that he was then in possession of the Government, by a good right from God and Men; and that he did not know, why he might not balance that providence, as in the sight of God, with any Hereditary-Int'rest, as being less subject to those cracks and flaws they are commonly incident to, and which had cost so much Blood.  
He told them likewise, what Liberty of Conscience they had by that Government; and that all the Money of this Nation, would not have tempted men to fight, if they had not had hopes of Liberty, better than from Episcopacy, or Presbytery. Concluding, that considering, that this Government was thus owned of God, approved by men, and testified to, as afore hath been said; that in relation to the good of these Nations, and to posterity, he should sooner be willing to be rolled to his Grave in blood, and buried with Infamy, than to give consent to the throwing it away. And therefore, that he had caused a stop to their entrance into the House, till such time as they should subscribe a Recognition thereof, and did submit thereto. And, that if things were not satisfied, as were then reasonably demanded, he for his part should do that which becomed him, seeking his Council from God.  
The truth is, that which principally emboldened him to be thus peremptory with them was the strength of the Soldiery, which were generally of his side; and which the adverse party knew full well. So that, of the whole number of those Members, 
The Recognition subscribed.  though there was not above sixty, that did at first subscribe the Recognition; yet the greatest part of the rest, after private consultations together, being well ware; that by taking their best advantages, upon all occasions within the House, they might do him more mischief, than they could any way to otherwise; came in by degrees, and formally signed the same. But, as those, who were his chief Confidents, did strive all they could to carry on affairs, for his peculiar Interest, according to the frame of that Government, whereby he was so advanced to that place and Title: sure it is, that the rest, by those rubs and obstructions, which they cast in his way, did make all their endeavours totally fruitless. So that after well near five months' expectance, and nothing at all done, he was necessitated to dissolve 
m 22. jan. The Parliament dissolved.  that his first and once hopeful Parliament.  
I should here have concluded this years' Transactions, but that I cannot omit to relate a very pregnant Instance, how timely our, now, gracious Sovereign King Charles the second, did adhere to the Protestant Religion, professed in the Church of England, even in those days when there was so little hopes to see it ever restored; the Rebels in this Realm being then so prosperous, that the greatest Potentates courted their alliance: but even then, so fervent was his Majesty's zeal thereto; that, by his great and effectual care, he prevented the perverting of his Brother, the Duke of Gloucester to that of the Church of Rome.  
In the relation of which, there are so many considerable circumstances, whereof very little public notice hath been taken; that, contrary to the designed brevity of this History; I shall give a full account of the same; partly taken from a Relation Printed at London in an. 1655 and partly from the certain information of persons of undoubted credit, yet living, who were present at the transacting thereof.  
His Majesty understanding, that there was a firm League very far advanced betwixt the French King and Oliver Cromwell, withdrew himself this year into Germany out of France (where, till then, he had ever resided since his happy and miraculous escape from Wor●ester) and designing to take the Duke of Gloucester with him, was prevailed with by the Queen, his Mother, to leave him with her at Paris, upon promise she would not permit any force to be put upon him, to change his Religion; but that he should be attended by those Protestant-Servants himself had placed about him, and have free liberty to resort to the public Service of the Church of England, at the King's Chapel in Sir Richard Brown's House, than his Majesty's Resident at Paris.  
But, about the beginning of November, in this year, the Duke (under pretence of weaning himself from the company of some young French Gallants, who being in the same Accademie, were grown into a more familiar conversation with him, than was thought convenient) was removed to Abbot Mountague's House, at his Abbey near Potoiso: And, after a few days, Mr. Lovel his Tutor, going to Paris, for one day only, on business (designedly contrived, as was suspected by Abbot Mountagu) during his absence, was most vehemently pressed by the Abbot to turn Roman-Catholick with all the motives spiritual or temporal he thought might prevail upon him, having at that time no Protestant near him, to advise with, but Mr. Griffin of his Bedchamber (a young Gentleman since dead; but his Fame for his servant zeal to the Protestant Religion, and faithful service to his Master, yet living) who deported himself with greater prudence, than could with reason have been expected, for one of so tender years (assisted only by so young a second; for both their ages did, but some few years exceed thirty) replying to their Arguments with great ingenuity, evidencing no little zeal for his Religion.  
For he told the Abbot, he admired how he durst make this attempt upon him, knowing how the Queen (his Mother) had engaged to the King his Brother, that no change in his Religion should be endeavoured. Also, that for his own part he was resolyed not to incur the King's displeasure, by neglecting the observance of his command, which was not to listen to any Argument for change of his Religion. Likewise, that as to the specious proposals of making him a Cardinal, and promising to advance him to be King of England, he did with indignation and contempt deride and reject them: complaining withal, how disingeniously he was dealt with, to be thus assaulted in the absence of his Tutor, whom the King had placed over him; and who, he doubted not could easily refute all their Arguments: which in truth, at his return to Ponroise, he did so fully, that it was thought convenient to remove the Duke back thence to Paris, where he was permitted to resort to the King's Chapel, and enjoy the free exercise of his Religion, though not long. For after some little time, the Queen, his Mother; did own the attempt made on him, to have been done with her approbation; and declared she could not but labour to have her Son showed the right way to Heaven: and though she had promised he should not be forced by her: yet to have that way proposed to him she thought requisite. And that he might the easier be prevailed upon, his Protestant Tutor was put from him, and he himself hurried out of Paris in such haste, that he might be deprived of the Assistance and Advice of any Protestant, that he could not (though he earnestly begged it) prevail to stay, till he might get some warmer clothes; and conveyed to Mr. Crofts, (afterwards Lord Croft's) his House, but under the direction of Abbut Mountagu; none of his Servants but young Mr. Gryffin being permitted to attend him.  
The News whereof did deeply afflict all the loyal-Protestant Exiles then in Paris, but no man was more passionately concerned, than that Eminent sufferer for his loyalty to the Royal Family, and Zeal to the Protestant Religion, the late Lord Hatton: Who, as soon as he understood how violently this young Prince was Persecuted for his Religion, he consulted with that famous Confesfor for the Church of England, Dr. john Cousins, late Bishop of Durham (but at that time Dean of Peterborough, and Chaplain to his Majesty) then residing in Paris and drew up what Arguments and Instructions he thought convenient to Fortify the Duke, in this violent Assault: And, knowing how strictly he was guarded from the access of any Protestant, his Lordship being by his Lady related to the Abbot, went to give him a Visit: but his design was soon guessed at: and though he obtained access to the Duke, he was so carefully watched, that with great difficulty he did unperceived, convey to him the Instructions he had prepared for him; yet was forced to Vary his Stratagems to have farther advices from time to time delivered to him.  
But so narrowly was the Duke eyed by the Popish Spies set over him; and the Priests were all the day long so incessantly torturing him, with their Pressures to change his Religion, that he had no opportunity to peruse any Papers sent to him; so that he was constrained to deliver them to his faithful Servant Gryffin; who in the night time as he lay in his Bedchamber, acquainted him what the scope of them was. By the advantage of which, through the Assistance of Almighty God, he did so resolutely withstand all the violent shocks of his Persecuters; that thereupon they resolved, not only to remove Mr. Gryffin from him, but to Imprison the Duke in the jesuits College.  
Whereof the King (his Brother) then in Germany, receiving advice, he did immediately use all possible endeavours for his relief, and sent an Expostulary Letter to the Queen, his Mother, with Commands to all his most Eminent Protestant-Subjects, in Paris, to be, to their utmost aiding and Assisting to him, in this his distress.  
Some days before he was to have been removed to the jesuits-colledge, Sir George Ratcliff attempted the delivery of a Letter to him from the King (his Brother) but though he was admitted to his presence, he could not with Privacy do it. Whereupon he was necessitated to leave it with Mr. Gryffin to be conveyed to him.  
In which Letter his Majesty minded him of the strict Command he left with him at his parting, to continue firm in his Religion, as also of the Vanity of their Motives; the emptiness of their Promises, the last Charge of their dead Father, which he solemnly gave him, with the entail of his Blessing annexed: withal telling him, if he suffered himself to be perverted in his Religion, by any enticements whatsoever; or put himself into the jesuits-+colledge, he had the last Letter he should ever have from him, and must never look to see his Face again.  
As soon as the Duke had, with an unexpressible joy, received this Letter, with all hast possible he transcribed a Copy of it, and forthwith sent it to the Queen his Mother, begging her leave to come to Paris both upon the account of those commands of the King, and the News of his Brother, the Duke of York's being returned from the French Army. But her Majesty was pleased to send him word she could not cease wishing his so great and eternal good, as the change of his Religion; to which she would not force him, but advised him to harken to what Abbot Mountagu should farther deliver to him; which was, that he should howsoever be willing to go to the jesuits-colledge, where he should have liberty in all things he could desire: To which it was still designed to have forced him, had it not been prevented by the arrival of the then Marquis (but since Duke) of Ormund.  
That great and loyal subject attending on his Majesty in Germany, when the news of this attempt upon the Duke of Gloucester came: perceiving how much his Majesty was concerned thereat, and how solicitous he was to rescue him out of the hands of his Persecutors, proffered to go and fetch him to his Majesty. But it was objected how great a hazard it would be to his Person in so ill a season of weather, to take so long and dangerous a journey, just upon the withdrawing of the Armies into their Winter Quarters; the Soldiers having beset all the ways, so that no person could pass without much Peril. But that Noble Lord, who had lost so vast an Estate, and so often most Eminently hazarded his Life in the Glorious Service he had done the King, and in defence of the Protestant Religion, was not to be affrighted from any attempt to do the like for the future: And therefore he the more earnestly pressed his Majesty for his leave to go, and for his Letters and Instructions to carry with him.  
Certainly the concern was of such high consequence, that he or none could accomplish it: For, had any person of less Authority, Interest, and renown for his Ability in State-Affairs, or Zeal for the Service undertaken it, he had probably returned re infecta: For had not his Lordship made all possible expedition, and stayed but four days longer before his Arrival at Paris he had come too late, the Duke had certainly been shut up in the jesuits-colledge, from whence there had been no retriving him: For the French Court had so zealously espoused this Affair, that his Lordship was necessitated to exert all his prudence that he might accomplish the business he came about.  
As soon as his Lordship was arrived at the Pallace-Royai, he did so effectually pursue his Instructions, that the Duke had liberty to return to Paris, and enjoy the free exercise of his Religion; but going sometime after to the French-Court, both the Queen-Mother of France, and Cardinal Mazarine, pressed him with all the allurements they thought might prevail upon him, to turn Roman-Catholick: Telling him, that they looked on him as a Child of France, that it was only for his advantage, and the opportunity they should have thereby of highlyer doing him good, that induced them to move him thereto: Adding, that since his Father was dead, he ought to obey his Mother in all things she commanded.  
To which (observing the King, his Brother's Instructions,) not to engage in any dispute; he replied only, in general terms, that he was resolved to obey his Mother as much as any Son could, and aught to do; and thereby disengaged himself from any farther pursuit at that time.  
But all the allurements of the French-Court, and the severity used towards him by the Queen his Mother, could not in the least shake his firmness in his Religion: which her Majesty, with great Indignation perceiving; some few days after she took him apart; and (as he afterwards discovered) beginning with all sweetness Imaginable, she declared to him how great and tender affection she had for him, and how much it grieved her, that very love itself should compel her to proceed now with such seeming severity. She presumed he was weary of it, and truly she was so too; and for his ease sake, she would shorten his time of Trial: And therefore, proposing to him all the good she aimed at in this design; the duty he owed her; and the disability of the King (his Brother) to maintain him; she commanded him to withdraw himself presently into his Lodging, and there give one hearing more to Abbot Mountagu: And then, sequestering himself from any diversion for a while, to ponder seriously what she and he had said to him; and that night, either send or bring her a full and final answer.  
The Duke, upon the first appearance of this intended privacy of his Mother with him; in the little interim of clearing the Room, he took opportunity of sending Mr. Gryffin to find out the Marquis of Ormond, and to desire him to come to him as soon as he returned from the Queen, that he might be advised by him how to deport himself as occasion should serve: And as soon as he came from her, according to her command, retired to his Chamber. Whereunto the Abbot coming before the Marquis of Ormond could be found, after he had at large expatiated on what the Queen had but briefly hinted to him, he pressed him for his final Answer. Which the Duke refused to give till he had first consulted with the Marquis.  
Whereupon the Abbot withdrew, desiring to be sent for when the Marquis should come; which, if not in an hours time, he would return again. though not sent for.  
As soon as the Marquis came, the Duke quickly resolved what answer to make; but having been so long harassed, was desirous to take a little breath, so that he neglected sending to the Abbot, and went out of his Lodging into the Court to divert himself. No sooner was he gone but the Abbot came, and missing him sought up and down. At last finding him, he severely rebuked him, for neglecting his Mother's Commands, and his Instructions which were seriously to Ponderate on what he had said; and for having not sent for him.  
Well Sir, says the Duke, I have seriously considered on all hath been said to me; and my final answer is, I am resolved to continue firm in my Religion. Then replied the Abbot; I am Commanded from the Queen, your Mother, to tell you, that she charges you to see her Face no more. At which dismal expression, the Duke being not a little moved, with great earnestness entreated, that he might, at least begher parting Blessing, till he could prevail for her Pardon, but could not obtain it, though he endeavoured it again the next Morning, (being Sunday, before her Majesty went to her Devotions) by the Intercession of his Brother, the Duke of York; who did, with great tenderness compassionate his condition, and with much earnestness moved on his behalf.  
But the Queen was inexorable to all that spoke in favour of him; nor would she intimate her pleasure to him by any Person but Abbot Montague, who again solicited him; aggravating the Peril of his Mother's displeasure; advising him at that instant, being the most proper time, as she was going to Mass at her Monastery, to apply himself to her: For she had proposals to make to him, which would set his heart at rest, though he could not then name them.  
To which the Duke replied, if so I can: For my heart can have no rest but in the free exercise of my Religion; but I fear her Propositions will not: I am sure yours never tended to give me any ease or quiet.  
At which Instant the Queen passed by in her Coach, going to her Nunnery. Whereupon the Duke approached towards her, attempting to beg her Blessing, but was with great Indignation rejected. Whereat, being much discomposed, the Abbot came up to him, and asked him what it was her Majesty had said to him, which put him into so great disorder. To which he briefly replied; what she said I may thank you for Sir; and it is but reason. What my Mother therefore said to me, I shall say to you; Be sure I see your Face no more; and so turned away from him.  
Whereupon the Abbot calling after him, said; Whither are you going good Sir. To whom the Duke (looking over his shoulder) answered, to Church; and so went with a sad and dejected Countenance, which did much abate the joy of the Congregation, who were much pleased to see him accompany his Brother, the Duke of York thither. But they partook with him in his sorrow, when they understood, that after Sermon he was to seek where to get a Dinner; for which he must send to the Cooks, or Fast; for there was a very strict Prohibition given to all the Officers in his Mother's Court, that they should not furnish him with any Provisions, or Necessaries.  
That Night, after Evening Prayer, he had hopes to enjoy one moment of satisfaction, by conversing with his Sister, the Princess Henrietta (afterwards Duchess of Orleans) during his Mother's absence. But, as soon as the young Princess heard the news of his designed Adventure; she was so frighted into shrieks and tears, that she cried out Oh God my Brother! Oh me my Mother! I am undone for ever; what shall I do?  
Which as soon as the Duke heard, he retired, not being willing his dear Sister should by her kindness to him purchase her Mother's displeasure. In this disconsolate condition he went to his Lodging: Where at nine of the Clock at night, his Groom came to know what he should do with his Horses: For the Queen's controller was come to him with a charge to remove them instantly. Whereupon the Groom Pleaded it was then too late, and that on the morrow it would be time enough. But the controller replied, he should then be put out of his place ere Morning.  
The next day the Sheets were taken off his Bed. Finding therefore that he could not be permitted to stay at the palace-royal, he thought until he could provide Necessaries for his Journey into Germany, to retire to the House of Mr. Crofts (afterwards Lord Crofts) near Paris; whereof the Queen hearing, she checked Mr. Crofts for being willing to receive him; with which he acquainted the Duke; but submits however to his pleasure.  
In this straight the Duke betook himself to the advice of that faithful Servant to his Family, and zealous Protestant the Lord Hatton, by whose judicious Instructions he had received much satisfaction, in this his distressed Condition, who, so soon as the Duke had made known to him, that he was not only turned out of his Mother's House, but that all persons that had any dependency on her were forbidden to receive or assist him: His Lordship told him, if his Highness would please to honour his House with his Presence, he should there be received with all the dutiful regard that could be paid to him, by so ancient and faithfully devoted a Servant to his Royal Family; and with an entertainment as suitable to his Quality, as the remains of that Fortune he had spent in his Father's Service would afford.  
But this the Duke, out of great modesty, seemed to decline? alleging the hazard his Lordship might run to, having his Estate again sequestered in England; and likewise incurring the displeasure of the French Court, as well as of the Queen his Mother; to be exiled that Realm for his Kindness to him, as he had been England for his Service to his Father; and perhaps be endangered in his person by the Rabble, animated by some enraged Papists for thus disappointing them of making a Proselyte of him, as they boasted they had done, and given public thanks in divers Churches.  
But his Lordship assured him; that, as he had spent the greatest part of his life and fortune, in the Service of his highness's Royal Family, and defence of the Protestant Religion, he would willingly Sacrifice the remainder of both on so honourable an occasion as this. With which hearty invitation his Highness was so pleased, that he took no farther thoughts whither to go, but remained with his Lordship.  
Being thus gone from the palace-royal, the Queen Mother of France came immediately thither, to try again (as 'twas thought) if she could prevail with him to change his Religion: And as soon as she came, sent her Son the Duke of Anjou (afterwards of Orleans) to visit him; who returned with the news, that he was not to be found. But as soon as it was known, that he was at the Lord Hatton's House, she sent the then Marquis (since Duke) of Plessis (a Person of such famed parts and abilities, that, in consideration thereof he was made Governor to the Duke of Anjou to persuade with him to comply with his Mother's advice: for effecting whereof he exercised all his parts and elocution with great earnestness; urging, that since the Death of his Father, the Queen his Mother had the sole Power and Authority over him: Disputing whether (the King) his Brother, as his Sovereign, had equal Authority to dispose of him.  
And the discourse growing somewhat public, the Marquis of Ormund, and the Lord Hatton (then present) arguing in the Duke's defence; the French Marquis finding himself overmatched, in great passion returned without the success expected at the palace-royal, where the French Queen stayed very late till he came back. Whose report when both Queens heard, they were then fully satisfied in the Duke's firmness to his Religion; so that after that, no considerable attempt was made on him, though he continued for near two months very nobly entertained by the Lord Hatton, until through the Marquis of Ormund's, and his Lordship's Interest, Necessaries could be provided for his going into Germany.   

CHAP. XXXVIII.  
IT is not to be doubted, but that the Convening of these persons from all parts of the Nation (considering that divers of them being Members of the Old Long Parliament, and eagerly thirsted to obtain their wonted power again, having, to that end, corrupted a great part of the Army) did not a little endanger his new-raised Dominion.  
But such was his vigilancy, that their Plots took no effect. Seeing therefore, both how, and by whom his Authority had been thus affronted; lest others, in time, by such examples might be swayed; his next business was to gain some shadow of being owned by the generality of the people throughout the three Kingdoms: which by the help of his Emissaries in short time he accomplished; first from Scotland by Gratulatory Petitions; and next from the Counties and chief Places throughout England and Ireland.  
Which being effected, he then put on the Mask of a most tender and zealous Patriot, earnestly promoting the performance of Justice; encouraging Virtue, and discountenancing Vice. And to gain those of the Clergy, who might be most serviceable to his purpose, he made no small shows of his favours unto them; yet with a check to the insolency of the Presbyterian, and depressing the Episcopal and Orthodox. To those also of the Romish persuasion, though he seemed severe, 'tis certain enough, that he did somewhat favour them: there being not any sort of men, to whom he carried not some show of respect, having an excellent faculty of courting them with some appearance of kidness. But to captivate those, who were seemingly Religious, he had a singular art of discoursing with them most Divinely; and not only so, but Praying, Sighing, Groaning, and sometimes shedding Tears in their presence; yet having a special vigilancy upon all Parties and Interests, which possibly might disturb his quiet: So that the Royalists, whose generous and active Spirits were ever prompting 〈…〉 our the King's Restauration, and to 〈…〉 a Rising in the West, were soon 〈…〉 some of them were brought to Trial, 
* At Exeter. 18. April.  and 〈◊〉 death for the same.  
But the lives of these Loyal 〈…〉 this subtle Tyrant: for he took advantage thereby, to cause the Estates of all others of that 〈◊〉 sat quiet, to be decimated, except such as by money could free themselves from that great exaction: And for the strict Levying of that most oppressive Tax, he constituted 
† 15. Octob. Major Generals.  fourteen select Major-Generals; each of which had several Counties under his Jurisdiction; who not only exercised their Authority, in an Arbitrary and unlimited manner; but at length grew so insolent, that he thought it not fit to continue them in that power.  
And now looking upon himself as an absolure Monarch, 
An. 1656.  he exercised the Authority of conferring the Honour of Knighthood; first 
* 20. Sept.  upon the Lord Mayor of 〈◊〉 And having soon after concluded a League 
* 20. Sept.  〈◊〉 France, he went on and Knighted two of his Colonies; Pride 
† 17. janu.  and Barksted 
* 19 janu.  (the one who had been a Dray-man, the other a seller of Thimbles and Bodkins of Silver.) And having throughout all parts of England, by underhand practices (those of his Preaching-Clergy serving him therein to some purpose) made way for an Election of such Members, for another Parliament, as might best advance his future ambitious designs, he sent out Writs 
† 10. july.  of Summons for Convening of them accordingly. At which meeting, 
* 17. Sept.  none were permitted to enter the House, which refused to acknowledge and subscribe to his Authority. Whereupon some being excluded, went back to their Countries. 
Cromwel's second Parliament called.  But those which sat went stoutly on with the work, having made choice of Sir Thomas Widdrington to be their Speaker.  
That the chief end whereat this proud and subtle Tyrant, at that time drove, was by the help of this Convention, to be invested with the Title of King, few there were to whom it was not evident enough, though he cunningly seemed to look another way. That there might therefore be the less suspicion thereof, the design was so laid, that the work should be brought about by degrees, and in a Collateral way. To which end, in the first place as a preparation thereto, they passed an Act, 
* Scob. Cell. p. 571.  whereby the Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses there assembled (for so are the words) did in the name of all the people of that Commonwealth, fully, clearly, and absolutely, and for ever disclaim and renounce all Fealty, Homage, or Allegiance, pretended to be due unto Charles Stuart, Eldest Son of the late King Charles; james Stuart, etc. or any other Issue or Posterity of the said King; or any person or persons pretending, or which should pretend Title, by, from, or under them, or any of them.  
And soon after that another Act, 
† Ib. p. 372.  for security of the person of his Highness the Lord Protector, and continuance of the Nation in Peace and Safety; the preamble whereof beginneth thus; for as much as the Prosperity and Safety of this Nation, and the Dommions thereunto belonging, very much dependeth, under God, upon the security and preservation of the person of his Highness, etc. In which Act several offences were adjudged Treason; and certain Commissioners for England and Wales therein nominated, for the Trial of Offenders against the said Act.  
Which foundation being so laid, it was by his Friends and Favourers, than thought high time to discover what they would be at; and accordingly moved, 
* Alderman Pack a great Excise-Commissioner, the first that moved it. 21. Feb.  that, whereas this Nation had for thirteen hundred years at the least, been governed by Kings; and though some of them had offended the people; yet that Title had never been abolished. Also, whereas the Government; by the said Title, was interwoven with the Laws, and accommodated to the dispositions of the people; that they should humbly Petition and Advise his Highness to take upon him the same Title.  
Which motion took such effect, that there was an Instrument soon drawn up by them, 
The humble Petition and A Advice.  called the Humble Petition and Advice, whereby they besought his Highness so to do.  
Whereunto (that he might not seem to have any knowledge of what they were about, much less any desire thereof; but be still more and more sought to and importuned therein) he answered with all show of modesty; that (indeed) those Arguments which they had used to him, were persuasive, but not compulsive; and that the Title of Protector might be well accommodated to the Laws.  
To which they replied, that the Title ought to be such, as was suitable to the Laws, and the Laws not be made suitable to the Title; urging the Statutes of 9 Edw. IU. and 3. Henr. VII. whereby it was provided, that no one should suffer for bearing Arms on the behalf of him, that was de facto King, though he had no just right to the Crown. Which Arguments were made use of to him merely for show, the better to disguise his ambitious aim; as though, without such strong motives, he could not have been won thereto.  
But the plain truth is; that after this business came thus in question, the Sectaries of all sorts, nay a great part of the Soldiery, showed a vehement dislike thereof, being privately instigated by Lambert, and some other of the Principal Officers, who did themselves, upon Cromwel's death, expect to have succeeded him in the Place of Protector; it being Elective, as is manifest from the Instrument of Government, whereby that Tyrant was at first so Constituted (whereas had he been advanced to the Title of King, the case might have been otherwise.) So that this crafty Fox, discerning no small peril to himself by such divisions, as might thereby arise; especially in the Army, wherein lay his chief strength and support, thought it the safest way to decline 
* 8. May.  it, and to stick still to 
† 19 May.  that of Protector; yet to have the Government settled in a kind of Monarchic manner. And so in imitation of that which had formerly been Regal, to have a House of Peers.  
But against that also, there were great and high oppositions: so that, though it was with much ado agreed, that there should be another House; yet it would not be allowed the Title of an House of Peers. Whereupon the result was, that an Act Entitled The Humble Petition and Advice, should pass; whereby they ordained what Style the chief Magistrate should have; idest, Lord Protector of the Commonwealth of England, Scotland, and Ireland, and the Dominions and Territories thereto belonging.  
Likewise, that Parliaments consisting of two Houses should be called once in three years, with qualifications of such as should serve therein. And that the number of such, as should sit in the other House should be nominated by the Lord Protector, and approved by the House of Commons. Moreover, that he should have power to nominate his Successor. And that a Confession of Faith should be agreed on by his Highness and the Parliament, according to the Rule and Warrant of the Scriptures. Which Act being presented to him, accordingly, was assented to, and passed. 
* 25. May. Scob. Col▪ p. 378. ●. ●.   
But that Act being in some sort deficient; about a month following, they passed another, relating thereto, and called The Explanatory Petition and Advice. Wherein (inter alia) is this Clause; viz.— Whereas in the Fourth Article Public Ministers, or Public Preachers of the Gospel, are disabled to the Elected to serve in Parliament; it is hereby explained and declared, to such Ministers and Preachers only, as have maintenance for Preaching, or are Pastors, or Teachers of Congregations. In which Act is also contained the Oaths of the Lord Protector, and of his Privy-Council; as also the Oaths of the Members of that Parliament.  
Soon after which, he was again, in WestMinster-Hall (standing under a Rich State) solemnly invested into his Old Title of Lord Protector, and into the Government thus new modelled. Where in the presence of the Members of that Parliament, Sir Thomas Widdrington their Speaker, delivered unto him, in the name of them all (and as Representatives of all the people in the three Kingdoms) a Purple Robe, lined with Ermine; as also a Bible, Sword, 
Crom●el a second time Constituted. Protector.  and Sceptre, descanting upon each of them, as significant, in some respect. All which being performed, the Instrument of that new Modelled Government, called The Humble Petition and Advice, was publicly read. Whereunto assenting, he was then and there Proclaimed Protector of England, Scotland, and Ireland, with sound of 〈◊〉: and afterwards in 
† I. july.  the City of London. So likewise at 
* 9 july.  Dublin in Ireland, and 
† 15. july.  Edinburgh in Scotland.  
Which new devised Government, so much resembling Monarchy, though the Title did not suit thereto, did so 〈◊〉 please the Anabaptists and Fifth-Monarchy men, that they 〈◊〉 spired his ruin by a sudden Insurrection: but their 〈◊〉 being timely discerned, came at length to nothing. 〈◊〉 reupon, for prevention of farther mischief, he committed to Prison, several persons of no small note, whose power with the Soldiery might otherwise have much endangered his safety; Viz. Lawson, one of his Admirals at Sea; Harrison, Rich, Danvers, and some other Colonels. Nay, Lambert himself, being ware, that his hopes of succeeding him, were then, by that new framed Government frustrated, began to fall off from him, and to incline to the fanatics. Which so awakened the Protector, that he took from him his Commission of Lieutenant General and gave it to Fleetwood, who by the Marriage of his Daughter, stood more nearly typed to his Interest.  
And that he might the better allure those of the Army, and some other which were no great friends to him, to conform the more pliantly, to this his new settled Dominion, he tickled them with the specious Title of Lords, by calling them to fit in the other House; obliging also many other desperate and mean persons, which were Officers of the Army, with the like shadows of Honour. The names of which persons so called were as followeth; viz.  

Richard Cromwell, his eldest Son.  
Henry Cromwell, his other Son, than Lord Deputy of Ireland.  
Nathaniel Fienes,  
john Lisle,  
Lords Commissioners of the Great Seal.  
Henry Lawrence, Lord Precedent of his Privy-Council.  
Charles Fleetwood (his Son in Law.)  
Robert Earl of Warwick.  
Edmund Earl of Mulgrave.  
Edward Earl of Manchester.  
William Viscount Say and Sele.  
john Cleypole (his other Son in Law, and Master of his Horse.)  
Philip Lord Lisle, eldest Son to the Earl of Leicester.  
Charles Howard of Waworth Castle.  
Philip Lord Wharton.  
Thomas Lord Fauconbridg.  
john Desborough,  
Edw. Montagu.  
Admiral's 〈◊〉 Sea.  
George Lord Eure.  
Bulstrod Whitlock.  
Sir Gilbert Pickering, Kt.  
Colonel William Sydenham.  
Sir Charles Wolfesley, Baronet.  
Major General Skippon. Strickland.  
Colonel Philip jones.  
Richard Hampden.  
Sir William Strickland.  
Francis Rous, Esq  
john Fiennes, Esq 
An. 1658.   
Sir Francis Russell, Baronet.  
Sir Thomas Honywood, Kt.  
Sir Arthur Haselrigg, Baronet.  
Sir john Hobart.  
Sir Richard Onslow, Kt.  
Sir Gilbert Gerard.  
Sir William Roberts, Kt.  
john Glyn, his Chief Justice of the Upper-Bench.  
Oliver St. john, his Chief Justice of the Common-Pleas.  
William Pierpont, Esq  
john jones, Esq  
john Crew, Esq  
Alexander Popham, Esq  
Sir Christoph. Pack, Alderman.  
Sir Rob. Tichburne, Alderman.  
Made Kts. by Cromwell.  
Edward whaley, one of his Major Generals.  
Sir 〈…〉 but 〈◊〉 sold Thimbles and Bodkins.  
Sir George Fleetwood another of his Knights.  
Sir Thomas Pride, another of his Knights, formerly a Dray-man.  
Colonel Richard Ingoldesby.  
Sir john Heuson, another of his Knights, formerly a Cobbler.  
james Berrey, one of his Major Generals, formerly Clerk to a Forge.  
Colonel William Goffe..  
Thomas Cooper.  
Edmund Thomas.  
George Monk, than Commander in Chief of his Forces in Scotland.  
David Earl of Cassils' in Scotland.  
Sir William Lockart, another of his Knights.  
Sir Archib. johnston, a Scotchman.  
William Steel his Lord Chancellor of Ireland.  
The Lord Broghil, Brother to the Earl of Cork in Ireland.  
Sir Matthew Tomlinson, another of his Knights.   
The Sitting 
* 20. janu.  of which House began upon the twentieth of january: at which time likewise those of the Commons, who had formerly declined to sign the Recognition, were freely admitted.  
But so much were those new Lords despised and scorned by the Honse of Commons; 
The Parliament Dissolved. 4. Feb.  that the Protector, finding no advantage by their Sitting, Dissolved that his Second Parliament.  
Which was not more slow in complying with his advancement, than the Royalists were forward in their contrivances for pulling him down. But so great was his vigilancy, and no less his cost, whereby he had allured some Birds of that Feather; that the Consultations of his Adversaries, were no sooner had, than apparently discovered: so that, when ever he pleased, he could take them in his Net, as he always did, when he thought that examples of severity might be for his advantage.  
It being therefore once more expedient to renew those terrors to the people, he caused his bloody Theatre, called the High-Court of justice, 
Another High-Court of Justice.  to be again erected in Westminster-Hall; where for the more formalities sake, the persons whom he did design for destruction were brought; the one Dr. john Hevit, a Reverend Divine, the other Sir Henry Slingsby, Kt. a Yorkshire Gentleman of great Loyalty and Valour; who being charged with High Treason against his Protectorship; and stoutly denying the Authority of that Tribunal, had Sentence of death soon passed upon them, which they did accordingly suffer, 
* 2. & 8. jun.  with great magnanimity; though there was no little endeavour used for to save their lives: his Daughter Claypole (whose interest otherwise with him was beyond expression) soliciting for the Doctor with all earnestness that could be.  
But it concerning him at that time, 
Dunkirk having been besieged by the English and French; and given up to the French upon Articles, was put into the hands of the English, 25. june.  so much in point of Policy, to sacrifice some for a terror to others; neither her incessant Supplication nor Tears could prevail; which brought upon her such excessive grief of mind; that falling into a sharp fit of sickness; wherein crying out against him, for Dr. Hevits blood; she died with the most bitter torments imaginable.  
Which death of hers was the forerunner to that of this wicked Tyrant: for soon after a deep Melancholy seized closely upon him: in which the guilt of so much innocent blood, as he had spilled, might (perhaps) somewhat touch him. But without doubt that which stuck nearest to him, was his real consideration, that he could never ascend unto such an height of Sovereignty, as his ambitious desires had long gaped after. For he plainly saw, that the Anabaptists, and Fifth-Monarchy men, whom in order to the destruction of his lawful Sovereign, he had so much cherished, then were, and were ever like to be, as thorns in his sides, and blocks in his way thereto. And which is more, that not only Fleetwood (his Son in Law) whom privately he had designed to be his Successor in the Government, was an especial friend and favourer of those desperate Fanatics; but that Desborough, Sir Gilbert Pickering, Colonel Sydenham, and many other of his Council, were underhand wellwishers to Lambert and his party, who were known enemies to all Monarchick Rule; and consequently to that, wherein he had so long aimed to be settled.  
Which sorrows and perplexities of his restless mind, meeting with some Natural infirmities of his Body, struck him into a sharp and Feverish distemper: whereat his Physicians expressing their thoughts; he told them, that if they supposed him in a dying condition, they were utterly mistaken, forasmuch as he had been comforted with Revelations to the contrary. Nay he was farther so transported with those vain Enthusiasms, and had such brainsick persons about him (even those of his Chaplains) who were equally possessed with such giddy-headed conceits; that they foolishly dreamed and fancied as much: and told it in public; that having sought God by Prayer, for the prolongation of his life, they received such assurances of his grant to their Petitions; that they not only gave out, that he effectually recovered, but kept a solemn Thanksgiving for the same, at Hampton-Court, where he than lay.  
Which strange and bold confidence, caused forthwith his removal from thence to White-Hall; where he had not been from that time, many days, but his Physician alarmed them with his near approaching death. Which so awakened the best of his Friends, that they soon fell to enquiry, whom he intended for his Successor. But so little sense had he then of that question, that he made them an answer no whit to the purpose. Whereupon they asked him, whether it was not his Son Richard; to which he made them some signs of assent. But farther enquiring of his last Will and Testament, whereby they presumed that he had nominated his Successor, he directed them to his Closet, and other places for search; but all to no purpose, for nothing could be found.  
In which discomposure, departing 
* Sept. 3.  this life upon the third of September; to the end that the Government might not fall to the ground; some few of the Council giving out, that Richard, was (according to the Instrument) the Person declared, they immediately caused him to be Proclaimed Protector.  
Having thus traced this Monster to his death, which happened on the same day of the month, whereon he had been twice wonderfully victorious (viz. at Dunbar and Worcestrer) it will not be amiss to take notice of somewhat concerning his Carcase, which was wholly preternatural; viz. that notwithstanding it was Artificially Emboweled, and Embalmed with Aromatic Odours, wrapped also in six-fold Cerecloth, and put in a sheet of Lead: with a strong wooden Coffin over it; yet did it in a short time so strangely ferment, that it burst all in pieces, and became so noisome, that they were immediately necessitated to commit it to the Earth, and to celebrate his Funeral with an empty Coffin. Which solemnity was performed, from Somerset-House in the Strand, unto King Henry the Sevenths' Chapel at Westminster, with that Grandeur and State, 
* Nou. 23.  upon the 23. of November following, that it did equalise the greatest and most glorious of our Kings, amongst which they laid the Corpse of this infamous Regicide.   

CHAP. XXXIX.  
HEre should I go on in the path of my Story; but because that reports have been so various, and uncertain, touching his Parentage, and course of life, before he became an Actor in this unparallelled Rebellion, it will not be improper to make a short digression; and as briefly as may be, to say something of both.  
That his Extraction by the Father's side, was from Sir Richard Williams, Kt. a Gentleman of eminent note, in the Court of King Henry the VIII. and son to Morgan ap William (a Welshman) by Sister to Thomas Lord Cromwell Earl of Essex, (the chief Agent in those days, for the dissolution of the Monasteries) is not to be doubted. Who being by his Uncle preferred to the service of King Henry, was for that cause (and no other) called Cromwell, as is apparent enough from Testimonies of credit, however some have fancied otherwise, which Sir Richard, thereupon writing himself Cromwell, alias Williams, was then in such Favour and Grace with the King; that having received the dignity of Knighthood 
* Stow's Survey of Lond. p. 494. col. 1.  for his Heroic behaviour at a Tilting in 32. Hen. VIII. he had also the great Abbey of Ramsey, the Nunnery of Hinchinbroke, with the Priories of Sautrey, and Huntingdon, given to him upon the disposal of the Monastery Lands. All which he left unto Sir Henry Cromwell, Kt. his Son and Heir. Who, making Hinchinbroke his principal Seat (as more pleasantly situate than Ramsey is) left Issue Sir Oliver Cromwell, made Knight of the Bath at the Coronation of King james; and Robert Cromwell a younger Son (with some other Children.) Which Robert, though he was by the countenance of his elder Brother, made a Justice of Peace in Huntingtonshire, had but a slender Estate; much of his support being a Brewhouse in Huntingdon, chiefly managed by his Wife, who was Sister to Sir Robert Steward, of the City of Ely, Knight, and by her had Issue this our famous Oliver, styled Protector of England, Scotland, and Ireland, as hath been observed.  
In his Youth he was for some time bred up in the University of cambridge; where he made no great proficiency in any kind of Learning: but then and afterwards sorting himself with Drinking-Companions, and the ruder sort of people (being of a rough and blustering disposition) he had the name of a Roister amongst most that knew him: and by his exorbitances so wasted his Patrimony; that, having attempted his Uncle Steward for a supply of his wants, and finding that by a smooth way of application to him, he could not prevail, he endeavoured by colour of Law to lay hold of his Estate, representing him a person not able to govern it. But therein failing, for lack of better mantenance, his aim was for New-England, purposing there to fix, as is very well known.  
Observing therefore, that most of those unquiet Spirits, who were refractory to the Church-Discipline by Law Established here, were the principal persons which had stored that new Plantation; and that none but such Schismatics were welcome guests thither: for his better furtherance from those of that gang, and the fairer acceptance upon his arrival there, through the recommendation of those Godly Brethren; he forthwith quitted his old Companions, and betook himself to the acquaintance of the pretended Holy Tribe; most formally canting in their demure Language and affected tone, and frequenting the Sermons of the fiercest Boutefeus'. Amongst which (as a blessed Convert, in whom they much gloried) he gained in short time a very high Reputation. So that having better Natural parts than the most of that Sect, and confidence enough to put forth himself, upon any fit occasion; he was especially made choice of by those, who ever endeavoured the undermining of Regal Authority, to be their Orator at Huntingdon, unto the late Kings Commissiones of Sewers there, in opposition to His Majesty's most commendable design, for the general draining of that great and vast level of the adjacent Fens. In which adventure, his boldness and Elocution gained him so much credit; as that, soon after, being necessitated through his low condition, to quit a Country Farm, which he held at St. Ives, and betake himself to mean Lodgings in cambridge, the Schismatical party there, chose him a Burgess for their Corporation, in that unhappy Long-Parliament, which began at Westminster upon the third of November, 1640.  
Wherein he bestirred himself, with as much violence and heat, as any Schismatical Bankrupt did in that mischievous Convention; being well ware, that a general imbroilment of the Kingdom, by an intestine War, might be of advantange to such necessitous and desperate people. Whereupon, in short time, he did accordingly obtain his long desired ends: for being one of the first of those, who put themselves in Arms against the King, he was made a Captain of Horse in the Earl of Essex's Regiment, and afterward Lieutenant General to the late Earl of Manchester.  
In which service, his great strength of Reason, accompanied with no less Courage, soon gained him such experience in the Discipline of War; as that taking strict care for the well Arming of his men, and preventing their disorder upon any hot pursuit; such success attended him upon all occasions, as at length gained him the Reputation of a skilful Commander; by reason whereof he arrived to much higher advancements. Where soon discerning the general humour of the Soldier, and that many of them were possessed with conceited Revelations; some expecting a personal Reign of Christ, here on Earth; fancying themselves the men who were to make way for his coming; and to that purpose that they were to destroy the wicked and possess their Estates; he chiefly applied himself to the humour of those desperate fanatics; and by his subtle arts in Praying, Preaching, Groaning, and Howling amongst them, got himself no less Credit than Mahomet, of old, did with his Followers. And so by degrees, ascending those steps of Command and Power, whereof instance hath been given in the precedent Story, raised himself at last, to the highest pitch of Sovereignty, as hath already been observed.   

CHAP. XL.  
I Now proceed to Richard his Son (Proclaimed Protector upon his death, as hath been said.) Whose Title was for a while, upheld by some few, and much art used for perpetuating his Dominion; first by procure Congratulations 
* Hist of Indep. Part. 4. p. 32.  from all the Soldiery in England, Scotland, and Ireland, Secondly from all the Independent Congregational-Assemblies; Thirdly from the most eminent of the London Ministers; as also from the French, Dutch, and Italian Churches; and lastly from most of the Counties, Cities, and chief Towns in England; all of them engaging to live and die with this youngster. In many of which solemn Congratulatory Addresses, being highly magnified for his Wisdom, nobleness of mind, and lovely Composition of Body; his Father Oliver was compared to Moses, Zerubabel, joshua, Gideon, Elijah; to the Chariots and Horsemen of Israel; to David, Solomon, and Hezekiah. Likewise to Constantine the Great; and to whomsoever else that either the Sacred Scripture, or any other History, had celebrated for their Piety, and Goodness. Insomuch as it was then, by most men thought, that this their late framed Government might be durable enough, against the disturbance of any opposers.  
But so active and earnest were the fanatics against it, that they spared not their utmost industry for the supplanting thereof: And discerning Fleetwood (than General of the Army) to be very much a friend unto all of their party; unto him they made addresses for furtherance of their design; speciously suggesting, that the Office of Protector, being at the disposal of Cromwell, was to him alone intended, though Richard had been Proclaimed by some few of the Council.  
And to the end that the Soldiers might likewise incline to their side, they put them on to require the auditing of their Arrears; two pence a week having been withheld of their pay: and not only so, but to insist upon greater privileges, as Soldiers, than they had enjoyed in oliver's time; viz. that no Soldier should be displaced, without consent of the Council of War: no nor questioned for Murder, Robbery, or any other Offence, otherwise than by the Law-Military; whereby they were sure to have no little favour. Likewise, that it should be in the power of the Army, upon all occasions, to make choice of their General: of all which they had first disputes with this Richard, and afterwards, by their Remonstrances did insist upon boldly.  
These perilous attempts, being therefore discerned by his Highness, 
Rich. Cromwel's Parliament.  he forthwith summoned a Parliament (according to the tenor of the old Instrument) which Parliament, was (for its greater honour) to consist of two Houses; thereby not doubting but to scatter these dangerous clouds; and met accordingly at Westminster upon the seventh of january. 
7. jan.  But consulting together; instead of complying with his highness's designs, they fell to questioning the Authority of the Other House. Nor did they at all brook the Irish and Scotch, sent thither as Representatives from each of those Realms. Nevertheless, after divers tedious and warm disputes, they were at length content 
* Ibid. p. 36.  to transact with those, who Sat in that Other House; not excluding such Peers, who had been faithful to the Parliament, from their privileges of being summoned as Members thereof, 
An. 1659.  and that they would receive any Message from them, but by some of those, who were Members of their own House.  
And, to the end they might, by degrees, bring themselves into power, they attempted the asserting of their Interest in the Militia, by a salvo in their Vote relating to the Fleet. Moreover, to captivate the people with specious shows of alleviating their burdens, they made divers formal Speeches for the taking away of all Excise: as also of Tonnage and Poundage after the next three years. Likewise, to make show how tender they were of the people's Liberties; they did not only set at large Colonel Overion and others (which had been committed to Prison by Oliver) without payment of Fees; but questioned the Lieutenant of the Tower for detaining those persons there. Appointing 
* Ibid.  also a Committee of Inspection for Public Accounts. Which Committee Reported the Yearly incomes of England, Scotland and Ireland, to be eighteen hundred sixty eight thousand, seven hundred and seventeen pounds: and the Issues to be no less than two Millions two hundred and one thousand five hundred and forty pounds. By which they saw, that three hundred thirty two thousand, eight hundred twenty three pounds of Debt, incurred Yearly upon them, by the ill management of that great Revenue; which was triple to what any King of England ever enjoyed. And further saw, that to maintain the Conquest of Scotland, they were at the Yearly charge of one hundred sixty three thousand, six hundred and nineteen pounds, more than the Revenue of that Kingdom did then yield unto them.  
Other particulars they then had likewise in hand, all tending to the public benefit of the Nation; forbearing to give money, beneficial Offices, or rewards (as formerly had been usual) amongst themselves; by which means the world, might by degrees, be wrought into a dislike of being Governed by that Military power, which for so long time had Ruled the Roast: and to restore the general sway of the Realm to themselves, as the Representative of the People, in whom, according to the Presbyterian Maxim the whole Sovereign Power virtually was.  
Which design, so destructive to the sword-men's Interest, did not only disturb their minds, but by doubts and jealousies, at length divided their strength into Parties and Factions; some of them holding their Councils at Wallingford House, with the General: others at Whitehall with the Protector and his Confidents. But, in this Fraction, those of Wallingford- House, being much the more numerous, drew up a bold Representation, 
* April 7.  both to the Protector and the House; which so startled his Highness, that he forthwith stood 
† April 8.  upon his Guard: and so alarmed the House of Commons, that they thereupon Voted; 
* April 18. History of Indep. part. 4. p. 37.  That during the Sitting of the Parliament, there should be no General Council, or meeting of the Officers of the Army, without direction, leave, and Authority of the Lord Protector, and both Houses of Parliament. And, that no person should have and continue any Command or Trust, in any of the Armies or Navies of England, Scotland, or Ireland, or any the Dominions and Territories thereto belonging, who should refuse to subscribe, that he would not disturb, or interrupt the free meeting in Parliament, or their freedom in their Debates or Councils.  
And to sweeten the Common-Souldiers, lest they should join with their Officers in turning them out of Doors (as they had formerly done) added, 
† Ib. p. 38.  that they would presently take into consideration, how to satisfy the Arrears of the Army, with present pay; and likewise to prepare and Act of Indemnity for them.  
A great Task (indeed) had that Parliament then upon their Hands; viz. the pleasing of the people, which could no otherwise be, than by alleviating their heavy burdens; and satisfying the Soldiery by feeding them with money, whereon they fell seriously to consider. But whilst they were intentive on these necessary works, the Animosities of the Army. Officers grew higher and higher against each other; strict Guards being kept by those at White-Hall, with the Protector, against those at Wallingford- House, with the General; the Protector, in pursuance of the Parliament-Votes, forbidding any further Convention of those Officers at Wallingford- House. Which prohibition signified little; for the Wallingford- House-men, being much the more numerous and sturdy; at length so awed and daunted his Highness, that they obtained his consent 
* April 22.  to a Commission and Proclamation (ready penned to Dissolve the Parliament, though he had with great assurance to the Members, promised the contrary. Whereupon the Usher with the Black Rod, was twice sent 
* Ib. p. 39  to the House of Commons, by Mr. Nathaniel Fienes Speaker of the Other House, requiring them to come up. Who being not ignorant upon what errand it was, not only scorned to stir; but some of them became so courageous, to move, 
† Sir Arthur Haselrigg.  that the House should declare it High Treason for any person whatsoever, to put force upon any Members of the House; and that all Votes, Acts, and Resolutions, passed by any Members of Parliament, when the rest were detained from, or taken out of the House by force, should be null and void. And finding themselves so unanimous to their Resolves, Adjourned the House till next Monday Morning; attending their Speaker, all in fair Order, through Westminster-Hall to his Coach, in the face of the Soldiers, which had then beset both the Palace-Yards.   

CHAP. XLI.  
BUT, on Monday 
* 25. April.  morning, all avenues to the House being stopped up by the Soldiers, and entrance peremptorily denied unto any of the Members; 
The Protector set aside, and the Rump of the Long Parliament restored.  the Wallingford-House-Officers (unto whom most of those at White-Hall, were by that time joined) casting off whaley, Goffe., and Ingoldesby, with some other of the Protectors chiefest Confidents; and taking in Lambert, Sir Arthur Haselrigg, Colonel Okey, and some others, who had been set aside by Oliver; considering with themselves that though they must necessarily govern by a Military-power; yet the name and shadow of a Parliament would best captivate the people: forasmuch therefore, as the Members of that Parliament, than so excluded, could not properly be readmitted, but with much hazard to the Soldier's Interest, they procured a private Conference 
† 5. May.  with some Members of the Old Long Parliament (formerly turned out by Oliver) viz. Sir Henry Vane, Sir Arthur Haselrigg, Colonel Ludlow, Colonel jones, Thomas Scot, Thomas Chaloner, Major General Lambert and some others, to the number of about twenty. At which Conference, it being agreed that they should take in William Lenthal, the Old Speaker, and meet 
* 7. May.  in the House on Saturday the seventh of May; in order thereto, they set forth this following Declaration; viz.  
The Public concernment of this Commonwealth, being, through a vicissitude of dangers, deliverances, and back-slidings of many, brought into that state and posture, whereon they now stand; and ourselves also contributing thereto, by wandering divers ways from Righteous and Equal Paths. And, although there hath been many Essays to obviate the dangers, and to settle these Nations in Peace and Prosperity; yet all have proved ineffectual; the only wise God, in the course of his providence disappointing all endeavours therein. And also, observing to our great grief, that the good Spirit, which formerly appeared amongst us, in the carrying on of this great work, did daily decline, so as the Good Old Cause itself became a reproach; we have been led to look back, and examine the cause of the Lord's withdrawing his wonted presence from us, and where we turned out of the way, that through mercy we might return, and give him the Glory. And, amongst other things calling to mind, that the Long Parliament, consisting of the Members there Sitting until the 20 th'. of April 1653. were eminent assertors of the Cause, and had a special presence of God with them, and were signally blessed in that work (the desires of many good people concurring with ours therein) we judge it our duty to invite the aforesaid Members, to return to the exercise and discharge of their Trust, as before the said 20 th'. of April 1653. And therefore we do hereby most earnestly desire the Parliament, consisting of those Members, who continued to Sat from the year 1648. until the 20 th'. of April 1653. to return to the exercise and discharge of their Trust: and we shall be ready in our places, to yield them, as becomes us, our utmost assurance to Sat in safety, for the improving present opportunity, for settling and securing the Peace and Freedom of this Commonwealth; praying for the presence and blessing of God upon their endeavours.  
Which Declaration was signed 
† 6. May.  by General Fleetwood, and the Council of Officers of the Army.  
In order whereunto those Members of the Long-Parliament, came the day following 
* 7. May.  to the Painted-Chamber: but finding of their designed number (which was forty and two) that there wanted a couple, they sent 
† Ibid. p. 40.  to the Gaols for a present supply. Where, having the Lord Munson, and Henry Martin ready at hand (who lay there upon Executions for Debt) with Lisle and Whitlock from the Chancery-Bench, they advanced 
* Ib. & p. 41.  into the House, with a Mace born before them, their names being as followeth; 
The names of the Rumpers.   

Lord Munson.  
Henry Martin.  
Bulstrode Whitlock.  
Mr. Lisle.  
Thomas Chaloner.  
Alderman Atkins.  
Alderman Penington.  
Thomas Scott.  
Cornelius Holland.  
Henry Vane.  
Mr. Prideaux.  
Sir. james Harington.  
Lieutenant General Ludlow.  
Michael Oldsworth.  
Sir Arthur Haselrigg.  
Mr. jones.  
Colonel Purefoy.  
Colonel White.  
Henry Nevil.  
Mr. Say.  
Mr. Blagrave.  
Colonel Bennet. 
* Ib. & p. 41.   
Mr. Brewster.  
Sergeant Wild.  
john Goodwin.  
Mr. Nicholas Lechmore.  
Augustine skinner.  
Mr. Downes.  
Mr. Dove.  
Mr. john Lenthal.  
Mr. john Saloway.  
Mr. john Corbet.  
Mr. Walton.  
Gilbert Millington.  
Mr. Gold.  
Colonel Sydenham.  
Colonel Byngham.  
Colonel Air.  
Mr. Smith.  
Colonel Ingoldesby.  
Lieutenant General Fleetwood.   
Upon notice of whose Sitting, there being many of the Members of that old Parliament then walking in Westminster-Hall, and more about the City; those in the Hall consulting together, and thereupon being satisfied, that they had as good right to sit there again, as those who were gone in before, resolved to follow them into the House, or at least to attempt it: These being 

Mr. Annesley.  
Sir George Booth.  
Mr. james Herbert.  
Mr. William Prynne.  
Mr. George Montagu.  
Mr. john Evelin. 
The Secluded Members.   
Mr. john Herbert.  
Mr. Gown.  
Mr. Evelyn.  
Mr. Knightley.  
Mr. Clive.  
Mr. Hungerford.  
Mr. Harvey.  
Mr. Pack.    
Who being come to the Door, after much expostulation with the Guard for their Privileges of Sitting, were denied entrance. Whereupon, resolving to wait a fitter opportunity, some of them came again on Monday 
* 9 May.  following; viz. Mr. Annesley, Mr. Prynne, and Mr. Hungerford, and went into the House.  
Which free admittance, causing Mr. Annesley to presume, that the rest might also come in, he went out again into the Hall to give others notice thereof: but upon his return found it otherwise. For those, who were met would not go on with any business, so long as Mr. Prynne did make his stay amongst them, so that they soon adjourned: and upon their next meeting ordered; 
† Ib. p. 42.  That such persons, formerly Members of that Parliament, who had not sat therein since the year 1648. and had not subscribed the Engagement, in the Roll of that House, should not sit there, till farther Order by the Parliament. And by a general Vote declared, 
* 29. May. Ib. p. 43.  That all such as were to be employed in any place of Trust or Power in the Commonwealth, should be able for the discharge of such Trust; and that they should be persons fearing God; and who had given testimony to all the people of God, of their faithfulness to that Commonwealth, according to the Declaration of Parliament of May the 7 th'. proceeding also in the Election of these (whose names are here added) 
† Ib. p. 45.  for a Council of State.  

Sir Arthur Haselrigg.  
Sir Henry Vane.  
Colonel Ludlow.  
Colonel john jones.  
Colonel Sydenham.  
Thomas Scott.  
Major Saloway.  
General Fleetwood.  
Sir james Harrington.  
Colonel Walton.  
Mr. Henry Nevil.  
Mr. Thomas Chaloner.  
Mr. Downes.  
Bulstrod Whitlock.  
Herbert Mortley.  
Mr. Sidney.  
Colonel Thompson.  
Colonel Dixwel.  
Mr. Reynolds.  
Oliver St. john.  
Mr. Wallop.  
All these being Members of the Old Long Parliament.   

Unto which were added  
john Bradshaw.  
Colonel Lambert.  
Colonel Desborow. Fairfax.  
Colonel Berry.  
Sir Anthony Ashley Couper.  
Sir Horatio Tounsend.  
Sir Robert Honywood.  
Sir Archibald johnston.  
josias berner's.   
As to the Actings of these old Members, it is not a little observable; that first they ordered 
* Ib. june.  the sale of all such Houses and Lands, of the late King, the Queen, the Prince, with Bishops, Deans and Chapters, or other then unsold; and that they should forthwith be exposed to sale. Also, that such persons on whom any Title of Honour had been conferred by the said King, should pay those forfeitures for the same, as had been by their Acts and Ordinances in that case provided, and bring in their Patents. Amongst which Houses intended for Sale, Somerset-House, in the Strand, was one; the materials whereof to be pulled down and sold, were valued 
† Ib. p. 49.  at 5545 l. 1 s. 3 d.  
And now, having some compassion on their late Lord Protector Richard Cromwell, so outed of his Sovereignty, as before is observed, they Voted 
* Ib. p. 50.  him an exemption from Arrests, for six months.  
Likewise, the more to ingratiate themselves with the people, they passed an 
† july.  Act of Indemnity; but without benefit to any, who should boggle at subscribing to a new Engagement against the Government by the single Person, Kingship, or House of Peers, seizing 
* 2. july.  upon divers persons, in and about London, and upon Horses and Arms; pretending Traitorous designs against them by the Royalists; the Preachers, in their Pulpits crying out in this manner; 
† Ib. p. 53.  viz.  
The Lord stir up the hearts of his people to Prayer, and sincere Humiliation, and fill them with Unanimity and Courage in this evil time: and make the people to see, whatever fair pretences may be made use of by the Common Enemy, to get power into their Hands: yet, should they prevail, no man that hath been of a party against them heretofore; yea no man, that hath been a mere Neuter, but must expect, that his private Estate, as well as the Public Liberty, shall become a prey to a desperate crew of Ravenous, and Unreasonable men.  
Certain it is, that throughout the whole Realm, the people were weary of their Oppressions; and saw, that notwithstanding these shift of the Dominion from one hand to another, they were no whit eased of their Taxes and Burdens: and therefore not only the Royalists, but most of the Presbyterians (being then out of play) to rid themselves of that lingering slavery, did privately engage to rise: and accordingly began so to do in Cheshire; putting 
* I. August.  themselves under the command of Sir George Boothe Baronet, (a person of a fair Estate in those parts.) Which so alarmed the old juncto sitting at Westminster, commonly called the Rump (they being the fag-end or Tail of the Long Parliament) as that they speedily sent down into those parts, what Forces could soon be got together, under the command of Major General Lambert; publishing a Proclamation 
† Ib. p. 55.  against them, and their adherents, as Rebels and Traitors; Sir George in the mean time, causing a Declaration to be Printed, and spread abroad: Whereby manifesting to the world, that this juncto at Westminster, had violated all Laws of God and men; did profess, that the defence of the Laws and Liberties was the chief thing, he and those with him aimed at, which would never be settled by those Self-Seekers at Westminster; and therefore desired a new and Free Parliament.;  
But this good design was soon blasted: for Lambert encountering them near to North-Wiche, so overpowered them with numbers, and more experienced Soldiers, that he utterly routed 
* 19 Aug.  and dispersed all their strength. Which success so far elated this active General, that he then thought of nothing more than his own personal advancement. And to the end that he might the more endear the Soldiers to himself; not only magnified their merits, by Letters to the Parliament: but when he had a thousand pounds sent, to buy him a Jewel, in token of their high esteem of that service, he forthwith distributed it amongst his Common Soldiers. And in farther order to that his design, under colour of seizing all Arms thereabouts, he subtly got them into his own hands.  
All which was no whit dissatisfactory to the Rumpers, who then did not at all dream of Lambert's design: and therefore having received Letters 
* Ib. p. 57 September.  out of Scotland, which gave them much assurance of General Monks reality, they laid their Insurrection in Cheshire, wholly to the Royalists charge; and forthwith resolved upon an Oath for abjuring the King's Title, the formality whereof I have here added;  
I. A. B. do hereby declare, 
The Oath for abjuring the King.  that I renounce the pretended Title of Charles Stuart, and the whole Line of the late King James; and of every other Person as a single Person, pretending to the Government of these Nations of England, Scotland, and Ireland, and the Dominions and Territories thereto belonging. And that I will, by the Grace and Assistance of Almighty God, be true, faithful, and constant to this Commonwealth, against any King, single Person, and House of Peers, and every of them: and hereunto I subscribe my name.  
And to show how Zealous their Clergy, were generally therein, I shall only give instance of a precious pack of those in Leicestershire; 
† 9 Septem. Mere. Polit. N. 586. p. 721.  which personally came out of that County to the Parliament, and presented to them a Paper, Entitled The humble Representation of divers well-affected Ministers of the Gospel, in the County of Leicester whose names are hereunto subscribed. Which was so well accepted of, that they being called in; one of them (as the mouth of the rest) addressing himself to the Speaker, said; That, being all Ministers of the Gospel in the County of Leicester, faithful servants to the Parliament, and embarked in the same bottom with themselves; that some of them marched along with their Forces to suppress the late Rebellion of Sir George Boothe, and others: and, that they well knowing how much it concerned them, with all the true Godly of the Land, to strengthen the Parliaments hands, in the work of the Lord, were desired by many of their Brethren, Ministers of the Gospel, in Leicestershire, to tender that their humble Representation, in their and their own names; with desire that it might be communicated to the House; the Heads whereof were, as followeth.  
1. That they did acknowledge it, as the product of Divine Love and Goodness towards the Nation; that, notwithstanding the many changes of Persons and Government, a Godly and Preaching-Ministry, had been, and still was countenanced, protected and maintained by the Parliament: and that the Lord had been pleased, after so many years' interruption, to restore them again to their places, for the accomplishing of all those just and good things, which they formerly prosecuted, in order to an happy settlement.  
2. That, as in duty bound, they desired, with all thankfulness, to own the Parliament, under God, as eminent Instruments thereof; looking upon their Piety and Zeal for God therein; not only as a strong obligation upon their Spirits, to a more faithful and cheerful discharge of their duties, as Ministers; but also to adhere to them.  
3. That they were the more encouraged thereto, when they reflected upon the late Votes for encouragement and maintenance of a Preaching-Ministry, and also for the vindication of their just Rights, as men and Christians.  
4. That they doubted not, but the same Divine Hand, which had begun to lay the foundation of a Righteous settlement of Peace and Truth in this Nation, continually blasting the counter-designs of the Common Adversaries, would in due time rear the top cornerstone, to the comfort of all that did with well to Zion.  
5. That they could not but with shame, and bleeding of heart, bewail that Cloud of darkness, which had lately overspread divers of their old professed friends, who at first deeply engaged with them: yet, through that mystery of Iniquity, which did still work in the Nation, had been misled and caused to stumble; not only to the hazard of their own Lives and Liberties; but to an involving this poor Island in confusion and blood; yet the Ruin thereof, if God had not stepped in for its relief, by blessing the Parliaments Counsels, and prospering the endeavours of a faithful Army, against the enraged malice of the old Common Enemy, and the dissatisfactions of such as engaged with them, to hinder the designed work of easing their Loads, and of settling their Foundations in Peace, Truth, and Righteousness.  
6. That they took themselves bound in duty to let the Parliament know; that (through mercy) their souls had not entered into the secret of the late Insurrectors; but that they did profess an utter detestation thereof; and that, the Lord helping them, they would not cease crying mightily to him, that he would still pour out upon the Parliament, a Spirit of Wisdom, and of the fear of the Lord, to carry them on in their work, against all discouragements and oppositions whatsoever; the names of the Subscribers being these.  

john Yaxley, Minister of the Gospel at Kibworth.  
Samuel Blakesley at Langton.  
William Sheffeild at Ibstoke.  
Maurice Bohem at Halloughton.  
William Grace at Reavesby.  
Richard Muston at Langton.  
Matthew Clerk at Harborow.  
josiah Whiston at Norton.  
Benjamin Southwood at Kymcote.  
Samuel Shaw at Long-Whatton.  
Thomas Lawrey at Harborow.  
Henry Pearce at Claybroke.  
George Wright at Congeston.  
Y. Dixey at Margaret's in Leicester.  
Samuel Smith at Glooreston.  
George Greene at Thedingworth.  
William Wilson at Foxton.  
john Bennet at Winwick.  
Thomas Smith at Castle-Dunnington.  
William Barton at martin's in Leicester.  
Nicholas Kestyn at Gumley.  
john St. Nicolas at Lutterworth.  
Thomas Langdel at Bowdon Magna.  
Richard Drayton at Shangton.  
Thomas Leadbeter at Hinkley.  
William Cotton at Broughton.  
Henry Watts at Swepston.  
Ambrose Bent at Ashby-Folvile.  
john Shuttlewood at Ravenston.  
Emanuel Bourne at Waltham.  
Christopher Wright at Eastwell.  
Thomas jenkings at New Kilworth.  
john Pitts at Burbage.  
john Hulls at Stanton-Wivile.  
Paul Bulgay.  
William Black at Suddington.  
Robert Reding at Segrave.  
Samuel Oldershaw at Cole-Orton.   
Which Representation being read, they were all called into the House again, the Speaker telling them; that, upon due consideration thereof, they found in it a Gospel-Spirit, of Meekness, Sincerity and Holiness; and that they had also considered the Seasonableness of it; and that it expressed, not only on outward Letter, but an inward Spirit, etc. and so gave them the Thanks of the House.  
Soon after this the House appointed a Committee to prepare something in order to the settling of a Government: for the better support whereof they Established the laying a Tax of one hundred thousand pounds by the month, besides Excise and Customs, and the Sequestered Estates of new Delinquents. And, 
* History of Indep. part 4. p. 59  that such persons as had been assessed to find Horse and Arms, by virtue of the Act of Parliament, for settling the Militia; and had not brought in their Horse and Arms; nor paid in lieu thereof, the sum of money appointed by the said Act: that every such person and persons, should under the penalty in that Act mentioned, pay after the rate of Ten pounds for an Horse and Arms, for such number of Horses and Arms respectively, as they had been charged to find. And that such person and persons, as had been assessed to find Arms for a Foot-Souldier, and had not sent in the same, or money in lieu thereof, should under the penalty in that Act mentioned, pay respectively, for every such Foot-Arms, such sum of money, as the Commissioners should appoint; not exceeding twenty five shillings for every such Foot-Arms.  
So that it is plain, that money was it they only aimed at, though Horse and Arms were the pretence.  
But amidst these their devices for enriching themselves, Lambert's ambition began to be suspected; which was no less than to set up himself, through the interest he then had with the Soldiery (as his old friend Oliver had formerly done.) Wherefore for prevention of this danger, they resolved to trust him no longer, with any Command in the Army; but cunningly to withdraw him, that he might be severed from the Soldiers: and to that end, sent a seeming courteous invitation, to allure him back to London: of which he accepted, 
† Ib. p. 61.  with as fair a show of Thanks. But this stratagem of the Rumpers succeeded not: for soon after ensued a Remonstrance 
* 5. Octob.  from the Army, directed thus,  
To the Supreme Authority of these Nations, the Parliament of the Commonwealth of England, the humble Petition and Proposals of the Officers, under the Command of the Right Honourable the Lord Lambert, in the late Northern Expedition.  
Which Remonstrance did so much tend to the advantage of the Soldiery, and asserting their unlimited power; as that the Rumpers forthwith declared, 
* Ib. p. 63.  that to have any more General Officers in the Army, than were already settled by Parliament, was needless, chargeable, and dangerous to the Commonwealth.  
Thus, and in this manner, began the first rise of those differences, and distractions, which at last so happily shattered these grand Hypocrites into pieces.  
But the Army-Officers, having not sufficiently ripened their main design, were then necessitated to dissemble it for a while: and therefore seeming to lay aside their overbold proposals; represented to the Parliament, that they would adhere to their Authority, in opposition to the Common Enemy; and that they would not at all fail to stand by them, in the settlement of the Commonwealth, against all disturbances whatsoever.  
Which fair expressions did lull the Rumpers into such a seeming security, (the City also feasting them, at a Thanksgiving Dinner, whereat the Officers of the Army, were also present) that being totally void of any fear from those dangers, so lately obvious, they fell upon Sequestering such new Delinquents, as had at that time appeared in Sir George Booth's Rising: As also settled the Excise; Revived the Assessment for the Army; neglecting no other means imaginable for gaining the whole wealth of the Nation into their Ravenous Clutches.  
But the design of the Army, being shortly after ripened; the Officers, which for a while had cunningly shadowed their purposes, under a plausible disguise, began again to appear in their proper colours; and presented the House with such another bold Address, as they had formerly done. Which so startled the Rumpers, that they gravely declared; 
† Ib. p. 64.  That every Member of the Army, as freemen of England had a right of Petitioning the Parliament; but withal, thought fit to let them know, that the Petitioners ought to be very careful, both in the manner, and in the matter of what they desired, that the way of promoting, and presenting the same, may be peaceable; and the thing Petitioned for, not tending to the distrubance of the; Commonwealth, nor to the dishonour of the Parliament. And that it was the duty of Petitioners to submit their desires to the Parliament, and acquiesce in the judgement thereof.  
Nevertheless, doubting (as they might do very well) that the Soldiers, which so often before, had made themselves Masters of the Parliament, would again follow the example of Oliver, either in turning them out of Doors, or making them Hackneys to their ambitious ends; being not ignorant, that, without money those Swordmen could no way subsist; and that none was like to be so plausibly raised, as by the name of a Parliament; to the end therefore, that they might the more insensibly diminish their power, they passed an Act, 
* Ib. p. 65. & 66.  That all Orders, Ordinances, and Acts made by any single Person, and his Council, or both, or either of them, or otherwise; or by any Assembly, or Convention, pretending to have Authority of Parliament, from and after the nineteenth day of April 1653. and before the seventh of May 1659. and which had not been, or should not be Enacted, Allowed or confirmed by that present Parliament; should be and were thereby declared, deemed, taken, and adjudged to be of no force and effect, from and after the said seventh day of May 1659. And that no person or persons, should after the eleventh of October 1659. Assess, Levy, Collect, Gather, or Receive any Custom, Impost, Excise, Assessment, Contribution, Tax, Tallage, or any sum or sums of money, or other Imposition whatsoever, upon the people of that Commonwealth, without their consent in Parliament; or as by Law might have been done before the third of November 1640. And that every person offending contrary to that Act, should be, and was thereby adjudged to be guilty of High Treason, and should forfeit and suffer as in case of High Treason.  
And thinking then, that their whole work was in effect done, they looked upon themselves as men of such might; that they Voted the Commissions of Lambert, Desborow, 
† 12. Octob.  and some other eminent Magnificoes of the Army, null and void; and that they and every of them should be discharged from their respective Military employments: Likewise, that the Army should be governed by seven Commissioners (the most confiding men, you may be sure) viz. Lieutenant General Fleetwood, Lieutenant General Ludlow, General Monk, Sir Arthur Haselrigg Baronet, Golonel Valentine Walton, Colonel Herbert Morley, and Colonel Robert Overton, or any three or more of them, who were to give notice unto Lambert, and the rest, that they were each of them discharged of their respective Military employments.  
Which was no sooner made known to those Swordmen; than that General Lambert and his party prepared for their defence: on the other side, the Commissioners for the Rumpers, issuing out Orders suitable to the exigency of their affairs. Of which Lambert and his followers being made ware, they drew down to Westminster in an Hostile equipage; where they possessed themselves of the Palace-Yard, and all avenues leading thereto; 
12. Octob.  having beforehand given out, that they found it absolutely necessaray to Dissolve the Parliament, for the good of the Nation.  
But for the support of that Convention, commonly called the Rump, another part of the Army, were no less earnest and active; and in opposition to Lambert did 
† 13. Octob.  at the same time, march thither also; placing themselves in King's-street, and other parts about Westminster. All which was done betimes in the morning; so that when Lenthal the Speaker, came in his Coach, according to the usual time, to sit in the House, though he found his way clear enough through the Soldiers in King-Street, when he came to the Palace-Yard he saw it otherwise, 
The Rumpers Excluded.  and therefore made his return.  
It was then thought by some, that the Soldiers thus met, would not have departed so tamely: But Lambert having his ends by shutting out the Rumpers, both parties retreated quietly, closing again in a seeming friendly manner.  
But that there might not be wanting, some shadow of a Civil Power, did wisely agree 
† 26. Octob. Ib, p. 69.  upon a Committee of Safety, viz.  

General Lambert.  
Major General Desborow.  
Bulstrode Whitlock.  
Colonel Edward Ludlow.  
Colonel Sydenham.  
Major Saloway.  
Mr. Strickland.  
Colonel Berrey.  
Mr. Laurence.  
Sir James Harrington.  
Alderman Ireton.  
Sir Archibald johnston, Lord Wareston.  
Alderman Tichburne.  
Mr. Henry Brandreth.  
Mr. Thompson.  
Colonel Hewson.  
Colonel Clarke,  
Colonel Lilburne.  
Colonel Bench.  
Cornelius Holland.   
Giving them Authority to call Delinquents to account; to suppress all Insurrections; to treat with Foreign States and Princes; top raise the Militia in the several Counties; and to dispose of all places of Trust, with a farther large and unlimited power; setting also forth a Declaration 
* 27. Octob. Ib. p. 71.  in Print; entitled A Declaration of the General Council of the Officers of the Army: whereby they published, that they had lodged the Civil and executive Power of Government in the Committee of Safety, whom they had obliged to prepare such a form of Government, as might best suit with a free State, without a single Person, Kingship, or House of Peers.   

CHAP. XLII.  
WHerewith whilst they were in hand, came a Letter out of Scotland from General Monk; importing that himself, and some of the Officers there with him, were much dissatisfied with their transactions here: and that he had not only secured divers strong Holds in that Kingdom, but committed to safe custody those of his Officers, who were Dissenters from him therein; as also Possessed himself of the Garrison of Narwocl. Which unexpected Alarm, did not a little disturb them. Yet on they must, or be overwhelmed with Confusion. They therefore soon ordered that their Forces in the North, together with some other Regiments from the Southern-parts of this Realm, should forthwith march to the Borders of Scotland; and in the mean time sent Colonel Cobbet to Treat with General Monk; expecting that he by fair words might cajole him.  
But Monk then discerning an hopeful way open, to do that which his heart had long desired to accomplish, secured Cobbert from stirring abroad; being well ware, that by taking his Liberty, he might either have endangered the corrupting of his men; or carry back Intelligence of their whole strength and posture; and thereupon modelled his Army suitable to his own mind; publicly declaring; That he would assert the Authority of Parliament against all violence whatsoever.  
Which News arriving with the Committee of Safety; presuming that they might please Monk with the Establishing of a free State, though they disowned the Parliament for whom he had declared, they culled out seven of their ablest contrivers, to prepare a Form of Government, to be set up, throughout all the three Kingdoms, in the Nature of a Commonwealth, or Free-State; and sent away two Colonels, whaley and Goffe.; with Carryl and Barker (two of their Assembly-men) to Treat with him thereon, for avoiding farther difference; the Officers of the Army at London, seconding the same with Letters into Scotland; urging most earnestly a necessity of their Brotherly union.  
Monk therefore foreseeing, that delays would destroy them; their Forces not being able to subsist long without money, ordered Colonel Talbot and Dr. Clarges (who had been also sent from England to him) to advertise General Fleetwood, that himself and his Officers had nominated Colonel Wilkes, Lieutenant Colonel Clobury, and Major Knight, to repair speedily to London; and to Treat with the like number of Officers there, in order to the concluding of a firm and steadfast aimity betwixt them: and for the furtherance thereof sent Letters from himself to that purpose; with promise that his Forces should not advance any farther.  
But the Committee of Safety, not knowing how to trust him, issued out sundry Commissions, for settling the Militia; which upon fit occasion was to be ready in a moment. Whereof General Monk, being soon advertised, and that Lambert was on his march Northwards with thirteen thousand stout men: he dispatcheth away those his three Messengers, to Treat for a speedy Peace. Which Messengers being accordingly come 
* 12. Nou. Ib. p. 73. & 74.  to London, the Treaty soon began, and ere long concluded 
† 14. Nou.  in these ensuing Articles; viz.  
1. That the pretended Title of Charles Stuart, or any other claiming from that Family, should be utterly renounced.  
2. That the Government of these Nations, should be by a Free-State, or Commonwealth, and not by a single Person, King, or House of Lords.  
3. Thirdly, That a Godly and Learned Ministry should be maintained and encouraged.  
4. That the Universities should be Reformed, and Countenanced, so as that they might become Nurseries of Piety and Learning.  
5. That the Officers and Soldiers, and other persons, on either side, should be indemnified for what was past, touching their late differences, and all unkindness betwixt them, buried in perpetual oblivion.  
6. That the Officers, who were made Prisoners in Scotland should be forthwith set at liberty.  
7. And that the Armies should be presently disposed of into Quarters: as also a Committee of nineteen Constituted, whereof nine to make a Quorum, which should consider of qualifications for succeeding Parliaments.  
Which Articles, so by them agreed on, being returned to General Monk. who had reserved to himself the power of ratifying whatever was to be Treated on; and that the same should not be of force, till confirmed under his Seal; he forthwith commanded the coming back of the Commissioners: and to show his dislike of what they had done, clapped up Colonel Wilkes into Custody, for exceeding his bounds; and immediately declaring the Treaty to be void, advanced towards England, having made these following Proposals 
* Ib. p. 76.  to the Nobility and Gentry of Scotland.  
First, That they would, during his absence (which would not be long) preserve and secure the Peace of that Nation. Secondly, That they would supply him with some men for his undertaking (which he engaged upon his honour, should be to their satisfaction) and if any troubles should arise, to assist him in the suppressing thereof. Thirdly, That they would advance and raise what money they could, beforehand.  
Unto which propositions, the Earl of Gleucarne (Chairman of the Assembly) returned these modest answers. 
† Ib. p. 77.   
First, That they could not engage to preserve the Peace of the Country in his absence, wanting Arms, and so in no condition to do it; but they should, with all faithfulness (notwithstanding) endeavour it. To the second, that they were uncapable to answer his desires, for the r●●ons aforesaid: neither did they think it prudent for them to engage in a war; which should it prove unsuccesful on their part, would be a ruin to them: or, if successful, they did not understand, that it would be advantageous, in any measure. Thirdly, That they were content to levy moneys, and to advance a years Tax beforehand.  
With which answer from that Earl, General Monk being well satisfied, he gave them power, 
* Ib. p. 78.  forthwith to Arm themselves; and until all things were in better readiness, delaying his march Southwards, made some seeming overtures, to the Committee of Safety, for a second Treaty.  
Whereunto the Committee replied; That they had already transmitted part of a form of Government, to be Established in these Nations, unto a certain Committee of the Officers in the Army, by them to be considered. Which Officers, having thereupon met, had gone through the most of it, with great satisfaction. And that they were very desirous to have such a Government, as might best preserve the Liherties of the people, and secure the Cause, wherein they had contended, as well against Charles Stuart, as any other, that might disturb the Public Peace; hoping in time, to make it appear, that their Enemies were liars, in rendering them to the people, to be merely Self-Seekers. And concluding said, they hoped that the Faith of God's People, would hold out, and not make haste: and that good men would help them in their Prayers, that God the Lord would bring forth Righteousness and Truth; and discover and bring to nought the secret contrivances of all their Adversaries.  
About this time Petitions being in hand, 
Petitions from all parts for a new and free Parliament.  in sundry parts of the Nation, all tending to the desire of a New and Free Parliament, gave such high offence unto the Committee of Safety, that they issued out a solemn Proclamation 
* ult. Nou.  against them, calling them dangerous Papers, and prohibiting their Subscriptions: also requiring, if offered, to suppress them; causing likewise the endeavourers of such Subscriptions to be apprehended, as disturbers and Enemies to Peace. Which distasteful restraint caused the people's greater earnestness; especially the Londoners, whereupon Colonel Hewson was sent 
† 5. Dec.  with some forces into the City, to awe them: but with little effect, the Soldiers in all places, being scorned and affornted. Whereat Hewson became so much enraged, that he murdered some of the Citizens in the streets.  
But that which touched them in point of danger more nearly, was the revolt 
* 4. Dec.  of Portsmouth, whereof Sir Arthur Haselrigg, Colonel Walton, and Herbert Morley, with the consent of Whetham the Governor, had then possessed themselves: The news whereof coming to the Ears of the Committee of Safety, they speedily sent both Horse and Foot, to reduce it. But the people in general, being impatient till a readmission of the Rump, or to have something else bearing the name of a Parliament, necessitated the Committee of Safety to declare 
† 10. Dec. Ib. p. 80.  that a Parliament should be called, and appointed to sit down before● February next ensuing: and, that the Parliament, so to be called, should be according to such qualifications, as then were, or should be agreed upon, and might best secure the just Rights, Liberties, and Privileges of the people. Taking care, that when met, there should be no alteration of these Fundamentals; viz. 
* Ib. p. 81.   
1. That no Kingship should be exercised in these Nations.  
2. That no single person should exercise the Office of chief Magistrate therein.  
3. That an Army should be continued and maintained; and so conducted, that it might secure the Peace of these Nations: and not be disbanded, nor the Conduct thereof altered but by consent of the Conservators appointed.  
4. That no imposition might be upon the Consciences of them that feared God.  
5. That there should be no House of Peers.  
6. That the Legislative and Executive power should be distinct, and not in the same hands.  
7. That the Assemblies of Parliament, should be Elected by the people of the Commonwealth duly qualified.  
But to nip these in the bud, came a Declaration from Vice-Admiral Lawson, and his fellows, in the Navy; giving several Reasons of a necessity, for the Old Long Parliament to sit again. And to second this, came News, that those Forces, which they had sent to reduce Portsmouth, had forsaken their Commanders, and were gone in to the Revolters.  
Nor were the generality of the people, about that time, less active every where: some labouring earnestly, that the Rump might sit again: others for joining all the Secluded Members to them. But the greatest part, and specially the most sober men, were in their desires wholly for a Full and Free Parliament; yet could not be heard: for the Rump through the power of the Soldiery, 
The Rump readmitted.  was readmitted, 
* 24. Decem.  and solemnly owned by them, as the Supreme Authority, both here, and in Ireland. Whereupon, beginning to sit, 
† 26. Decem.  they disposed of the Tower of London to the custody of Sir Anthony-Ashley Couper, Mr. Weever and Mr. berner's; and recalled Lambert from his Expedition against General Monk; (most of whose men were by that time gone in to Monk; or for want of pay very much dispersed.) And well considering the tumultuousness of the people, in many parts, and insolency of the Soldiers, wheresoever they came, they hastened up General Monk, as their chief shelter. Who having so prudently secured Scotland, 
General Monk hastened from Scotland.  and dealt privately with Sir Charles Coot, to take the like care of Ireland, advanced forwards, as fast as he could.  
But no sooner were the Rumpers thus got into the House, than that some old Secluded Members, required, also admittance. Which put them upon this following Vote; 
* 27. Decem. Ib. p. 83.  That upon the fifth of January ensuing, the House would take into consideration, the case of all absent Members; as also how to supply the vacant places, in order to the filling it up. And that in the mean time it should be referred to a Committee, to consider of all proceedings, and all Orders and Cases, touching absent Members, and make their Report thereof, at the same time.  
Which Vote did not prove so satisfactory as they expected: for the City being discontented, made preparations for a Posture of Defence: and in the Country the Cashiered-Officers, and the depressed Nobility and Gentry courted General Monk, all along as he marched, incessantly crying out for a Full and Free Parliament. Whose answer, in substance, was no more than this; viz. that he would use his best endeavours to persuade unto Reason and justice; wishing all persons to acquiesce, in what should be the issue.  
Most certain it is, that though the Rump had fair hopes of Monk's firmness unto them; yet were they not without their jealousies of him: and therefore, under colour of Congrat●●●ing his coming into England, they sent Thomas Scot, and Luke Robinson, to sound him more nearly. But he deported himself with so much reservedness and gravity, that they little discerned the real purposes of his Heart. And when the City of London sent their Sword-bearer to Court him; he only said; that he was for the Parliament: yet assured them, that when he came thither, he would satisfy their desires, and the hopes they had of him. Promising nothing else; that that he would first see all force removed from the Parliament. Secondly, That the House should be filled: and lastly, That there should be good provision for future Parliaments. So keeping on a soft pace, he came at length to St. Alban.  
Whatever apprehensions and fancies others then had of his purpose, it is not to be doubted, but that the Rumpers made all Cocksure for themselves; not only in the Legislative, but Executive power; and for disposing all places of Benefit and Trust, so that their sitting without limit, might be perpetuated: in order thereto, passing this Vote; 
* 5. januar. Ib. p. 85.  viz. Resolved touching absent Members, that the Parliament doth adjudge and declare, that the Members, who stand discharged from Voting or Sitting in year 1648. and 1649. do stand duly discharged by judgement of Parliament, from sitting as Members of this Parliament, during this Parliament; and that Writs do issue forth, for electing of new Members in their places.  
Appointing that the Oath 
* 2. januar. Oath for abjuring the King taken by Members of Parliament.  for abjuring the King, and the whole Line of King james, should be taken by every Member, thenceforth sitting in Parliament: and thereupon grew so insolent, that they imprisoned divers persons, for Petitioning to have a Free Parliament. Which occasioned General Monk to come the sooner to London; and to take up his Lodging 
† 3. Februar.  at White-Hall.  
Where having rested about two or three days, he attended the House according to Order; and modestly giving them an account of his whole undertakings, added; 
* Ib. p. 86. & 87.  That he deserved not the Thanks, which the House had 
* Ib. p. 86. & 87.  then given him, having done no more than his duty therein: but wished them rather to praise God for his mercy, desiring them to satisfy the expectations of the people, in the Establishment of their Laws, Liberties, and Properties: God having restored them, not so much as that they should seek their own, as the Public Good. Desiring them in particular, to take away the jealousies men had of their perpetuity, by putting a period to that their own Session, and providing orderly for future Parliaments. Wishing them to use the Nobility and Gentry civilly: and intimating, that it would be their wisdom rather to enlarge than contract any whit of their Interest. And farther told them, that the fewer qualifications they did put upon succeeding Parliaments, it would be the better. Desiring them to be tender in imposing new Oaths (for he had heard of the Oath of Abjuration) alleging, that there was more reason to repent of those already taken, than to take farther new ones. And so warning them to beware of Cavaliers and fanatics; commending Scotland to their care, and assuring them of Ireland, concluded, with some intimation of his thoughts for a Free-State.  
Having thus taken his leave of the House, he withdrew to his place in the Council of State. Where the first thing he found under consideration, was; that the Citizens of London, being grown somewhat unruly, had stiffly resolved to own no power, but of a Full and Free Parliament (encouraged thereto, by sundry Petitions, to that purpose, which they had seen from several Counties) refusing to pay Taxes, but by consent of such a Parliament. Which put the Rumpers upon this desperate exigent; viz. either to reduce them to obedience by a strong hand, or themselves to be reputed but the shadow of Authority.  
In order whereunto, they commanded General Monk, to march thither with his Forces; and to compel them to pay the Assessments. Whereupon he advanced with speed to Guild-Hall, and there made his demand of what the Parliament had required. Which much dashing the hopes, that the Citizens had otherwise of him, they modestly answered; that in Magna Charta, confirmed by the Petition of Right, and ratified by that present Parliament, the day before their forcible Dissolution; they were to pay no Taxes, but by their consent in Parliament, which at that present they had not. Yet to avoid the giving him any just offence, desired farther time to consider thereof.  
Which, though the General readily granted; yet he wrote to the House for their farther direction. Whereupon answer was forthwith returned; that he should in the first place imprison Colonel Bromefield, Alderman Bludworth, Lieutenant Colonel jackson, Major Cox, Colonel Vincent, etc. (some of which number had attended him from the City, but a little before.) And secondly, that he should remove their Chains, dig up their Posts, and break down their Gates. 
* 9 Febru.  Which harsh and rough service did at first not a little startle him; considering it was done, partly to make trial of his patient obedience to them: and partly to occasion a certain enmity betwixt him and the City, and then to cast him off, by diminishing his power, as he very well discerned. But, foreseeing the event, he submitted thereto; which was to enrage the Citizens throughly against the Rump; and that upon the expiring 
† 10. Febru.  of his Commission the next day after; his power would be diminished by the conjunction of six others with him in equal Command.  
Which, being made known by him to his Officers, who looked for a better reward for their service; concluding that the Rump would shortly lay them aside also, and perpetuate their own sitting. Having likewise made so sure an experiment of the City's temper, which he then knew was positive for their Liberties and Rights: and concluding thereupon, that he might safely put his confidence in them; after private discourse had with some of the chief Citizens; he first wrote his Letters to the Rumpers, wishing them, at last to put a period to their sitting, and make some certain provision for future Parliaments. And thereupon marching with his Forces into the City, immediately declared for a Full and Free Parliament. Which raised the hearts of all people so much, that they expressed their great joy by Bells, Bonfires, and all other testimonies of joy imaginable.  
And having waited a while, for a return to his Letter, and receiving no manner of Answer thereunto, he procured a Conference with some of the old Secluded Members. Finding also, that the settlement proposed by the Rumpers was too weak and slender, to repair the breaches in Government, he resolved to withdraw all force from the House, and to admit those to sit there, whose tempers were more moderate; and therefore sending for the Secluded Members to meet him at white-hall, 
20. Febr.  he represented unto them, what he then thought best to be done, viz. The meeting of a Full and Free Parliament; saying that the House should be open unto them, and wishing them all happy success therein.  
Which old Members being by this means met 
† 21. Febr. Ib. p. 93, 94.  together again; they began where they broke off in Decemb. 1648. ratisfying that Vote then made; 
The secluded Members readmitted.  viz. That the Concessions of the late King, were a sufficient ground to proceed on, for settling the Peace of the Kingdom. Whereupon most men took courage, in hope of an happy deliverance from that miserable slavery, they had so long endured: and in the next place Voted Monk to be Lord General of all the Forces in England, Scotland and Ireland. 
Gen. Monk voted Lord General.  By virtue whereof he soon, with much prudence, disarmed the fanatics; the Parliament, in the mean time taking seasonable care to secure the Peace of the Nation, by two wholesome Acts: the one for the Militia, 
Anno 1660.  whereby Gentlemen of worth and quality, had opportunity to put themselves in Arms: The other, by raising money, for the support of such Forces, as might be necessarily employed for the Public safety. And in order to an happy Establishing of the Government upon the old Foundation, did ordain, 
* 26. Mar. Ib. p. 95.  that Writs should issue out, for the meeting of a Full and Free Parliament, upon the 25. of April, than next following: In the mean time constituting a Council of State of moderate men; 
The Long Parliament dissolved.  and so at last put a period to that old and unhappy Convention.  
But, notwithstanding all this, the danger was not totally over: for the Council of State, discerning no little averseness in some Officers of the Army, and some other turbulent Spirits, to this hopeful settlement; and thereupon requiring an Engagement from them, of their peaceable demeanour, were necessitated to imprison some of the most obstinate refusers; amongst which Lambert was one, and not the least; who finding the fanatics most eager for another push, got 
† 11. Apr.  out of Prison, and Headed that Party. Which through the great vigilancy of the General, being seasonably routed 
* 22. Apr.  near Daventre, in Northamptonshire, the chief of them were committed to several Prisons.  
The Parliament, therefore, meeting 
* 1. May.  upon the 25. of April, 
The new Parliament met 25. Apr.  Sir john Greenvile presented to both Houses, a Declaration from the King (then at Breda) with certain Letters, bearing date April 4. Which, with great joy, being openly Read, they presently Voted 
† 3. May.  His Majesty's speedy return to His people; the whole Navy also, soon after, submitting 
* 8. May.  to His obedience. So that, within very few days following, he was solemnly Proclaimed, 
† Charles the Second Proclaimed.  in the Cities of London and Westminster; and his Arms set up in all public places (those formerly erected for the Commonwealth and Oliver, being pulled 
* 9 May.  down and defaced.) And upon May 25. next following, landed 
† 25. May. He Landed at Dover.  at Dover. Whence attended by most of the Loyal Nobility and Gentry of this Realm, he came 
* 29. May. He came into London.  to London upon the 29th. of that Month (being the Anniversary of his Birth) where, with stately Arches of Triumph, costly Pageants, Bells, various sorts of excellent Music, Bonfires, and joy inexpressible, he was received; and proceeded in State, through that great City, to his Royal Palace at White-Hall: the chief and happy Instrument of this, His Majesty's most miraculous Restauration, without bloodshed, being the above-mentioned Colonel George Monk, a Devonshire Gentleman of an Ancient and Worthy Family (lineally descended from King Edward the IV, by the Lady Frances, Daughter and Coheir to Arthur Plantagenet, Viscount Lisle, his Natural Son.) Who having put himself in Arms for the King, at the Commencement of this grand defection; and so continuing till, by a second Invasion of the Scots, the Rebels prevailed in sundry parts, by taking divers Garrisons, and many of His Majesty's Loyal Subjects Prisoners, amongst which, it was his hap to be one; he thought it better to gain his Liberty, by receiving entertainment in their Army, until he could discern a proper opportunity to do His Majesty service than by so suffering. Which at last, with no less Prudence than Courage, he most faithfully performed (as hath been observed) and for which he hath since that time been deservedly remunerated, not only with several great and honourable Titles; (viz. Baron Monk of Powtheridge, Earl of Torington, Duke of Albemarle, and Knight of the most Noble Order of the Garter:) as also made Captain General of all his Forces, Horse and Foot, throughout his whole Dominions; but with ample Possessions for the better support of those high Dignities.    

A SHORT VIEW OF THE LATE TROUBLES IN ENGLAND.  

CHAP. XLIII.  
HAving now finished this Narrative, 
Anno 1641.  with as much brevity as I well could do: whereby it hath been fully made evident, by what Artifices this seeming-Godly Generation did at first get power into their cruel hands; that is to say, their many specious Declarations, and solemn promises, for the Defence of the Protestant Religion; the Laws of the Land; the Liberties of the Subject, and Privileges of Parliament. I shall now crave leave to make some short Observations thereon; and give most ample instances of their contrary Actings in every of these; even in those very times, in which their Dagon of Presbytery was visibly Triumphant. 
Their Actings against the Protestant Religion.  And first as to the Protestant Religion.  
After they had, under pretence of great danger by a Jesuitical-party, of destroying the Protestant Religion, framed a protestation 
a 3. May.  for preserving the same, as it was expressed in the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church of England. Which protestation (the farther to satisfy the People of their own integrity) was solemnly taken by all the Members, and Ordered 
b 4. May.  to be Printed, and sent down into the several Counties: within few days after, they made an Explanation 
c 12. May.  thereof; viz. That by the true reformed Protestant Religion, was meant so far as it was opposite to Popery: and that the said words were not to be extended to the maintenance of any Form, Discipline, or Government; nor of any Rules, or Ceremonies of the said Church of England. And, having given themselves such Latitude, by that their After-explanation (viz. not to descend the Protestant Religion, as it stood established by Law, and was expressed in the XXXIX Articles, but as it was repugnant to Popery, and taught perhaps by all Brownists, Anabaptists, Familists and other Sectaries, which made way for all that brood to join with them.) They then Ordered 
d 21. May.  that no Minister should take any Oath at his Induction, but what should be warranted by Scripture. And soon after fell into debate 
e 25. May.  for the Extirpation of Episcopacy. Then Ordered, 
f 3. May.  that no Service should be Read, nor Psalm sung, in going procession.  
Next Voted, 
g 11. May.  that the Government of the Church of England by Archbishops, Bishops, etc. had been found by long experience, to be a great impediment to the perfect reformation, and growth of Religion, and very prejudical to the civil Government of this Kingdom. As also that 
h 15. July.  Archiepiscopal and Episcopal jurisdiction should be exercised by themselves: And brought in a Bill, for abolishing the Cross in Baptism, Surpliss, Bowing at the name of jesus, standing up at the Gospel, etc. Nevertheless, to set up Lectures. Likewise, that 
i 3c. July.  whosoever should refuse to take the Protestation, should be held unfit to bear Office in the Church or Commonwealth; conceiving it to be a true testimony (for that was their expression) to distinguish the Ephramites, from the Gileadites.  
And within four days after, Voted 
k 3. August.  Thirteen Bishops Delinquents, with desire that they might be impeached, as Authors of Sedition, for having a hand in the later Canons.  
What private Conferences they had, about this time, in order to the Extirpation of Episcopacy (whereby, for want of Government in the Church, they might the sooner bring all to confusion) take their own Testimony. 
l Sacred Synodical Decretal, etc. for the apprehension of young Martin Mar Priest. p. 12.  At an assembly of about an hundred Priests, at Mr. Calamie's a London Priest, about a Petition against the Bishops; it being insisted on, that Heresies would farther spread, if Bishops were put down, the Priests thereupon sent for Mr. Green and Mr. Spenser, of the separate Congregations, to desire them, for a time, they would suspend their open meetings, and be more private in their practice; 
* A Feltmaker.  in regard that their public meeting was an obstacle to the suppression of the Bishops; but afterwards they might have free liberty of their practice. The words were uttered by Mr. Calamine who was afterwards to violent against their toleration.  
And to hasten this universal Confusion, they appointed 
m 8. Sept.  the pulling down of Rails about Communion Tables, and the removing of such Tables: giving liberty by a special Order to the Inhabitants any where, throughout the Kingdom, to erect Lectures; whereby Mechanics and Illiterate-men were set up, to the infinite scandal of Religion, and increase of Schism.  
And, when the House of Lords, discerning these licentious and irreverent courses, made a public Order, 
n 9 Sep.  enjoying the due observation of the Book of Common Prayer in all Churches, without alteration; the House of Commons, by means of the prevalent Party therein, in opposition thereto, and extenuation thereof, declared, that but Eleven of the Lords assented to that Order; and that Nine refused, ordering 
o 28. Sept.  that their Declaration therein, should be dispersed and Read, throughout all the Churches in England.  
It can hardly be imagined what strange effects these their practices in the House of Commons, did in a short time produce; one of their own party then acknowledging in Print: 
p Martin's Echo. p. 6. Where the Presbyterian is set forth, complaining against the Independent in a Sermon of D Burges, Novemb 5. 1641. p. 60.  That all Government, and Discipline of the Church was laid in her Grave; and all the putredinous Vermin of bold Schismatics and frantic Sectaries, glory in her Ashes, making the fall thereof their own rising, to mount the Pulpits, etc.  
And another of them crying out, in these words 
q Ephraim Paget Heresig. p. 41. — Alas your poor Church is oppressed, and who layeth hand to help; the Plague of heresy is amongst you; and you have no power to keep the sick from the whole. The wolves that were wont to lie in the woods are come into your Sheep-fold, and roar in the Holy Congregation. O thou Shepherd of Israel, why hast thou broken down the Hedge of this thy Vineyard, which thy right hand hath planted: the Boar of the wood, and the Wilde-beast of the forest do devour.  
Whereupon many good People beginning to whisper their Fears of that which shortly after happened; these subtle Foxes, to drive their great work with the less suspicion, in their grand Remonstrance 
r 15. Decem. Exact. Coll. p. 19  of the 15th of December, cried out against certain Malignants (as they termed them) who had infused into the People, that they meant to abolish all Church-Government, and leave every Man to his own fancy for the Service and Worship of God; absolving them of that obedience, which they owe, under God, unto His Majesty; acknowledging him to be entrusted with the Eclesiastical Law, as well as with the Temporal, to Regulate all the Members of the Church of England, by such Rules of Order and Discipline as are established by Parliament. And in the same Remonstrance declared, That it was far from their purpose, or desire, to let lose the golden reins of Discipline and Government in the Church, and leave private Persons, or particular Congregations, to take up what form of Divine-service they pleased; holding it requisite, that there should be, through the whole Realm, a conformity to that Order, which the Law enjoins.  
But to the end they might bring the work to pass by others; in which they did not then think fit to show themselves openly (as their Brethren of Scotland had done) the Tumultuous rabble of Sectaries were (by their contrivance) brought 
s 28. Dec.  to Westminster, and there violently assaulted the great Church, threatening to pull down the Organs, and Popish Relics; for so they called those stately Monuments of the Kings and others.  
And, 
Anno 1642.  after His Majesty was driven from London, and that they had got his Navy, Forts, Magazine, etc. into their hands; they ordered, 
t 9 April. Exact. Coll. p. 135.  that an Assembly of Divines should meet, with whom they might consult, for settling of the Church-Government and Liturgy. Shortly after which a Petition (pretended to have been brought from Cornwall) was  
Read 
u 22. April  in the House of Commons; amongst other things desiring, that the Ceremonies and Service of the Church might be abolished.  
But, notwithstanding all this, left any jealousy of their intentions should so far prevail, as to stagger the People (whom they had hitherto deluded with their specious pretences) especially being then about to raise their Rebellious Forces; they declared, 
x 26. July.  That their prepararations of Arms was for security of Religion, the safety of His Majesty's Person, etc.  
And having thus formed an Army, the first work wherewith they began, was to 
y The Cathedral of Canterbury Defaced by Col. Edwin Sandys. 26. August.  Deface the most Ancient and Chief Cathedral of this Kingdom.  
Soon after which, some of their Forces, in their first march from London towards Worcester, broke open the Church at A●ton, (four miles from London) defaced whatsoever was decent therein; tore the Bible and Book of Common-Prayer; sticking the leaves of them upon the walls with their Excrements.  
And when their whole Army, under the Command of the Earl of Essex, came to 
z 24. Sept.  Worcester, the first thing they there did, was the Profanation of the Cathedral; destroying the Organ; breaking in pieces divers beautiful Windows, wherein the Foundation of that Church was lively Historified with Painted Glass, and barbarously Defacing divers fair Monuments of the Dead. And as if this were not enough, they brought their Horses into the body of the Church, keeping fires and Courts of Guard therein, making the Choir and side-isles, with the Font, the common places, wherein they did their easements of Nature. Also, to make their wickedness the more complete, they rifled the Library, with the Records and Evidences of the Church; tore in pieces the Bibles and Service-books pertaining to the Choir; putting the Surplices and other Vestments upon their Dragooners, who rode about the streets with them.  
Which shameful outrages done by the Soldiers thus early, being much taken notice of; and observation made of the liberty given to their seditious Preachers, caused thereupon a general murmur by most People. To cast a mist, therefore, before their Eyes for a while, the Members fitting at Westminster published a Declaration, 
a 30. Sept.  wherein they expressed, that though they had Voted the utter eradication of Episcopacy; yet they intended not to extirpate the Liturgy and Common Prayer; but so far to Regulate the same, 
☞  as might agree with the Truth of God's word.  
To which purpose, and that it might bear a fair semblance of Reformation, they brought in a Bill 
b 6. Oct.  for an Assembly of Divines; wherein they say; that the Parliament doth not intent wholly to abrogate the Book of Common-Prayer and Liturgy.  
But, 
See their Declaration 7. of jan. 1642. aspersing His Majesty with endeavouring to destroy the Protestant Religion.  notwithstanding all these fine shows, they gave daily Countenance to divers libellous Pamphlets; and to all such Schismatical Preachers, as endeavoured to deprave the same; commanding Dr. Duek, 
See their Declaration 20 of july 1643. wherein they charge His Majesty with dissembled pretences and protestations, for maintaining the true reformed Protestant Religion. And that, without any touch of Conscience, in defiance of God, he had raised an Army of Papists.  by an Order of the House (dated Aug. 3.) that he should not put by a Minister from Institution and Induction, though he had scandalised the Liturgy of the Church; calling the Book of Common-Prayer a great Idol. After which it was not long, ere they went on towards the suppressing thereof; shutting up the Cathedral of St. Paul, in London, upon Sundays. Yet, that they might not be suspected in their well-wishes to the Protestant Religion, they Voted, 
c 16. Dec.  that it was the design of the King's Army, to destroy the Protestant Religion, and to bring in Popery.  
All which fair pretences, and Votes were made by the Members at Westminster, whilst their Forces in divers parts went on with such horrid practices, as the like hath not been seen in this Realm, since the Pagan-Danes, upon their Invasions, exercised their Heathenish Cruelties here; Sr. William Waller (their Western-General, about this time) entering 
d 16. Dec.  Winchester; where his Soldiers Committed the like barbarous outrages, in that Cathedral as was done by the E. of Essex's Men at Worcester; tearing likewise in pieces those Chests of Lead, wherein were enshrined the Bones of divers Saxon Kings, Queens, devout Bishops and Confessors: with which they broke in pieces the Costly Historical Windows there. Besides this, they battered and Defaced the Brazen statuas of the King, and that of His Royal Father K. james (which His Majesty, as a pledge of his Princely favour had given to that Church) hacked and hewed the Crown on his Head, swearing that they would bring him back to the Parliament. And, having so done, seized upon the Rich Hang, Cusheons, Pulpit-Clothes, and Communion-Plate: spoiling or carrying away whatsoever else was of Ornament or worth. The like, for the most part, they did soon 
e 29. Dec.  after, in the Cathedral at Chichester.  
Nor was there any place they came to, where they made not the like devastation. At Sudeley, in Gloucestershire, (the Seat of the Ancient and Noble Families of the Lords Sudley and Chandos,) they broke 
f 28. Jan.  down the Monuments; made the Body of the Church a Stable for their Horses, and the Chancel their Slaughter-House. To the Pulpit they fastened Pegs, on which they hanged the Carcases of Sheep. Of the Communion-Table they made a Dresser or Chopping-board to cut their Meat. Into the Vault, where lay the Bodies of those Noble Persons, they cast the Guts and Garbage of the Sheep; leaving in every Corner of the Church their own loathsome Excrements.  
At Elvaston, in Derbyshire, (about this time) Sir john Gell's Soldiers (after their Plunder of the Lady Stanhope's House) demolished a Costly Monument, newly made for Sir john Stanhope; entered the Vault, wherein many of his Ancestors lay Interred; and Triumphing over the Dead, thrust their Swords into the Coffins.  
About the beginning of March, another of their Armies entered Lichfield, under the Conduct of the Lord Brooke. Where the Soldiers (notwithstanding that Lord lost his life in the Assaulting that Cathedral upon St. Chad's Day, to which Saint it was Dedicated) exercised the like Barbarisms, as were done at Worcester, in demolishing all the Monuments, pulling down the curious Carved work; battering in pieces the Costly Windows; and destroying the Evidences and Records belonging to that Church: which being done, they stabled their Horses in the Body of it, kept Courts of Guard in the Cross-Ifles; broke up the Pavement, polluted the Choir with their Excrements; every Day hunted a Cat with Hounds throughout the Church, delighting themselves in the Echo from the goodly Vaulted Roof: and to add to their wickedness, brought a Calf into it, wrapped in Linen; carried it to the Font; Sprinkled it with water; and gave it a Name in scorn and derision of that Holy Sacrament of Baptism. And when Prince Rupert recovered that Church by force; Russel the Governor carried away the Communion Plate, and Linen, with whatsoever else was of value.  
About the same time also, the like spoil and profanation was done by Oliver Cromwell and his followers in Lincoln - Minster: tearing up all that beautiful Pavement in the upper part of the Choir; watering their Horses at the Font. And at the same time pulled down two of the Parish-Churches of that Ancient City, for the better opportunity of their Fortifications.  
At Lestithiell 
g Aug. 1644.  also in Cornwall, when the Earl of Essex was there with his Army, one of his Soldiers brought a Horse into the Church, led him up to the Font; and made another hold him, whilst he Sprinkled water on his Head, and said; I sign thee with the sign of the Cross, in token thou shalt not be ashamed to fight against the Roundheads at London, with a deal more of such Balsphemous stuff; blowing up that Church, with Gunpowder, at their departure.  
I pass by the mention of Exeter, Peterborough, Salisbury, Gloucester, and divers other fair Cathedrals, besides divers goodly Callegiate-Churches, with many of the Chapels in the University of Combridge, which tasted of their outrages, about that time; being so much Defaced, as that they will remain to posterity for infamous badges of their barbarous impieties.  
And that it may appear that their great Masters the Londoners, did very well approve of these their do; they did, by a public Act of Common Council, Order the pulling down to the ground of that goodly Monument of Christianity, the Cross in Westchepe. Whereupon, to make the Fact the more notorious, it was accordingly demolished 
h 3. May.  in die Inventionis S. Crucis, with sound of Trumpets and noise of several Instruments; as if they had obtained some notable Victory against the Enemies of the Christian Faith. So that, if we may Credit Ingulphus, 
i Ingulphi Hist. f. 493. ●  one of our most Ancient Historiographers; and other Authentic Writers, touching the Danish-outrages, towards the Christians in this Nation, about the Year of Christ DCCCLX. who speaking of their Barbarisms at Medeshampsted (now called Peterborough) saith, 
Ex Epistolâ Alevini Highbaldo Lindissarnensi Episcopo. — Altaria omnia suffossa; 
Antiq. Brit. p. 66. & 67.  Monumenta omnia confracta; 
— Vestrae Charitatis familiaritas me multum letificare solebat: sed versa vice tribulationis calamitas (licet absentens) me contristuit; quod pagani contaminaverunt Sanctuaria Dei, & fuderunt sanguinem Sanctorum in circuitu Altaris; Calcaverunt corpora Sanctorum in Templo quasi sterquiliniuni in plateâ, etc. Ecce loca sancta à paganis vastatae, Altaria perjuriis faedata; Monasteria adulteriis violata; Terra sanguine Dominorum & principum maculata, etc.  Sanctorum Librorum Bibliothecae combusta, etc. And at Crouland,— Omnia Sanctorum sepulchra conftracta, & Monumenta omnia, sacraque volumina sua, cum corporibus Sanctorum combusta, inestimabili dolore omnes consternati sunt; planctusque & pleatus diutissimè suctus est; these wicked Men have come nothing short of the Example.  
But to these pure Reformers, Barns and Stables are of equal esteem with Churches and Holy-Oratories; and a Ditch or a Dunghill thought as fit for Purial, as any Sepulchre, or other place Consecrated for that purpose, for Testimony whereof, take Sir William Waller's Lieutenant General's word: who, having received a Message from Sir john Boys, Governor of Dunnington-Castle for His Majesty; whereby it was signified to him, that the number of the Rebels Bodies, which were slain in the assault of that Castle, were so many, that he could not give them Christian-Burial; and therefore out of a Charitable Respect tendered liberty to take them off, and do it elsewhere; returned answer, 
k 31. July. 1644.  in these words— That he conceived no Holiness to be in any place, or Burial; and that all Earth was fit for that use.  
Against which heathenish Principle, I shall tell you what their own Mr. William Prynne hath said, in his Book, 
l p. 248. & 249.  Entitled, The Antipatby of English Lordly-prelacy. Wherein complaining of Pandulphus Bishop of Norwich, who persuaded K., john (as he saith) to submit himself to Stephen Langton Archbishop of Canterbury, and others that had interdicted the Realm, he cryeth in these very words— Let me inform you, that during the time of this Interdict, all Ecclesiastical Sacraments ceased in England, except Confession and the Viaticum, in extreme necessity, and the Baptism of Infants; so as the Bodies of Deadmen, were carried out of Towns and Villages, and Buried like Dogs in Highways and Ditches, without Prayers, and the Ministry of Priests. Whereby it is plain, in Mr. prynn's opinion, that Burial without Prayers, and the Ministry of Priests, is like the Burial of Dogs. And therefore what Burial this of Sir William Waller's Lieutenant General, or that which the new Directory, lately established 
m 3. Jan. 1644.  by Ordinance of Parliament (as they call it) directeth, is like, whereat 
n New Directory. p▪ 73  no Ceremony shall be used, or any Prayers, or Reading, I leave to any indifferent judgement.  
But to return to our precious Reformers, who were so hardened by the daily exercise of new outrages; that the Members at Westminster at length, for their credit, though fit to have a total devastation of whatsoever was comely in the Church, or decent for the service of God: and this to be done by an Ordinance for abolishing of superstition, (for that was the Title of it) viz. that all representations or sculptures in any Cathedral, Collegiate, or Parish-Church, or Chapel, or any other place within this Kingdom, shall be defaced, and utterly demolished: and that all Organs; the frames or cases wherein they stand in all Churches, and Chapels, shall be utterly defaced: And that the Chancel-ground of every Church, or Chapel, raised for any Communion-Table to stand on, shall be leveled with the ground: And that no Surplices, Hoods, or other superstitious Vestments, shall be any more used within the Realm, etc.  
In accomplishment of which Ordinance, Sir Robert Harley (who sat in the chair of their Committee for Reformation) pulled down 
o June 1644  that curious and Rich Sereen of Copper gilt, belonging to that incomparable Monument of K. Henry the Seventh, at Westminster, and sold it to Braziers and Mettal-men: entered the King's Chapel at White-Hall, dashed in pieces the Windows, broke down the Communion-Table, pulled up the Rails, etc.  
And to prevent the future cost on God's House; about that time, six thousand pounds which had been Collected for the Rebuilding of St. Andrews Church in Holborn, was seized on by these great Reformers: and four hundred pounds taken out of the Hospital at Guildford in Surrey (which was the whole stock of their Treasure) and employed to promote the Rebellion.  
After all which to ingratiate themselves with their Brethren the Scots, they entered into a most strict combination, which they called the National League and Covenant, devised, and sent from Edinburgh (though absolutely repugnant to their own Declarations 
p 16. Dec. 1641.  and Votes) 
q 30. Sept. 6. Oct. 1642.  to extirpate and overthrow the Religion, and Discipline by Law established in the Church of England which was done 
r 25. Sep. 1643.  with the greatest formality and outward show of sanctity, that could be devised, by the Members at Westminster, in the Church of St Margaret at Westminster that is to say, with groaning, sighing, singing of Psalms, etc. Mr. White of Dorchester, Mr. Nye, Alexander Henderson, and others of that seditious Tribe, then exercising their gifts, in extemporary Prayers, and Preaching.  
And, that there might be nothing wanting, to make odious the Orthodox Glergy of the Realm, and to enrage the People against them (as heretofore the Enemies of the Gospel did those holy Martyrs, whom they clothed in the Skins of Wild-beasts, to animate Dogs to worry them) they caused a most Libellous Pamphlet, 
* The Author M. jehn White, a Member of the Long Parliament.  against divers Divines, which endeavoured to oppose their wicked practices, to be Printed and Published, by special Order; 
s 17. Nou. 1643.  Entitled the first Century of scandalous malignant Priests, having, in Order thereto, shortly after the beginning of that Parliament, founded a Committee, to inquire after scandalous Ministers: under which Title few of the reverend and Orthodox Clergy did escape. Which Committee made so speedy a Progress in their work; that, in short time (as their Chairman Mr. Corbet reported) 
t 17. May. 1641.  they had got in nine hundred Petitions against such Ministers.  
I do here omit to make mention of the particular Imprisonments, Plundring, and other oppressions, exercised by them, towards most of our greatest and most able Divines, it being so notorious to the World: by reason whereof they being constrained to fly from place to place to save themselves, the service of God, in most Churches of this Kingdom was totally neglected: 
Their Doctrine and Practice.  And shall now descend to a short view of the Doctrine and Practice of their own Levites, notorious Schismatics, and of so many different Sects (almost) as Congregations; but patronised by these Men, to advance their Cause; as was acknowledged 
u That they would dispense with all sorts of Religion, so that they might freely exercise their own.  by the Lords, Say and Brooke; and justified by the Committee of Northampton, jan. 16. 1643. who stuck not to declare; That if the Country would not make better discharge of their Duty, in the defence of Religion, Laws, and Liberties (for so they termed this unparalleled Rebellion) the Parliament would call in foreign Nations to assist them.  
In Testimony whereof, certain Troopers, of Popish Walloons, lying about Putney and Kingston, and entertained in the Rebel's service; being asked the reason, why they would serve against the King: answered, that it was all one for Point of Religion: but only if they served the King, they could not be permitted an open excercise of their devotions, according to the Church of Rome, which the two Houses gave them leave to do.  
But, as to this Point of assistance from those Walloons, and others of the Romish-Religion, let us harken to a witness without exception; viz. Robert Mentet de Salmonet, by Birth a Scotchman, of good extraction; and a secular Priest of the Church of Rome; who hath, in French, written a well esteemed History 
* Printed at Paris in Fol. 1661.  of our late civil Wars, and Entitled l'history des troubles de la grand Bretagne. Where, in pag. 165. after he hath given an Account of Edge-Hill-Fight, he saith thus:  
Ce qui surprit le plus tout le monde, ce fut qu'on trowa quelques prestres par my les morts, du coste des Estates. Car encore que dans lours Manifestes' ils appellassent l' Armée du Roy le Armée des Papists, pour la vendre odieuse au peuple; ils avoient neantmoins deux Compaynies de Walloons, & d'autres Catholiques dans leur Armée, outre qu' ils n' avoient rien oublie pour tascher d' engager en leur party le chevalier Arthur Aston, Colonel-Catholique de grand reputation.  
Il est uray que le Roy avoit aussi souffret dans son Armée quelques officers Catholics, hommes de grande suffisance, & tres bien intentionnez, pour le bien de l'estat, ainsi les appellat il dans la Declaration qu'il fit publier apres la Bataille.  
That which did the most surprise every body, was; that they found amongst the dead, of those which were slain on the Parliament side, several Popish-Priests. For, although in their Declarations, they called the King's Army a Popish-Army, thereby to render it odious to the People, yet they had in their Army two Companies of Walloons and other roman-catholics. Besides, they omitted no endeavours to engage to their party Sr. Ar. Aston Kt, an eminent Roman Catholic Commander.  
True it is, that the King had permitted to serve him in his Army, some Roman Catholic Officers, Persons of great Abilities, and not factiously inclined, as His Majesty expresseth in that Manifesto, which he published after the Battle.  
So far this French Author, whose Abstract I shall not farther follow, but rather go on, in the very words of the Declaration 
* Exact Col pag. 647. Printed at Lond. 1643.  itself. Where his Majesty answering the Parliaments urging and pressing that false and groundless imputation of his favouring, and employing many of that Religion in his Army, saith thus:  
For our affection to that Religion, our continual practice, our constant profession, and several protestations will satisfy all the World; against which Malice and Treason itself cannot find the least probable objection. We wish from our heart the Zeal and affection of these Men to the true Protestant Religion were as apparent as ours. For the employing Men of that Religion, in our present service in the Army, whosoever considers the hardness and straits, the malice and fury of these Men have driven us to; their stopping all passages, and ways, that neither Men or Money might come to us; their declaring all such to be Traitors, who shall assist us; their entertaining Men of all Countries, all Religions to serve against us, would not wonder if we had been very well contented to have received the Service and Assistance of any of our good Subjects, who had Loyalty enough, (whatsoever their Religion is) to bring them to our succour.  
All Men know the great number of Papists which serve in their Army, Commanders and others: the great industry they have used to corrupt the loyalty and affection of all our Subjects of that Religion: the private promises and undertakings they have made to them; that if they would assist them against us, all the Laws made in their prejudice should be repealed. Yet, neither the weakness of our own condition, nor the other Arts used against us, could prevail with us to invite those of that Religion to come to our succour, or to recall our Proclamation which forbade them so to do: and we are confident though we know of some few, whose eminent Abilities in Command and Conduct, and moderate and unfactious dispositions, hath moved us, in this great necessity, to employ them in this service) that a far greater number of that Religion, is in the Army of the Rebeh, than in our own; and we do assure our good Subjects, though as we shall always remember the particular Services which particular Men have or shall, in this exigent of ours perform to us, with that grace and bounty, which becomes a just Prince: Yet we shall be so far from ever giving the least countenance or encouragement to that Religion, that we shall always use our utmost endeavour to suppress it by the execution of those good and wholesome Laws, already in force against Papists, and concurring in such farther remedies, as the Care and Wisdom of us, and both Houses of Parliament shall think most necessary for the advancement of God's Service.  
But I proceed to the practice of their Preachers, one of these Boutefeus', 
x Mr. Case.  to encourage his Auditors to bring in liberally upon the Propositions, for Money, Horse, and Plate; upon his administration of the Sacrament, began thus; All you that have contributed to the Parliament, come and take this Sacrament to your comfort.  
Another 
y Dr. Layton.  brought in a guard of Soldiers (with their Arms) into Lambe●h-Church, in the time of Divine Service, tore the Book of Common-Prayer in pieces; pulled the Surpliss from the Ministers back; and scoffing at the good People, who were at their Devotions; said, make an end of your pottage: the Soldiers following him to the Communion-Table, with Tobacco-Pipes in their Mouths, and committing divers outrages, to the great terror of the Congregation.  
Mr. Simeon Ashe, Minister at St. Mary's in Ald●rntanbury (London) in his Sermon Preached before the House of Commons, March 30. Anno 1642. that being one of their solemn Fast-days; after large invectives against the Governors of the Church, Ceremonies, and the Divine Service by Law established; charged the whole Ministry of the Church of England, with being blind Seers; Dumb Dogs, which could not bark; idle drones; misguiding Guides; Schismatical and Heretical Men, and scandalous. Adding, 
* Impr. Lond pag. 61.  and I humbly commend this to your consideration, whether the Prelatical-party hath not been the Root of all; or at least of almost all these oppressions: and for my part I cannot expect a complete Deliverance from these and ●●ther like oppressions, but by the extirpation of that frame. Right Honourable you have done much, yea very much for our ease already. We are sensible that many heavy Burdens are taken off our backs, which crushed us grivously heretofore: and for that relief, which we have received, we bless God, we honour you: and I now heartily entreat and encourage, the prefecting of that, you have so worthily begun. When Sidn is set up in beauty adorned, and set up with her watch Tower, and Officers, than God will be known in our Palaces for refuge.  
And that they might have some colour of Authority for their seditious Doctrine, there came out a Paper 
z April 1643  in Print; signed by Isaac Pennington (their new Lord Mayor, who first entered upon his Office, with a set speech against the Book of Common-Prayer) for a direction to the Ministers, in and about the City of London, both what to Pray and what to Preach, in these words; You are required to commend to God in your Prayers, the Lord General, the whole Army employed in the Parliaments service, and the design 
* To extirpate Monarchy.  undertaken by them: as also in your Sermons effectually to stir up the People, to appear in Person, and to join with the Army to stand up for our Religion, and Liberties, as is desired and expected by the Army, and the Committee for the Militia in this City.  
According to which direction, one of them likened the King to Rehoboam (in forsaking his old Council) and then inferred, It was but justice, that the two Houses should proceed to a new Choice. Another, 
* Mr. 〈◊〉 land, ●. June 1643.  on their Fastday at Southampton, used these words in his Prayer, Oh Lord, thine Honour is now at stake; for now (O Lord) Antichrist hath drawn his Sword against thy Christ; and if our Euemes prevail, thou willt lose thine Honour. And Mr. Cross (a zealous Lecturer) told 
a 6. July.  his Auditory in the Pulpit at St. Mildred's in the Poultry; that if God did not finish the good work, which he had begun, in the Reformation of the Church, he would show himself to be the God of confusion, and such a one, as by cunning Stratagems had contrived the destruction of his own Children. Which Blasphemous expression was but few days before Sir William Waller's defeat 
b 13. July.  at Roundway-down.  
And now, whilst I mention this overthrow, I cannot omit the notice of a passage somewhat remarkable: which was, that the day of that great and absolute defeat, the Rebels in Gloucesler, held one of their solemn counterfeit Thanksgivings, for a feigned Victory, which they pretended (to abuse the People) that Sir William Waller had at Landsdowne upon the fifth day of the same Month.  
Another of their Lectures in Southampton, prayed thus; 
c Aug.  Bless the King, O Lord, mollify his hard heart, that delighteth in blood: Open his Eyes, that he may see, that the blood of the Saints is dear in thy sight. He is fallen from faith in thee, and become an enemy to thy Church. Is it not He, that hath sinned and done evil indeed? but as for these sheep, what have they done? Let thme hand, we pray thee, O Lord our God, be on him, and on his Father's House; but not on thy People, that they should be plagued. And another blasphemous fellow, 
d Robinson 25. Aug.  in his Prayer there, on their Fastday, said thus: O God, O God, many are the hands lift up against us, but there is one God; it is thou they self, O Father, who dost us more mischief than they all.  
And for Preaching, observe the Doctrine of one Kendal (sometime a Coachman, but afterwards Paeacher at Hamsted, in Hartfordshire) upon the 1 Cor. 6●9. know ye not, that the unrighteous shall not inherit the Kingdom of God? First, that by Kingdom of God, in this place was meant the Kingdom of Christ upon Earth. Secondly, that England was no true Church. Thirdly, that all the Members of the Church of England, were Children of wrath. Fourthly, that at the day of judgement, Christ would give up all power to his Father; and would himself become a Subject.  
And, such as did not Pray and Preach after this fashion, were cavilled withal, expelled, or committed to Prison: as one was by Isaac Pennington (sent to Newgate) for singing a Malignant Psalm. Another committed to that Prison which they made of the Lord Peter's House in Aldersgate Street; because, says his Mittimus, he daily Read most Malignant Chapters.  
But to proceed with some other particulars of their Prayers and Sermons: Mr. Evans Preacher of St. Clement's without Temple-Barr, expostulated thus with God; O Lord, when willt thou take a Chair and sit amongst the House of Peers? And when, O God, when, I say, willt thou Vote amongst the Honourable Commons? thine own Commons, who are so zealous for thine Honour? And in his Sermon before the Earl of Essex (than their General) on the Fastday, 
e 29. Sept. 1643.  he thus exhorted the People, Beloved, can you forget the Soldiers? I say the Soldiers, who have spent their blood for Christ, as Christ did for them; even their own precious blood in God's cause at Newberry.  
And Mr. Colman, in his Exhortation-Sermon to the Army, for taking the Covenant, told them, That the Covenant was the Parliament's Sword and Buckler. For when (said he) the Cavaliers shall see you come Armed with a Covenant, they will run, run, run from the presence of the Lord of Hosts.  
In the behalf of which Covenant Mr. Nye, in a set Speech told the People, that as God did swear for the Salvation of Men, and of Kingdoms: So Kingdoms must now swear for the preservation, and salvation of Kingdoms, to establish, a Saviour jesus Christ in England. For this it was, that one of the Lord Say is Tenants (a Lay-Preacher at Brouton near Banbury) cried out in his Prayer, we know O Lord, that Abraham made a Covenant, and Moses and David made a Covenant, and our Saviour made a Covenant; but thy Parliaments Covenant is the greatest of all Covenants.  
This it was that ushered in the Scots, for whose Invasions these their Preachers so much laboured; Mr. Bond at the Savoy, telling them in the Pulpit; that they ought to contribute and Pray, and to do all that they were able, to bring in their Brethren of Scotland, for the settling of God's cause. I say (quoth he) this is God's cause: and if our God had any cause, this is it. And if this be not God's cause then God is no God for me; but the Devil is got up into Heaven.  
Another Preached, 
f Mr. Pearne at St. Dunstan's in the West. 24. Decemb.  that Christmas day was a superstitious day; and would (if observed) bring in Idolatrous Worship. Whereupon the People were commanded to open their Shops that day.  
One Isaac Massy a Lecturer at Uppingham in Rutland, when he was to administer the Communion at Easter Anno 1644. and had Consecrated the Wine, after his fashion, smote himself on the Breast, and said to the People, As I am a faithful sinner Neighbours, this is my Morning's draught, and turning himself round to them, said here's to you all, and so drank up the whole Cup full.  
Which celebration of the Communion, in this manner, puts me in mind of Mr. Redman, about that time Minister of Cas●te-Dannington in Leicester shire; who, to thwart the Order there in prescribed by the Laws; administered it to his Parishioners in the Afternoon; and instead of Wine, made use of Ale.  
Mr. Corbet also a Lecturer in Gloucester told, 
g July 1644  his Auditory, that nothing had so much deceived the World, as the name of King; which (he said) was the ground of all mischiefs to the Church of Christ.  
And Mr. Vines (Colonel Purefoy's Chaplain) said in his Prayer, at St. Clement's without Temple-Bar, O Lord thou hast given us never a Victory this long while, for all our frequent Fasting. What dost thou mean O Lord, to fling us in the Ditch and there leave us? And Lorkyn, a seditious Lecturer at Greenwich, in his Prayer, expressing great wonder, that God used to bless his People by Kings and Princes; concluded with these words; 
h 31. June. 1644.  O Lord, if thou willt not bless us with a King, bless us without one.  
By which Teachers we may guess at the Flocks: for instance,  
At Great Allhallows in Thames-street when the Parishioners were in the Chancel receiving 
i Jan. 1644.  the holy Sacrament; an herd of new Brethren came into the Church, and brought along with them Beef, Mutton, and other Provision for Dinner: and when the Clerk desired them to be gone, they told him, that the Church was a frce for them to eat in, as others, and refused to depart, saying, they would stay till the Communion, and their own Dinner, was ended.  
In a Thanksgiving-Sermon Preached before the Members of Parliament 2. Apr. Anno 1646. by joseph Carril, one of their Assembly of Divines, upon this Text; judges Cap. 10. Vers. 11, 12. Did not I deliver you from the Egyptians? He told his Auditory; Here is nothing but the bare name of Deliverances, and seven in number; so many have you received from me saith the Lord. As if we should write now; the Battle of Kineton,, one; the Battle of Newberry, two; the Battle of Chereton-down, three; at Marston-More, four; at Navesby, five; at Langport, fix; at Torington, seven; and the Disbanding of the late Army in the West, which may go for many Victories.  
Mr. Cradock, Vicar of Nun-Eaton, in Warwickshire, used this expression 
k Sunday 1. Aug. 1647.  in his Prayer; O Lord do not thou stand a Neuter; but take one side, that we may see which it is, that is thy cause. And, at a Fast 
l 22. Dec. 1648.  kept by both Houses of Parliament, at St. Margaret's Westminster, Hugh peter's, Preaching of bringing the Children out of Egyptian Bondage, to which he paralleled the state of this Kingdom; to show how they should be brought out of this Bondage, he put his hands before his Eyes, and laid down his Head for a space on the Cushion; and then pretended a Revelation; that it must be by extirpating of Monarchy, hear, and in all other places.  
And now, to close up all, let us here some of Mr. Feake's expressions, Preaching at Blackfriars, in Anno 1653. when our late great Masters were at Wars with the Dutch.  
— But you'll say, the Dutch will recruit again, 
Aug. 8.  and the Princes of the World will assist them: for my part I do not see one Prince or State that offers to help them: but if they should all join, and lay their Crowns and Sceptres together, it is that Christ may cut off their Heads at a blow, and get himself the more Honour. All the Angels in heaven cannot make peace between Christ and the World. If the Devil, the Turk, and the People, should think to compound with Christ, and say, Thou Christ, thou shalt have so many Kingdoms, and let us enjoy the rest quietly: Christ will never do it; he will have all or none; he will either kill or be killed.  
— Again; I profess Saints we must go lay our heads together, and consult what we shall ask God next, for he will give us whatsoever we ask, and so he hath done these seven years.  
And at Christ-Church, Aug. 11.— I will never believe (said he) that this Navy was made purposely for the breaking of our Neighbours in pieces; and there an end: we shall at last join together, and do such work for God, as was never done in the World. We shall carry the Gospel with our Navy up and down to the Gentiles; and afterwards we shall gather home the Jews; out of the Isles first; for those of them shall first be called, and the Ships of Tharsis shall do it. Beloved what this Tharsis is, I have made a little search; but I shall inquire farther. They it seems shall be the first Active; and I am sure there is none in such forwardness as ours at present. The late Parliament, they set their hands to the work, than they jobed on again; did a little and then stood still again. Now we have got a company of Men together, which are indeed Godly Men; but they are Men of too narrow and low Spirits to do Gods work. You see they have all this while been lifting at Tithes, and cannot pluck them up for their lives: God himself must be fain to put to his Hand.  
— We must agree together, to ask something new for jesus Christ; for we have enough for ourselves already: we have Pence enough; Prosperity enough, and enough of every thing.  
Also at Blackfriars, Aug. 29.— Divers of our Friends will say, come let us sit still now, and we may have a great deal of quiet, and calm: we shall enjoy our pleasant Orchards, live upon our purchased revenues, and sit under our Vines, and Figtrees; only let us be content and stir no farther. Beloved, do not let us listen to them; but tell them, if they can go no farther, so 'tis: for our parts we have a farther word of God, which burns within us like fire, and bids us go on still. We did not at first believe for King's Lands; nor for a Manor of Deans and Chapters; but we believed that jesus Christ should be set up in his Kingdom.  
Again at Blackfriars, Sept. 5.— O Lord, when shall we hear the sound of Christ's Horse-heels?  
And at Blackfriars, Sept. 11.— Thou gavest a Cup into the hand of England; and we drank of it. Then thou carried'st it to Scotland, and Ireland, and they drunk of it. Now thou hast carried it to Holland, and they are drinking of it: Lord carry it also to France, to Spain, and to Rome; and let it never be out of one or other of their hands, till they drink, and be drunk, and spew; and fall, and never rise any more:  
— Let us be Active against the Kings and Princes of the Earth, those Limbs and Claws of the cruel Beast.  
In Order to the training up of more such Boutefeus'; soon after His Majesty's Garrison of Oxford was delivered up to the Parliaments General, divers of their chief Pulpit-men were sent 
* Mense Julii An. 1646 Hist. & Ant. Univer. Oxon p. 367. b.  down to that University, to instill the Principles of Presbytery into the Students there; as also to initiate them in such long winded Prayers before Sermon, with the like Canting Terms, as are usually practised by their own precise Gang. And, after these seasonable Preparations, employed 
* Ib. p. 370. 371. etc.  a number of confiding Persons (part Clergy, part Lay) as Visitors of the several Colleges and Halls there; with Authority to any five of them to expel all those Masters and Fellows, which either refused to take the Solemn League and Covenant, and Negative Oath, or to submit to that holy Discipline contained in their new Directory for Worship: by which means they made a clear riddance of a Multitude of Orthodox Men, whose Learning and Piety had worthily rendered them of high esteem both here and in Foreign Parts. 
Ib. p. 379. An. 1648.   
The like did they in Cambridge, Committing some to strict Imprisonment.  
Of these Famous Preachers, it is not unworthy Observation, that divers of them were of the Assembly of Divines, whom Thomas Lord Fairfax (the Parliament's General) styled the Chariots and Horsemen of Israel.  
With the like Countenance also, their Preachers did Preach and Pray, thus they did Write and Print; Witness their Pamphlets justifying the Mortality of the Soul, and Doctrine of Divorce, with many others of the like strain: insomuch that the very Scots themselves began to cry out, as is manifest from those Papers 
m Published by Authority Oct. 1645. pag. 20.  exhibited by their Commissioners to the two Houses at Westminster:  
— No Man (said they) can be so destitute of Sense and Reason, as to think such an Anarchy and Confusion, as now prevails over the Churches of this Kingdom, to be the Ordinance of God. No Christian can be so void of knowledge and Faith, as to imagine such a monstrous deformity to be the beauty and glory of the Kingdom of Christ on Earth.  
Whereunto I shall add the Report of Mr. Thomas Edward's; one of their own Ministers of the Gospel (as he styles himself) in his Epistle Dedicatory to the two Houses of Parliament then sitting at Westminster, prefixed before his book Entitled the Gangrena; containing a Catalogue of many of the Errors, Heresies, Blasphemies, and pernicious practices of the Sectaries of that time, vented and acted in England, within the compass of 4 years; viz. from 1642. till 1646.  
I am one (saith he) who, out of choice and judgement have embarked myself, with Wife, Children, Estate, and all that's dear to me, in the same Ship with you, to sink and perish, or to come safe to Land with you; and that in the most doubtful and difficult times: not only early, in the first beginning of the War and Troubles, in a Malignant place; among Courtiers, and those who were Servants, and had Relation to the King, Queen and their Children; pleading your Cause, justifying your Wars; satis fying many that scrupled. But, when your affairs were at lowest, and the chance of War against you; and some of the Grandees and Favourites of these times, were packing up and ready to be gone; I was then highest and most zealous for you; Preaching, Praying, stirring up the People to stand for you, by going out in Person, lending of Money: in the latter, going before them by Example. And as I have been your Honour's most devoted Servant, so am I still yours, and you cannot easily lose me.  
Having given thus fair a Character of himself; let us now hear him tell what a Blessed Reformation they had in so short a time as four Years produced:  
— Things every day (saith he) grow worse and worse, you can hardly conceive or imagine them so bad as they are. No kind of Blasphemy, Heresy, Disorder, and Confusion, but it is found among us, or coming in upon us. For we, instead of Reformation, are grown from one extreme to another; fallen from Scylla to Charybdis; from Popish Innovations, Superstitions, and prelatical Tyranny, to damnable Heresies, horrid Blasphemies, Libertinism, and fearful Anarchy. Our evils are not removed and cured, but only changed. One disease and Devil hath left us, and another as bad is come in the room. Yea, this last extremity into which we are fallen, is far more high, violent and dangerous in many respects, etc.— Have we not a deformation and worse things come in upon us, than ever we had before? were any of those Monsters heard of heretofore, which are now Common among us, and denying the Scriptures, etc.— You have broken down the Images of the Trinity, Virgin Mary, Apostles; and we have those, who overthrow the Doctrine of the Trinity; oppose the Divinity of Christ; speak evil of the Virgin Mary, and slight the Apostles— You have cast out the Bishops and their Officers; and we have many that cast down to the ground all Ministers, in all the Reformed Churches. You have cast out Ceremonies in the Sacraments, as the Cross, kneeling at the Lords Supper: And we have many, who cast out the Sacraments of Baptism and the Lords Supper. You have put down Saints Days; and we have many, who make nothing at all of the Lords Day, and Fast-days.  
You have taken away the superfluous excessive maintenance of Bishops and Deans; and we have many that take away, and cry down the necessary maintenance of Ministers. In the Bishop's Days we had singing of Psalms taken away in some places, conceived Prayer, and Preaching; and, in their room, Anthems, stinted forms, and Reading brought in. And now we have singing of Psalms spoken against, and cast out of some Churches. Yea, all public Prayer questioned, and all Ministerial Preaching denied. In the Bishop's time, Popish Innovations were introduced, as bowing at Altars, etc. And now we have Anointing the Sick with Oil. Then we had Bishopping of Children, now we have Bishopping of Men and Women, by strange laying on of Hands.— In the Bishop's days we had many unlea●ned Ministers; and have we not now a company of Jerobam's Priests. In the Bishop's days we had the fourth Commandment taken away: but now we have all the Ten Commandments at once by the Antinomians; yea all ●aith and the Gospel denied— The worst of the Prelate's, in the midst of many Popish, Arminian-Tenets, and Popish Innovations, held many sound Doctrines, and had many commendable practices: yea the very Papists hold and keep to many Articles of faith, and truths of God; have some order amongst them, encourage Learning; have certain fixed principles of truth, with practices of Devotion, and good Works: but many of the Sect and Sectaries in our days, deny all Principles of Religion, are enemies to all holy-duties, Order, Learning, overthrowing all: being vertiginosi Spiritus, wh●lgigg-Spirits. And the great opinion of an universal Toleration, tends to the laying all waist, and dissolution of all Religion, and good manners, etc.— What swarms are there of all sorts of illiterate mechanic Preachers; yea of Women, and Boy-Preachers?— What liberty of Preaching, Printing of all Errors, or for a Toleration of all; and against the Directory, Covenant, Monthly-fast, Presbyterial Government, and all Ordinances of Parliament in reference to Religion?— These Sectaries have been growing upon us, ever since the first year of our sitting; and have every year increased more and more.  
And in his Book, from pag. 18. to pag. 36. he instances no less than one hundred seventy six Heretical and Blasphemous Tenets, broached by the Sectaries (the Offspring of the Presbyterian) within the compass of the four years, next and immediately ensuing the Convention of that Long-Parliament.  
But, to draw towards the end of this point, touching their Preservation and Defence of the Protestant Religion, expressed in the Doctrine and Discipline Established by Law in the Church of England, so much protested, declared, and voted for, at the first. I shall be bold to observe, after all these Barbarous and Blasphemous Practices: That, having by their Malicious and Causeless Impeachment of that worthy Pillar of our Church, the late Arch Bishop of Canterbury, kept him a Prisoner for above four Years; and had nothing against him, by the Law of the Land, worthy of Imprisonment, much less of Death; these Bloodthirsty Harpies, by their own usurped Legislative Power, Condemned 
n 4 Jan. 1644.  him to Death: And the very same day (to accompany that Horrid Fact) damned the Reverend Liturgy of the Church of England, Establishing a thing called a Directory instead thereof; and within six days following, Executed 
o 10. Jan.  that Bloody Sentence upon that worthy Prelate; whole Memory and Martyrdom for the Protestant Religion (as it stood here Established by Law) will be precious with the best of Men, to all Succeeding Ages.  
And having done this, they sent Commissioners, (Scottish and English) to treat at Uxbridge, with others from his Majesty, concerning Peace. Where, the very first day of their Meeting, 
p 30. Jan.  they countenanced a Bold and Scandalous Person, 
q Mr. Love, who was not punished by their Commissioners, though complained of.  to Preach to the People— that they had no Enemy but the King; adding, that if they had no truth with their Peace, they should have God to be their Enemy: Bidding them not dote upon that Treaty? saying, that there was as much distance between that Treaty and Peace, as between Heaven and Hell: And How can ye hope for truth, since there are so many Profane Lords; such an Un-preaching and un-gifted Clergy; so many Erroneous Papists, perverse Bishops; so many Irish Rebels, who are the chief Assistants at Oxford: I tell you, these Lords come hither with Hearts full of Blood.  
Towards which Blessed Peace (as they called it) a, 'mongst other things, to the absolute Ruin of Monarchy, they there demanded no less than the utter Extirpation of the Protestant Religion, as it stood Established by Law; with the Patrimony of the Church to boot, as a Prey to themselves and the Scots, who would serve God (if I may fitly call it a Service) in Barnes or Stables, at a cheaper Rate; which makes me call to mind, that Expression of Sir Walter Raleigh, in his History 
r Lib. 2. Cap. 5. § 1.  of the World: Where, making mention of the Care which Moses had of all things that concerned the Worship and Service of God; which Care of his all Ages have in some Degrees imitated: Says thus; it is now so forgotten, and cast away, in this Superfine Age, by those of the Family; by the Anabaptists, Brownists, and other Sectaries, as all Cost and Care bestowed and had of the Church, wherein God is to be Served and Worshipped, is accounted a kind of Popery, and as proceeding from an Idolatrous Disposition, in so much as time would soon bring to pass (if it were not resisted) that God would be turned out of Churches into Barnes, and from thence again into the Fields and Mountains, 
An. 1642.  and under the Hedges; and the Offices of the Ministry (robbed of all Dignity and Respect) be as contemptible as those places: All order, Discipline and Church Government left to newness of Opinion, and men's Fancies: Yea, and soon after, as many kinds of Religion would spring up, as there are Parish-Churches within England; every Contentious and Ignorant Person, Clothing his Fancy with the Spirit of God, and his Imagination with the Gift of Revelation: In so much, as when the truth, which is but one, shall appear to the simple Multitude, no less variable than contrary to itself, the Faith of Men will soon after die away by degrees, and all Religion be held in Scorn and Contempt.;   

CHAP. XLIV.  
FOR the Laws of the Land, with the Liberty and Property of the Subject, 
Their Actings against the Laws of the Land, and Liberty of the Subjects.  because the first ought to be a Defence to the latter; let us see what these great pretended Champions for both, did for their Preservation: Or rather how manifestly they violated them all, by their unjust Practices.  
Was it not for Execution of his Majesty's Legal Writ; grounded upon the Statute, for Suppressing of Tumults, that Justice Long was Committed 
a 11. Dec. 1641.  to the Tower?  
And were not Commands laid upon the Judges of the King's Bench, that they should not grant any Habeas Corpus (the Ancient Remedy for the People's Security) for such as the Members had Committed to Prison, by their own Authority? And, did not Mr. Rigby (a beloved Member) move twice, that those Lords and Gentlemen which were Prisoners (for no cause but being Malignants, as they termed them) should be sold as Slaves to Argiere, or sent to the new Plantations in the West-Indies, because he had Contracted with two Merchants for that purpose? Though Mr. Pym himself had (in a Speech in that Parliament) acknowledged it against the Rules of justice, that any Man should be Imprisoned, upon a General Charge, when no Particulars were proved against him.  
As these things were most evident, so was their Order 
b 4. July. 1642.  against Publishing the King's Proclamation, contrary to Acts of Parliament then in Force. Likewise their Barbarous murder of his Majesty's Messenger, 
c Daniel Kniveton.  for bringing a Legal Writ to the Sheriffs of London, to that purpose: As also Colonel Nathaniel Fienes his causing 
d 4. Mar. 1642.  the King's Proclamation, concerning Mariners, to be burnt in the open Marketplace at Bristol, by the Common Hangman (he being then Governor there) and Imprisoning the Earl of Bristol and Justice Malet, for having an hand in the Kentish-Petition.  
And, notwithstanding the Statute in force against Loans and Benevolences, grounded upon the Petition of Right (and that on Magna Charta) which the Lord Say, Mr. Pym, and Mr. Hampden, once held so Sacred, that, being asked (upon occasion) in King james his time; why they would not then Contribute to the King's Necessities by way of Loan? They Answered, that they could be content to lend, as well as others, but, that they feared to draw upon themselves, that Curse in Magna-Charta which should be read twice every Year against the Infringers thereof: Nevertheless, did not these men Commit 
e 12. Oct. 1642.  Mr. Fountain the Lawyer, and divers others which refused to lend Money for advancement of their Rebellion? And by a special Order, 
f 23. Jan. 1642.  sent those Loyal Citizens, Sir George Whitmore, Alderman Gurney, Mr. Gardner, and others, to several Remote Prisons (viz. Yarmouth, Colchester, Norwich, etc.) for not submitting to their Lawless and Rigorous Tax of the twentieth part, for the support of their Rebellious Forces? And give power 
g 3. Febr.  to their Officers, to break open Trunks, to search for Money and Plate, and to seize 
h 8. Febr.  the same for that purpose; Mr. Strode (one of the five Members) in Justification of these heavy Oppressions, saying; that it was no more than they had right to do: 
1 ... Jan. 1643.  And, that every Man in England had trusted his whole Estate to be disposed of, as the Members of both Houses should think convenient: For if the Members of both Houses (quoth he) think fitting to seize the Estate of every Man in England, all the whole Kingdom is bound to submit to them.  
And was not their Licentious Boldness such; that Mr. Pym (a single Member) during a recess of both Houses, by an Order under his own hand, did dispense with the Act of Parliament, 1. Eliz. for Uniformity of Common-Prayer!  
And when, upon a motion of the House, that certain Gaolers should be tried by Marshal Law, by reason of some Prisoners escape; and that it was opposed by divers Lawyers as an illegal course, the Gaolers being answerable by the Law, for the same; was it not Replied; 
k ... March 1642.  that they were not to be tied to any Forms of Law; those being to be laid by at such times as this, when Necessity is the Rule, by which they must guide their Actions?  
What Misery have many Reverend and Orthodox Divines, and others suffered by long Imprisonment; some sent on Shipboard, and kept under the Deck, lying many days upon the hard Board's, for no other Offence than their firm Loyalty to the King, and Constancy in the true Protestant Religion, Established by Law: His Majesty's Servant, 
l Mr. Alex. Hampden.  coming only to them on a Message for Peace, being likewise so long Imprisoned, that he died therein with hard Usage. How partially Indulgent have they been to those of their own Rebellious Tribe, is evident from sundry Instances; as that of Mr. Gryffith (one of their Members) who was made a Captain of Horse, with Silver Trumpets, and extraordinary Bravery, though he had Ravished the Lady Sidley, and was by her Accused for so doing: Mr. Lenthall their Speaker, having also six Thousand Pounds given him, of that Money which had been raised by Act of Parliament for public Service.  
Having therefore thus trampled down the Laws, and made seizure of the King's Forts, Towns, Navy, and Magazine, whereby he was devested of all Power, to protect his good Subjects; no marvel that they deprived him of all other Authority; declaring 
m 29. Nou. 1642.  his nomination of Sheriffs Illegal; and authorising his Deputy Lieutenants and Trained-Bands, to Suppress and Apprehend such Sheriffs, Levying Money for Horse and Plate; as also the twentieth part, and a vast Weekly Tax by Distresses and Imprisonment; to say nothing of Sequestrations and Plunders. Add hereunto the Hanging of those Loyal Persons, 
n 30. May. 1643.  Mr. yeoman's, and Mr. Bourchier, at Bustol; Likewise 
o 5. July 1643.  Mr. Tompkins, and Mr. Chaloner, at London.  
And that the Oppressed People might take no benefit of the Law, an Order and Declaration 
p 10 July. 1643.  was set forth by Authority of both Houses, that the Judges of Assize should forbear to go their Circuits, as they would answer their Contempt to the Parliament. Moreover to let the Reins of all Government lose, they discharged 
q 15. Sept. 1643.  all Apprentices from their Master's Service, as would serve in their Rebellious Armies; Compelling divers against their Parents good will.  
Nor is it less observable; that though by their own Fundamentals; they had declared; that the Subject was not to be forced unto the Wars, against his will, except it were by the consent of the King and the Estates in Parliament; there being an Act in that Parliament passed also to that purpose: Nevertheless, they frequently pressed great numbers of Men, to serve them in their Rebellious Armies: And by a special Ordinance, 
y ... March. 1644.  gave Power to any three of the Militia of London, to raise and send out Men, as also to Fine, Imprison, and Execute Martial-Law.  
By the like Authority it was, that they raised 
s 24. Mart. ● 1641. Exact Coll. p. 121.  vast Sums upon Merchandise, under the name of Tonnage and Poundage, contrary to an express Act made also that very Parliament. So likewise a new Imposition, called Excise, upon Victuals and all other Commodities, against which they themselves had much declaimed. 
t Exact Coll. p. 638.  And to countenance these grand Oppressions, voted, 
u 3. May. 16●3.  that an Ordinance of Parliament was as binding to the Subject as an Act of Parliament: Thereupon ordaining; 
x 6. May.  that such Persons, as aught to pay any Rents, Debts, etc. due to those, who are assessed, and refused so to do, should be Discharged against the Landlord or Creditor.  
And at length became so bold, as that their new Lord Mayor (Isaac Pennington)) challenging a Sturgeon, which was taken above London-Bridge; and it being answered, that it belonged to the King, or Lord Admiral; Replied 
y ... June. 1643.  you Malignant Rogue, I would have you to know, that there is neither King nor Admiral, that hath any Power in London but myself.  
Add thereunto their Ordinance 
z 2. Oct. 1643.  for keeping Michaelmas Term at Westminster, notwithstanding his Majesty's Proclamation. And another, Constituting 
a Nou. 3.  the Earl of Warwick Governor; and Lord Admiral of all the Islands in America, Inhabited or Planted by the King's Subjects. Another, 
b 11. Nou.  declaring the King's Broad-Seal Invalid, and Commanding Obedience to all Writs, etc. to be issued under a new great Seal, made by themselves: And Sequestering 
c 25. Dec.  all Offices of those Clerks in Westminster-Hall, which were with the King: The authority given to the Earl of Manchester, by another Ordinance, 
d ... 20. Jan.  to deprive and displace all Masters and Fellows of Colleges and Halls in Cambridge; and all other Clergymen within the Association, as he should think convenient: The Ordinances 
e 2. Sept. 1643.  for seizing the Kings, Queens, and Prince's Revenue; for cutting 
f 21. Oct. 164●.  down their Woods: For Commanding 
g 28. Dec. 1643.  all Men to pay nothing to his Majesty, the Queen, and Prince, which was due and aught to have been paid to them (for those are the words) also the Commitment of Laughern and Vivian to Colchester-Goal, for denying to pay two Thousand Pounds, which was due to the Prince from them, though the Receiver was Plundered of the Money.  
And, when it was told Mr. Strode, Chairman to the Committee for raising Money, that no more Money could be advanced (their Purses having been so drained already) he Replied, 
h Feb. 1643.  that they must have no denial; for their Money was demanded by the Supreme Court of judicature; adding, that those were times of necessity. Another of the Members, 
i ... Apr. 1644.  sticking not to say (shortly after) that if it would advantage their Cause, he thought it lawful to unvote, whatsoever had passed since the beginning of that Parliament.  
Besides which grievous Impositions upon the subjects' Estates, they stuck not at the like to their Persons; upon pain of Death, restraining 
k 16. Aug.  all Persons, for going from London to the King or Queen. And for a farther Testimony of their dealing with the People, in point of their Propriety, take their Governor of Abington's Answer 
l ... Oct. 1644▪  (viz. Coll. Browne) to no less than Seven-score poor People which came thither to him, at one time, wringing their hands, and begging for some small Pittance, of what he had caused to be taken from them, in the Villages thereabours (which was no less than all their Goods, even to part of their wearing Apparel) which was thus (with Tears in his Eyes)— Alas good People, it is not in my Power to help you: For if this were done by meet Rudeness of my Soldiers, I could say something; but you have not lost a Pin, but according to the Command of both Houses of Parliament, who enjoined us to spare nothing: Therefore (said he, whispering to one or two of them) if you have any thing left, 'tis your best course to Convey it away quickly; for the Parliament hath Commanded me to take all I can carry, and burn up the rest, before the King comes.  
These and the like, as by many Instances might be made apparent, have been their Practices, in violating the Laws of the Land, with the Liberties and Properties of the Subject, however Fair and Specious, their Promises were otherwise, until they had got Power into their hands, being at length not ashamed to discover their full Intentions, by those Propositions, which they tendered to His Majesty at Oxford, upon the 23d. of November, 1644. And whereupon a Treaty was had at Uxbridge. Where it was judiciously observed 
m A full Relation of the Passages concerning the Treaty. p. 153.  by his Majesty's Commissioners; That, after a War of near three Years, for which the Defence of the Protestant Religion, the Liberty, and Property of the Subject, and the Privileges of Parliament, were made the cause and Grounds; in a Treaty of full twenty days; nor indeed in the whole Propositions, upon which the Treaty should be; there was nothing offered to be treated on, concerning the Breach of any Law; or of the Liberty, or Property of the Subject, or Privilege of Parliament: but only Propositions for the altering a Government Established by Law; and for the making of new Laws; by which all the old were or might be Canceled; there being nothing insisted upon, on the part of his Majesty's Commissioners, which was not Laws; or denied by them, that the other demanded as due by Law.  
The next and last particular, 
Their Violating the Privileges of Parliament.  for which they made such great Pretences, is the Privilege of Parliaments. Having therefore under that colour justified most of their pernicious Actions; let us take notice how consonant to Justice, Reason, or common Honesty, their Practices upon this point have been.  
Did they not, soon after the beginning of that Unhappy Parliament (without any precedent) found 
n 11. Nou. 1640.  a Close-Committee, consisting of eight persons, 
Anno. 1641.  whereof no less than seven were principal Contrivers of the ensuing Rebellion? And in the business of the Earl of Strafford, was not their Bill for his attainder, twice 
o 19 Apr.  read and voted in one day? and fifty-five of the Members Posted, 
p 21. Apr.  for not assenting thereto, whose Names (to their lasting Honour) I have here added.  

1. George Lord Digby.  
2. james Lord Compton.  
3. Richard Lord Buckhurst.  
4. Sr. Robert Hatton.  
5. Sr. Thomas Fanshaw.  
6. Sr. Edward Alford.  
7. Sr. Nicholas Slaning.  
8. Sr. Thomas Danby.  
9 Sr. George Wentworth.  
10. Sr. Peter Wentworth.  
11. Sr. Frederick Cornwallis.  
12. Sr. William Carnaby.  
13. Sr. Richard Wynn.  
14. Sr. Gervace Clifton.  
15. Sr. William Widdrington.  
16. Sr. William Pennyman.  
17. Sr. Patricius Curwen.  
18. Sr. Richard Lee.  
19 Sr. Henry Slingesby.  
20. Sr. William Portman.  
21. Mr. Gervase holies.  
22. Mr. Sidney Godolphin.  
23. Mr. Cook.  
24. Mr. Coventrey.  
25. Mr. Benjamin Weston.  
26. Mr. William Weston.  
27. Mr. Selden.  
28. Mr. Alford.  
29. Mr. Llhoyd.  
30. Mr. Herbert.  
31. Captain Digby.  
32. Sergeant Hyde.  
33. Mr. Tailor.  
34. Mr. Gryffith.  
35. Mr. Scowen.  
36. Mr. Bridgman.  
37. Mr. Fettiplace.  
38. Dr. Turner.  
39 Capt. Charles Price.  
40. Dr. Parry, a Civilian.  
41. Mr. Arundel.  
42. Mr. Newport.  
43. Mr. Holborn.  
44. Mr. noel.  
45. Mr. Kirton.  
46. Mr. Pollard.  
47. Mr. Price.  
48. Mr. Trevanion.  
49. Mr. jane.  
50. Mr. Edgcombe.  
51. Mr. Chichley.  
52. Mr. Mallorey.  
53. Mr. Porter.  
54. Mr. White (Secretary to the Earl of Dorset)  
55. Mr. Philip Warwick.   
Likewise, after the Lords had passed their Votes therein; was not their House called, 
q 29. Apr.  to find out which of them had not given their Votes thereunto? And was not Mr. Gervase holies (Burgess for Grymesby in Lincolnshire) expelled 
r 25 Apr.  the House, for his free Speech against the Scots propositions, for the altering of our Church-Government?  
Also the Lord Digbies Speech against the Bill, for the Earl of Strafford's Attainder, Voted 
s 7. May.  to be burnt by the common Hangman; Mr. Taylor (Burgess of Windsor) Expelled 
t 26. May.  for speaking his mind against the same; and Mr. Geffrey Palmer (Burgess of Stamford) Committed, 
u 34. Nou.  for speaking against the Printing of that Scandalous Declaration, called the Grand-Remonstrance.  
Were not Multitudes brought down to Westminster, even to the Doors of the Parliament, (many of them Weaponed) by the Instigation of Captain Venn (than a Member of the House of Commons) who, by Notes under his hand Solicited them, in these expressions; That the better sort, were like to be overpowered by the worser? And did not those tumultuous People cry loud 
x 3. May.  for justice, against the Earl of Strafford; saying, 
y 29. Nou.  down with the Bishops; aspersing, 
z 15. 27, 28, 29, Dec.  also, divers of the Peers, by name, for evil and Rotten-hearted Lords?  
And, notwithstanding that the Lords by several Messages desired the House of Commons, to join with them in a Declaration against those Tumults; did not they refuse or neglect to do it; Mr. Pym plainly saying 
a 10. Dec.  in the House; God forbid we should dishearten our Friends, who came to assist us?  
And when his Majesty by a Legal Writ, upon the Statute, for Suppressing of Tumults, settled a Guard at Westminster; was it not Voted a Breach of their Privileges!  
Moreover, was not there a Petition 
b 31. Jan.  Exhibited to the House of Commons, in the Name of many Thousands of poor People, in and about the City of London, taking notice of a Malignant Faction, which made Abortive all their good Motions: Desiring that those Noble Worthies of the House of Peers, who concurred with them, in their happy Votes, might be earnestly desired to join with that Honourable House, and to sit and Vote together, as one entire Body? And professing, that unless some speedy Remedy were taken, for the removing of all such Obstacles, as hindered the happy Progress of their great endeavour, the Petitioners should not rest in quietness; but should be forced to lay hold on the next Remedy, at hand, to remove the Disturbers of their Peace. And (Want and Necessity, breaking the Bounds of Modesty) not to leave any means unessayed for their Relief: Adding; that the cry of the Poor and Needy, was, that such persons who were the Obstacles of their peace, and the hinderers of the happy proceedings of that Parliament, might be forthwith publicly declared, whose removal would put a period to those Distractions.  
Which Petition, being brought up by the House of Commons, unto the Lords at a conference; a Member of the Commons, (by a Message) pressed the Lords at their Bar, to join with them in their desire about the Militia, expressing; That if their desire were not assented to; those Lords, who were willing to concur, would find some means to make themselves known; that it might be seen who were against them, to the end they might notify it unto those which sent them.  
To proceed: Was not the Duke of Richmond, Voted 
c 27. Jan.  by the Commons, an evil Councillor to his Majesty, one of the Malignant-Party, and not fit to bear Office or place of Trust; and that consideration should be had of drawing up a Charge against him; and all this for no other, than moving in the House of Lords, that the Parliament might be Adjourned for six Months. And Mr. Gamull (Burgess for the City of Chester) told him, that if he left not the Town speedily, he should be Committed to the Tower, or knocked on the head by the Soldiers? And when an Order was reported, to be confirmed by the House, hath it not been, only, put to the Question, without any debate thereon; and publicly said, in the House, to those who have taken Exceptions thereat; that they were only to Vote, and not to Dispute?  
Was not Sir Ralph Hopton Committed 
d 4. Martij.  to the Tower, for speaking against that Declaration of March the Second. Also Serjeant Hid Voted 
e 4. Aug. 1642.  to be Expelled, and Committed to the Tower, for not Publishing the Order of the House, as Recorder of Salisbury: And Sir Sidney Montague Expelled 
f 3. Dec. 1642.  the House, for refusing to take the Protestation to Live and die with the Earl of Essex.  
Did they not Impeach, and Commit divers Lords to the Tower, for not Concurring with them in these their Irrational and most Unjust Do? And, when it was moved that they might be Bailed; was it not answered; 
g 4. Aug. 1643.  That there would be no Sitting for them if those Lords were Released, and Restored to the freedom of their Votes again.  
And when the Members of the House of Commons, had upon a solemn Debate, 
h 5. Aug. 1643.  agreed to join with the Lords, in sending Propositions for Peace to his Majesty; were there not Printed Papers, the next day, scattered in the Streets, and fixed upon Posts in public places, in the City and Suburbs; requiring all Well-Affected persons to rise as one Man, and to come to the House of Commons next Morning, for that Twenty thousand Irish- Rebels were Landed? And was not Direction and Information given in the Pulpits, by their Seditious-Preachers; and in some of those Papers, Expressed; that the Malignant Party had over-Voted the good; and if not prevented there would be Peace? The Propositions 
i 7. Aug.  for Peace, (the Day before) being carried by twenty nine Voices. Whereupon multitudes, by the Instigation of Alderman Pennington, came, in a most tumultuous manner, with Threats and Menaces to divers of the Members of both Houses; and said, that their Petition took notice of Propositions, passed by the Lords for Peace; which, if allowed, would be destructive to Religion, Laws, and Liberties: many of them telling the Members, that if they had not a good Answer, they would be there the next Day with double the Number.  
Again, when it was moved, 
k 2. Martij.  that the two Sir john Evelins should be Discharged from Prison (being Members of the House) and thereupon the House dividing LXXI. standing for their Enlargement, and LXV. against it; were not divers called out of the Committee-Chamber, who neither heard the Debate nor Vote; and because the LXXI. Opposed their entrance; did not the LXV. prohibit the Speaker to pronounce any Order therein. Lastly, did not the Commons Vote 
l May. 1644.  that the Committee of both Kingdoms should proceed as they did, for three Months longer; though the Lords refused to consent thereto?  
Many more Instances of this nature might be given, but I shall for brevity's sake pass them by, and descend to some; where the Lords, after they had freely passed their Votes, were, by the prevalent Party in the House of Commons (contrary to all course and usage in Parliament) constrained to yield unto what they had, upon free and serious Debate, resolved against.  
In the Case of the Bishops, the Lords first Voted, 
m 7. Junij. 1641.  that they should retain their Voices in Parliament.  
For taking the Protestation throughout the Kingdom, the Lords first cast 
n 30. July. 1641.  out the Order. And notwithstanding their Order and Declaration, 
o 9 Sept. 1641.  for the due Observance of the Book of Common-Prayer; the Commons made and set forth a contrary Order 
p 28. Sept. 1641.  thereto; appointing it to be dispersed and published in all the Churches throughout the Kingdom. Likewise, though the Lords refused 
q 25. Jan. 1641.  to join with the Commons for Petitioning his Majesty that the Cinque-Ports might be secured: Yet 
r 2. Apr. 1642.  were they afterwards by terror constrained thereto. So Likewise, though they refused to join with them in their consent for removing the King's Magazine from Hull; yet, afterwards, through over-awing, did it. And though they concurred not with them in that case of the Militia; the House of Commons Voted 
s 15. Martij. 1641. Exact Coll. p. 112.  that they did agree therein.  
Thus we plainly see, that the Breach of those ancient Privileges, for Freedom of Debate, and Vote in Parliament, was not made without some difficulty: But these subtle Men, having by the help of those Tumults from the Londoners, opened the gap, went afterwards smoothly through, with all their unjustifiable Practices, which in the end brought Confusion, both of Parliament and Kingdom. So that, by these Devices, having effected whatsoever they had a mind to; they stuck not to deliver 
t ● July. 1643.  it, for a Breach of Privilege, that the Lords should dissent to any thing they had Voted; as is manifest, from that of the New great Scal; wherein the Lords had the same measure put upon themselves, as they had offered to the King, in joining with the Commons, to Vote his Majesty's Dissent to the Bills they tendered to him, a Breach of their Privileges.   

CHAP. XLV.  
BY what hath been already said, I doubt not, but it is apparent enough, that these great pretended Champions for the Protestant-Religion, 
Their Averseness to Peace.  the Laws of the Land; the Liberty of the Subject, and Privileges of Parliament, made use of those specious pretences, for no other end, than, to Captivate the People, and by that means get the Power of the Sword into their Mercyless Hands.  
Now forasmuch as they were not ashamed in the midst of all their Vile Practices, to cry 
u Exact. coll. p. 587.  out, that they sought nothing, but that Religion, Liberty, and Peace of the Kingdom should be preserved: Having already showed, how well they regarded Religion, and the People's Liberties; let us see how much they endeavoured that generally wished for Peace.  
Did they not order, 
x 1. Nou. 1642.  that the King's Proclamation of Pardon, to all that would lay down Arms, and return to their Obedience, should not be Proclaimed in London and Westminster? And, when divers Citizens met at Guild-Hall, to frame a Petition to present to the Members at Westminster, for Peace; was not there a Troop of Horse sent 
y 8. Dec.  amongst them; which, with their Swords drawn, and terrible Menaces, caused them to Disperse, for safeguard of their Lives; And afterwards, when a Committee of the Petitioners, were, by appointment, attending 
z 12. Dec.  the Court of Aldermen and Common Council at Guild-Hall; did not more than Twenty Soldiers rush in amongst them with drawn Swords; Crying, On, on, strike now or never: Let us destroy these Malignant Dogs, that would have Peace: Let us cut the Throats of these Popish Rogues: And, accordingly fell upon the Petitioners in a cruel manner, beating and wounding divers of them. And, when the Petitioners (being many) disarmed those Soldiers, and shut up the Hall Doors, was not there then a Troop of Horse which Discharged their Pistols in, at them; threatening to kill any that issued out? And, did they not presently bring two great Guns and plant them against the Doors; so that the Petitioners were constrained to fly up to the Common-Council Chamber for Protection, and beg for their Lives, to be dismissed with safety. Which being granted, and they let out; did not many lie in wait for them, with drawn Swords; who pursued them with bitter Execrations; the Multitude kicking and striking at them, in their Passage; crying, Hang them, cut their Throats. Whereupon divers of them were sore hurt, and some dragged to Prison.  
Did not their House of Lords refuse 
a 17. Dec.  a Petition for Peace, from the Inhabitants of Westminster and the Suburbs? And was not there a Constable 
b Mr. Carr a Barbour.  in Westminster Committed for having a hand in that Petition?  
And when His Majesty's Commissioners of Array, in Cheshire, and the Parliaments Committee, in that County, for Exercising the Militia; out of an earnest regard, to prevent the Miseries of War in those parts, had made an Agreement against any farther Hostility, and to preserve the Peace of the Country; did not they at Westminster make a public Declaration 
c 7. Jan.  against the same, whereby they Renounced that Agreement, as prejudicial and dangerous to the whole Kingdom, and declared it void? And was not Sir William Brereton thereupon sent down, in all haste, with a Troop of Horse, a Regiment of Dragoons, and four Field Pieces, for raising new Forces in that County, to serve the Parliament?  
And was not the like Revocation and disclaimer 
d 4. Oct.  made by those Members at Westminster, against the Agreement in Yorkshire, by the Earl of Cumberland and others the Commissioners of Array there, for His Majesty; and the Lord Fairfax and others for the Militia?  
Was not Mr. nichols and Prideaux (two of their Members) ordered 
e 11. March.  to go down, to break the like Pacification, made by the Gentry and others, in the Counties of Devon and Cornwail; notwithstanding that the Commissioners had taken a Solemn Prorestation, and received the Sacrament for Observation thereof?  
And, when His Majesty had sent 
f 17. Jan. Exact coll. p. 893.  a Gracious Letter and Declaration to the Sheriffs and City of London, with Direction that it should be read in their Common Hall; was not there an Order, 
g 26. Jan.  in the Name of both Houses, to forbid their meeting, for to hear it Read? And div●●s Discharged by Order 
h 27. Jan.  of the Houses, who met accordingly?  
Likewise, when His Majesty sent a Message to them for a Treaty, with free Trade; did not the Members in the House of Commons signify to the Lords, at a Conference, 
i 13. Martij.  that it would prove destructive to the Liberty of the Subject and to the Kingdom? And when the Women came 
k 8. Aug. 1643.  in great Numbers to Westminster, to cry for Peace; were they not beaten and abused, and three of them killed?  
Were not there certain Propositions read in their House of Commons, which were found in Mr. Sal●marsh his Trunk near Hull First,; that all means should be used to keep the King, and his People from a sudden Union. Secondly to cherish the War, under the notion of Popery, as the surest means to engage the People. 
☞  Thirdly, if the King would not grant their demands, then to root him out of the Royal Line, and collate the Crown upon some body else?  
How hard a matter it was like to be, to obtain Peace from these Men, therefore, let Stephen Martial tell you (whom Mr. Case styled a great Teacher in Israel:) who, being in private conference 
l ... March. 1643.  with Obediah Sedgwick, and one Alliston, and asked by Alliston whether it were possible to end the War by a Treaty?  
No, (said he) we will never Treat, unless we may have all granted, which we formerly demanded. Nay, if the King should grant that now, 
Merc. Aulic. p. 869.  we should not agree. For, if the King had put down Bishops and Cathedrals at first, we would have given him all their Lands: But should he do it now, we would not give him any of their Revenues. For we must have both Church-Lands and Delinquents Estates also; and all little enough to pay the Parliaments Debts, and Recompense those, who have Suffered for us, and reward such as have laboured in our Cause.  
Whosoever, therefore, observes their Demands, by those Propositions, presented 
m 27. Nou. 1644.  to His Majesty at Oxford, and the Passages of the Treaty at Uxbridge thereupon; will find, that their Commissioners did not much swerve from Mr. Marshals Principles. And now I mention this Treaty for Peace at Uxbridge; I cannot but take notice of a Memorable Accident; First, That, whereas the Buckinghamshire-men, were the first of all the Counties in this Kingdom, that came in a Tumultuous manner to Westminster, 11 jan. 1641. with a Petition, on the behalf of the Lord Kimbolton and the five Members, (which gave Countenance to the many Exorbitant Practices, that after ensued) and had Thanks returned them by the two Houses. So were they the first County, that Attempted to Petition for Peace: But coming 
n 13. Febr. 1644.  towards Uxbridge, in great Numbers, for that purpose; were by Authority of the Commissioners there, from those at Westminster, met by a Regiment of Horse, and Forced to return home with their Petition. Sir john Laurence, one of the Principal of them, with others, being sent up to Westminster, and Committed to Prison, for going about to Exhibit such a Malignant Petition, as they called it.   

CHAP. XLVI.  
HAVING now done with these Observations; let us see what Resemblance that great Rebellion of the Barons, 
The Practices of the Rebellious Barons. temp. H. 3.  above four hundred Years since, had with this. Touching which I shall chiefly make use of what that Learned Antiquary, Sir Robert Cotton Kt. and Baronet (who died many Years since) hath written thereof, 
a Impr. Lond. 1642. 8ᵒ.  in that brief discourse of his, Entitled, A short view of the long Reign of K. Henry the third.  
— No 
b Ib. p. 3.  other disquiet did the State then feel, but such as is Incident in all, Malice to Authority. 
c Ib. p. 2. — The Commons greedy of Liberty, the Nobility of Rule:— The 
d Ib. p. 4.  greatest in trust for public Affairs being still shot at, by the aspiring of those, that doom themselves less in Employment, than they are in Merit.— That the Surfeit of a long Peace, perchance having let in some abuses, from whence the Commons (to whom days present, seem ever worst) commend the foregon Ages they never remembered, and condemn the present, though they know neither the Disease thereof, nor the Remedy.  
— To 
e Ib. p. 5.  these Idle and usual Humours, fell in some of the Young and Noble Spirits; who (being as truly ignorant as the rest) first, by sullying the Wisdom of the present, and greatest Rulers (making each casual mishap their Errors) seem to decipher each Blemish in Government; and then, by holding certain imaginary and fantastic Forms of Common Wealths, flatter their own Belief and Ability, that they can mould any State to these general Rules, which, in particular Applications, would prove Idle and Gross Absurdities.— Amongst 
f p. 6.  this Unequal Medley, there were of the Nobility, Richard Earl of Pembroke, Gloucester, and Hartford, Darlings of the Multitude: Some for the merit of their Fathers, whose Memories they held Sacred, as Pillars of public Liberty, and Opposers of encroaching Monarchy.— These 
g Ib. ●. 7.  by force would effect, what the other did effect by Cunning.  
— The 
h 〈…〉 11.  Lords still frustrate of their Malicious ends, began to sow on these late grounds of the People's Discontents, quaerelas & ambiguos de principe sermons, & quoque alia turbamenta Vulgi, and 
i Ib. p. 12.  took it up a fashion to endear and glorify themselves, with the senseless Multitude, by depraving the King's Discretion and Government.  
Neither 
k Ib. p. 18.  was the Church without a busy part in this Tragic Work: For Walter Bishop of Worcester, and Robert 
l Ipsius consilio tractabat ardua tentabat dubia, finivi● inchoata. M. Paris. p. 998.  of Lincoln, to whom Mountfort and his Faction praecordialiter adhaerebant, were far engaged. In such Designs Churchmen are never wanting, and the distaste of the present Government (as well in the Church as Commonwealth) will ever be a knot of Strength for such Unquiet Spirits; who as well frame to themselves some other form of Government than the present in the Church, as in the Temporal State; as that which with the giddy Multitude winneth best Opinion, and did at this time suit the People's Humours, so much distasting the new Courts of the Clergy, their Pomp, etc.  
A 
m Ib. p. 19  fair Pretext was it to those Factious Bishops, to use their bitter Pens and Speeches, so far against Religious-Orders, Ceremonies, and State of the Church; that one of them incurred the Sentence of Excommunication at Rome, and Treason at home: For he enjoined 
n M. parif. p. 998.  the Earl of Leicester, in remissione peccatorum, ut causam illam (meaning his Rebellion) usque ad mortem assumeret: Asserens pacem Ecclesiae Anglicanae, nunquam sine gladio materiali posse firmari. It was not the best Doctrine that this Man could plant by Liberty or War, when the first Church risen by Fasting and Prayer. True Piety binds the Subject to desire a good Sovereign; but to bear with a bad one; and to take up the burden of Princes with a bended Knee; rather in time so to deserve Abatement, than resist Authority,  
To 
o Ib. p. 20.  Suppress these Troubles and supply the King's Extremity, a Parliament 
p Parliam. Lond. Ann. 1255. M. Paris. p. 904.  was called much to the liking of those Lords, who as little meant to Relieve the King, as they did to quiet the State; their end, at that time, being only to open at home, the Poverty of their Master; to lessen his Reputation abroad, and to breath out their own Passions freely, whilst those times of Liberty permit. Here they began to tell him, he had wronged the Public State, in taking 
q M. Paris. Ann. 1255. p. 904.  to his Private Election, the justice, Chancellor and Treasurer, that should be only by the Common-Council of the Realm.  
— They 
r Ib. p. 21.  blame him, etc. to have hurt the Common-Liberty by Non-Obstantes, in his Patents; to make good Monopolies for private Favourites, etc. And that Sir Robert Passelew had torn from the Borderers of his Forest, under pretence of Encroachments or Assarts, great Sums of Money: And therefore they 
s Gualt. Coventr.  wonder, that he should now demand relief from his so peeled and poled Commons.  
— Upon 
t Ib. p. 23.  new grant of the great Charter, admittance to his Council of some Persons Elected by the Commons, etc. They spare him such apittance, as must tie him to their Devotion for a new supply. Thus Parliaments which before were ever a Medicine to heal up any Rupture in Princes Fortunes, 
Reg: Roff: Ioh: de Wallingf.  are now grown worse than the Malady; saith from thence more Malignant Humours began to Reign in them, than well Composed Tempers.  
— Before 
u Ib. p. 25. Claus. 46. & 47. H. 3. Anno. 1251.  the King would again submit himself, as he had the last Parliament, to so many strict Inquiries of his Disloyal Subjects, he meaneth to pass through all the shifts, that extremity and need, with greatness of mind could lay upon him, etc. Beginning with the Sale of Lands, and then of jewels.— And, in the end, having not means to defray the Diet of his Court, was enforced to break up House, and with his Queen and Children, cum 
x M. Paris. p. 807.  Abbatibus & Prioribus satis humiliter Hospicia quesivit & prandia.  
This 
y Ib. p. 26.  low Ebb gave great assurance to the Rebellious Lords, that they should now at last, have the Sovereign Power left a Prey to their Ambitious Designs: And to bring it faster on, they desire nothing more, than to see the King's Extremity constrain a Parliament: For at such times Princes are ever less than they should be; Subjects more. To hasten on the time, and adapt the means, there are sown certain Seditious Orators, that the King's Necessity must repair itself upon the Fortunes and Blessings of his People; that having nothing of his own left, he might, and meant to take of other: But 
z Ib. p. 27.  seeing still that Majesty and Right subsist not without means and power; and himself had of neither so much as would stop the present Breach in his own wants; or his Subjects Loyalties, he flieth to the Bosom of his People for Relief and Council.  
At Oxford 
a An. 1258. M. Paris. p. 970. Insanum Parliamentum. Coke Instit. part. 3. p. 2.  they met in Parliament; where his Necessities found so many undutiful demands, that he was forced to render up, to their Rebellious Will, his Royal Power.  
Here 
b Ib. p. 28.  the Commons knowing, that x eligere inceperunt, they were loco libertatis, stood with the King to have the managing of the State, put 
c M. Westm. 227, & p. 330, & 331.  to the care of XXIII. (whereof XII. by their Election (whereto they looked strictly) and the other by him, 
Nic etiam Rex, qui jam règnando quinquagessimus extiterat, pro umbra nominis habebatur. M. Westm. p. 328  who in all things else was left as a Cipher.  
— Dober 
d Ib. p. 29. & 30.  Castle (the Key of the Kingdom) they had furnished (as most of the Forts of Reputation in the Realm) with Guardians of their own, sworn respectively to the State: And then, taking the like assurance of all the Sheriff's Bailiffs, Coroners, and other public Ministers; searching the behaviour of many, by strict Commission upon Oath, to win Opinion in show among the Vulgar, who groaned under their late Extortions; whereas their end was truly (as it proved) by displacing the Faithful Subjects of the King, to open a way to their own Dependants. Thus, changing sole Power into the Rule of many, and those by popular Election, made the State believe, that by this form of limited Policy, they had utterly suppressed the Mind of Man for ever Dreaming more upon the Imaginary Humours of Licentious Sovereignty. But it fell out nothing so: For now every Man begun to estimate his own Worth, and to hammer his Head on every design, that might enlarge his Power and Command. Then began the great Men to rend from the Crown and Regal Seignories all such Royal Suitors as Neighboured any of their Seats, whereto 
e Ibid. p. 31. Magnas induxerunt Magnates, Regni super subditos Regis, servitutes & Oppressiones. Rot. 56. H. 3. in Scacc.  they Enforce their Service: And so (as the Record saith) ad sectas indebitas, & servitutes intolerabiles, subditos Regis compulerunt. Thus they made themselves, of so many Subjects, whilst they lived in Duty, totidem Tyranni (as the Book of St. Alban saith) when they had left their Loyalty.  
Montfort, Gloucester, and Spenser (the Heads of this Rebellious Design) having by the late Provisions, 
f Provisiones Oxon. Ann. 1258.  drawn to the hands of the XXIV. Tribunes of the People, the entire managing of the Royal Estate; and finding that Power too much dispersed; to work the end of their Designs, 
g El●vatis in Angliâ XXIV. capitaneis antedictis, ordinatisque sub ipsis in Regno & curiâ regiâ cunctis 〈◊〉 & ministris, fuerunt eis Parliamenta continua; sibi Escaetas & wards, ac filiis suis & nepotibus spectantes, adpatronatum Regis Ecclesias providerunt, etc. M. Westm. p. 331.  forced the King, again to call a Parliament, where they delivered the Authority of the XXIV. to themselves, and Created a Triumvirate 
h Ib. p. 336.  (non constituenda Reipublicae causâ, as they first pretended) for their own ends: And so in the interest of some private contented, the public was stayed, but to make a speedier way to one of them (as it ●fatally did) to become Dictatores perpetuos.  
These three Elect nine Councillors; and appoint, 
i M. Westm. p. 336.  quod tres, ad minus alternatim, semper in Curiâ sint, to dispose of the Custody of Castles, & de aliis regni negotijs, the Chief-Justice, Chancellor, and Treasurer, with all Offices, Majores & Minores, they reserve the choice of to themselves.  
The 
k Ib. p. 33. & 34.  Lords, that had imped their Wings with eagle's Feathers, and liked no gain, but what was raked out of the Ashes of Monarchy, made head against their Sovereign; and to mate him the better, called in some French- Forces. Thus the Commonwealth turned again the Sword into her own Bowels: And, though these Men were more truly sensible of their own Design than of others Miseries; yet found they no better pretext for private Interest, than that of the public: And therefore, at the entry of the War, they cried Liberty; although when they came near to an end, they never spoke word of it.  
At jews the Armies met. Where the King endeavours a Reconciliation, but in vain: For Persuasions are ever unprofitable, when Justice is Inferior to Force. The Sword decides the difference, and gave the King and Prince Prisoners. 
l M. Paris. p. 996.   
The 
m Ib. p. 35.  Person now, as well as the Regal Power, thus in the hands of Montfort and Gloucester, found neither bound of Security, nor expectation of Liberty, but what the emulous competition of greatness (which now began to break out between these mighty Rivals) gave hope of. For Montfort meaning, by engrossing from his Partner to himself, the Person of the King; and to his Followers the best Portion of the Spoil; to draw more fruit from this advantage, than it should in Fellowship yield, dissolved the knot of all their Amity. Thus equal Authority, with the same Power, is very fatal (we see) to all great Actions: For to fit Minds to so even a Temper, that they should not have some motions of Dissenting, is impossible.  
The 
n Ib. p. 36.  King now at the Victor's Discretion, suited himself with incomparable Wisdom, according to the Necessity of the time: Neither did Humility wrong Majesty, when there was not other means to contain Spirits so Insolent, but Dissembling.  
— Leicester 
a Ib. p. 37.  is become a Darling of the Common Rout, who easily change to every new Master; but the best durst not Sail along his Fortune, by the Light of his Glory. Crystal that fairly glistereth doth easily break: And as the Ascent of Usurping Royalty is slippery; so the top is shaking, and the Fast fearful. For by this time the Imprisoned Prince was escaped, and fast assured of Gloucester, by the knot of his great Mind and Discontent: And both, with the torn remainder of the Loyal Army, United, and by speedy March, Arrived unlooked for, near Evesham, to the Unarmed Troops of the secure Rebels, whom they instantly Assailed; for it was no fit season to give time, when no time did assure so much, as Expedition did promise.  
Dispenser 
p Ibid. p. 38.  and other Lords of that Faction, made towards the King, with the best speed for Mercy; but could not break out, being hurried along the Storm with the giddy Multitude. Public motion depends on the Conduct of Fortune; private on our carriage. We must beware of running down steep Hills with weighty Bodies; they once in motion, suo feruntur pondere. Stops are not then voluntary. But Leicester, at that instant with the King, and out of the storm, might have escaped, if his Courage and Hope had not made him more resolute by misfortune; so that he could neither forsake his followers, nor his Ambition. Thus making adversity the Exercise of his Virtue, he came and fell.  
Let us now in the next place observe, what ready Instruments the Londoners than were to promote that Rebellion of the Barons, with their just recompense for so doing. And next the Miserable Actors in that Bloody Tragedy.  
Matthew of Westminster (a credible Historian of that time) tells us; that after the King, encompassed with Forces of his Enemies in the Tower of London, was constrained to yield unto those Ordinances, which were made at Oxford by the Rebellious Barons: The Queen being very much troubled, endeavoured to pass from the Tower to Windsore-Castle (where the Prince then lay with considerable Forces) was Interrupted 
q— Intercepta est à Londinensibus, & ab eisdem enormiter blasphemata et exclamata jactuque ●apidum & luti subtus ponte vilissimè repulsa. p. 315.  by the Londoners, Reproached with their Opprobrious Clamours, and basely driven back, with Stones and Dirt, which they threw at her from London-Bridge.  
And the same Year, the King returning with his Army from Dover-Castle (which the Barons held against him) might have Surprised Montfort in Southwark (which, doubtless had prevented that deluge of Blood that afterwards was spilled) but that the Londoners with all their Power, came 
r 
— Irruerunt Londinenses, quorum corda habuere Barones valdè propitia, cum impetu fortitudinis magnoe, cathenas frangunt, portas aperi●●t, & ad cum succurrendum catervatìm occurrunt. Ib. p. 317.  
— Contra Leges & Canon's, conscientias scismatis & erroris, trahentes secum, ad sui erroris fomentum, multos pseudo prophetas, lupos rapaces in ovium vestimentis; contra Christi vicarios, & Christum domini, Regem proprium murmurantes, non ut spiritus sanctus eloqui, sed ut superioris potestatis abjectus obloqui dabat illis, M. Westm. p. 332.   out to his aid, and rescued him.  
And having thus link'● himself with the Rebellious Barons, the same Author will inform you, what were the Fruits of all their specious Pretences, for putting themselves in Arms against their Sovereign;— Violationes 
s Ib. p. 334.  Ecclesiarum, & depredationes, & macerationes personarum Ecclesiasticarum, Christianorum & judoeorum; coedes & incendia, sine delectu conditionis aut sexus, oetatis aut ordinis; the Violation of Churches; Robbing and Killing all manner of Persons, Christians and jews; Fire and Sword without any distinction, of Sex, Age, or Order. Nay, so violently Zealous were they, for the Cause; that in the Battle of jews, these Londoners, desired 
t— Instanter supplicarunt, ut primos ictus Belli habere possint, & eventum rei sub dubio percipere. Anonym. Abbingd. folio 119. a.  that they might undergo the first shock of the Fight, and the hazard thereof. And though it was the King's Unhappiness to lose the day, at that time: Yet got those Citizens nothing thereby: For the Valiant Prince Edward, charging 
u— Omnibus it a terrorem incussit, quod illos, quos fuga non eruit, cruentatus & vibrans gladius iuteremit. M. Westm. p. 335.  them with extraordinary courage, put them to the Rout, and pursued 
x Anon. Abbingd. f. 119. b. M. Paris. p. 995.  their Rear divers Miles.  
But, the next Year following, the Scene being changed by the happy overthrow of all those Barons in the Battle of Evesham, the King (by the Advise of his Parliament, held at Winchester) seized 
y M. Paris. p. 999.  the Liberties of these Rebellious Citizens, and Committed the chiefest of them to Prison; whose Redemption afterwards raised him no small Sum of Money; and to awe them the more, demolished their Bulwarks, and fortified the Tower of London against them.  
— En 
z Virg.  quo discordia Cives preduxit miscros?  
Now for Montfort (Earl of Leicester) the principal Actor in this great Rebellion, his Haughtiness was such, after the Battle of jews, that having the King and Prince his Prisoners; he not only seized all their Castles into his own hands, but disdaining Clare (Earl of Gloucester) by whose Assistance he become thus powerful, he disposed of the whole Kingdom, according as he listed; his Sons also Committing many intolerable Outrages: So that Clare (whose discontents inclined him to return to his Duty) consulting with the Lord Mortimer, how to pull down the pride of that insolent Rebel, contrived a means, for the Prince's Enlargement. Which succeeding accordingly (by his clear escape 
a In Vigilia Trinit. M. Paris. p. 997. n. 50.  from Dereford, to Wigmore-Castle) gave that Life to the rest of the Loyal Party; that with incredible celerity, they raised a Gallant Army; wherewith after he had Surprised the Earl of Oxford, and many other of the most eminent Rebels, with no less than thirteen Banners, at Renelworth; he encountered Montfort himself, and his whole Army, the next day, 
b Pridic Nonas Aug. Ann. 1265.  near Cvesham; and giving them Battle, suddenly put a Period to their Usurped Authority. In which fight that great Rebel, with his Eldest Son Henry, being slain; his Head, Hands, and Feet, were cut 
c M. Paris. p. 958. n. 50.  off by the fury of the Soldiers: And, though his Body, through the Charity of others, was Buried in the Abbey; the Common People out of high Indignation, towards him (who had been the Chief Instrument of Mischief to the whole Realm) digged it up, and carried 
d Anon. Abb.  it to a more remote place; esteeming 
c f. 121. b. & 122.  it unworthy of Christian Burial, by Reason it had been so much infected with the Leprosy of Rebellion.  
Neither did the judgement for his Iniquities terminate here; but pursued his two other Sons, Guy and Simon; who, being escaped out of Prison, got into France; and there, endeavouring to bring in Foreign Forces, ended 
f M. Westm. p. 350. & 353.  their Days in Misery.  
As for his Complices, most of them perished in that Battle at Evesham: And the rest, excepting one, 
g Johannes fit. Johannis. Anon. Abb. 121. b.  were taken Prisoners, and disherited: 
h M. Westm. p. 339. & 340.  But afterwards, through the King's Special Favour, restored 
i M. Paris. p. 1002.  to their Lands, upon several Fines, according to the Measure of their Offences.   

CHAP. XLVII.  
THE Holy League in France, 
The Parallel of the Holy League in France.  is so exact a Pattern of ours in England, as we have just reason enough to conceive, that the Contrivers of this Rebellion, did borrow the Plot from thence. All the main parts, and many of the Material Circumstances, being the same in both: Only the Scene is changed and the Actors divers.  
The full Story of that League, would require a Volume, having been written at large by several Authors of note in sundry Languages; viz. By Thuanus in Latin; by D'aubigny and others in French: But by none better than Caterino D'avila in Italian, in that unparalleled History of the Civil-Wars of France: Out of whose relation especially, I shall present to the Reader, a brief view of so much as concerns our present purpose, without filling the Margin, with Attestations from other Authors, where they concur with him: And but rarely making use of them by way of Supplement.  
In the draught of this Parallel, I shall endeavour to observe the same method as in the former: First laying down the Original of that League: Then the manner, by which the Faction grew to that height of greatness, as they quite overtoped and almost trampled upon the Crown. What use they made of this Usurped Power, quite contrary to their Pretences: And, lastly, how they fell from their vast hopes, and failed of their Ambitious ends. As also, by the way take notice of some such eminent Persons, and Circumstances, as may seem to have the nearest Resemblance with these of our times.  
What hath been already observed of the main design of our Covenanters; viz. That it was long a working under ground, before it appeared in its true shape of Rebellion. That the first Seeds of it were sown in Queen Elizabeth's time; grew up in K. james; and came to perfect ripeness in K. Charles his Reign, is proportionably true of the Holy-League. The first Platform of that, was laid in the time of K. Charles the Ninth, soon after the Reformation of Religion got footing in France. It broke out in K. Henry the third's time; and was, at last, suppressed by K. Henry the Fourth: So that it infested the Reigns of three Kings, no less than this of ours.  
The chief pretended occasion of it, was the defence of Religion; which, the Ringleaders of that Faction, did (if not conceive themselves, yet) labour to persuade the People to be in danger of utter Ruin, and Extirpation: And, that, by reason of some Indulgence and Toleration, 
a Davila. p. 75.  granted by Charles the ninth, and the Queen Mother, and continued by Henry the third, unto the Huguenots, or Protestants, who were as odious to them, as Papists were with our Men: though, the truth was those Princes did as entirely detest the Religion of Protestants, as the most zealous among ours, can do the Papists: And what they did in favour of them, was merely to preserve the Peace of the Kingdom.  
Before the League was fully hatched, the State of that Kingdom was not much unlike this of ours, before the late Troubles. Some Grievances there were, which waited upon it into the World. For besides the Toleration of the Huguenots, which distasted the Zealots; the 
b Ib. p. 348.  greatness of some new Men at Court, bred an high discontent in divers of the Nobility: And the heavy Taxes, 
c Ib. p. 349.  and Impositions upon the Common-People, made them generally dissaffected with the present Government. And this Variety of Malignant Humours rising from several Springs, all met in the same Stream, and bent their course to the same common end, Innovation, and Subversion of the Established Government.  
A Parliament (for so I shall take leave to call the general Assembly of the three Estates in France, not according to the modern use of the Word in that Country from whence this Kingdom borrowed at first, the name and thing, but in compliance with our own Language) was thought to be a sure Remedy at a pinch for ●etling the public Distractions. And though such Assemblies had been long intermitted in that Realm, and the Kings of later time were grown out of love with them; as conceiving, 
d Ib. p. 43.  that while they, who represent the whole Nation, are convened together with such Supreme Power, the Royal Authority, in the mean time, remained little better than suspended. Yet, upon a consultation had with a Council of Peers (like that of ours at York) and a motion from them to that purpose, 
Anno. 1560.  Francis the second was content to call a Parliament 
e Ib. p. 51.  at Drleans, which was quietly Dissolved by his Death, before the States had done any thing, but only showed 
f Ib. p. 52.  their Teeth against the Protestants; taking 
g Ib. p. 57  a solemn Protestation for Defence of their Religion; and by that excluding all others from any Vote in that Assembly.  
By the like exigence was Henry the third driven to have recourse to the like Remedy, which proved (indeed) worse than the Disease: For after his Intimation of a Parliament to Commence at 
h Ib. p. 324. 15. Nou. 1576.  Bloys, the Duke of Guise, and his Allies, laid the Foundation of the League; who being the most Popular and Powerful Subjects in the Kingdom, sought 
i Ib. p. 325.  by that means to augment their own greatness, and secure the State of Religion, which was so straight twisted with their Interests.  
This Duke, besides his Ambition, which prompted him sufficiently to those Turbulent Undertakings, has formerly received some disgust at Court, (not much unlike that of Philip Earl of Pembroke) for the Keys of the Palace were taken 
k Ib. p. 71.  from him, and bestowed upon the King of Navarr. With which disgrace he was extremely vexed; and his Brother the Cardinal much more, though they cunningly Dissembled, and made a show as if nothing troubled them, but the Toleration of and connivance at Calvinisme; by that means veiling their own Passions and Private Interests, with an honest Cloak, and colour of Religion. So, by little and little, the Factious among the great ones were confounded with the differences in Religion; and instead of Malcontents, and Guisards, they put on the name of Catholics and Huguenots; Parties, which under colour of Piety, ministered so much the more Pernicious Fuel to all the Succeeding Combustions and Troubles.  
The League was ushered in with Declarations, Remonstrances, and Protestations, to the same effect, and much in the same Language with this of our Covenanters. 
j D'aubignie Hist. univerchelle Tom. 2. lib. 3. cap. 3. col. 824.   
We the Princes, Noblemen, Gentlemen, and Commons (Parties to that League) professed 
Compare with this the Preface to the Covenant in the Declar. of the Lords and Commons.  that nothing but pure Zeal, and Sincere Devotion, which we bear to the Honour of God, his Majesty's Service, the Public Peace and Preservation of our Lives and Estates, together with the Apprehension of our utter Ruin and Destruction, hath necessitated us to this Resolution, which we are constrained to put on; for which we cannot any way be taxed, or traduced for Suspicion of Disloyalty: 
22. Oct. 1642 Exact Coll. p. 663.  Our Councils and Intentions having no other Design, but merely the Maintenance, and Advancement of the Service of God, Obedience to his Majesty, and Preservation of his Estate. And, perceiving by what is past, that our Enemies have not, nor ever had any other aim, but to Establish their Errors in the Kingdom; to extirpate Religion, and by little and little to undermine the King's Authority, and totally alter the Government; we can do no less in discharge of our Honours and Consciences, than withstand the Sinister Designs of the Supreme Enemies of God, and his Majesty by a common Covenant and Association; it being 
m Ib. coll. 827.  no more than time, to divert and hinder their Plots and Conspiracies, for all Faithful and Loyal Subjects to enter into a Holy Union, and Conjunction, which is now the true and only means left in our Hands by God, for restoring of his own Service, and Obedience to his Majesty.  
The chief Heads of the League, to which they swore, were either altogether, or in Proportion the same with those in our English Covenants, viz.  
1. To Establish 
n Ib. col. 830. Et Davila p. 327.  Religion, the Law and Service of God, in its Pristine State, according to the form and usage of the Catholic Roman-Church (there, as of the Protestant Reformed-Church here.)  
2. As our Covenanters swore, in the second Article, to extirpate all Popery, Heresy, etc. So did the Leaugers Renounce 
o Ibid.  and abjure all Errors contrary to their Religion.  
3. As our Men, in the third Article, swore to preserve the Rights and Privileges of the Parliament, and Liberties of the Kingdom; and to preserve the King's Person and Authority (but with a Reservation) in the Preservation and Defence of the true Religion, and Liberties of the Kingdon: So did they, to preserve Henry the third of that Name, and his Successors, the Most Christian Kings, in the State, Splendour, Authority, Right, Service, and Obedience, which are due unto him from his Subjects (but with this Abatement) according as is contained in certain Articles, which shall be presented unto him in the Parliament, which at his Coronation be swears to observe; with Protestation to do nothing contrary to what shall be proposed unto him, and ordained by the States. As also they swear to Re-establish in all the Counties of the Kingdom, their Ancient Privileges, Preeminencies and Liberties.  
4. As in the fourth Article of the Covenant, our Men Swear the discovery of all such as have been, or shall be Incendiaries, Malignants, or evil Instruments by hinding the Reformation, etc. That they may receive condign Punishment (not in any ordinary way of Justice, according to the Law of the Land, but) as the Degrees of their Offences shall require or deserve: Or (in case they neither require not deserve) as the Supreme judicatories of both Kingdoms, or others having Power from them shall think convenient. Just so, the Leaguers Swear, in case there shall be any hindrance, or Opposition in the fore-mentioned Particulars (preservation of Religion, etc.) by whomsoever it be made, all the Confederates shall employ their Lives and Fortunes, for the bringing of all such to Punishment; and that either by way of justice, or of Arms, without any respect of Persons.  
5. The like mutual defence of all that enter into their Covenant, and their constant Perseverance in it all the Days of their Lives; not to suffer themselves directly, nor indirectly, to be withdrawn by whatsoever Combination, Persuasion, or terror, etc. The promoting of it against all Impediments, and revealing of all Designs to the contrary. Which our Men Swear in the first Article. Just so the Leaguers protest, 
p Davila p. 328. D'aubignie col. 831 & 832.  tha●, if any of their Confederates shall be molested or troubled, all the rest shall be bound to Revenge his Cause, against any Person whatsoever; and to discover whatsoever they shall know Prejudicial to their Association, they Swear 
q Ib. col. 827.  by Almighty God, and promise upon their Lives and Honours, to continue in this League, even to their last drop of Blood, and not to depart from it, or go against it, upon any Command, Pretence, Excuse, or Occasion whatsoever.  
6. As ours profess in each Article, to take the Covenant Sincerely, etc. So each of them Swears, 
r Ib.  that he enters into this Holy League Loyally and Sincerely.  
7. As our Men, in the close of the Covenant, did make a general Confession of their Sins, and Profess and Declare, before God and the World, their unfeigned desire to be bumbled for them, and to amend their Lives in all Duties they owe to God and Man; and each one to go before another in the example of a real Conversation; and likewise invite other Christian-Churches to join in the same, or like Association and Covenant with them. So did the Leaguers in the close of their Declaration, entreat 
s Davila p. 387.  all Persons, of what condition soever, not yet confederate with them; that they would favour them, and to their Power assist them in the Execution of so good and holy a work: Professing they will receive into their Association, all good Men, that have a Zeal to the Honour of God and his Church, and to the Welfare and Reputation of Religion. Concluding thus; 
t Ib. p. 388.   
Seeing of necessity all our help must come from God, we entreat all good Catholics, to put themselves in good condition to God-wards, and be Reconciled to his Divine Majesty by a thorough Reformation of their Lives, so to appease the Wrath of God, and to call upon him with an upright Conscience, both in public and private Prayers, and Devotions; to the end that all our Actions may be referred to the Honour of God and his Glory, who is the Lord of Hosts, and from whom alone we look for strength, and certain deliverance.  
And the Parliament at Bloys, though at the first meeting, it seemed to concur in the same intentions with the King; yet the effect was nothing less: For it was an Assembly packed up of Persons dissaffected to the present Government; the 
u Ib. p. 335.  greatest part of the Commissioners of Shires, being such as had underhand Subscribed the League, and had given themselves up, to be guided by the Councils of the Duke of Guise. Besides the Knights or Commissioners of divers Counties, and the Burgesses of several Cities, were either not returned, or neglected to come, or were departed: And therefore the Prince of Conde, when certain of their Members were sent unto him, with a Message in Writing, as from the States-general, or Parliament, he refused 
x Ib. p. 339.  to open the Letters, or to acknowledge them to be a Parliament; affirming, that such a Congregation as that, where the Commissioners of so many Cities, Shires, and Counties were wanting; in which they went about to force men's Consciences, to Oppress and Extirpate the Total Line, and Violate the Prerogative of the Crown of France, to comply with the Humours of some Strangers, whose Hearts were set on Fire with an unsupportable, and Pernicious Ambition, could by no means be called a Parliament; being indeed nothing else but a Conventicle, of a few Suborned Persons, corrupted by the Disturbers of the public Peace.  
If we consider the quality of the Persons engaged in that League, we shall find them much of the same make with these of ours. They were principally of two much different sorts; the first, 
y Ib. p. 329. & 367.  for the most part, consisted of Noblemen, and Persons of Quality; such as were ill satisfied with the Power and greatness of the King's Dominion, and could not endure to see themselves past by, in the disposal of Preferments, and Court-Favours; and therefore sided with the Faction, partly out of discontent, and partly out of hopes of Innovation; thinking, that by putting down the present, that they should raise their private Fortunes to a better condition; and at last arrive to the height of their Desires.  
The second sort 
z Ib. p. 396.  whereof the League was Composed, were Persons, who for Quality seemed to be much inferior to the former; but for use and profit were not a whit below them. For these were they that won the Cities, the common People, and the Tradesmen, generally over all the Kingdom. These, for the most part, were Men of a free and good nature, passionately affected to the Catholic Faith, and most intestine haters of the Huguenots: Some of them believing in good earnest, that their Religion was in danger of utter Ruin. Other desirous to see the destruction of Heresy, did not only readily engage themselves in the League in their own Persons, but contributed their utmost endeavours to draw on the common People, and to win others to the Faction. With these fell on (as a third sort) some of the long Robe (Preachers and Lawyers) who, under colour of Religion, did hide either their fickle and inconstant nature, or their Ambitious, or Covetous Desires of their own Greatness and Preferment.  
To which we may add a fourth sort of Men; which were moved, either out of private Spleen against some Court-Favourites; or were drawn in, to side with the League merely upon their fair Pretences; never dreaming that their aims were against the King or the Government. With which bait some Wise Men were allured into the snare; among whom Villeroy the chief Secretary of State was one, and Brissonius' Premier Precedent of the Parliament of Paris, another, the former entering himself one of the League, out 
a Ib. p. 487.  of a private grudge to the Duke D'Espernon, desired the Duke of Guise's Faction might prevail, that Espernons might be abated; never imagining, nor could be ever believe, that the League would ever attempt any thing against the King's Person, but only had an aim to cashier his Minions, and endeavour to extirpate the Huguenots. The later, 
b Ib. p. 796.  though he had been at first a principal Instrument for the League, fell off, when he perceived, that the ends of the Ringleaders were not so sincere for the public good, as he at first had fancied.  
And divers other there were (as there will be in all Factions where great Men are engaged) who adhered to that Party; not out of any ends, or Inclinations of their own, but by reason 
c Ib. p. 518.  of their Alliance with, or dependence on the House of Lorrein, and other chief Men of the League.  
Having thus laid the grounds of their League upon these fair Pretences to gull the People, their means of advancing it were such, as our Men have transcribed from their Copy: Not any thing of moment having been used here, which was wanting there, to increase their own, and undermine the King's Power and Authority. They had 
d Ib. p. 385.  their Fears and jealousies of dangerous Plots against their Persons at home; 
e Ib. p. 494.  of Designs to seize upon the City of Paris; to overawe them by armed force, and put an hundred of the chief to Death; of Practices with Foreign Princes against them and their Religion; and of sudden Invasion intended from abroad. They had Reports broached 
f Ib. p. 457.  upon on grounds and Tumults 
g Ib. p. 482. & 367. 379.  raised in the City, upon no other occasion than those Reports. They had their Preachers (h) to amaze and fright the People out of their Wits, by Strange and Miraculous Stories, and out of their Allegiance, by traducing and inveighing against the present Government. They had 
i Ib. p. 349.  their Scandalous Libels and Pictures first Published in the City, and thence dispersed abroad to Poison the Country.  
They neglected no means of courting and winning the Common-People, by rubbing up their sores of new Taxes and Impositions, and promising relief unto them, by crying 
k Ib. p. 384. See the like of our men. Exact Coll. p. 100 197. & 259.  up the Fundamental Laws, and Liberties of the Subject, by rendering the King's Person contemptible, and his Actions Odious in the Eyes of his People, setting forth Declarations and Remonstrances of the State of the Kingdom, of such a tenor, as it will be no new thing to Translate what they at Westminster, have in a manner, already done to my hand.  
They wounded the King's Honour, through the sides of his Councillors; they stained the sincerity of his Professions, and Protestations in point of Religion; they went about to supplant his just Power and Authority, by their new and insolent demands (such as those of ours in the Nineteen Propositions.)  
Whilst 
l Ib. p. 329.  they seemed to maintain his Authority, they robbed him of it, transferring it wholly to the head of their League. 
Ib p. 336.  And though their Parliament (in that point more moderate than ours) waived that ancient Question, and would not contend about it; viz. Whether the King or the Estates concerned in Parliament be Superior (a point determinable by the very form of holding Parliaments, and ever carried by the King in all former times) yet, they thought fit to Petition the King, that for the more expedition, and general satisfaction of all differences, he would please to make choice of a certain number of Judges, such in whom the States might confide; who, together with XII of their Members, might hear and receive the several motions from the several Estates: And whatsoever those Judges and XII Commissioners should jointly agree upon, to have the force and strength of a Law, without any Power (in the King) to alter or repeal it.  
When this would not be granted by the King, upon grave reasons of State, which we need not here set down; the Heads of the Faction and their Adherents, took 
n Ib. p. 341. 342.  a new course, to restrain the King's Power, by proposing that the number of the King's Council should be limited to XXIV. (the very next number, which our Lords and Commons, in the second of their Nineteen Propositions, 
o Iunii. 2. 1642.  would limit his Privy-Council to; viz. not to exceed XXV.) and they to be chosen, not by the King, at pleasure, but by every County of the Kingdon.  
They required, 
p Ibid. p.  that all Moneys to be raised upon the Subject by way of Subsidy, or Impost, should be employed for the defence of the Kingdom; and that by all means, at Free-Parliament should be called 
q 386.  every three years, at the least, with full Power to any Man, to present his Grievances to the States so Assembled.  
They charged 
r Ib. p. 327, 328, & 382.  upon the King his Oath taken at his Coronation; not only to be obliged to preserve the Ancient Laws, and Liberties of the Subject; but such better Laws and more Commodious, as should be presented unto him.  
Their first grand Remonstrance of the State of the Kingdom, 
Compare with this the third Remonstrance, made by the Members at Westminster. Exact. Coll. p. 268.  was cast in the same Mould with that of ours: Which, though it were the Contrivance but of a few chief Men of the League; yet was it published in the name 
s Ib. p. 385.  of all the Lords and Commons of France (only signed by the Cardinal of Bourbon, whom they made a Stolen to their Ambition.) [By this they declared, 
t Ib. p. 382.  that France had been miserably tormented by a Pestiferous Sedition raised for the Subversion of the ancient Religion of their Forefathers: That 
u Ib. p. 383.  no Remedies had been applied, but such as were more proper for nourishing than curing the Disease: That the Catholic Religion being in great danger, it was most necessary to take some speedy prudent course, for prevention of the imminent ruin thereof: That Agents were sent to practise with the Protestant Princes of Germany, for Suppressing the Persons of Honest Men, and pulling down the Catholick-Religion; and an endeavour to destroy the great Men, who had the principal places of Honour: That 
x Ib. p. 384.  the King's Favours (whose Majesty was and ever should be Sacred to them) and Government of the State, were engrossed by such, who had drained his Coffers, and placed Officers in the Exchequer, for their own private advantage: That though some Rays of hopes appeared by that Assembly of the States-General at Bloys (the ancient Remedy for all Domestick-Wounds) yet, after their great Labours and Expenses in that meeting, no Fruits were Reaped, by reason of the evil-Council of those Men, so dissaffected to God, and the good of the Common-Weal: So 
y Ib. p. 385.  that the abuses, which by little and little, at first stole upon them, did then burst in, like an Impetuous Torrent, ready to overwhelm the Kingdom; the Church of God being profaned, the Nobility scorned and vilified, and every day oppressed with Innumerable Grievances, and Illegal Exactions  
And, that upon these just Causes and Considerations, they declared; 
Compare with this the Answer of the Members at Westminister to his Majesty's Message XI. Sept. 1642. Exact coll. p. 587.  that they had all sworn and religiously promised to stand upon their Guard, that the Church of God might be restored to her Honour; the true Christian- Catholic Religion Established; the Nobility enjoy their Liberty entirely as they ought; the People relieved, and all new Impositions abolished.  
And, that these were the occasions 
z Ib. p. 386.  of their taking up Arms, for rescuing the Kingdom of France from ruin, the preservation of good Men, and punishment of bad; and for the security of their own persons; there being no other means left to preserve themselves, 
Compare with this the Declaration of the Members at Westminster Aug. 1642. Exact. Coll. p. 491.  and turn away the Knife from their own Throats; which yet they would not make use of, if their Estates only were in danger, and the Subversion of Religion, and State of the Kingdom were not inseparably joined with their own; for the preservation of which, they should not fear any hazard; concluding, that they could not choose a more Honourable Grave, than to spend their Lives in so Holy a Cause; so just a Quarrel in discharge of that Duty and Obligation, which they owed as good Christians to the Service of God, and as good and Loyal Subjects, to oppose the Subversion of which the State, must naturally follow the alteration of Religion. Protesting that they did not take up Arms against the King their Sovereign Lord; but for the guard and just defence of his Person, his Life and State, for whom they had promised and sworn to hazard their own Lives and Fortunes to the last drop of their Blood; and to lay down Arms so soon as it should please his Majesty to remove the danger, which threatened the ruin of the Service of God and so many good Men— Entreating 
a Ib. p. 387.  all that were not Confederate with them, to favour their Designs, 
Compare with this their Declarations july. 1642. Exact Coll. p. 464.  and to assist them by their Power, in the Execution of that good and Holy Work.  
Exhorting all Towns and Corporations, as they tendered their own preservation, to judge uprightly of their Intentions; 
See their Declaration for inviting the Scots 7 Nou. 1642.  and to consider what benefit and repose would accrue unto them; and so doing, to put their hands to that good work: Declaring, that they would not use any act of Violence, but against such as should oppose them, and by other undue means favour their Adversaries, which sought to ruin the Church, and Subvert the State: Assuring every Man, that their Holy-Armies should do no Man any wrong, or oppression, whether in passing or staying in any place; but should live orderly, and pay for all they took: Protesting 
b See the like Expressions by those at Westminster in their Declar● in Answer to his Majesty's Message Aug. 1642. Exact Coll. p. 585. And the Convenant taken by both Houses 15 junij. 1643.  never to lay down Arms, till they had fully Executed all the Premises, but rather die with a willing Heart; desiring to be Entombed in a Monument, Consecrated to the last of Frenchmen, who died in Arms, for the Service of God and their Country.  
At which time they were so high in their own Opinions, and their Conceits of the People's Inclinations; that, in this Declaration (as an argument to win every Man to their Party) they Invited 
c Ib. p. 387.  all, to put to their helping hands to their good Design; which, by the Grace of God (as they said) could not choose but prosper.  
Suitable whereunto, our Men, to affright such from their Loyalty, as they could not persuade; told 
d Declar. 19 May. 1641. Exact Cool. p. 213.  them, that they had brought their work to such an height and degree of Success, that nothing seemed to be left in their way, able to hinder the full accomplishment of their desires, unless God in his justice should send a grievous Curse upon them.  
And, 
e Ib. p. 388.  as the Leaguers, backing the words of their Remonstrance, with Actions of no less efficacy, began immediately upon it, to impatronize themselves of many Cities and Strong-holds; partly by underhand Practices, and partly by open force; Such were Lull and Uerdune (the first Cities in France, that cast out the King's Officers, and received the Leaguers) so did ours possess themselves of Hull and Plymmouch, and other places of Strength, which tended so much to the advancement of their Design.  
When therefore the Leaguers had by these Subtleties wrought the People out of Opinion with the King; and him out of his Power over his Subjects. When 
m D'avila p. 381.  he could not with satisfaction to himself, neither join with the Huguenots, nor give content to the Leaguers; waiting to make use of such Council as time should Minister unto him, his Affairs going on but a slow pace, he stood rather to justify himself, than to stop the Progress of the Confederates. And, when he was assured from all parts, at the same time, of raising Forces, and frequent meetings of Men in Arms, he did no more than set forth an Edict; 
n 8ᵒ. Martij. 1685.  wherein, after the usual Preamble, he protested his earnest desire of the Public Tranquillity; and, by all good means to provide for the ease of his People. 
Compare with this his Majesty's Proclamations of May 27. and june 18. 1642. Exact Coll. p. 301 & 367.  In which, perceiving, that some who were Enemies of their Peace, did labour to oppose him; He therefore straight prohibited all Levies, and gathering together of Soldiers; Commanding that their Leaders should be Apprehended, and Prosecuted according to Law. By which he gained no more but this; viz. That by the continuing of their Levies, it did then sufficiently appear who were his Enemies.  
Thus did the Leaguers get the Start of the King, in their warlike Prepations; and it was long before he could persuade himself to prepare for his Defence: But being at last necessitated 
o Ib. p. 382.  to make other Provisions (than Proclamations) more suitable to the exigency of the times; 
Compare this with his Majesty's Proclamation of Aug. 10. 1642. Exact Coll. p. 510.  after much doubting, and deliberation, he resolved to resist the force and practices of the League, as well as he could, without any Intelligence or Assistance from the Huguenots; hoping that he should be able of himself to curb them. But scarcely had he begun to put this deliberation in Execution, than that he discovered the weakness of his Councils, in that of his Forces.  
The Lord of Truery had raised for him Ten Thousand Swissers: But the Counties of Burgundy, Champain, and Lyouns, being all possessed by them of League, there was no passing for them that way. The Count of Scomberg was sent to hire some German-Horse; but in his passage thither, through those Counties, he was seized on and Committed to Prison by the Duke of Lorraine. Nor did the King's business go on much better at home than abroad: The Nobility divided, partly by reason of their Religion; and partly by ancient Feuds, (newly divided by these Dissensions,) came but slowly in to the King. The People generally dissaffected, did not concur to the relief of his wants: The Revenues of the Crown, not only stopped by noise of War; but purposely Interrupted and seized 
p The like did the Members at Westminster by several Orders of 21 jan. and 26 Nou. 1642. and by an Ordinance 21 Sept. 1642.  upon bp the Heads of the Faction, were utterly decayed, so as the Sinews of War were wanting on all sides to the King's Party. Those of the League therefore perceiving with what difficulties the King wrestled; began with great earnestness to gather Forces, and to put in Execution the Plot they had laid long before.  
The King having, as yet, nothing to oppose them but his Pen, was necessitated to employ it, in vindication of himself from those Imputations, which were thrown upon his Government, and in their Manifesto's reflected upon his Person. To which he published an Answer 
q Ib. p. 390.  wherein, having first informed his People; that though he had several times heretofore, both by his Letters and Commands; admonished them, not to suffer themselves to be persuaded or perverted by such as endeavoured to raise Insurrections amongst them, and to draw them into their Party; and, by so doing to turn them out of the ways of Peace: And had also proffered and promised Grace and Favour to all such as being already engaged, should return to their Obedience, after they should truly understand his Intentions: Nevertheless, with great grief of Heart, perceiving; that notwithstanding his Commands and Gracious Advertisement, some of his Subjects did not forbear to engage themselves in that Faction, being drawn into it by several Interests: But the most of them purely transported and blinded with the fair and specious Colours, which the Authors of those Seditions put upon their Designs; he thought it a part of his Duty, for the general benefit of all his Subjects, and in discharge of his Conscience to God, and Honour to the World, to oppose the clear light of the Truth to those Artifices of his Adversaries: To the end that his Subjects, being guided by the clearness of that Light, might in time, and without any Impediment, discern and know the grounds and ends of those Troubles; and, by that means avoid the Miseries and Calamities, both public and private, which were like to grow upon those Commotions.  
After this Preface, he proceeds to show the Vanity of their Pretences, and to remove the occasions of their Fears and jealousies.  
First in point of Religion, appealing 
r b. p. 391.  to his own constant practice of, and endeavours for the Religion Established; the dangers and hazards he had undergone for the defence of it: That 
s Ib. p. 393.  he should not refuse to con●ent to any Laws for the securing of it, 
Compare with this, his Majesty's Answer to the Petition, which accompanied the grand Remonstrance Dec. 1641. Exact Coll. p. 23. And his Declaration. Exact Coll. p. 26.  so they were just and possible in themselves, and profitable for his Subjects. Nor did he refuse any that were offered to him, by the Parliament at Bloys in favour of it. Nor 
t Ib. p. 392.  did there ever any the least thought enter into his Heart of Countenancing Heresy in his Dominions.  
Secondly, in point of Justice and Defence of the Laws, be showed what he had done, since his coming to the Crown, in favour of it; what good Laws and Constitutions he had made, and how desirous he had been that they should be observed: But, if any default were in the Execution of them, the blame must rest upon his Officers, not upon him; whose particular care 
u Ib. p. 393.  had been so great for the Rebuilding of those two Pillars, 
Compare with this his Majesties Declar. De. 1641. Exact Coll. p. 25. 26. 27. etc.  Religion and justice, which the violence of former times had 
x Ib. p. 395.  pulled down, and leveled with the ground.  
He likewise entreated all his Subjects, to open their Eyes, and consider the dangerous Consequences of these Wars, which would not be ended so soon as they imagined; and not to stain their Loyalty, by suffering themselves to be made Instruments of their Countries, ruin to their Enemy's advancement.  
Thirdly, as touching the disposal of places of Honour, and trust in the Kingdom, first he stood upon his Prerogative; that, as all his Predecessors, so he might freely confer such places upon whom he pleased, being not restrained by any Law to make choice of one more than another: Appealing to the People, how groundless that Calumny was, when they might see those that most complained, and were the Authors of those Troubles, 
y Observe this rightly paralleled in the Earls of Northumb. Essex, Holland, the L. Say, Kimbolton, Sr. Hen. Vane, Mr. Oliver, St. john, and divers others.  to be such as had been most preferred by him.  
Fourthly, for the Grievances of the People, he professed 
z Ib. p. 396.  he had already begun, and promised his continuance to relieve them.  
Fifthly, for the secret Plots and Conspiracies, which the Heads of the Faction pretended to be laid against their Persons; for preventing whereof they said they were enforced to take up Arms; his Majesty's known Clemency might sufficiently secure them from any on his part, who was naturally so far from all desire of revenge, that no Man living had ever the least cause to complain of him in that respect, notwithstanding what ever Provocation he had from any. But very many have had sufficient proof of his natural Bounty, and Mercy: Therefore his Majesty prayed, and entreated the Heads of that Faction to Disband their Forces; to relinquish their League, and return to their Duty and Loyalty; and so doing he promised to receive them into his favour.  
But after the King and the Leaguers had for a long time bandied Writing, one against the other, they so far incensed 
a Ib. p. 397.  each other, that it was now full time, either to come to Action, and not to multiply any more words. The 
b Ib. p. 398  Forces of the Kingdom, which adhered to the King were very weak; for he had not time sufficient to ripen his Designs, being prevented by the sagacity and forwardness of the House of Guise; his own Followers and those of his Favourites, were divided; sometaking one part, some another: And those which stood with the Royal Authority, were very cold and slow, their Courages being much daunted by the bold attempts of the Confederates: Nay some of the King's own Party, and who had been highly favoured and preferred by him, were revolted 
c Ib. p. 399.  from him to the League. 
Was not his Majesty thus used by the Earls of Salisbury Monmouth, Westmoreland, the L Coventry and others?   
But that which Afflicted the King above all, was his fears of the City of Parts (a just Parallel of our London) which was indeed the Head of the Kingdom; but a Head so great and Powerful, that which way soever it inclined, it was sure to turn the Scales. This City was not only united with the general League, but had entered into a particular League and Covenant amongst themselves: And, having secretly provided themselves of Arms, was ready to revolt upon the first occasion; and if need were to seize upon the King's Person, which very much troubled him: For, if he should stay in Paris, he could not do it without great danger to himself, being liable to every affront from the inconsiderable headiness of the Multitude: And if he should abandon it, it was sure to revolt.  
To secure his stay there, he was therefore forced to call 
d Ib.  all the Soldiers of his Ordinary Guard to their Colours; and farther made choice of forty five Gentlemen, in whom he could repose confidence, whom he maintained at the charge of an hundred Crowns a Month, besides their Expenses at Court, to attend continually upon his Person: Yet, for all this he lived in continual Jealousies, and Affliction of Mind, seeing himself upon such an Headstrong Beast, as was not possible for him to manage: Wherefore he endeavoured all fair means of accommodation with the Leaguers, proffering them all security.  
The City of Paris erected 
e Ib. p. 437.  a new Council of Sixteen (as London new-moulded 
f In December. Anno. 1641.  theirs) which were the most interested and affected to the League (according to the number of Wards in that City) who were to manage all the affairs and dispose the minds of the People; with whom were joined one of every Mystery in the City, who made their Addresses to, and received their Orders from the Sixteen; as well concerning the defence of the City, and Service of the League, as to counterpiose the Kings Designs.  
When there was no hopes of accommodation left with the Leaguers, the King began 
g Ib. p. 457.  to raise Forces too; and summoned all the Nobility to assist him. Wherein he met no where with so much Opposition, as from the Turbulent Citizens of Paris, where the Preachers and Council of Sixteen never ceased to provoke and incense the People, and raise frequent Tumults in the City, so as the Magistrates was set light by, and trod under foot, with danger of an open revolt, which those Men desired and endeavoured. Nor did it stand with the present condition of the King to chastise the Authors of those Tumults, for fear of ministering any occasion to the City of revolting from him. Whereupon they Multiplied their Practices with much boldness, which had (doubtless) arrived at that end, which the Leaguers designed, but that the fear 
h Ib. p. 447.  of the German-Army, and the King's Protestation, and Oath for defence of Religion against the Huguenots (which he had solemnly taken upon New-year's day 1587.) did contain them within some bounds of Moderation.  
The King therefore, having 
i Ib. p.  with great Dexterity and Moderation, many times stilled those Reports, which had been raised on no grounds; being likewise heartily vexed at the Ringleaders of those Tumults, but deeply concealing his Passion, left 
k 457.  the Lord Villaclere to be Governor, and the Queen-Mother Regent in Paris; and departed thence about the end of july, 1587.  
Thus was that King driven from Paris by the Tumults.  
The House of Lorrein (who were the prime Men in the League) puffed up with the Opinion of their own Power, forgot all Moderation, and spread their Sails to vast hopes; talked of nothing, but utter extirpation of the Huguenots; of deposing the King, and thrusting him into a Cloister (as they found in Stories that King Chilperick, had been served:) of expelling all Favourites from the Court; sharing the great places of the Kingdom amongst themselves, and Governing all France as they pleased. And so high were they in their own Conceits, that their Councils were not bounded, either by Justice, or Possibility. For supposing all things to be now in their own hands, they imagined their Merit to be such, as they might lawfully undertake, and their Power no less, as that they might easily perform, any the highest and most advantageous achievement what soever.  
What was this other, than, as our Men told his Majesty, 
l See their third Remonstrance Exact Coll. p. 265.  If they should make the highest Precedents of former Parliaments their Patterns, it would be no Breach of Modesty: To which purpose they caused, or suffered those Infamous Stories of King Richard the Second time, to be Published in Print. 
Davila p. 481.   
When all their Plots were now ripe, and they in readiness for Execution; they took the very same course, and upon the very same Grounds, as our Men did actuate their Designs; which was (forsooth) by an Humble Petition. 
m Like the Petition for the Militia, and the XIX Propositions. Exact Coll. p. 59 & 307.  For they agreed, that the Duke of Guise, and other Lords of the League, should not immediately set upon the King with open force: But to make a show, as if the nature of the Affairs themselves, did carry them on to their Designed end, they should present a Petition, which should contain manydemands, very advantageous to themselves; and such as would necessitate the King to declare himself to the full. For if he granted their Requests without more ado, than they had their end, but if he should hold off, and be unwilling, than he would give them occasion to make use of their Arms; and to take that from him by force, which he was not willing to part with of his own accord.  
The chief Heads of their Petition (presented to the King, by the Duke of Guise) after many Preambles and Reasons couched together with a great deal of cunning, were these; viz. That the King would cordially join with the League for Extirpation of the Huguenots [His Majesty join with his Parliament, for defence of Religion] That he would dismiss from his Privy-Council, and other places of Trust and Command; 
Exact Coll. p. 102.  and from the Court, and their several places, all such Persons as they should name; such as were suspected by them [Such as they could not confide in, dissaffected to the Catholic Religion] That 
n Davila p. p. 482.  he would grant the Confederates some places of Strength, wherein they might place Garrisons for their own security, and those to be maintained at the charge of the Crown. That an Army should be maintained on the confines of Lorein, to hinder any Foreign Invasion, and that to be commanded by one of the confederates [This the Militia 
* See the like demands by the Members at Westminster in their Propositions Exhibited to his Majesty 23 Nou. 1644.  just] That he would confiscate and cause to be sold, all the Goods of the Huguenots [Papists and Prelates] and with the price of them, defray the Charges of the former War, 
And in their Articles of Treaty at Edinburgh 29. Nou. 1643.  and help to maintain the Leaguers for the future.  
To this Petition, which was presented to the King, in the beginning of February, Anno. 1588. 
A full Relation at the Treaty at Uxbridge. p. 6. & p. 72.  his Majesty was not hasty to return an Answer; nor did the Duke of Guise much desire it, because the ends of their Demands, were only to make the King contemptible, and odious to his People, as also suspected as a Favourer of Heretics: And, in the mean time to give occasion to the League, to rise in Arms, and Prosecute their Designs, while Fortune smiled upon them.  
The 
o Ibid.  Citizens of Paris being led away by their new Council of Sixteen, could no longer endure the King's Government; but were full of Scandalous Libels, politic Discourses, Satirical Verses, and feigned Stories, wounding the King's Honour. The Preachers likewise, after their usual manner, but with more freedom, speaking against the present State of things, filled the People's Ears with new, strange, and miraculous Stories. Which poison being derived from the City of Paris, as from the Heart, spread abroad into all other parts of the Kingdom; all Counties being possessed with the like Impressions in favour of the League, and disadvantage of the King.  
The 
p Ib. p. 483.  Duke of Guise, purposing to devive all the King's Authority upon himself and his Adherents, applied himself mostly to the Parisians, being informed by the Sixteen, that the City was at his Devotion, with Twenty Thousand Armed Men, under Sixteen Commanders of their several Companies, ready for any Employment. But not confiding in those Commanders, he thought fit to lessen the number, and sent them five Captains to regulate and Command the Popular Arms; viz. Brissac, Boisdaufin, Chamois, Escaroles, and Colonel St. Paul; with whom was joined the Lord of Menevil, as the prime instrument of the Plot.  
And, though the King, in his own Person, was a most Rigid Opposer of the Huguenots, and none more Zealous in his Religion than himself; yet did they defame him to the People, as a Favourer of Heretics; yea and to Foreign Princes too; Traducing him (saith Thuanus) 
q Hist. Lib. 85. Anno. 1586.  who was otherwise a most intestine Enemy to the Protestant cause, both in France, and with Foreign Princes, as if what he did for the Peace and Quiet of his Kingdom, he had done it in favour of the Protestants.  
Touching the point of Placing and Displacing Councillors; as their Demands and Colour for them, were alike with our men's; so was the Kings Answer not much different.  
It 
r Davila. p. 492.  was the public discourse of the Guisards in Paris, that the Kingdom could never be settled in Peace, nor the Minds of true Catholics at ease, so long as they saw the King's Person environed with non-confiding Persons, and of uncertain resolutions in point of Religion.  
The King made answer he was very willing to any thing that might conduce to the settlement of Religion; and that 
s Ib. p. 493.  he was heartily inclined to the Extirpation of Huguenots; there being no Prince in Christendom, that more hated, and desired the Suppression of Heretics, than himself. And, that for those about his Person, they had never suggested to him any Councils to the contrary: That all Kings had ever enjoyed the free Liberty of preserving and favouring whom they pleased; and to choose their Companions according to their own Gust. Were it not so, 
Compare with this his Majesties Answer to the Petition which accompanied the Grand Remonstrance Dec. 1641. Exact Coll. p. 13. And his Answer to the Petition concerning the Militia Exact Coll. p. 60.  the liberty of Kings should be chained, and limited to that which private Men enjoy free, and without restraint; there being no person so mean, but hath Power to live and converse with whom he please, according to his own Genus and liking. But if it should be proved against his Ministers, that they had in any thing, demeaned themselves with less Sincerity than they ought, he would be ready to punish them accordingly, to the quality of their Offence; but would not Banish them from his Court to humour other Men.  
When the King, by reason of the Tumults in Paris, had (as was said) for his own Security, enlarged the number of his Guard, the Duke of Guise and his Partisans spread, 
t Davila p. 494. & 495.  a Rumour in the City, that the King had a purpose to put a Hundred and Twenty of the Principal Catholics to Death, and to put Garrisons in the chief places of the City, 
Compare with this that Scandalous Aspersion against his Majesty that he had a design of actual violence upon the City of London. 4 jan. 1641.  to awe the Citizens; and therefore, that it was necessary for them to stand upon their Guard.  
Upon this Succeeded 
u Ib. p. 501.  the Barricado's at Paris, when the King was in a manner wholly in the Duke of Guise's Power: But yet he made a shift to slip away privately, from his Palace (the Lovere) attended only with Sixteen Gentlemen. The Duke not taking care to prevent the escape, whether 
x Ib. p. 498.  out of Honesty, of which he pretended to be the Protector, or that he desired to cloak all his Designs with the Mantle of Piety and Religion; or that he intended nothing more but his own safety, and Reformation of the Government; promising to himself that all would fall into his Lap, by means of his cunning Carriage; and that he needed not to make use of open Force; brought the King to such a low Ebb, that he must of necessity yield up himself to his Disposal, and condescend to such Conditions as he desired, which he doubted not but would be approved by the general consent of the People.  
The King, being desirous of an accommodation, employed the Queen Mother to treat with the Duke of Guise; and his Adherents. [Which had the like success as his Majesty's Message from Nottingham to those at Westminster.]  
But the Duke's demands were 
y Ibid. p. 499. & p. 500  extreme high and Exorbitant, more like an absolute Conqueror, than a Subject; viz. That the King should declare him his Lieutenant-General over all the Provinces of his Dominions; That a general Assembly of the States should be called at Paris; and this Authority being then confirmed to him by them, that the Taxes and Impositions upon the People should be moderated; That, for removing all suspicion of Innovations, all Forms of Government should be settled in such a way, as it might not be lawful for the King to make any alteration; That the Duke D'Espernon, and several other Ministers of State, (as persons suspected to keep Intelligence with the Heretics, and to be continually hammering out new Projects,) should be put out of their Places and Commands, and for ever Banished from the Court; That to remove the Jealousies generally conceived of too remiss Proceedings against the Heretics, the sole managery 
z Compare with this, the Propositions to his Majesty's Commissioners at Uxbridge, concerning the War of Ireland. Full Relation, etc. p. 95.  of that War should be Committed to the Duke; That to take away the suspicion of any Tyrannical Intentions, or Actions from the King, he should dismiss 
a See the like demands by the Members at Westminster. Exact Coll. p. 259. & 465.  his Guard of forty six, and interdict them all [his Majesty to return to the Court, and content himself with such an ordinary Guard, as his Predecessors used to have.]  
That Griglion, the Captain of the Guard, should be displaced and another put in his room, in whom the Catholics could confide: That the forts of Provence should be consigned to the Duke D'Aumarle, and others to others of the League; and that the King should deposit in the hands of certain Lords of the League, six other strong Holds, such as they should nominate, which should be Garrisoned by them, and have such Governors as were to their liking: That a convenient Assignment should be made to the Citizens of Paris for reimbursing the Expenses they had been at: And that the Government of the City should be conferred upon the Count of Brissac, the Duke of maine made high Admiral, and the Chatres Ld● marshal.  
When the Duke of Guise failed of his Intentions upon the King's Person (by reason of his escape) and his Design of obtaining from him, as his Prisoner, what Conditions he pleased, was by that means crushed, he bent 
b Ib. p. 502.  his thoughts to the securing himself of the Command of the City of Paris. For, perceiving that he must now go to War with the King; he knew very well, that he could have no stronger Foundation, than the Power and Assistance of the Parisians: Therefore to assure himself of the City, he got into his Hands the Bastile, dispossessing Testate, who held it formerly for the King, but was now forced to surrender it into the hands of the People, who instantly made the Duke Governor of it. The Duke therefore, losing no time, called the People together in a Common-Council, and caused Hector Perose, provost of the Merchants [a place answerable to that of Lord Mayor of London] to be deposed, as a dependent on the King; Committed him to the Bastile, and made Capello Martell to be chosen 
c Ib. p. 503.  Provost in his place; he being a Principal Incendiary among the People, and chief Minister of the League.  
[Just a Pennington for a Gurney.]  
The Duke of Guise, seeing the King was got out of the toil, and that he could not bring his first Design about, endeavoured 
d Ib. p. 508.  to make it appear, that it was done with his consent (the King's Escape) though it happened by his Inadvertence: Therefore, with many fair words and plausible reasons, laid down in several Writings, both to the King and People of France, he strove to make them believe, that all his Actions had no other aim, but the benefit of the Kingdom, Allegiance and Obedience to the King, and Zeal to the public good: That the Tumults 
e Compare with this the Expression of the Members at Westminster in their Petition to his Majesty 26. Martij. 1642. Exact Coll. p. 123.  in Paris were occasioned by the fears of the People, without any consent of his: That his Intentions were ever most Inclined to Loyalty, and all due Obedience, desiring nothing, but that Evil Councillers might be removed, and due care taken for the securing of Religion. And though (says my Author) his Actions were for the most part, quite contrary to his Professions; yet the colour of Religion was so lively and plausible; he knowing so well how to demean himself, that the People generally believed him still, a Loyal Subject to the King; and that all he did was only out of Zeal to Religion, and an Ardent desire for promoting the public good of the Kingdom.  
When things were in this State, there followed the face of an accommodation betwixt the King and the Leaguers; and for the composing of all differences, another Parliament was convened at Bloys 16. Oct. 1588. In the Election 
f Ib. p. 118.  of Members to assist at it, though both parts laboured to have such chosen, as were their own dependants, yet those of the League prevailed by much above the King's Party: For the Commons being vexed with their pressing Grievances (their end being mainly to shake off that Burden) did willingly adhere to the King's Enemies, who promised and professed an earnest desire of easing the People of their unsupportable burden by Taxes and Contributions.  
In this Parliament all the States took a Solemn Oath or Protestation, 
g Compare with this the Protestation framed at Westminster. 3 Maij. 1641.  for defence of Religion, with the King's Person and Authority. Which Oath they ordered to be taken by all the Subjects of the Kingdom. Notwithstanding all which Obligations, whereby the Leaguers bound themselves to abandon their former Practices, and to apply themselves to a sincere obedience of the King: yet did they not remit any thing of their former Machinations: For not only the Duke of Guise aspired to obtain the express Title of Lieutenant General (which he could not before accomplish, though he had the Power) but the rest ceased not to tamper with the States, that the Government might be reformed in such a manner, as that the King should have no share left him in it, but the bare name and shadow of a Prince; the whole Power to be transferred to this Duke, and his Dependants of the League.  
Nay the very number of the States [which equalised ours in the House of Commons] engaging themselves in the Interests of the Faction, did contend, and squabble for the same ends with them, without any regard of their so many and Solemn Oaths, in evident contempt of the Person, Name, and Majesty of the King.  
The 
b Ibid. p. 523.  Commons in this Parliament, (notwithstanding they had resolved upon a War with the Huguenots, which must needs be expensive: Yet) demanded from the King a moderation of Taxes, and diminution of new Impositions; which [like that of Ship-money] amounted to two Millions of Crowns, yearly; as also the Reformation of many Offices erected about the Customs, and the total abolishing of some other Grievances. They declared the King of Navarr (who was next Heir to the Crown) incapable of Inheriting; and Solicited the King to make a new Decree upon it, unto which they would have him swear, as a Fundamental Law.  
After many other Plots and Practices in this Factious Parliament; when business was now fully ripe, and the Duke of Guise having sufficiently canvassed and prepared the States, both in general, and particular: Grown now secure and bold, upon confidence of former Experience, he began to bring his Plot upon the Stage, of being made Lieutenant-general, at the Request and by the Authority of the Parliament, which was the last end of his present hopes. But those hopes were quickly frustrate by His untimely Death.  
After which his Brother the Duke of Maine took up Arms to Prosecute that design of the League: And, though the King wrote kind Letters to him; yet were they of no force, to make him harken to any Concord: For making himself Head of the Holy Union, he was by the Parisians declared Lieutenant General, of the State and Crown of France, with the same authority and power, which is naturally inherent in the King (abating only the name) which Power was intended to continue, until the States-General should think fit to alter it: Upon the possession whereof he entered 22. Febr. 1589 Having taken a Solemn Oath to Protect and defend the Catholic Religion against all Persons whatsoever; to preserve the Estate belonging to the Crown of France; to defend the Privileges of the three Estates of Parliament, the Clergy, Nobility, and Commons; to cause the Laws and Constitutions of the Realm to be observed; and the Authority and Power of the Courts of Justice.  
Having done this, he chose and settled the Council of the Union [like a close Committee] consisting of forty the chief and most eminent Persons of the League, to manage all the most Important Affairs with his Assistance; leaving still the Government of the City of Paris with the Sixteen. And, as our Men had their Committees in several Counties, which received Directions from, and sent Informations to their great Council; So did these of the League ordain, 
i D'Aubignie Tom. 2. lib. 3. cap. 3. col. 828.  that there should be six, eight, twelve, or more of them, nominated in several places of the Kingdom, to propose what was fitting to the Council; and, having received Directions from them, to act accordingly.  
Nor hath scarce any act of Insolence been Committed by our Men, in which they might not urge these for an Example. What hath been done to Justice Mallet, taken off the Bench, and Committed to the Tower; the like was done in Paris: For they, 
k Davilae● 548.  in a Tumultuous manner, beset the Hall of the Palace, where the Judges than sat; seized upon Harle and others, whom they deemed to be well affected to the King, and Committed them Prisoners to the Bastile.  
The King (upon like Motives as his Majesty Adjourned the Term from London to Oxford) adjourned 
l Ib. p. 566.  the Courts of Justice; the Parliament of Paris to Towers; that of Rouen to Cane; that of Dijon to Chalon.  
And, that nothing might be wanting in this Rebellion, which was in that: As our Men took upon them, to make a new great Seal, ransacked the King's Palace at Whitehall; seized all his Revenues, Forts, and Magazine into their own hands; usurped his Authority, and called in a Forreign-Nation (the Scots) to their Assistance; their Parliament Voting it, and their Preachers being the Trumpeters of War against the King. So our own Camden tells 
m Annal. Eliz. in An. 1589. p. 557.  us, the Leaguers of France did.— Populus ubique Magistratibus parere dedignatus; Regias aedes Lutetiae diripuit.— Conjurati, novo consilio instituto, novo Sigillo ad res administrandas confecto, Regiam sibi authoritatem arrogarunt; munitissima quaeque loca, immo integras Provincias sibi raptarunt; Regni redditus interceperunt, Auxiliares Hispanos è Belgio evocarunt, Parliamentis suffragantibus; & Ecclesiasticis Bellum in Regem ubique buccinantibus.  
The 
n Davilae p. 561.  King, after all this, being straightened for Money, and entertaining no Thoughts but of Peace and Accommodation, procured the Pope's Legate to Interpose for that end; promising to refer all difference to his Holiness. Which when the Legate moved to the Duke of Maine, he refused to harken to it; alleging it to be but a shift of the King to gain time, in regard he found himself at present unprovided and unarmed. All hopes of accommodation therefore failing; the King being persuaded, that he had used all means possible on his part, and that not without descending far below the honour of his person, began to alter his Opinion: And, to the end 
o Ib. p. 562.  he might not be surprised (without assistance) by the Power of his Enemies; the urgency of his necessities constraining him perforce to look about for some Supplies, he began to harken to an accord with the King of Navarre, a Professed Protestant.  
Certain it is, that in his own Inclination, he was ever averse from such an accord; his nature being incompatible with all Commerce with the Huguenots. But there being an evident necessity, 
p Compare with this his Majesties Answer to the two Papers concerning Ireland. Full Relation etc. p. 215.  that he could not then do otherwise; all his Councillers, with one voice told him, he must needs resolve and side with one Party, unless he would stand alone in the midst of his Potent Enemies; one on one side the Loire, and the other on the other side, having possessed themselves of all.  
What Moneys, what Friends, what Armies, what Forces had he sufficient to grapple with such Factions at the same time? 'tis clear, which way soever he could turn himself, he must have one Enemy before his Face, and another behind his back: His Kingdom also being divided, and Foreign Princes likewise divided betwixt two Religions; he (a new Example) should have both averse; both Enemies to him, would he continue in this distraction; without Forces, without Moneys. While one side Invades one part; another side another part of the Regal Authority.  
He is now, what he was always, afraid of, in the midst of two Violent Torrents. He did as much as man could do for Peace: He forgot his own Honour to be reconciled with the Seditious; and gave the Rebels and Despisers of his Authority that satisfaction which they little deserved. With unheard of Patience he endured all the Injuries of the People, the Invectives of their Preachers, the Villainous Insolences of the Factious Commons, and the bold Decrees of the Sorbon; submitting his Royal Majesty to the inordinate desires of the Relics of the Guises. He did that which never King before him would have endured to have done. What could he do more, unless to please the Spaniards, he would patiently wait, without providing any defence, 
Was not his Majesty's Statua abused, both at the Old Exchange in London, and at Winche●ster?  till he, were miserably torn in Pieces by his Enemies; and the like outrages Committed upon his Person, as had been already done to his statuas, both in Paris and Tholouse. It is more than time therefore, that he show he hath the Heart of a Lion; and, making use of the King of Navarr's Assistance— de Inimicis suis vind care Inimicos suos, to revenge himself of his Enemies by his Enemies; this being no new nor unheard of Course. His Brother K Charles many times, and himself sometimes, when Necessities were less pressing, had made Peace with the Huguenots. Why should he not, therefore, seek all just means to restrain the Seditious, to recover his own Power; and now at last to restore Peace and Rest to his Kingdom?  
Upon 
q Ib. p. 563.  this than followed several adverse Declarations of the King's; justifying his own Proceedings. The like by the Duke of Main in behalf of the League.  
After these Instigations of his Councillers, the King beginning to incline to an accommodation with the King of Navarr, and the Huguenots: Though 
r Ib. p. 564.  all his followers desired that he should not come to an accord with them; yet, such was the obstinacy of the Duke of maine and the Leaguers, and such the State of the Realm, by reason of the present Seditions, that none of them could blame him, though they all abhorred it.  
Seeing 
s Ib. p. 565.  therefore, that of necessity he must take up some resolution; and that his Affairs were in danger of utter ruin, if he did not; he concluded a Truce for one Year with the King of Navarr, upon these Conditions.  
1. That the public Exercise of the Catholic Religion should be restored in all places under the Command of the Huguenots, without Exception.  
2. That the Clergy should be restored to their Means; and the Prisoners which they had in their hands should be set at Liberty.  
3. That the King of Navarr should be obliged to serve him in Person, with four Thousand Foot and twelve Hundred Horse, wheresoever he should be Commanded.  
4. That all Cities, Countries, and places of his Party should observe all the Laws and Constitutions of the Kingdom, obey the Courts of Justice, and the King's Magistrates; and receive such Orders as the King had or should hereafter give them.  
On the other side it was agreed, that the King of Navarr should have the City of Samur, and keep it as a free pass for him, upon the River Loire; but be bound to yield it up again at the King's Pleasure.  
[How fully applicable is this to the Cessation made in Ireland by his Majesty?]  
Hereupon the King set forth a Declaration 
t Ib. p. 567.  against the Duke of Maine and his Adherents, who had caused the Cities to revolt, and were then up in Arms; intimating to them; that if they did not return to their Obedience within the space of XV. days, and forbear to trouble the Realm by making Levies; as also not lay down Arms; they should incur the Crime of Rebellion, and all their Goods be Confiscate.  
[Like to this was his Majesty's Proclamation 
u Exact Coll. p. 503.  against the Earl of Essex from York 9 Aug. 1642.]  
Which Writings were attended with Actions suitable: [as his Majesty did set on foot his Commissions of Array] the King granting out Commissions to several Governors in sundry Provinces, for making of Levies, and drawing the People together in Arms. Nevertheless he still continued his Inclinations to Peace; and having 
x Davilae p. 568.  excused the Truce, which he was necessitated to make with the King of Navarr, and promised to persevere constant in the Catholic Religion; he entreated the Pope's Nuncio once more to try the Mind of the Duke of Maine; and by conferring with him in Person, to labour him to an Accommodation; in regard, that, neither by the Duke of Loreyne's means (to whom he had Written) nor the Duchess of Nemurs, (who had been employed to that purpose) he could at all work upon him, to lend the least Ear to any Treaty for Peace.  
And to make it evident to the World, how desirous he was to be freed from the necessity of an accord with the Huguenots; he delivered to the Cardinal, a Paper, Written with his own Hand, wherein was contained what things he would be content to grant to them of the League: Offering to make the Prince of Loreyne Governor of Metz, Tul, and Uerdun; to Marry the Inheritrix of Bullion, with the Cities of Games and Sedan to the Count of Vaudemont. To the Duke of maine he was content to yield the Government of the whole Country of Burgundy, with the nomination of all under-Governours there; and that to pass to his Son after him. To the young Duke of Guise, the Inheritance of Champain, St. Desir, and Rocroy, for Security of his Person; with Thirty Thousand Crowns a Year of Ecclesiastical Revenue for one of his Brothers: To the Duke of Nevers the Government of Lions: To the Duke D'Aumarle Saint-Esprit du Rae, for his security; To make his Brother General of the Foot, with Twenty Thousand Franks a Year: To the Duke of Elleboef, the Government of Poitiers. To these and others, divers large pensions, and preferments; so desirous was he to purchase his Peace, at any rate.  
[Which Propositions were not much unlike his Majesty's Instructions to his Commissioners, for the Treaty at Uxbridge, and wrought as little with the Leaguers]  
But this Paper of the King's wrought nothing at all; the Duke of maine, meeting with the Legate, refusing peremptorily to harken to any Agreement; pretending 
y Ib. p. 569.  that he could not accept of any Conditions, without calling all the Estates of the League, and all the Princes of his Family together, to have their Consent. Which he said indeed, because he thought himself by much, Superior in force to the King, and because both the King of Spain, and the Duke of Savoy had promised to assist him with Men and Money.  
The News of the Truce, which the King had made with the King of Navarr no sooner arrived at Paris; but 'tis incredible what Malice they thereupon conceived against him, and all his Followers; what exorbitant 
z Was not the like done by our Men against his Majesty for Assenting to the Cessation in Ireland?  Demonstrations they made of it; even by their public Ordinances, prohibiting any Prayers to be used for him, in the Service of the Church, as had been ever done for all the Kings of France; which the Catholic Church many times, and Piety allows (particularly on Good-Friday) even to Heretics, Idolaters and Infidels. Nor is it possible to account the innumerable quantity of Libels, Declarations, and Pamphlets, Printed and Published against him, beyond all bounds of Reason and Modesty.  
To conclude, the noise of Arms did soon drown that of their Libels, and Seditious Sermons: And many Battles were Fought, in which the King had the better, and came Victorious before that proud City of Paris: But, in the Siege of it, he was basely Murdered by jaques Clement, a Dominican Friar; 1. Aug. 1589.  
After this Untimely Death of that King (Henry the 3 d.) the Crown of France with its Troubles, descended upon the King of Navarr, Henry the 4 th': Who being acknowledged 
a Ib. p. 591.  by the Catholic Nobility, in the Camp; they swore Allegiance to him; he mutually promising 
b Ib. p. 593.  to maintain and defend the Catholic Roman-Religion to the utmost of his Power, and not to endeavour any alteration in it: And likewise to maintain [the Privileges of Parliament] the three Estates of France, in their wonted Power, Privileges, Immunities, Prerogatives, etc. without any prejudice or innovation whatsoever.  
But all this had little Operation on the Leaguers, they persisting in their wonted Obstinacy and Rebellion, though he omitted not any means to win them to peace and reconcilement. For first he sent 
e Ib. p. 596▪  unto them, that Villeroy might come to Treat with him; but was refused. Then he employed a private Gentleman to Paris, to whom the Duke of Maine would not give Audience, but appointed that he should deliver his Message to Villeroy: Which was, that the King had expressly commanded him, to assure the Duke of his Majesty's good Inclinations to peace; as also to represent unto him how necessary it was for the public good; what great account he made of the Duke's person; how much he desired to make him his Friend; and to have him near at hand, that he might afford him an honourable share in his favour, suitable to his Condition. Likewise that the Duke might then lay aside the vain hopes of seeing the King abandoned by his Subjects, considering in what a good condition he did at that time stand. Desiring therefore, that he would propose some Conditions, his Majesty being ready to gratify him in any thing he might.  
[This hath somewhat of his Majesty's Letter to the Earl of Essex, at Lestithiel]  
Whereunto, the Sum of the Answer, which the Duke gave Commission to be made, was [in this somewhat more civil than that of the Earl of Essex] that he had no private Quarrel with the King, whom, for his own part, he did highly Honour and Reverence; but his Religion, and his Conscience would not suffer him to enter any Treaty with him. For if (quoth he) my Deceased Brethren took up Arms in the King's Life time, upon a suspicion of danger: Now that the Necessity is more urgent, and the danger present, I cannot lay down those Arms, which I have taken up, without sinning against the Memory of my Deceased Brethren [Essex might have urged his Father] and my own Conscience, and that Solemn Oath which I took [the Covenant forsooth] That I engaged my Faith, and Consecrated my Life to the public Cause, when I accepted the Charge of Lieutenant General of the State; and that I could not resolve upon any thing without the public Convention of all of my Party.  
Some there were, who urged 
d Ib. p. 597. & 599.  this Duke of maine, to usurp the Title of King of France; but others, on better grounds dissuaded him.  
The 
e Ib. p. 601.  King therefore (in these great Distresses) Summoned a general Conunention of the Estates, to meet in October, at Tours, (the chief City of his Party) But his Army mouldering 
f Ib. p. 603.  away (and he with those left him, not above six Thousand Foot, and fourteen Hundred Horse) retired to deep, and there fortified. Whereupon the Duke of maine pursued, 
g Ib. p. 606. & 609.  and put the King in danger; but lost the Opportunity of a Victory; and, at the Battle of Arches was forced to retreat with loss, though his Forces were Superior (by much) to the Kings.  
Which success 
h Ib. p. 612.  in that Battle (upon the addition of four Thousand English, and a Thousand Scots, then sent to deep by Queen Elizabeth) so encouraged the King, that he presently Marched towards Paris, and came before it upon the last of October, 1589. Which unexpected Approach, stroke no small Terror 
i Ib. p. 613.  into the Multitude; especially the Ladies, seeing him come on such a sudden, ready to assail that proud City; and at a time, when they were persuaded he would have had enough to do to defend himself: Also; that in regard of the weakness of his Forces, he would either by that time have been subdued, or driven out of the Realm. For the Duke of maine, when he went against the King at deep; by way of ostentation of his Forces before the People, writ to Paris; that, within a few Days, he would either bring the King Prisoner, or force him to fly into England with shame enough. And now the City not well provided, and out of hopes of relief, their Minds were full of Fears and Vexation. But, upon the Duke of maine's Approach, the King risen from before Paris, having first taken the Suburbs and sacked them.  
The Convention of Estates thus met 
k Ib. p. 627.  at Tours, put out a Declaration in behalf of the King: And that at Paris Published another against him. After which contrary Declarations, the Scholars being as eager to contend for their several Parties, as the Soldiers, there were published many Ordinances of Parliament; infinite Writings of particular Men; Decisions of the Sorbon; Letters of the Pope's Legate; Answers of the Bishops that adhered to the King; and such a number of Books every where dispersed; that it was a clear case, there was not a Wit in the Kingdom, but was Employed: Not a Pen but writ in defence of the Reasons of one side or other; but with so much Obstinacy of Mind in their Arguments; that it was easy to discern, that the Arms of the Spirit, when they are distorted and misused in divers manner, in the Heat and Incogitancy of Wars, are more apt to administer new Fuel to the Flame, than quench the Fire already beg●n.  
At this time the Affairs of the League were in a very tottering condition; the diversity of Pretensions, and contrary ends of the Confederates much disturbing the course of their Erterprises; holding not only their Councils, but the Effects and Actions of their common Interests in suspense. Which, in regard of the speedy Expedition, and Resolutions of the King, could not admit of delays.  
The 
l Ib. p. 6●8.  Duke of maine being Prince of the Faction, and head of the Design (who, by the Authority of his Person, Prudence of his Government, and experience in Marshal-matters, bore the chief burden of their Affairs) conceiving that the reward and fruits of his Pains, did of Justice belong to himself, projected therefore, either to transfer the Crown upon himself, or upon some of his House: But in case he could not obtain so much; then, at least, to set it upon the Head of some such Prince, as might totally and absolutely be beholding to him for it; being resolved that the Kingdom should not be divided; much less that it should fall into the Hands of a Foreign Prince.  
On the contrary, the King of Spain (who, in the beginning secretly, but now openly protected and fomented the League, and had of late Years laid out two Millions in the Service of the Confederates; and was now to contribute vast Sums of Money, both in public and private, besides his maintaining of Foot and Horse; seeing, that without his Assistance, which they desired might be great and strong, not only the main Design was like to come to nothing, but the League could not long subsist without being Dissolved) thought, more than reasonable and more than just, that, as the Expenses and Losses were his, so the Fruits and Benefits should be his also: And therefore, besides an underhand secret Design of Uniting the Crowns, and gaining that of France to his Daughter Isabel the Infanta, (whom he had by his Queen Elizabeth, King Henry the 3 ds. Eldest Sister) he farther endeavoured, to get himself publicly declared Protector of the Crown of France, with Sovereign Power and Authority to dispose of the Offices of the Crown; to choose the Governors and Captains of the Army● to confer Bishoprics, and to have all the Prerogatives pertaining to an absolute Prince. All which was demanded, and publicly Solicited by his Agents Mendoza, Mornea, etc.  
But the Citizens of Paris (who perceived well, that the main strength of the Faction consisted in them; not only in regard of the Multitude of their People, and Power of the City; but by reason of their continual Contributions, from whence the Sinews of the War were derived) thought it was come to their share, to dispose of the Crown: And, being all apayed with the Duke of maine's bad Success in the Wars [the same fate which the Earl of Essex had with the Londoners] Imputing the loss of their Suburbs to his slackness (whom they called Coward and Blockhead p. 741.) and that the City was now in a manner Besieged, and much straightened for want of Provisions, by reason of his want of Care, inclined to submit themselves to be ordered by the Spaniards; hoping by the help of their Forces, to destroy the King's (whose very Name was odious to them) and to extirpate the Religion of the Huguenots, whereunto they were naturally Enemies; and, by means of the Spanish●-Gold, to be eased of the insupportable burden of Contributions: For the King of Spain's Ministers bore them in hand, and went about cunningly with fair Promises, and big Words, both in public and private, in order to their Assistance.  
On 
m Ib. p. 629.  the other side, the Nobility, which took part with the League (in whose hands were the Arms and Forces of the Kingdom) were much averse from submitting to the Spanish-Yoke, inclined to the Duke of maine; conforming themselves to his Pleasure, to be guided by his Authority. But, in this great distraction of the Kingdom, divers of them were not without their own particular Designs. And of such variety of Councils was the League composed; that, by clashing with one another, they interrupted the course of their Affairs, and abated the heat, by which they first Conspired in that Band, which seemed to have no other end but Religion.  
The King, therefore, taking advantage of these their Divisions, dismissed the Marquis of Belin upon his Parole (whom he had taken Prisoner at the Battle of Arches) with Commission, in his name, to proffer Peace to the Duke of maine; and to exhort him, as a Prince of an honest and moderate temper, not to assent to the Pernicious Designs of Foreigners; but, freeing himself from the base usage of the Vulgar, and cunning of the Spaniard, that he would harken to an honest and safe Peace; whereupon, 
n Ib. p. 6●0.  answerable to his Merit and Honour, he should have as great a share in the King's Favour as himself could desire.  
When the Marquis made this overture to the Duke, the Opinions of the Councillers about him, were much divided; some favouring it; others declaiming against it: Telling how the War was founded upon the point of Religion, and therefore nothing must be done in it, without the Pope's Approbation: Also, that the Duke of maine, being not absolute Prince of the League, but only the Head of his Party, ought not to adventure upon such an Important Action, without the joint consent of all those that followed that Party, and all the Princes, that adhered to, or favoured the League; who (if they should not follow his deliberation) might choose another Head, and he be left destitute of the support of the Catholic Party, to the will of his Enemies. And, that this was but a trick of the Kings, to work a diffidence in the Duke's Party, and to sow Divisions and Suspicions amongst the Confederates, though the King might promise Golden-Mountains, to the end he might dissolve the Union of the League; yet there was no security; but that so soon as he should be Established King, in Peace, he would not observe the least Tittle of his promises.  
The Duke, therefore, on the one side, by the disdain, which he had conceived against the Inconstancy, and Impertinency of the Citizens of Paris, and the want of Money to pay his Soldiers, was troubled much: But above all, the Subtlety and surliness of the Spaniard vexed him most; who having caused Signior de la Mot, the Governor of Gravelin, to come out of Flanders with their Forces, to the confines of the Kingdom; refused to let him advance one Foot further, or to issue any Moneys, for the maintenence of the War, unless the Catholic King was first declared Protector of the Crown of France; with Authority to dispose of the Principal Dignities, as well Ecclesiastical as secular, which they called marks of Justice; whereby he desired to have Dominion and Superiority over the League.  
Which demands seemed so Exorbitant unto him; so prejudicial to the Crown, and so dishonest, that he could not endure to think of them himself: Nor did he believe, that any one Man of the Confederates, from the Parisians downwards, would ever condescend to Decree them: Knowing, that this were to put the Bridle into the King of Spaine's hands, to let him carry all things to such ends, as he pleased himself [Nor did the Brethren of Scotland, sell their Assistance at a much cheaper rate, as is plainly to be seen by their Treaty of the 29th. of November, 1643. For their advance into England; and their second demands for their managery of the Government of Ireland]  
But, on the other side, his Fears of being abandoned, and left alone; his distrust of the King's Sincerity in his Promises, and the Ancient grudge he bore to him; but especially his hopes of getting the Crown for himself, would not suffer him to harken to those overtures, made by the Marquis of Belin, whom he sent back to his Imprisonment, with some Ambiguous and General Expressions, and cut off the Negotiation for any Accord.  
[So still the King seeks, but the Faction declines all occasions of Peace]  
For 
o Ib. p. 662. & 663.  the People of Paris were so far Transported with Zeal to the Cause, by reason of the continual denunciations from the Pulpits, that there could be no Peace, or accommodation made, unless they would damn their own Souls; that they were resolved to endure any thing, rather than to harken to an Accommodation: Insomuch as many, who had inconsiderately slipped a Word or two out of their Mouths, saying, that Accommodation was better than starving, and rather Peace than a Siege; were, in the Rage and Fury of the People, either publicly Condemned and Executed; or without more ado, thrown into the River, as damned Miscreants, Enemies of the Catholic Religion, and infected with the Poison of Heresy.  
It is not unworthy Observation, what Artifices the Heads of that Rebellion used to abuse the People. During 
p Ib. p. 669.  the Siege of Paris, both the Duke of Main without, and other Lords within the City, employing all their Art and Industry, in giving out Reports, and spreading News; sometimes of a strong Power from Flanders, coming to raise the Siege; sometimes of great Provisions of Victual for Relief of the City; sometimes of some Accident, in favour of their Party, Letters and Messengers coming in every day, with a Mixture of true and False Reports together: Which being Published in their Pulpits, and divulged amongst their Guards, served to feed the People for a few days.  
And 
q Ib. p. 676.  when there were certain Commissioners sent from Paris, to treat with the King about an Acommodation: Notwithstanding his Majesty's Answer was returned in Writing, with much sweetness of Language, and proffer of all security and possible satisfaction, upon return to their Obedience; with Letters, to the same effect to the Duke of Nemure, and others; exhorting them to Peace, and assuring them, that they should receive more from his Grace than they could desire: Yet, upon return of the Commissioners, the Duke of Nemure, and other great Persons, dissaffected to Peace, would not permit the true Copy of the Kings Answer to be Published to the People; but caused Reports to be given out, that the King would not have any Peace, but upon condition of an absolute Submission; and that the Duke of maine, and other Lords of the League, should not be included in the Pardon.  
The 
r Ibid. p. 733.  King of Spain, therefore, (upon the Duke of Parma's Advice) finding how much those of the League relied upon his aid, and the necessity thereof, endeavoured to prolong the War: That, by the weariness and weakness of the French, he might, at length compass those ends upon them, which he saw it was impossible for him, at first to obtain. 
Such hath been the Policy of the Scots with us.  The Duke of Parma himself also, to win the more upon the People, when he came into France with his Army in assistance of the Leaguers; considering that the name of a Spaniard was there odious; strained himself, 
Anno. 1. 591.  with all possible earnestness of Mind, for to order his Army; 
s Ib. p. 679.  as that his Soldiers should not commit any Outrage or Oppression, nor give any occasion of offence to the French.  
The 
t Ib. p. 701.  War thus Prolonged, and the charge thereof grown heavy, occasioned much repining in the People against the Duke of maine, notwithstanding all his Faithful Services and Pains taken for the League; against whom none complained 
u Ib. 742.  more than the Citizens of Paris; who Accused the Duke of misgovernance, of an over greediness to keep all things in his own Power, and too much profuseness of other men's Means.  
With them Concurred 
x Ib. p. 702.  the Ministers of Spain, who liked not to see such a Supreme Power in the hands of the Duke, of whose Affection to their Designs they had no good Opinion.  
Besides these discontents, Brissonius' Premier Precedent of the Parliament at Paris (who had been, at first, a principal Instrument for the League) when he perceived (as his Friends said) that the ends of the Grandees were not so sincere for the public good, as he at first had conceived of them; (or as his Enemies reported;) being corrupted by large proffers made unto him, on behalf of the King, by some who were Prisoners in the City; or (as it was generally believed) out of the Levity and Inconstancy of his nature, began to favour the King's Party; who, taking heart unto them by means of his Protection; making a considerable Body, began to Plot, how to bring the City to revolt, and to reduce it to the King's Obedience. One 
y Brigard. Ib. p. 742.  of which Revolters (who had been a chief Fomenter of the League) being discovered, for holding Intelligence and Plotting for the King, was, by the instigation of the Sixteen, hurried to Prison: But whilst they made slow proceeding to his Trial, he escaped; which so vexed the Sixteen, as that, supposing the Judges had a hand therein, they furiously raised the People in Arms; and upon the XV th'. of November, beset all the Passes to the Palace of Justice; seized upon three of the Judges, Brisson, Archier, and Terdiu, hauled them to Prison; and there, without any Legal Process Strangled them the same day; Hanged up their Bodies upon the Gallows next Morning; and like Mad Men, ran about the City, setting Guards in sundry places, with Threats of the like Cruelty to divers others.  
Upon endeavour to suppress which Uproar, the City Garrison refused to obey; being so much Devoted to the Councils and Actions of the Sixteen, that Alexander de Monte said plainly, He would not move against them, who managed the Cause of God and all good Men with so much sincerity: The 
z Ib. p. 740.  Council of the Sixteen Condemning and Executing many Citizens (whom they suspected to incline to the King's Party) in a precipitous manner.  
About that time, there being a consultation held at Rens by the chief Heads of the League, where they Treated long about their Common Interests; though every one did palliate their divers Pretences, and coloured their private Designs; yet was it plain enough, that they would never concur in the same end.  
As for the Spaniards, they wholly trusted to their own Power, and the necessity in which the rest stood of their Assistance: The Pope's Nuncio insisting upon the Majesty of the Apostolic See, and the Foundation of Religion, which the Pope must dispose. The Duke of Lorreyne stood upon his credit, as Head of the Family, and pretended that the rest in Modesty must sit down to him. The Duke of Savoy had an aim at the Compassing of Provence; The Duke of Mercur at Britain; The Duke of Namurz meant to Cantonize the Government; The Duke of maine, as Head of the Army and chief of the Faction, relied upon the Union of the People and assent of the Nobility, who stood well affected to him. But things being not yet ripe, and every one, proceeding with great Caution and Secrecy, concealed his own Designs, and made a semblance as if he were moved with no other Considerations, but of the public good.  
The Duke of maine attempted 
a Ib. p. 726.  to Storm Mant, where the King's Council, many Lords, and Prelates, and chief Officers of the Crown were, with a less Guard than the Quality of the Persons and weakness of the place required: To which purpose he brought divers of the Citizens of Paris, drew out the Garrisons of Meaux, Dreux, and Pontois; but was repulsed by the Valour of the Lords themselves, and their Families.  
Precedent Janin was sent 
b Ib. p. 733.  into Spain, to negotiate with the King of that Realm, in behalf of the Leaguers, but returned without any resolution: For it was desired in Spain, that the War should move but a slow pace; that the Duke of maine should not grow so much in Credit and Authority with his Party.  
The 
c Ib. p. 740.  Council of the Sixteen at Paris (to whom the Preachers stuck close) which was at first the Basis and Groundwork of the League; pretending to carry all things according to their own liking, demeaned themselves with much partiality and Passion, proper to a Faction, without any regard to preserve the Rights of the Crown, or the Honour and Reputation of the French Nation; their only Studies and whole Endeavours being set upon such things, as might ruin the King, whom they hated most perfectly, and extinguish both his Name, and all the Huguenot-Party, so that they might put the Reins of Government into the hands of such Persons, as would rule all things according to their Humours. But the Duke of maine, studying how to curb and moderate their turbulent desires, instituted a Council of State, distinct from that of the Sixteen, consisting of many Wise and Moderate Men, to counterpoise and restrain the heady courses of the other: Amongst which were Villeroy, jannin, etc. Men not tainted with Spanish Practices, nor the inconsiderate Zeal of the Preachers; which kindled a great- Heartburning and emulation betwixt the Council of the State, with the Parliament at Paris, and Council of the Sixteen, especially some of the Zealots amongst them.  
Thus have we seen the main resemblance of the Holy- League with this of ours, as to the Original and Prosecution of it; though in the ends of them, they did somewhat differ.  
Apparent it is, that the carriage of the Scots here, was the very same with that of the Spaniards there: Their Pretences the same; viz. Religion, and Assisting their Brethren; Their private ends the same, the advance of their own greatness. Which were no sooner fully understood by the French; but even those which were the King's greatest Enemies began to detest them; and chose rather to submit to the just Obedience of their King, than undergo the Spanish-Yoke.  
For 
d Ib. p. 747.  when the Council of Spain were resolved to send but small Forces into France, and to spin out the Wars to their own least cost and most advantage: Hoping, by that means, to obtain their ends upon the French (who without their help, were not able to stand against the King's Forces) which were to procure the Lady Infanta Isabel of Spain, to be declared Queen of France, in a full Assembly of the States, which they intended 
e Ib. p. 761.  to force the Duke of maine, to call for that purpose: The Duke perceiving it, began utterly to disgust them, complaining 
f Ib. p. 792. & 851.  of their niggardly and sparing assistance afforded to the League, and eager desires of domineering, which had occasioned the loss of all their former pains; and given the King opportunity of recovering such strength, as that he was now Superior to them both, in Reputation and Forces: (with much more bitter Language to the Spanish Ambassadors) he underhand began to Treat 
g Ib. p. 724.  of an accord with the King; yet remitted nothing of his Violence, and pursuit of his Ambitious ends; but calling an Assembly of the States at Paris, declared 
b Ib. p. 811. & 821.  himself fully against the King; and Proposed the new Election of another; hoping the Crown might be conferred upon himself, for his great Actions in the Wars, 
Thus did Cromwell here.  none having merited more of the Cause. Yet could he not prevail with those of his own Family; the Dukes of Lorrein and Guise thinking as highly of themselves as he. And 
i Ib. p. 862.  when the matter came to be opened in a Close Committee of the chief Leaguers, before some select Delegates of the three Estates; the Duke of Feria, in a set Speech, full of Art and Eloqnence, recommended 
k Ib. p. 865.  the Infanta to their Election (a thing which the Spanish Agents had before Practised 
l Ib. p. 837.  under hand) with many large proffers of Honour and Reward to those of the House of Lorrein, and other chief Agents of the League.  
Which Proposal sounded so strange in the Ears of the French, generally; that 
m Ib. p. 161. & 866.  the Bishop of Saintliz (William Rosa) a Man of an harsh Temper and dogged Eloquence (which he had many Years Exercised against the King and his Adherents) though a Fiery-Zealous Leaguer, could not endure to hear with Patience; but instantly said, he now saw the King's Party was in the right of it; who had always given out, that they of the League, did nothing but veil their State-Interests with the Mask of Religion: Which Imputation himself and his Companions had ever laboured to confute out of the Pulpits; and that now it grieved him to the Heart, to see it confirmed from the Mouths of the Ambassadors themselves: adding, that hereafter he should learn to know the Policies of Spain to be no less than those of Navarr; And therefore Entreats them, for their Honour's Sake, and Credit of the Holy-Cause, to desist from all Thoughts of altering the Fundamental, the Salique-Law of France, by Transferring the Crown upon a Woman, and Submitting the Kingdom to the Dominion of a Stranger.  
But this Proposal of the Spaniard was resented 
n Ib. p. 867.  with no less Indignation by most of the Members of the State, than by the Bishop of Saintliz, who scorned that Strangers should rule over them; as if they were, either so base, as to make themselves instantly Slaves; or so foolish as not to understand their own Interests. Above all, they of the House of Lorrein were nettled 
o Ib. p. 868.  at it, who thought to have shared the Cake amongst themselves. Yea, the very People of Paris, being wearied 
p Ib. p. 879.  out with necessities and wants; and having tasted a little of the Sweets of Peace (by means of a cessation 
q Ib. p. 845.  concluded, during the time of the Treaty at Suren) did impatiently desire an Accord with the King; and began to threaten the States, unless they would harken to an Accommodation: The Spaniards being now grown so odious to the Parisians, as that their Ambassadors could not peep abroad in the Streets, but they were entertained with Scoffs and Curses; though, but two Years before, they were so high in their Books, and gracious in their Eyes, that 
r Ib. p. 743.  they of Paris thought to have yielded the City freely, to be under the Subjection of the King of Spain.  
No sooner was this great Mystery of Spanish Policy and Ambition revealed; and publicly made known through the Kingdom, and that Assembly of States (which was Called in Rebellion) Dissolved in Disorder; but that the Cities, which formerly held for the League, and Governors of the Garrisons made haste 
s Ib. p. 901.  to return, by their Obedience, to the King: Meaux led the way; Peron, Pontois, Orliens, Bruges, Lions, and Aix followed after; and Paris itself was not long behind. Rouen, and Amiens, and the rest came flocking in, and were all received to Grace.  
The Spaniards therefore, when they saw their main Project for the Crown thus to fail, had thoughts to reimburse themselves, by getting Possession of as many strong places, upon the Frontiers of France, as they could, either by Force or Fraud; La Fera, in Picardy, Capella, Croisill, and Blavet in Britain, and Calais, they Surprised. By which means they had so strengthened themselves, as that the Dukes of Guise and maine (after they had made their Peace with the King) and other Leaders of the League, were now content to join their Forces, to beat them out as Enemies, whom they had formerly called in as Friends.  
And surely, if our Covenanters had been as truly sensible of the Honour of the English Nation, and Scottish-Practises, as the French Leaguers were of theirs, they wanted not as just Provocations on one side from the Scots, and fair Invitations on the other from the King to join with him, in delivering this exhausted and bleeding Kingdom from the Misery which it did at that time suffer; and from that Slavery, which most good Men feared was at first intended by the Scots; who had solemnly sworn 
t See their Solemn Leagus and Covenant.  to subdue this late flourishing Church to the Tyranny of a Scottish-Presbytery: And, not content with that, demanded, 
u See the full Relation of the Treaty at Uxbridge p. 209.  in effect the Supreme Command of Ireland to be put into their Hands: As also to have an equal 
x Ib. p. 206.  share in the Government of England. Which Designs, of that insolency in them, and dishonour to us, were such, as our Forefathers would not have endured the mention; and at the Memory whereof, our Posterity will doubtless blush.  
And to bring these their ends about, 'tis very well known, that they made themselves Masters of the strongest Cities in this Kingdom, upon their own confines; viz. Barwick, Newcastle, and Carlisle: Out of which, and such other Footing as they had gained here, how they were got, the Precedent Story doth sufficiently manifest, whereof I shall not give any touch; that of the Spaniards departure out of France, having no resemblance therewith. For the King of Spain found, while he was Fighting to gain the Neighbour Kingdom of France, he had almost lost his own in the Low-Countries. Likewise, that neither his Forces, nor Moneys were sufficient to maintain two such Expensive Wars at the same time: And that he did not gain so much in France, but the Hollanders, by occasion of that diversion, got as much of him in Flanders, and therefore was willing to harken to a Treaty for Peace: And the French (whose Kingdom was now miserably wasted by a long Civil War) not unwilling to embrace the motion. Whereupon a Peace was concluded betwixt those two Crowns at Uervins upon the second of May, Anno. 1598. Whereby the Spantard was to restore all the Towns he had taken in the French Dominion, and go away only with Bag and Baggage.  
It is not unworthy of Observation, that in all the several Compositions, which the Leaguers made with the King, upon their Reconcilement, and in all the Articles of the Treaty at Uervins, for the general Peace, there is not the least mention of Religion, or Extirpation of Heresy, though that was the great Cause, for which they ever pretended to take up Arms: Only they were careful to preserve their secular Interests; and to secure their Persons and Estates upon as good Terms as they could: A plain Evidence, that Religion was but the Stolen; Honours and Preferments being the Mark which they aimed at. Yet the Protestants, whom they had devoted to Destruction in their Holy-League, fared in the end never the worse for it: For the King was content to confirm and Republish in Anno. 1595, the same Edict in favour of them, which Henry the third had granted in Anno. 1577. and which had been the chief Eyesore to the Papists, and a ground of their League. Which Edict 
y D'avila p. 943.  he caused to be verified in the Parliament at Paris, where Coquilius, one of the Judges, formerly a Violent Leaguer, was a special Instrument to further and facilitate the Publication, and reception of it in the Parliament.  
And, and when the Kingdom had some Liberty to Breath and Recover her Senses, even those that were professed Papists, did not much repine at the Toleration of Protestants, and enlargement of their Privileges by the Edict of Nantz, Anno. 1598. Which the Historian 
z Pier Matthew Lib. 2. Narrat. 1. Sect. 4.  relating, labours, in part, to excuse, by discoursing to the Reader— That the Common Peace of France, Pressed and almost Oppressed with the Tragical Impetuosities of Schisms and Divisions, made every thing that was just, to be thought necessary, and all that was profitable be esteemed just. So that, seeing the torrent of Religion could not be stopped without a Breach in the State; that the Disease was inveterate, and a hard matter to remove what was so deeply settled: That the Restauration of a Church, is the work of God, as well as the Plantation: Men must be content to do no more than they can, and leave the Triumph and Conquest of Souls to the Wisdom of God, who only forms and Reforms the Hearts of Men as he pleasech; and gives the signal to many wandering Souls, to bring them into the way of Salvation; it being not possible for Men to impose a necessity upon that, which God hath left at Liberty, the Conscience, which should be as free in a State as Thought.  
Where, (going on) he shows, by the continued Practice of former times, that such Princes, as were well advised, never killed their Subjects to Convert them; nor wasted their Dominions by War, to inform their Consciences by the Sword; knowing, that Religion is an Act of Union and Concord, and must be planted by Instruction; whereas Wars are all for Division and Destruction: And those, who, in these later times, have mingled Heaven and Earth together, to compel the Consciences of their Subjects to an Unity in Religion, have, at last, been fayn to give over, and let them alone; and to reject the advice of those unskilful Physicians, who prescribe nothing but Antimony, and Letting Blood, for all Diseases. Then he proves that the accord made with the Protestants, was both just, necessary, and profitable. The whole Discourse is not unworthy the consideration of our times; but I shall not trouble the Reader with Transcribing farther.  
Having now dispatched the Holy-League, and made good (I hope) so much as I undertook; that it was, for the most part, parallel to this of ours: One thing, only, I have not insisted on; not knowing whether it be convenient to particularise in it; namely the strange Disasters, and Unfortunate ends, which befell many Eminent Persons of that League. Like to which our own Story hath afforded us some Examples already, and Posterity may be able to observe more.  
To say nothing of any that were Killed in those Wars, on either Party; nor much of the Tragical ends of many of that Family, who were the first Authors and constant Upholders of that League; it cannot be forgot, that the Duke of Guise, and his Brother the Cardinal, were both of them suddenly taken away by 
a Du Tillet. p. 242.  Treachery, when their hopes were at highest: And the Duke of Nemure (their Brother by the Mother) Betrayed by one whom he most trusted, died in Despair in the declining of the League. Likewise, That one of the Duke of Guise his Sons (a Person of special note for his Valour) was, some Years after the Peace, miserably torn in pieces by 
b Davila p. 994.  a Canon at Arles, which burst, when he gave Fire to it, Shooting at a Mark. The 
c Duplex Hist. p. 27.  chief of the Duke of Lorreynes' Family, who thought to have gained the Kingdom of France to his Son from the Father; 
d K. Henry the 4th.  that Son lost all his own Dukedom to the Son. 
e K. Lewis the 13th. Davila p. 629.  The Duke of Merceur, who aimed to have had Britain, at least, for his share, died 
f Du Tellet. p. 263.  of the Plague in a Foreign Country, left no Heir Male; so that his whole Estate came to the Duke of Vendosine with his Daughter much against her Will. The Count of St. Paul, who had been advanced by the Duke of maine, to the Title of Marshal of France, was in the time of the League, Stabbed by the young Duke of Guise, as he came forth of the Church at Rheims,. Villiers, the Admiral, was basely Killed 
g Davila p. 936.  by a Spanish-Souldier, in cold Blood, and his Finger cut off by another for his Ring. Brisson, the Premier Precedent of the Parliament at Paris, who had been first most Violent against the King; upon suspicion of complying; afterwards, was, with some others Strangled by the Tumultuous Citizens of Paris: And the Lord Gomeron, Governor of Han, in Picardy, who sold that place to the Spaniard, was Beheaded before the Walls of the same Town; a Reward not much Inferior to that of the two Hothums.  
I take no pleasure in reckoning up many of these Instances. He that will seek, may find more in France; and he that will observe (I do not wish, but fear it) in time may discover as many in England.  
One Observation more, I shall Entreat the Reader to carry home with him, and then I have done with the Holy-League.  
It hath already been showed at full; that when the Leaguers first took up Arms, and bound themselves by Oaths against their King; the pretended grounds of the one, and the Subject of the other, were nothing but the Defence of the true Religion, the Laws and Liberties, and Property of the Subject, with many fair Promises to make the King a Glorious King. Where I cannot choose but observe, how the Hand of God, by a strange Providence, turned all their Vows into Prophecies, and their Promises into Predictions; by fulfilling them all, though in) far different sense from what they intended. By settling the True Religion, they meant the Roman; but God fulfilled it of the Protestant: And those Arms, which they Vowed to the Ruin, God Converted to the Advancement of it; the Protestants of that Kingdom, having upon that occasion obtained, and ever since enjoyed greater Immunities, and a more free and settled course of the Profession of their Religion, than ever they had before.  
As to the Laws, the Fundamental Laws of France (to speak with the Frenchman) the Salique-Laws, touching the Succession of the Crown, and Prerogative of the King, which they intended to alter; they did, in the event, confirm.  
And as Henry the third was Advanced to a State of Glory, by the cruel Hands of jaques Clement (an Instrument of the League) and Henry the fourth, by Ravilliac (one Trained up in the same Principles:) So was King Charles the first, by his bloody Murderers here.  
But, as it fell out, consider what a purchase the Glorious Nobility, the Gallant Gentry, the Rich Citizens, and the Secure Farmer had; when, by siding with the Leaguers, they Exchanged their Loyalty, and present Peace, which they enjoyed under the King's Protection, for the airy hopes of a greater Liberty; and, if not bettering, at least securing their Estates. Did not the long continuance of those Wars, so enure the Soldiers to a Military course of Life, and the People to Patience under Contributions, and Impositions, that the former could never since be won to lay the Sword out of his Hands; nor the latter get the Yoke shaken off their Shoulders? Only the Scene is somewhat altered; for whereas before, their own Country was the Stage of the War; they have now removed it to their Neighbours: And the Crown of France, by reason of their many Victories and Successes, is now become justly formidable to a great part of Europe; whereby the promise of the Leaguers is fully verified, the King is made Glorious; but how far they so intended; is easy to imagine. And how the Liberty of the Subject in general, is enhaunted, and their Property Established, by these Glorious Achievements of the King, when their Yearly Taxes, for support of his Wars, amount almost (if not altogether) to the value of their Lands, let the French, if they have any cause, make their boast.  
And the People of England may now see, how by tracing them too far in the forbidden Paths of a conceited Liberty, they not long since fell into the known Slavery of the French-Pesant: A Misery, which some of them felt but a little; when, for fear of it, they first Petitioned to be put into a Posture of Defence; but justly brought upon themselves, by those undue Courses, which they took to prevent it; God, in his Wisdom thinking it fit, to punish this Nation by a real Slavery, unto some of their own Fellow. Subjects, for fancying to themselves an imaginary, under their Lawful Sovereign, as a ground to justify their Rebellion, when there was no cause for it.  
Wherefore I shall now Conclude, with the Words of Sr. Edward Coke, at the end of this Chapter, 
b Coke Instit. part. 3. p. 35.  concerning Treason.  
— It appeareth in the Holy Scriptures, (saith he) that Traitors never prospered, what good soever they pretended, but were most severely, and exemplarily punished; As 
i Numb. 16. 31, 32. & 27. 3.  Corah, Dathan, and Abiram, by Miracle— dirupta est terra sub pedibus eorum, & aperiens os suum, devoravit illos. Athalia 
k Reg. 11. 36.  the Daughter of Amri, interfecta est gladio: Bagatha 
l Esther 6. 2, 3.  and Thara, against Assuerus, appensus est uterque eorum in patibuto. Absalon 
m Sam. 2. 18. 9 14.  against David— suspensus in arbore; and Joab, infixit tres lanceas in cord ejus. Ahithophel 
n Ib. 17. 23.  with Absalon, against David— Suspendio interijt,; he Hanged himself.  
Abiathar 
o Reg. (2) 21. 26, 27.  the Traitorous Highpriest against Solomon;— Abiathar sacerdoti dixit Rex— Et quidem vir mortises, sed hodie non interficiam, etc. Ejecit ergo Solomon, Abiathar, ut non esset Sacerdos.  
Shimei 
p Sam. (2) 16. 5, 6. Et Reg. (1) 2. 8. 4. 6.  against David— gladio interfectus. Zimri 
q Reg. (b) 16. 9 18.  against Ela, who burned himself. Theudas 
r Act. Apost. 5. 36, 37.  (qui occisus est, & circiter CCCC. qui credebant ei, dispersi sunt & redacti ad nihilum) and judas Galilaeus; ipse perijt, & omnes quotquot consenserunt ei, dispersi sunt.  
Peruse over all our Books, Records, and Histories (saith he) and you shall find a Principle in Law; a Rule in Reason; and a Trial in Experience; that Treason doth ever produce Fatal and Final Destruction to the Offender, and never attained to the desired end (two incidents inseparable thereunto) and therefore, let all Men abandon it, as the most Poisonous Bait of the Devil; and follow the Precept in Holy Scripture, 
s Prov. 24. 21.  Fear God, Honour the King, and have no Company with the Seditious.  
FINIS.    

 

  

   

THE INDEX.  

A.  
ANabaptists of Germany, their Tenets and Progress. Page 2.  
— Calvin's Character of them. 8.  
— Dangerous to Church and State. 9  
— Luther's Request to the Duke of Saxony in favour of them. 4.  
— Afterwards exhorts all Men to destroy them. 6.  
St. Antholin 's Church in London made the grand Nursery of seditious Preachers. 37.  
Articles of Pacification with the Scots. 55.  
Articles of the Treaty at Edinburgh for bringing in the Scots Army. 131.  
— between General Monk and the Committee of Safety. 480.  
Articles called [The Agreement of the People.] 260.  
Articles assented to by the King at the Treaty at Uxbridge. 291.  
Assembly at Glasgow dissolved. 52.  
The Impious Saving of one of the Assembly of Divines. 225.  
Apprentices of London force the House of Commons. 248.  
Army marcheth towards London. 251.   

B.  
BArons War in the time of King Henry the 3d paralleled with that of King Charles the First. 592.  
A Benevolence proposed for raising Money. 32.  
Bishops voted to have no Voice in Parliament. 68  
Booth (Sir George) his Insurrection. 470.  
Brook (Lord) slain. 117.  
Buckingham (Duke) his Expedition to the Isle of Rhee. 33.  
— murdered by Felton. 34.   

C.  
CAnterbury and other Cathedrals defaced. 557.  
Carew (Sir Alex.) his ominous words. 198.  
— is beheaded. ibid.  
Carnarvan (Earl) slain. 187.  
Charles' I. (King) pawns his Lands to the City of London. 33.  
— is denied entrance into Hull. 91.  
— his Messages to the Parliament for Peace. 102, 103, 134, 237, 268.  
— his Protestation at the Head of his Army. 104.  
— goes from Oxford to the Scots Army. 209.  
— is sold by the Scots. 232.  
— is brought from Newcastle to Holdenby. 234.  
— his Answer to the four dethroning Bills. 271.  
— last Scene of his Life. 361.  
— rejects the Proposals made to him on the Sunday before his death. 372.  
— is murdered. 373.  
— his Legacies to his Children and others. 382.  
— his Burial. 383.  
Charles II. (King) his Care, when in Exile, to preserve the Duke of Gloucester in the Protestant Religion. 429.  
— marches from Scotland to Worcester. 400.  
— proclaimed King at London. 488.  
Cheapside Cross pulled down. 560.  
Church Live, plurality of them allowed by the Presbyterians. 225.  
Colchester- Men petition the Parliament against Bishops, etc. 85.  
Common Prayer abolished. 193.  
Commissions of Array. 97.  
Common-Council-men turned out. 79.  
First Covenant by the Scots. 46.  
Conference at Hampton-Court. 14.  
Cromwell (Oliver)— his Extraction and Education. 458.  
— his perfidious dealing with the King. 261.  
— his pretended Revelation. 366.  
— his Speech in Parliament. ibid.  
— Preaches at Whitehall. 391.  
— made General of the Army. 397.  
— his Answer to a Letter from the Governor of the Castle of Edinburgh. 397.  
— turns the Rump Parliament out of doors. 405.  
— made Lord Protector. 414.  
— The manner of his riding to Grocers-hall in State. 418.  
— calls a Parliament. 423.  
— The manner of his proceeding to Parliament. ibid.  
— his Speech at the opening the Parliament. 424, 426.  
— dissolves his first Parliament. 429.  
— Second Parliament called. 450.  
— dissolved. 455.  
— his Death. 457.  
Cromwell (Richard) calls a Parliament. 462.  
— is set aside, and the Ramp Parliament restored. 465.   

D  
DEclaration of the City of London. 250.  
Declaration of the Scots Commissioners. 258, 271.  
Declaration of the Scots for a public Fast. 246.  
— of the Committee of Safety. 482.  
Denbigh (Earl) slain. 185.  
Directory established. 193.   

E.  
EPiscopal Government abolished in Scotland. 52.  
— in England. 122.  
Earl of Essex made Lientenant-General of the King's Army going against the Scots. 54.  
— made Lord Chamberlain. 71.  
— made General of the Parliament Forces. 98.  
Essex-Men petition to the Parliament in behalf of the King. 282.  
Excise first began. 120, 123, 127, 132.   

F.  
FAlkland (Lucius Visc.) slain. 187.  
Frederick Count Palatine of the Rhine elected King of Bohemia. 20.  
French Ambassador's Speech to Cromwell. 421.  
French Holy League paralleled with the Rebellion in England. 600.   

G.  
GLoucester (Duke,) the attempts made upon him by the Queen Mother at Paris, to turn to the Romish Religion. 429.  
Grenvil (Sir Bevil) slain. 186.  
Gurney Lord Major of London is deposed by the Rebels. 101.   

H.  
MArquess of Hamilton sent into Scotland to appease the People there. 46.  
— his Declaration. 284.  
— is beheaded, 388.  
Haselring (Sir Arthur) his Motion in Parliament. 465.  
Hampden (Colonel) slain. 186.  
Hewson kills some of the Londoners. 482.  
Conference at Hampton-Court. 14.  
Hewit (Dr. John) beheaded. 456.  
Mr. hooker's Books corrupted by the Presbyterians. 38.  
Hotham (Sir John) denies the King entrance into Hull. 91.  
— He and his Son beheaded. 99  
Hypocrisy its Fruits. 1.   

I.  
JAmes (King) enters into a War for the recovery of the Palatinate. 20.  
— his Death. 24.  
Jesuits Tenets. 16.  
Independency, its Original. 227.  
— Their Tenets. 281. 409.  
Instrument of Government read to Cromwell at his inauguration. 414.   

K.  
KIneton Battle. 108, 109.  
Kentish Men petition the Parliament in behalf of the King. 282.   

L.  
LAmbert routed at Daventry. 487.  
Lambeth-house beset. 62.  
Laud Archbishop beheaded. 194.  
Holy League and Covenant. 119. 121.  
Solemn League and covenant. 128.  
Schismatical Lecturers planted in London and Corporate Towns. 36.  
— Buying in Impropriate Tyths for their support. ibid.  
— The absurdity and ill effects of their Doctrine. 38. 95. 392. 469. 565.  
Leicester's (Earl) may to get the Bishop's Lands. 14.  
— made Deputy of Ireland. 71.  
Representation of the Ministers of Leicester-shire. 471.  
A Loan required by King Charles I. 31.  
Londoners, their forwardness to promote the Rebellion. 99 119. 123. 234. 286. 584.  
— are dejected upon the approach of Fairfax 's Army. 252.  
justice Long committed to the Tower. 79.  
Certain seditious Expressions in Mr. Love 's Sermon at Uxbridge. 576.   

M.  
Battle at Marston-Moor. 189.  
Five Members of Parliament demanded by the King. 81.  
General Monk advances towards England. 481.  
— his Speech to the Rump Parliament. 485.  
— voted Lord General. 487.  
— his Descent, and variable Fortune. 488  
Secluded Members readmitted. 487.   

N.  
Names of the secluded Members. 363.  
— of those that subscribed a Protestation against a Treaty with the King at the Isle of Wight. 365.  
— of the Persons present at the Treaty. 289.  
— of the High Court of justice for Trial of the King. 367.  
— of the Members who assented not to the Bill of Attainder against the Earl of Strafford. 583.  
— of Cromwel's Council of State. 406.  
— of his House of Lords. 455.  
— of the Rumpers. 467.  
— of the secluded Members. ibid.  
— of the Rumper's Council of State. 468.  
— of the Committee of Safety. 477.  
Navesby Fight. 200.  
Newberry first Battle. 187.  
— second Battle. 197.   

O.  
OAth for adjuring the King. 471.  
— taken by Members of Parliament. 485.  
Order for raising an Army by the Parliament. 98.  
Ordinance for the Militia. 89.  
Ordinance for calling an Assembly of Divines. 121.  
The Self-denying Ordinance. 193. 197.  
Ordinance for Sale of Bishop's Lands. 225.  
Ordinance for Trial of the King. 366.   

P.  
FIrst Parliament of King Charles I. 2●.  
— dissolved. 27.  
Second Parliament called. ibid.  
— dissolved. 31.  
Third Parliament called. 34.  
— dissolved. 35.  
The short Parliament called, and dissolved, 61.  
Long Parliament began. 66.  
— dissolved. 487.  
Bill for perpetuating the Parliament. 70.  
— Their Declaration concerning the Five Members. 83.  
— Their insolent Propositions to the King after their Victory at Marston-Moore. 191.  
— Invite the Scots to their assistance. 112.  
— Their Oppressions of the People. 112. 114. 124. 127. 129. 130. 131. 391. 474.  
House of Peers abolished. 385. 389.  
peter's (Hugh) his Revelation. 365.  
Petition of the County of Norfolk. 386.  
— of Grievances. 66.  
— for putting the Kingdom into a posture of Defence. 85.  
— for putting the Militia into the Hands of the Parliament. 86.  
— of the poor Tradesmen in London. 87.  
Petitions for a free Parliament suppressed. 482.  
Popish Priest slain on the Parliament side at Edge-hill Fight. 564.  
Presbyterian Tenets. 17. 400.  
— Arts and Devices to raise Rebellion. 19  
— Their actings against the Protestant Religion. 554.  
— against the Laws of the Land, and Liberty of the Subject. 577.  
— Their Doctrine and Practice. 565.  
— Their violating the Privileges of Parliament. 582.  
— Their averseness to Peace. 588.  
— Their practice for reducing the King to necessities. 20. 238.  
— Their Protestations and Declarations. 206.  
Presbytery triumphant. 193. 203.  
Plots and Conspiracies pretended by them. 69. 76. 81. 90. 121. 129.  
Whether the Presbyterian or Independent were the chief Actors in the Murder of the King. 375.  
Proposals of the Parliament for bringing in Money and Plate. 95, 96.  
Propositions sent to the King at Newcastle. 217.  
Pride's Purge. 363.  
Privy- Seals. 27. 32.  
Puckering, Speaker of the Commons, his Speech against the Puritans. 13.  
Puritans, their Principles. 10.  
— and Discipline. 11.  
— petition King James against the Liturgy of the Church of England. 14.   

R.  
THe Recognition subscribed. 429.  
The Grand Remonstrance. 71.  
— presented to the King. 78.  
Captain Rolfe employed by the Parliament to poison the King. 285.  
Rumper's Declaration. 466.  
— are excluded by Lambert. 477.  
— are readmitted. 483.   

S.  
SAlmatius his Opinion touching the Murder of King Charles. 377.  
Scots put themselves in Arms. 54.  
— raise more Forces. 58.  
— Their first Invasion. 62.  
— Their second Invasion. 189. 132.  
— Their third Invasion. 380.  
— Their Letter to the Major, etc. of the City of London. 214.  
— Their Answer to the English Commissioners about delivering up the King. 230.  
— Their Letter and Declaration to the two Houses of Parliament. 258. 271.  
Great Seal of England altered. 370.  
Service Book sent into Scotland. 42. 58.  
Sheriffs of London refuse to publish His Majesty's Proclamation. 72.  
Ship-money required. 32.  
— Inland Parts charged therewith. 42.  
Sir Henry Slingsby beheaded. 456.  
Spencer Earl of Northampton slain. 118.  
Earl of Strafford impeached of Treason. 67.  
— his Trial and Death. 68  
Star-Chamber Court suppressed. 70.  
Earl of Sunderland slain. 187.   

T.  
TReaty in the Isle of Wight. 689.  
Treaty at Rippon. 65.  
— removed to Westminster. 66.  
Tumults at Edinburgh, by reason of the Service-Book. 44.  
— in St. Paul's Cathedral. 65.  
— at Westminster. 78, 79, 82.  
— justified by the Parliament. 90.   

V.  
VAne (Sir Henry) being sent into Scotland, incites them to Rebellion. 60.  
— his sinister dealing with the King. 61.  
Virgin of Hereford-shire, her Revelation. 367.  
Uxbridge Treaty. 194. 291. 737.  
Votes of no more Addresses to the King. 275.   

W.  
WAlsingham a favourer of the Sectaries. 9  
Walton upon Thames, the Sermon of a Soldier there. 390.  
Weever an Independent, his Motion in the House of Commons. 283.  
Winchester Cathedral defaced.  
Worchester Cathedral defaced. 558.   

Y.  
YOrk, Grand Council of the Peers there. 64,    

A CATALOGUE OF BOOKS Printed at the Theatre in Oxford. (With several others) And sold in London, by Moses Pitt at the Angel against the Great North-door of St. Pauls-Church. 1681.  

IN FOLIO.  
BIble for Churches with Chronology and an Index.  
The English Atlas Vol 1st. containing the description of the North Pole, as also Muscovy, Poland, Sweden and Denmark.  
The second Vol. of the Atlas containing Germany. The third Vol. containing the 17 Provinces both in the Press.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 five Pandectae Canonum S. S. Apostolorum & Conciliorum ab Ecclesiâ Graecâ receptorum, nec non canonicarum S. S. Patrum Epistolarum una cum Scholiis antiquorum singulis annexis, & Scriptis aliis huc spectantibus, quorum plurima è Bibliothecae Bodleianae, aliarumque MSS. codicibus nunc primum edita, reliqua cum iisdem MSS. summa fide & diligentia collata. Totum opus in duos Tomos divisum, Gul. Beveregius Ecclesiae Angl. Presbyter recensuit, Prolegomenis munivit, & Annot. auxit.  
Catalogus impressorum librorum Bibliothecae Bodleianae in Acad. Oxon.  
Historia Universitatis Oxoniensis duobus voluminibus comprehensa. Autore Antonio à Wood  
Oxonia illustrata, sive omnium celeberrimae istius Universitatis, Collegiorum, Aularum, etc. Scenographia, per Dau. Loggan.  
Plantarum Umbelliferarum distributio nova per tabulas cognationis & affinitatis, ex libro naturae observata & detecta, Aut. Rob. Morrison, Prof. Botanico.  
The History of Lapland.  
Marmora Oxoniensia, ex Arundelianis, Seldenianis, aliisque conslata, etc. cum notis Lydiati & aliorum.  
The Natural History of Oxford-Shire, being an Essay towards the Natural History of England. By R. Plot. L. L. D.  
Theatri Oxoniensis Encaenia, sive Comitia Philologica, jul. 6. Anno 1677. Celebrata.  
Dr. Pocock's Commentary on the Lesser Prophets.  
jamblichus Chalcidensis de Mysteriis Aegyptiorum Graec. Lat. Interpret T. Gale.  
Regis Aelfredi vita, cum Notis.  
D. Cypriani opera Notis illustrata. In the Press.  
Gualteri Charletoni M. D. Onomasticon Zoicon. Editio secunda, priori longe auctior.  
josephus' Gr. Lat. cum notis. in the Press.  
Irenaej opera. Gr. Lat.  
Provinciale seu constitutiones Angliae, per Guil. Lyndwood.  
Hugonis Grotij opera omnia Theologicam in tres Tomos divisa. Lond. 1679.  
Labbaei Glossaria Latino-Graeca & Graeco-Latina. Paris 1679.  
Huetii (Petris Dan) demonstratio Evangelica ad serenis. Delphinum. Paris 1679.  
Episcopij (Simonis) Opera Theologica cum hora Hebraicae & Talmudicae in Acta Apostolorum. 1678.  
Monasticon Anglicanum pars secunda & tertia folio cum figuris.  
Websters display of Witchcraft, wherein is affirmed that there are many sorts of deceivers and Impostors. 1677.  
The History of the Council of Trent written by Patre Paolo, translated into English, to which is added his Life.  
The Journal of St. Amour Dr. of Sorbonne, concerning the five famous propositions.  
johan Scotius de Divisione Naturae now in the Press.  
De Ratione ac Jure finiendi controversias Ecclesiae Disputatio Authore Heb. Thorndike.  
Theses Theologicae variis Temporibu● in Academia Sedanensi editae, & ad disputandum propositae. Authore Ludovico Le Blanc verbi Divini Ministro & Theologiae professor. In qua exponitur sententia Doctorum Ecclesiae Romanae, & Protestantium. 1675. Price 20 s.  
Dr. Henry Hammond's Sermons. 1675.  
A Table of Ten thousand Square Numbers, by john Pell, D. D. stitched, 1 s. 6d.  
Tuba Sentoro-Phonica, or the Speaking-Trumpet; being an Instrument of Excellent Use both at Sea and Land; by Sir Samuel Morland. Price of the Book 1 s. of the Instrument 2 l. 5s.  
Catalogus Librorum in Regionibus Transmarinis nuper Editorum.  
The Commentaries and Life of julius Caesar, Containing his Wars in Gallia, and the Civil Wars betwixt him and Pompey, with the Notes of Clement edmond's. 1677. 16s.   

QUARTO.  
SEveral English Bibles with the Liturgy, Apocrypha, and Singing Psalms.  
Icones & Descriptiones rariorum Plantarum Siciliae, Melitae, Galliae & Italiae. Autore Paulo Boccone.  
Common Prayer.  
Theophilus and Philodoxus, 4 controversial dialogues, Of prayer in an unknown tongue. The half Communion. The worshipping of Images. The Invocation of Saints. by Gilb. Cole D. D.  
The Divine Authority of Scripture, a Sermon by Dr. Allestree.  
The Character of the last days, a Sermon by Dr. Fell.  
Tractatus Maimonidis de donis Pauperum, cum versione latinâ & notis Hum. Prideaux Art. mag. ex Aed. Chr.  
Historia Jacobitarum in Aegypto, Lybia, Nubia, Aethiopia tota, & part Cypri insulae habitantium, per jos. Abudacnum.  
A View and survey of the dangerous errors to Church and State in Mr. Hobbs his Book entitled Leviathan, by Edward Earl of Clarendon.  
Votum pro pace Christiana. Aut. An. sal D. D.  
Benefits of our Saviour to Mankind.  
A Sermon before the House of Peers Dec. 22d, 1680. by john Lord Bishop of Oxford.  
A discourse of Convex Glasses.  
Archimedes Opera, Apolloni Pergaei Conicorum Liber IIII. Th●odosij Sphaerica, Methodo novo Illustrata & succincte demonstrata. Per Isaac Barrow.  
Lectiones Geometricae per Isaac Barrow.  
Apologia pro Ecclesiae patribus adversus johannen Dalleum de usu patrum. Auth. Math. Scrivener.  
Beveregii Codex Cannonum Ecclesiae Primitivae vindicatae.  
Hereboordi (Adriani) Melitemata Philosophica. Amsterdam. 1680.  
Vita selectorum aliquot virorum, qui Doctrina Dignitate aut Pietate inclaruere. Lond. 1681.  
History of Tyths, by john Selden. London 1618.  
joannis Bonae (Cardinalis) Opera Theologica. 1677. 16 s.  
Dr. Pell's Introduction to Algebra. 7s.  
Nich. Mercatoris Logarithmo-Technia, sive methodus construendi Logarithmos, 1668. & jac. Gregorii Exercitationes Geometricae, 1668. 2 s.  
Snellii Typhis Batavus, Ludg. Bat. 1624. 5 s.  
Dr. Thomas jacomb, on the Eighth Chapter of the Romans. 8s.  
Dr. Wallis Opera Mechanica, 22 s.  
Hieronymi Mercurialis de Arte Gymnastica Libri sex cum figuris, 1672.  
I. Crellii Ethica Aristotelica & Christiana, 16s. Huic Editioni praeter praefixam Auctoris Vitam, accedit Catechefis Ecclesiarum Polonicarum, a Io. Crellio, jona Schlethtingio, M. Ruaro, & A Wissowatio recognita atque Emendata, Casmop. 1681.  
joan. Binchii Mellificium Theologicum, 16s.  
Holy Fast of Lent defended, 1667. 6 d.  
A Looking-Glass for all New Converts, 1667. 1 s.  
There is newly published two Recantation-Sermons, (Preached at the French Church in the Savoy) by two Converted Romanists, Mr. De la Motte, late Preacher of the Order of the Carmelites, and Mr. De Luzanzy, Licentiate in Divinity? wherein the Corrupt Doctrines of the Church of Rome are laid open and confuted. Both Printed in French and English.  
A Modest Survey of the most material things in a Discourse, called the Naked Truth, 6d.  
Marshal Turenne's Funeral Sermon. 1677.  
jer. Horrocii. Angl. Opusc. Astron. 1673.  
An Historical Vindication of the Church of England in Point of Schism, by Sir Ro. Twisden.  
Dr. Tillotson's Sermons before the King, April 18. 1675.  
Dr. Wilkins' Three Sermons before the king, March 7. 1669. and Feb. 7. 1670.  
Dr. Io. Tillotson's Rule of Faith. 1676.   

IN OCTAVO.  
THO. Lydiati Canon's Chronologici, nec non series summorum Magistratuum & Triumphorum Romanorum.  
Saul and Samuel at Endor, or the new ways of Salvation and Service, which usually tempt Men to Rome, and detain them there, truly represented and refuted by Dan. Brevint. D. D. with the vindication of his Missale Rom. the second Impression.  
A Paraphrase and Annotations upon the Epistles of St. Paul to the Romans, Corinthians and Hebrews.  
The Ladies Calling.  
The Government of the Tongue.  
The Art of contentment.  
The Lively Oracles given to us. Or the Christians Birthright and duty in the custody and use of the Holy Scripture: these four by the Author of the whole Du●y of Man.  
Zenophon, Graec.  
A Short Dissertation concerning Free-Schools, beingan Essay towards a History of the Free-Schools of England, by Christopher Wase of St Mary Hall Oxon. Superior Beadle of the Civil Law in the same University.  
Epic●eti Enchiridion, Cebetis Tabuke, Theophrasti Charact. Gr. L. cum Not.  
Par●cbolae, sive excerpta è corpore statutorum Uniu. Oxon. etc.  
M. Fabii Quintiliani Declamationes undeviginti, cum ejusdem (ut nonnullis visum) dialogo de causis corrupae Elequentiae, quae omnia notis illustrantur.  
Nemesii Philosophi & Episcopi de natura hominis lib. unus, denuo recognitus & manuscriptorum collatione in integrum restitutus, annotationibusque insuper illustratus. Graec. Lat.  
West Barbary, or a short narrative of the revolutions of the Kingdom of Fez and Morocco, with an account of the present customs, sacred, civil, and domestic, by L. Addison.  
Homeri ilias, cum Scholiis Didymi Gr.  
Theocritus cum Scholiis Graecià.  
Su●tonius Tranquillus, cum Notis.  
De Ecclesiae Graecae statu hodierno Epist. per Tho. Smith. S. S. Th. Bac.  
Gul. Oughtredi opuscula hactenus inedita.  
Caii Plinii Caecilii Secundi Epistolae & Oratio Panegyrica, cum notis illustratae.  
Rhetores selecti, Gr, Lat, Demetrius Philereus, de Elocutione; Tiberius' Rhetor, de Schematibus Demosthenes'; Anonymus Sophista, de Rhetorica; Severi Alexandrini Ethopoeiae. Demetrium emendavit, reliquos è MSS. edidit & Latinè vertit; omnes Notis illustravit Tho. Gale, Se. Co. M.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Georgii Diaconi Primarii Judicis, atque Scriniorum custodis Pachymerii, Epitome Logices Aristotel●s.  
Reflections upon the Council of Trent, By H. C. the Luzancy, M. A. Ch. Ch. and Deacon of the Church of England.  
Psalterium Gr. Juxta M. S. Alexand. cum verse. Vulg. per Dr. Tho. Gale.  
Herodianis Hist. G. L. cum Notis.  
Catholica Romanus Pacificus. per Io. Barnes,  
Zozomi Historia G. lat.  
Common Prayer.  
Lucii Caecilii Firmiani Lactantii Liber ad Donatum Confessorum de mortibus persecutorum cum notis Steph. Baluzii. Oxon. 1681.  
Historiae Poeticae scriptores antiqui Apollodorus, etc. Grae lat. cum notae & Indices necessarii.  
Sophocles Grae lat. cum notis.  
Gradus ad Parnassum.  
A Scriptural Catechism, according to the method observed by the Author of the Whole Duty of Man, 1676.  
How, of delighting in God, and of the Blessedness of the Righteous, Two Vol.  
Art of Speaking, by M. du Port-Royal. 1676.  
A Discourse of Local Motion, undertaking to demonstrate the Laws of Motion, and withal to prove, that of the seven Rules delivered by Mr. Des Cartes on this Subject he hath mistaken Six: Englished out of French, 1671. 1s.  
The History of the late Revolution, of the Empire of the Great mogul, with a description of the Country, in two Volumes. 7 s.  
The History of the Conquest of the Empire of China by the Tartars, 1671. 4s.  
Mystery of Iniquity unvailed in a Discourse, wherein is held forth the opposition of the Doctrine, Worship, and Practices of the Roman Church, to the Nature, Designs, and Characters of the Christian Faith, by Gilbert Burnet. 1s.  
Theod. Turqueti, De Mayerne, De Arthritide, Accesserunt ejusdem Consilia aliquot Medicinalia, 1s.  
A new way of curing the Gout, and Observations and Practices relating to Women in Travel, 3 s.  
Elenchi Motuum Nuperorum in Anglia pars tertia, sive Motus Compositi. ubi G. Monchii è Scotia progressus, nec non Aug. Caroli Secundi in Angliam Reditus; ejusdemque, Regiae Majest. per Decennium gesta fideliter enarrantur, 1676.  
Gualteri Needham Disputatio Anatomica de Formato Foetu. 1677. 3 s. 6d.  
Buxtorsius' Epitome of his Hebrew Grammar Englished, by john Davis, 1658. 1s. 6d.  
The Fortunate Fool, or the Life of Dr. Cenudo, a Spanish Romance, 1670. 2 s.  
The Adventures of Mr. T. S. an English Merchant, taken Prisoner by the Turks of Algiers, with a description of that Kingdom, and the Towns and Places thereabouts, 1670. 1. s. 6d.  
Contemplations on Mortality, 1670. 1 s.  
A Discourse written to a Learned Friar, by Mr. Des Fourneillis, showing that the Systeme of Mr. Des Cartes, and particularly his Opinion concerning Brutes, does contain nothing dangerous; and that all he hath written of both, seems to have been taken out of the first Chapter of Genesis: To which is annexed the Systeme General of the Cartesian Philosophy, 1. s.  
The Relation of a Voyage into Mauritania in afric, by Roland Frejus of Marfeilles, by the French King's Order, 1666, to Muley Arxid King of Taffaletta, &c, with a Letter in Answer to divers Questions concerning their Religion, Manners, &c, 1671. 1s. 6d.  
A Genuine Explication of the Visions in the Book of Revelation, by A. B. Peganius. 1671. 2s.  
Prodromus to a Dissertation concerning Solids naturally contained within Solids, laying a foundation for the rendering a rational account, both of the Frame and the several Changes of the Mass of the Earth, as also the various Productions of the same. By Nich. Steno, 1671. 1s. 3d.  
The Poetical Histories, being a complete Collection of all the Stories necessary for a perfect understanding of the Greek and Latin Poets, and other Ancient Authors, written Originally in French, by the Learned Jesuit P. Galtruchius. Now Englished and Enriched with Observations concerning the Gods worshipped by our Ancestors in this Island, by the Phoenecians and Syrians in Asia; with many useful Notes and occasional Proverbs, gathered out of the best Authors: Unto which are added two Treatises; One of the Curiosities of Old Rome, and of the difficult Names relating to the Affairs of that City; The other containing the most remarkable Hieroglyphics of Egypt. The Third Edition, with Additions. By Marius D. Assigny, B. D. 3 s. 6d.  
An Essay about the Origine and Virtues of Gems, by the Honourable Robert boil. 1s. 6d. Idem Lat. twelves, 1s.  
A Complete Treatise of Chirurgery, containing Barbetts Chirurgery. Nindererus of Diseases Incident to Camps and Fleets: With a Chyrurgion's Chest of Medicines and Instruments, etc. 6s.  
Dr. Lower de cord. Amster. 1671. 3s.  
Crowei Elenchi Script. in Scripturam. 3 s. 6d.  
Eugelenus de Scorbuto.  
Grotii via ad Pacem.  
Mr. Boil of Hidden Qualities of the Air against Hobbs, and of Attraction by Suction, 2 s. 6d.  
Mr. Boil of Effluviums of fire and flame, and of the previousness of Glass. 3 s.  
Memoires of Mr. Des-Ecotais formerly styled in the Church of Rome, The most Venerable Father Cassianus of Paris, Priest and Preacher of the Order of the Capucins; or the Motives of his Conversion. In English 2s, In French 2s. In French and English 4s. All Printed 1677.  
Les Memoires De Madame la Princess Marie Mancini Colonne G. Connetable du Royaume de Naples. 1677.  
Lá vie et les Actions Memorables de Lieut. Amiral Michael de Ruyter, 1677. 5s.   

IN DUODECIMO.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Novi testamenti lib. omnes. Accesserunt parallela Scripturae loca, nec non variantes lectiones ex plus 100 MSS. Cod. & antiquis versionibus collectae.  
De Secretione animal cogitata, Aut. Gilb. Cole. M. D.  
H. Grotius de Veritate Relig. Christ.  
St. Clementis Epist. Gr. Lat. cum Notis.  
Cornelii Nepotis vitae Excellent. Imper. Collat. 4. MSS. recognitae. Accessit Aristomenis vita, ex Pausania.  
Ars Rationis, maxima ex parte ad mentem Nominalium. lib. 3.  
Guil. Lilii Grammatica Latina, additis subinde observationibus utiliss. ex Despaut. Alvar. Sanct. Sciop. Voss. Busbeo, & quotque nuper scripsere Gram. Latinis.  
The Education of Young Gentlemen, in two parts.  
The Christian Sacrament and Service by way of Discourse, Meditation and Prayer, upon the nature, parts and blessings of the Holy Communion, by Dan. Brevint, D. D.  
Maximus Tyrius, Gr. Lat.  
Willisiu Pharmac. rational. pars 1.  
Archimedis Arenarius, & de dimensione circuli, cum Eutocii comment. Gr. Lat. ex version, & recens. Dr. Wallis. Prof. Geom. Savil.  
M. juniani justini Historiarum, ex Trogo Pompeio lib. 44. ex Cod. MS. collatione recogniti.  
Catholic Religion maintained in the Church of England, by A. sal, D. D.  
Sallustii Hist. cum Notis.  
Antoninus. Gr. Lat.  
Faustini Presbiteri Scriptores Seculi quarti & fidei Orthodoxae adversus Arianos, vindicis accerimi, Opera. 1678.  
Elegantiae Poeticae.  
Testamentum Latinum.  
Senecae Tragediae, cum Notis.  
Horatius cum Notis Menellii.  
Bible's large Letter.  
Testaments several sorts.  
Common Prayers of several sorts.  
— Idem in 24●, several sorts.  
A brief Explanation of the Church Catechism.  
Biblia Francois, 18●.  
Voyage d'Italie, de Dalmatie, de Graece et du Levant fait in aux annes, 1675, et 1676. par jacob Spoon, D. M. Et George Wheeler Gentlehomme Anglois, 3 Vol. 1678.  
Abrege de la Philosophiaede Gassendi en VIII Toms, par F. Bernier Lion, 1678.  
A Paradise of Delights, or an Elixir of Comforts offered to Believers, in two Discourses, the first on Heb. 6. 17, 18. the second on Rom. 8. 32. By Robert Wine. 1s.  
Grotii Sophompaneas.  
Gronovius in Livium.  
Primrose Ars Pharmaceutica.  
Schook de Pace.  
Suetonius.  
Swalve Alcali.  
Severini Synopsis Chyrurgiae.  
Terentii Flores.  
Trelcatii loci Communes.  
Balduinus de Calceo & Nigronius de Caliga Veterum. Accesserunt ex & Sept. ●l. Tertulliani, Cl. Salmasii & Alb. Rubenii Scriptis plurima ejusdem Argumenti, 1667.  
Ottonis Tachenii Hippocrates Chymicus, 1671.  
Theodori Kerckringii, D. M. Commentarius in Currum Triumpbalem Antimonii Basilii Valentini à se latinitate donatum, 1671.  
Io. Pincieri M. D. Aenignatum Libri Tres cum solutionibus, 1655.  
Francisci Redi Experimenta circa res diversos naturales, speciatim illas quae ex Indiis adferuntur, 1675.  
Aulus Gellius.  
Besterfeldus Redivivus.  
Herls Wisdoms Tripos.  
Wilkins Beauty of Providence.